SVCH is the unhappy ingagement of many People in this Kingdome; ſuch the Nature of moſt men, That what is written to detract from Princes, or great men, ſhall ever find an eaſier beleife, then what is rationally offered, to defend them againſt Aſperſions. So as it might ſeem a vaine thing, to declare a private mans Opinion, concerning the intercepted Letters of the King, ſince the Preface ſaies, He muſt be a Papiſt, the worſt of men, or a Jeſuit, the falſeſt of Papiſts, that would defend them.

Well! Let it find beliefe as it will, He is neither Papiſt nor Jeſuit that dares ſay, If there be not forgery in ſome part of the King's Letters, (for a word or two varied, or omitted, may make a new matter) yet the inferences on them, are neither perſpicuous, nor modeſt. The Letters not unworthy a Prince Defendor of the Faith, againſt whom ſo dangerous and cauſeleſſe a Rebellion was then in it's height, threatning both to his Government, and to the Proteſtant Profeſſion of the Chriſtian Religion in this Kingdome, an utter ruine. I'le ſay no more: But we know the Spyder ſucks a poyſonous juice cut of the ſame flower a Bee doth Hony. Inquire into thy owne nature, as well as theſe Letters, and ſee if thou had'ſt had either a Chriſtian or a Morall Spirit, whether theſe ſhort Obſervations following were not more naturall out of thoſe Letters, then thoſe publiſht.

Look then upon theſe Letters as the trueſt Mirour of the King's mind; Here you may ſay He was not drawne, but He ſhowed himſelfe to the life: So as the worſt of men cannot but confeſſe, here is the worſt of the King. And if it be ſo (without any Flattery, which Princes in an imbroyl'd condition are not much troubled with, for they are uſually commended, or diſpraiſed by Exceſſes) ſee what is unworthy of Him in all that hath paſſed from Him.

Will you ſee Him in His Religion, to Her, who by all your former Declarations muſt be underſtood to have corrupted Him in that which He profeſt; yet in Cipher it is Pag. 8th. I need not tell thee what Secrecy this buſineſſe requires, yet this I will ſay that this is the greateſt point of confidence I can expreſſe to thee: for it is no thankes to me to truſt thee in any thing elſe, but in this, which is the only thing of difference in opinion betwixt Ʋs. What? is the King ſo found a Proteſtant? Surely we have much ſlandered his footſteps then: And he is the Lord's Annointed. We know the nature of the Crime, and ſuch a Crime there is: For how hainous is it now to flounder the pretended Houſe of Commons; or both Houſes called the Parliament in this uſurped Authority. From the ſyncerity of my heart I profeſſe it I conceive, were the reſt of the paſſages in the Letters, as ill as they are deſcanted and paraphrazed upon, this might wipe off much of the ſully.

But let us examine whether it be the naturall coulor of the things, or the ill humour in our ſight, that makes them of the ill dye, and hue they are repreſented. What is this great Secrecy, lets read the words. It is preſumption, not piety ſo to truſt to a good Cauſe, as not to uſe all law full meanes to maintaine it, what ver is propoſed, I find it is conceived law full: I have thought of one meanes more to furniſh thee with for my aſſiſtance then hither to thou haſt had, (what not hitherto?) It is that I give thee power to promiſe in my name to whom thou thinkeſt fit, that I will take away all the Penall Lawes againſt the Roman Catholick, in England, as ſoone as God ſhall enable me to do it: So as by their meanes (you ſee it's a Bargain, not a Favour) or in their favours, I may have ſo power full aſſiſtance as may deſerve ſo great a favour and in able me to do it. Here comes the great and popular Charge. Here ſay the three Orations to my Lord Major &c. And the Annotations Printed at the end of theſe Letters, ſo Lawes ſhall be repealed by force. The King who hath ſo often declared, and proteſted againſt Papiſts, now diſpenſing with them. How agrees this with the title of Defendour of the Faith, &c.

An ill Rhetorician to a miſaffected and ignorant People may make this ſeem very odious: But to rationall men (and I am confident many that could not find out reaſon, will underſtand it when it is laid before them) I offer this that followes,

That true it is, and would it were as received an Opinion, as it is true; That no man or body politick, may commit a ſinne for any good that may be pretended to be procured thereby: So as if this Diſpenſation were in it ſelfe ſinfull, then for no end by the King to have been granted. But this Diſpenſation of Penall Lawes is but a forbearance of puniſhment, which certainly by all Learned men is granted,Gro. de Iu. Bel. & Pac. C. Princes may nay ought to doe, when the exerciſing of Juſtice may be the breach of Charity and other Vertues, that is, when for puniſhing ſome Rebels ſtrong and too well back'd, He muſt wage a Warre that may be the deſtruction of many of His Loyall Subjects.

Thus you ſee Princes, on whom Societies depend, may be rather charitable to many, then juſt on few.

So the State of the Queſtion will be this,

A Prince in his Government is like to be undermined: And the eſtabliſht Religion of the Kingdome He profeſſeth, and is reſolved to maintaine (for ſure none will ſay now that the King is a Papiſt, or Popiſhly affected) is by the power of a Rebellious ſort of men like to be altered; A bloudy and ſharp Warre being continued to effect this. To preſerve his own Rights, and maintaine the Religion by Law eſtabliſhed

The Queſtion is, Whether He may not diſpence with Penall Lawes againſt another Sect, or ſort of His Subjects, who by themſelves, or Freinds may procure Him an ayde to maintaine his Government and Religion? Surely I may ſay, yes.

For 1. If it be not to ſet up a falſe Religion, but to leſſen Penalties againſt it, it is not ſinfull: ſpecially ſince it was a neceſſitated Act in Him by the Rebellion of his other Subjects, For he approves not of their Religion, but diſpences with freedom of Conſcience; And if this be an odious Tenent, ſure there be many think it ſo only in the King.

2. I will not ſay which is moſt Politick, but I beleeve I may ſay it is more Chriſtian to let the Doctrine of Teachers, and the good life of the Diſciples convert men to the purity of Profeſſion, then the Coercive power.

3. If a ſtranger be not procured to reſiſt this Rebellion, Then neceſſarily the King muſt be dethroned, Religion eſtabliſhed alter'd, or the Warre in the Kingdom continued (if not both) for none ever ſaw quiet times after ſo great Innovations. Now which were better, That a King ſhould let all His Subjects be imbrueing their hands in each others Bloud, or by calling in Aſſiſtance, by diſpencing with Penalties againſt (ſtill to be remembred, not ſetting up) one ſort of his Subjects, happily procure a Peace to all?

For if he had been conſiderably ſtrong, peradventure His Rebells would not need to have been fought with, but by Treaty have made a Peace ſecure, though not pleaſing to all. If they would not, were it not farre better, He had power to reduce them?

Laſtly, can it be hainous in Him, to call Forraign friends to his aſſiſtance, who hath his own Subjects of this Kingdom, and others (though Subjects to Him, yet Forraigners to the Kingdom) in the bowells of the Kingdom invading Him, and ſooyling His Subjects?

Beſides, when is it that He promiſeth this ultima Ratio Regis, but in March laſt? Nay it was a ſecret then to Her, who was conceived the Cabinet of all His ſecrets; ſo as I may ſay, it entred not into His heart till danger ſhewed it Him, or He kept it for a Reſerve, that he would not part with if he could ſave; Curſed be thoſe that put the neceſſity on Him.

For the objection, how this ſuits with Defendor of the Faith, ſurely nothing clearer; For it is to enable himſelfe to defend the Religion profeſſed. That title leads Him, as much as He can to make all His Kingdom of one beliefe: But rather to leave unpuniſht divers Profeſſions, then let that eſtabliſht periſh.

That this is the true caſe nothing clearer.

For ſee whether the Propoſitions of the Houſes, either to take the Sword (not his Militin alone, but alſo his Iudicature) into their power, or the altering the government of the Church, be demands upon the old Foundations or Lawes of this Kingdom; or rather upon new deſires, of a ſort of men, ambitious both to reigne over their King and fellow Subjects. If both Innovation, as without any controverſy they are, then is the caſe truly ſtated: And if ſo, ſarewell the Peace of this Kingdom, for the Queſtion will not, nor can be, What is, But what to the then Members of Parliament ſeems beſt. And if the King will not conſent to it; as now, ſo ever hereafter, a Warre may be levied. Poore Country-men, would you could diſtinguiſh betwixt Pretences and Realities, that you might not thus court your own Ruine, and call that Courtſhip, or Flattery to your Prince, which is defence of Magna Charta, and conſequently of your Peace. For grant once, the preſent Lawes of a Kingdome may be altered, by any other way then they were made, you ſhall never have a Parliament, but you may juſtly feare a Warre. But let the King have his juſt Rights of denying what he thinkes unfit, and the Houſes theirs of tendting what they think fit, and the old ſplendor and Peace of this Kingdome may be reſtored.

The ſecond Obſervation is,

That in all the Letters, it is manifeſt, the King ſincerely ſought by His Treaties, the Peace of his Subjects, and that he made the Lawes in being, the Standard or rule to meaſure it by. Nay the Queen is as earneſt for it as any one: A Peace that might not laſt, is that wich both of them only feare.

Firſt obſerve, In all this ſecrecy of Letters, there is not one Word, that expreſſes the making uſe of the Treaty to any other end, then procuring Peace, which as it ſhewes the Kings integrity; ſo it manifeſt; the Queenes innocency; For had ſhee been contrarily affected, the King would have uſed arguments to have induc'd her thereunto. Read then what He ſaies of it, what ſhe ſaies.

Firſt in reſpect of the averſeneſſe of thoſe at London to Peace, He is forced to uſe dexterity in procuring a Treaty: you ſee then from whom the Treaty moved; Therefore propoſes His own comming up to London: And you ſee this is no deluſion, for the Queen Pag. 31. Startles at it, as being by Her ſuppoſed probably of much danger to His Majeſties Perſon. But alas that She is carefull of Her Husband, will be anon objected to be Her fault, but not one of thoſe that I think worthy to Anſwere.

Nay, obſerve whether ſhe be againſt it. She only tells Her thought (and hath had too juſt ground to ſuſpect) If you truſt to theſe People you are lost, &c. Pag. 20. She declares, I wiſh a Peace more then any, and that with greater reaſon. The ſhort of all Her meaning is in pag. 30. J have nothing to ſay, but that You have a care of Your Honour, and that if you have a Peace, it may be ſuch a one as may hold. A Peace with the Kings Honour (who from the beginning deſired no new thing, or any of that glorious greatneſſe promiſed) and ſuch a one as might laſt, are very ill wiſhes, or they very ill men that interpret them ſo. Nay obſerve in the ſame Letter She writes concerning Catholicks, and you'l find She knew not what the King might reſolve: for there is no ſuch dangerous influence from Her Majeſty on the King, as the People muſt believe: For (ſaies she) in my opinion Religion ſhould be the laſt thing upon which You Treat: Why? For if You doe agree upon ſtrictnes againſt the Catholicks (then for ought she knew, it might be) it would diſcourage them to ſerve You. Look upon pag. 11. And you'l read the wayes the King hath uſed to come to a Treaty, and the Grounds. Theſe His Majeſty ſets downe, how His whole party are ſtrangely impatient for Peace (where are His evill Councellors then, unleſſe adviſing Peace, be one evidence of it) What doth the King upon this? Is it to comply with them? No, His Anſwer is, Which obliged me ſo much the more to ſhew my reall intentions thereunto. If you read on, you'l find the King takes notice of Factions among you: What uſe doth He make of it, or what hope? I am put in good hope (ſome holds it a certainty) that if I could come to a faire Treaty, the ring-leading Rebells could not hinder me from a Peace. Sure then it's plaine, the Treaty was only ſought to procure Peace. Nay pag. 2. See Whether the King be not ready to reſume the Treaty after it was broken (ſo certainly it was left at your doores) and to make the Queen the meanes of it, ſo he were ſatisfied but of a willingneſſe to yeeld to reaſon. Nay before I part with this, I'le deſire you but to remember who were the Treaters, Men of great Honour and Integrity, and to the end they might have all freedome, obſerve but their Oath; and how ſtrictly it bound them, from certifying even to His Majeſty the name, though in ſome caſes they might the number of the diſſenters. Would you were in a Conſtitution and Temper to weigh; I dare ſay you could not then, but value His Majeſties Wiſdom in the Inſtructions He gave His Commiſſioners. I'le end with theſe few notes out of them, to let paſſe the ſubſtance of thoſe Inſtructions, ſince my purpoſe only is, to ſhew how really His Majeſty ſought a Peace, how fowly ſoever He is now traduced.

That He offered, to joyne in the rectifying abuſes, if any have crept into the Church; Eaſing tender Conſciences &c. Stands not upon giving the Rebells ſecurity by ſtrong Townes, that Articles agreed on ſhould be performed, And offering ſome of them rewards or places. Nay in all the Letters, there is not one word of taking revenge in the future on any Perſon, which expreſſes as well His Majeſties Chriſtian, as generous ſpirit.

Be not now angry with me, that all this ſatisfies me of His Majeſties Princely intentions to His people, and amazes me of your Comments. I cannot ſay remember Cham, that diſcovered his Fathers Nakedneſſe, for that's not your caſe; you diſcover not, you make. There is no Example, But a Prophecy, or a Character of ſuch men as you, That in theſe latter times, Many ſhould be Traitors, and speak evill of Dignities &c. Your preſent ſucceſſes, may make you unapt to believe this, but when the time of Affliction comes, then you may as Solomon ſaies, Conſider; For truly, I divulge this more to juſtify honeſt men, who have a dutifull and reverend opinion of His Majeſties Letters, then with hope to convert an unreaſonable, and obſtinate party. Many more inſtances, there are to be drawn out of the Kings Letters, but there is a whole Book of the Treaty, and I love not actum agere.

The next great Objection, Is the Ceſſation and Peace with Ireland. That alſo is at large handled in the ſaid Booke, and therefore I ſhall only touch ſome things naturall to theſe Letters.

See then the Reaſons, which are chiefly theſe, pag. 27. All the World knowes, the imminent and inevitable neceſſity, which cauſed me to make the Iriſh Ceſſation. And there remaines yet as ſtrong reaſon for concluding of that Peace. And pag. 16. 1. The impoſſibility of preſerving my Proteſtant Subjects in Jreland, by a continuation of a Warre, having moved me to give you theſe powers and directions, which I have formerly done &c. 2. Beſides it being now manifeſt, that the Engliſh Rebells have (as farre as in them lies) given the Command of Ireland to the Scots: I think my ſelfe bound not to let ſlip the meanes of ſetling that Kingdome (if it may be) fully under my obedience, nor to looſe that aſſistance I may hope from my Iriſh Subjects. Here you may obſerve, the neceſſity lay upon the King; For you had deprived him, of force, either to ſave his Proteſtant Subjects, or to reduce his Popiſh. Then He ſaw Jreland, as a prey given to the Scots; And ſurely the Iriſh have (which I hope we ſhall never grudge them, ſince they are His-Majeſties subjects, what ever their Religion is) reaſon to expect to have His protection. And laſtly, His Majeſty ſaw his Iriſh Subjects deſigned as a Conqueſt for the Scot, and ſo he knew, he ſhould not only want that aſſiſtance, which in duty the Iriſh ought to yeeld him (for certainly Proteſtant Princes, may uſe their Popiſh Subjects in their Warres, ſince none doubt, Chriſtians formerly, could ſerve Heathen Emperours in theirs) But by the Scots Conqueſt of the Jriſh, he was alſo to expect the Rebellion againſt Himſelfe ſo much the more ſtrengthned: Nay, Engliſh subjects might hereafter find the Scots, who now helped them in this Rebellion, when they ſhould be maſters of their own Lands, poſſeſſors of ſo much of ours (for I doubt few of us ſhall live to ſee them wholly outed) ſo enrich'd as they are, by the plunder of this Country, and ſo ſtrengthned by the footing given them in Ireland, Would at laſt be as like to conquer, or give the Law to this Nation, as they are now ready to aſſiſt ſome of them. And here let me ſay, ſince the King was borne in Scotland, I cannot enough expreſſe, how much the Engliſh are bound to Him, for His ſenſe of the honour of this Nation. See how he expreſſeth it pag •• . The Engliſh Rebells (whether baſely or ignorantly will be no very great difference) have as much as in them lier, tranſmitted the command of Ireland from the Crowne of England to the Scots. Obſerve what He ſaies in His Inſtructions concerning the Scots intereſt, in the Government of the Militia of this Kingdome: If the Engliſh Rebells will be ſo baſe, to admit ten Scots to twenty Engliſh. But this care of the Honour of England, was no new humor, or diſtaſt towards the preſent Scots Rebells, for in that Letter, pag. 34. (ſo ſpitefully printed, but ſo advantagiouſly to His Majeſty) you ſee the King is poſitive enough with the Queſtion; to whom now the only objection is, that He is too indulgent: And one part of the quarrell is, She neglects the Engliſh Tongue, and the Nation in generall. Behold then upon all Oceaſions, how ſenſible He is of the Honour of this Nation, who are at preſent ſo forgetfull of their Duty to Him, and their Countrey.

But to returne to the buſineſſe in hand. Marke the King's Offers, conclude a Peace with the Iriſh what ever it coſt ſo as my Proteſtant Subjects there may be ſecured, and my Legall Authority preſerved. A Fatherly, a Kingly care, one would think. But for all this, you are to make the beſt bargaine, (ſtill it's a Bargain, and ſtill it's upon a neceſſity, & it's ſtill but a Diſpenſation with Penall Lawes) and not diſcover your inlargement of power till you needs muſt. At laſt if the ſuſpenſion of Toinings Act, for ſuch Bills as ſhall be agreed on between you there, and the preſent taking away of the Penall Lawes againſt Papiſts by a Law, will doe it, I ſhall not thinke it a hard bargain.

Poinings Act, (which is knowne to be a Law, whereby all Acts in Parliament there, were to be firſt ſent over hither, and confirmed by the King before they be promulged) is the firſt. This indeed is a Branch of Royalty, a Flower of the Crowne, and not to be parted with, (certainly) were it not upon ſuch a neceſſity, as endangers the being of Soveraignty: True, it was a marke of Irelands Conqueſt: and if it were ſo hainous in my Lord Strafford, to ſay the Iriſh were a Conquer'd Nation, to the ſame Perſons that were ſo ſevere in their Iudgements for that; Can it now be ſo grievous that a mark of a Conqueſt ſhould be wiped out?

The ſecond is, diſpenſing with the Execution, and afterwards Repeale of the Penall Lawes. This hath had my obſervations on it in the firſt Objection, and therefore ſhall not be repeated in this. Onely you plainly ſee, it is a neceſſitated diſpenſing with the puniſhment of particular Perſons: Appeales to Rome denied; Premunire muſt ſtand in force; In ſhort, Papiſts may be eaſed, Popery not countenanced. Remember who cauſes the Storme that makes the Merchant fling his goods over boord.

For that Objection that His Majeſty haſted the Peace of Ireland, leaſt He ſhould be preingaged. Surely, conſidering to whom the Warre of Ireland was deſigned, and both for his owne Honour, and this Kingdome of Englands good, It were better that Realme depended on Him, that is our King; Then the Scots, who have been our troubleſome neighbours ever. And if their hearts were look'd into; (though they have mett with an Age hath given them better beleife) they have notwithſtanding brought in but their old good will to this Nation. The French paid them heretofore for diſturbing our Peace: the Houſes at Weſtminſter buy them in now to have ſuch a footing as may lead them to pretend to more then they will hereafter ſpare them.

The Duke of Lorraine's Army is a great and a dangerous diſcovery. The King of Denmarke being deſired to aſſiſt: The Prince of Aurange's ayde by ſhipping; All ſpeake the drawing in of Fortaigne Forces, and this contrary to the many Quotations of the King's Declarations and Proteſtations.

They that ſlight the Anſwer, know that it is a very ſubſtantiall one, to ſay, Doe but diſtinguiſh times, and you accord all.

It will be hard to get beleife, but known it is how backward the King was, either to admitt Papiſts into his Army, (not but he knew he might juſtly make uſe of their ſervice, The Proteſtants of France ſerving the French King, and the Hollanders imploying Papiſts in their Warrs,) or to call in Forraigne Forces. But when He perceived your obſtinacy. How you could diſpenſe with your owne imploying Walloon Regiments, and diverſe other Papiſts; How you could have Collections in Holland, Agents with Fortaigne Princes, Committees in Scotland, for the two States, as you call them, that ſent you in a great Army: Can you object this to Him, and not thinke it concernes your Selves? No, you have too much reaſon to doe it: If you found not that the Common People, and your intereſſed Party have ſo ſubmitted their reaſon to your Declarations, that if an implicite beleife he rendred to the Chair-man at Rome, you thinke it high diſobedience to be denyed any of yours.

If I ſhould in anſwer of the black Characters you put on your King in His Government, deſire you but to remember, how when you procured a Law, That contrary it was to the Liberty of the Subject, they ſhould be preſſ'd to the Warre, That notwithſtanding immediately after Thouſands were preſs'd by your Ordinances, and how miſerably many of them periſhed you know, and ſee by their wretched Widows and Orphans. How when for the Subjects Liberty; Not the King, not His Councell, no Court of Iuſtice could impriſon, but the Subject muſt have cauſe ſhewen, and his Habeas Corpus upon demand granted; yet Thouſands you reſtrained, no cauſe ſhewen, no admittance to Picad.

If I ſhould mind you how Property was fenc'd by you, That no Tax could be lay'd. Nay, Tonnage and Poundage, muſt be limited for a few moneths by a new Law, and yet in a moment forc'd from the Subjects without one, As if you made Lawes not to preſerve the Subjects Right, but to ſhew your power to break them. If I ſhould remember you of your Murthering Ordinance, that (where no Law could) deprived a Reverend Prelate of his Life; Of your Repeale of Statutes, in the buſineſſe of the Common Prayer-Book, by your Votes, called an Ordinance. Of your one day declaiming againſt an Exciſe, and the next day ſetting it up; and many more. What fruit muſt I, or any other honeſt Subject looke for by your Government? How can you with any countenance queſtion the King, for not obſerving Lawes, who thinke your ſelves bound by none? Let the Soveraigne power reſide where it will, in one, as in this and other Monarchies, or in many, as in Republiques, Yet every where the Subject may take the benefit of the Law: And ſo you may remember we were heretofore admitted to implead the King for ſhip-mony, was not the time of Government happy when Subjects Pleas could be admitted? Had the Law the ſame freedome now, as then; your Soveraignti's would ſoone be diſproved, and your Tyrannies made manifeſt. Well, all I ſhall ſay is, you have your Iudge, and He reſides in Heaven. The Lord is King, be the People never ſo impatient: You ſhall reckon for your diſloyalty to your Soveraigne; for your cruelty and oppreſſion to your fellow Subjects; for your ſlaundring the footſteps of Gods Annoynted; Even for your Paraphraſe upon theſe Letters, whoſe ſtile, and weight of Senſe, as well as Integrity and Honour they are lined with, will riſe more in Iudgement againſt you: And I confeſſe, were you as you ought to be, were a better meanes to convert you, then all that hath been ſo weakly, but well-meaningly laid downe in theſe ſhort notes, which ſhould have been drawn out longer, but that it's believed ſome Perſon of Iudgement will declare himſelfe on this Subject, as I have (without ends) my Duty and Affection to His Majeſties Perſon and Cauſe.