BEfore I come to what I intend shall be the subject of this en­suing Discourse, I think it very necessary to make way for what I shall hereafter say, by re­moving in the first place whatever in proba­bility may raise a prejudice against what I am about to write, that so nothing of ex­ception may lye against any circumstance, after once the matter of my Discourse is allowed.

First, I question not but my person will be enquired after, and perhaps soon found [Page 2] out, and known, and it may be wondred at therefore why I do not as well set down my name, as the two first letters of it: If so, let me crave of thee (Reader) not to har­bour any Prejudice against the subject matter of the following Treatise therefore, which I did for the end to avoyd prejudice thereby. For I am not ignorant of the ability of Mr. Milton, whom the Rump (which was well stored with men of pregnant although per­nicious Wits) made choyce of, before others, to write their Defense against Salmasius, one of the greatest Learned men of this Age, both for reality and reputation, who therefore was Royal prefessor of Philosophy (as I take it, but will not be positive herein) in the Ʋnited Provinces, and at his Majesties (the present Scotch, and Hereditary English King's) request, undertook the Defense of our Protoroyall English Martyr, against those of his Subjects who with as much Treachery as Perjury, and with as much cruel inhumanity as both, mur­ther'd him at his own Gate, in the face of the Sun, and in the presence of that God, and be­fore many thousands of that people, by whom, and before whom they had sworn with lifted up hands, that they would with their lives de­fend his person, Posterity, and just Power, with many other particulars contained in [Page 3] their Oath, as may appear by it self, known formerly by the name of The Solemn League and Covenant, taken by all the Members of both Houses that remained sitting at West­minster, after such who had left them were withdrawn, and convened at Oxford: Nor seemed it enough to them to take it them­selves, but it was by their authority tendred, yea strictly imposed, and upon severe penalties injoyned to thousands of men, all the King­dome over, besides a Vow and Protestation equally sacred, and binding to the same things, which in the League and Covenant were upon Oath promised, all which not­withstanding, this their Liege King was mur­thered, being sentenced and executed by those very men that had sworn to defend him, the Parliament Garbled (as to the Commons House) and dismembred (as to the House of Lords) by those very men who had sworn to maintain and defend its Rights and Privi­ledges, and severall both Nobles and Commo­ners lost their lives, being sentenced by an High Court of Justice, (a stranger, and con­trary to our known Fundamental L [...]ws) which was chosen and impowred by those who had Covenanted, and sworn to maintain with their Lives and Fortunes, the Fundamental Lawes of the Land. And yet these men thus [Page 4] acting, call themselves by the name of Gods people, and the faithfull adherers to the work of Reformation, and the Good Old Cause, al­though nothing appear in their actions, but Treachery, Perjury, Murder and Cruelty. Against which Rebellious hypocrisie, the most learned Salmosius, under the borrowed name of Claudius Anonymus, inveighed most justly and truly, as well as Oratorically, and no lesse deservedly then Eloquently. Which Defense of his, no lesse judicious then well-composed, (as for Language) did render the deserevdly abominable Actors, both notorious and odious among the foraign Nations of Europe, the fame thereof, by this Learned mans Elo­quence (being written in the Latine Tongue) sounding far and neer. To remedy which inconvenience (if it might be done) the Rump (which now began to stink in the nostrils of every honest and wise man, this bloudy butchery of theirs, vying with, yea out-doing, not only the actions, but the worst of the Jesuites professed Tenents, and therefore to the perpetual ignominy of the Reforming Pro­testants, justifying the fraternity of Loyola and silencing the others) make choyce of Mr. Milton to be their Champion to answer Salmasius; who, as may be conceived, not vulgarly rewarded, for this service, undertakes [Page 5] it, with as much Learning and Performance as could be expected from the most able and acute Scholar living: Concerning whose Answer, thus much must be confessed, that nothing could be therein desired, which either a shrewd Wit could prompt, or a fluent elegant style could expresse: And indeed to give him his due, in whatever he vomited out against his Majesty formerly, or now declames against Monarchy in behalf of a Re­publique, he then did, and doth now want nothing on his side, but Truth, and the ho­nesty of his Cause, or Subject on which he did, or doth discourse. So that it was wisdome, as I judge it in me, (being to reply to so acute and universally owned a learned man) to con­ceal my Name, at least, not to expose it ob­vious at the first view, that the prejudice, which the known inequality of the Antago­nists, at the first sight, begets in a Reader, causing many Tractates to be thrown aside without reading, being taken away, or at least suspended till the Treatise is read; the thing contended about, may be judged ac­cording to the weight of the Arguments on either side, and not according to the estimate of the persons, allowing then Mr. Milton all the advantages which an acute wit, ready invention, much reading, and copious [Page 6] expression will give him, I shall only trust to the goodnesse of the Cause, for which I plead, in which had there been any pro­portion or equality, between that which he, and that which I contend for, I should not only doubt, but despair of conquest, of which as the case falls out, I am assuredly confi­dent.

But expecting to be known, both who, and what I am, I must expect to meet with such Questions as these: What need you meddle with affairs not only out of, but so far distant from your Sphere, your profession much differing from Politicks, and the Concernments of Majesty being far above your station? This Objection (if not satisfied) because it may much pre­judice the acceptance of what I write, in the opinion, and esteem of many Readers, I shall therefore first speak to it, before I proceed in my intended task, and whether what I shall say, prove satisfactory or no, I shall leave to the judgement of the Candid Reader, sl [...]ghting in the mean while the dissa­tisfaction of the obstinately, or rashly censorious.

I answer therefore first, that though the affairs of politick forms are besides my practise, yet not besides my cognisance; and Majesty though above my capacity, yet is it not above my concernment, for in the latter I am con­cerned, [Page 7] both as a man, and as a Christian, especially if I pretend at all to either dis­cretion or conscience; as a Christian it is my duty, and I stand ingaged to pray for the peace of the place I live in, and by consequence to study and endeavour it, else my Prayers are but idle Prayers: Also what I pray for, I am exhorted to, as a duty, and commanded as a Christian, to observe Gods dealing in the Re­turn of Prayers, else my praying is but moc­kery; I am engaged then (though I yet see nothing but war and confusion) to be instant, and urgent with God for peace and settlement, and consequently I am bound to take notice, how farre my prayers are answered, that I may be thankfull, how far they are denyed, that I may finde the cause, and be humbled for it, and as much as in me lies help and re­medy it. This also discreet policy will teach me, to endeavour, and hope, and pray for the peace of that place in which I intend, (with Gods help) to settle my self and my Poste­rity; of which if there be no hopes, it is but indiscretion at best, if not madnesse there to settle. Let no man therefore blame me for enquiring after the state of affairs, that I may see the cause of our present unsettlement and confusion, and so far as advice will goe, to apply (if it lies in me) a Remedy. If the [Page 8] Cause be (as most certainly it is) the want of a true and proper Government, and Gover­nors, let us enquire how far the defect ex­tends, and every man in his Calling, those who are called thereto, by action, others (as far as God hath given wisdome) by coun­sell, do what we can to supply that defect, and help that want.

Adde to this, that we are to pray for Kings, to obey, and honour the King, and that by divine command, and if so, then no man can blame me, if I enquire into the Case, if or no I have by Divine Right, a King to pray for, to honour, and to obey, and whether or no active, or barely passive obedience, be due from, and required of me as a Christian, to those, who in exclusion of him, have exerci­sed the Power of the Nation in which I live for these severall years. But concerning this Subject I shall have occasion to enlarge, before the end of this Discourse, it may suffice here, what I have more briefly touched only for the anticipating of such an Objection which may be made: What matters of this nature concern me, and which if unsatisfied, might prejudice ma­ny Readers, and preingage their spirits against what I shall hereafter write.

[Page 9] Hoping then that I have impartiall Readers now to deal withal, who casting off all respects of Persons, (either comparing one with ano­ther, and taking for granted, that one in regard of his eminent abilities, and learning, and judgment, hath the surer, safer, and better side, or accounting the Subject of this Enqui­ry aliene from my employment, and so condem­ning the discourse, without perusal of the same) I shall come soberly and modestly to take a view of Mr. Miltons ready and easy way to esta­blish a Free Common-wealth, &c. Which I shal shew not only to be the farthest way about, but an improbable way to our Ever settlement; an impossible way to our present or speedy peace, and therefore to be rejected, as a crooked, and unsafe path to walk in, And in contra­diction to his groundless position, I shall e­vidence cleerly, and undeniably, that King­ship is our only sure and safe remedy, under God, to settle our distractions, Make up our breaches, secure our tottering foundations, unite our divisions, cure our distempers, and in a word, to save us from (otherwise) utter and inevitable misery, and ruine.

And here judicious Reader, let me crave thy attention, and beg thy candor, for the Subject of the ensuing discourse will be not light, and trivial, but such as concernes, thy [Page 10] present welfare, and the future good, and welbe­ing of posterity.

Lord! what English man, that can without sighs, and briny tears, consider, and recollect in his mind, what this Nation was formerly, and what now it is, once the glory of Europe, flourishing in prosperity, and happiness, the pride of her allyes, the terrour of her Enemies, the releif of the distressed, the succour of the oppressed, the ballance as I may call it, of the neighbouring powerful Princes, France and Spain, turning the scale either way, by its friendship or enmity. How were our paths then anointed with Butter, and our hills dropped fatness, un­till being filled with good things, our soul be­gan to loath the honey combe, or like an horse provender prict, we kict against our Rider, and have gained to our selves a nominall li­berty, but reall slavery, accompanyed with infamy, and are now become the scorne of our neighbours, and the Common by-word of Christendome. Once we had our Kings not made, but born, whom at once the sunne be­held both men and Princes, who by a long continuall descent, were ennobled, and both by affinity, Consanguinity, and mutual benefits, bestowed and received, were endeared re­ciprocally, they to the Nation, and the Na­tion to them. We had a splendid Court, persons [Page 11] of honourable extraction, and excellent ac­complishments, a learned, and renowned Clergy, flourishing Academys and Schools of Education for youth, A high spirited gallant Gentry, Rich Yeamon, and farmers, and Citi­zens, Wealthy and numerous, A royall and powerfull Navy, a plenteous and expert Soul­diery, and in a word we wanted nothing to make us happy at home and renowned abroad. We wanted only thankful hearts to God for these unvaluable blessings, and wisdome to esteeme and value them and improve, and make use of them as we ought. Now we find; not on­ly the want of, but the contrary unto, almost whatever before we enjoyed, having scarce any thing left of our former happiness, but the memory, which only serves to aggravate our present miserie, (Dolet hoc, meminisse fu­isse Beatos,) and that which makes our condi­tion more deplorable, our hopes of recove­ry, are in a great measure cut off, only our eyes are to the hils, from whence commeth our help. And for the perpetuation, (if possible) of our maladies, and to make our wounds incura­ble, our diseases desperate, and our miseries irreco­verable, I meet with many Mountebanks of State who wilfully mistaking our disease, call that which is our (without Gods great mer­cy) mortall malady, a State of happy Liberty, [Page 12] only take notice of some troublesome Symptomes (which Luscus cannot but see by twilight,) and for these they prescribe a cure, more dangerous, yea desperate, then the disease it self; and this they call a Free Common-wealth.

Among many that shoot at this Mark, I find severall sorts, some are fantastically ab­surd, as Mr. Harrington with his Oceana, the an­swer to which will be only ridiculous pastime by a winter fire, others are religiously foolish, as he who in imitation of Gods work of cre­ation, would make six daies work of his in­tended platforme, and on the seventh day, and so consequently all his life, contemplate upon his dotage, his performance in my o­pinion, deserves to be rewarded with Midas purchase. Such, with many others, to the ve­refying of the proverb have been shooting their bolts, and all, though they have in other things differed wonderfully, yet in this one thing have agreed, namely in excluding King­ship.

Such as these, like so many ridiculous State Morris dancers, I should willingly have left to the answer of some Common Ballad-maker, being only so many Quacks of wit, who betray nothing in their writing but want both of imployment and discretion, the rea­ding of whose State whymses, I doubt not, [Page 13] ever produced in any Reader a belief, but of their folly, unlesse it were in some that were as shallow, and soft-headed as themselves, But in the mean time, who would not blesse himself to consider, that a Nation, in which have flourished such incomparable men, for parts and judgment, of such eminent learning, able wit and solid discretion, and that in all a­ges successively since the Conquest, and that they making use of one anothers Resolvs, and Experience, with long tryal, mature de­liberation, and accurate Caution, had made and provided for themselves Lands, and a Government, and bequeathed it unto us, un­der which we prospered, and were happy, in all civill, and religious injoyments, should now be brought to that State beggery, that we must have (Asinos ad Lyram,) every State-Buffon to be forming England, Scotland, and Ireland, into I know not what Ʋtopia, for want of a better, or at least a setled Govern­ment, Quis talia fando, Temperet a Lachry­mis?

True, we had our blessings allayed with that which must be expected, while we are on this side perfection, some things were de­sired in our Lawes, no Fathers being able so to provide for posterity, as to leave them no­thing to do, each Generation hath its pecu­liar [Page 14] concernments, which makes many acts useful to Progenitors, to be unuseful to, and therefore repealeable by, their Children, and many of no use or inconvenient to such as went before, absolutely necessary, or at least very convenient to them that succeed, we also had both errors and deficiency in the Execution of good Lawes, and several things inacted which had better been repealed, and put in practise, that more desireably might have been omitted. The owning of this, is but to confess our selves men, and that we enjoyed not intire compleat blessednesse, a thing not to be expected in this life, but to find no cure for these deficiencies, but the overturning of foundations, as it ar­gued our almost incredible madness, so it ma­nifested the just displeasure of God against us, who had surfeited of mercies, that we could not be content with what we enjoyed, because we wanted what only he saw not fit for us at that present, unlesse we had expressed more thankfulnesse for what we had in possessi­on.

But to come to what I intend, namely to reply to, and answer what Mr. Milton hath objected against King-ship, and belched forth against our hereditary King, and to dispel the mist which he like a state-Jugler hath indea­voured to cast before our eys concerning a [Page 15] Common-wealth, I shall make plain to every one that is not wilfully blind, that we are and stand indispensably bound to our Heriditaty KING CHARLES; And that mo­rally as men, and religiously as Christians, that the Injury done to his Royall Father and him, is undoubtedly the cause of our former and still continued miseries, That doing Justice to him, and his Relations, and repenting of that Great wickednesse, under which the Nation yet groanes, and for which it hath bled, of shedding not only innocent, but Royall, and therefore sacred bloud, is the only way left of settling our distractions: whatever guilty men pretend or insinuate to the contrary, all o­ther waies, are but like Adams figleaves, or the prodigals husks. This being proved and made undeniably manifest, were enough, but yet besides I shall further demonstrate, that were that Royal stemme, (which the Lord forbid) quite fayled, or decayed) nor one left, that could make legall claim to the Crowne, and had we come to this condition by Gods providence, without any Sinne or guilt of the Nation, much lesse those crying sins, of Rebel­lion, Treason, Perjury, Murder, Oppression, Cru­elty, and that which aggravates all the rest, Hypocrisie. Yet it were the only interest of the Nation, and way of its settlement, to [Page 16] come about, (as soone as is possible) to its former Established monarchy. This if I evince clearly and undeniably, I hope it may, (God giving a blessing,) have that effect upon those, who sit at the helme, that because the justly detestable RƲMP, contrary to Oaths Covenants, and Protestations, and in defiance of their publique professions and declarations, did barbarously kill, and then take possession, they will not justifie that Murder, that the actors and abettors, may still keep the possession. But why write I so, as if there were the least cause to fear, that they themselves will not be as ready to protest against that horrid vilany, as I know they inwardly detest it, and with­out spurring, to redresse it, as without con­troversie they abhorre it, I know Noble Sena­tors it is in your minds, as you were innocent of that guilt, and washt your hands of it, so to manifest your innocency, nay I rest assured, were there not difficulties to wrestle with from without, there would not be the least imaginable let within, in your noble brests. But here is the mischief; The monstrous Villaines, the Actors, in cutting down that Royall Oak, had such loppings, and in the Ruine of Majesty, they found so many, and so rich adherents, which, either were, or were made necessary to be ruined therewith, that [Page 17] they were stored with unrighteous Mammon, with which they made themselves unrighteous friends, so many, that for a long time they were able to justyfie by the sword, what they executed by the Axe, and to maintain by vio­lence and force, what they ravished from the right owners by rapine and villany. Yea they could corrupt the pretended Divine Oracles, and make them either speak only what was good, as the four hundred Prophets did to Ahab, Or else with Micaja to be content to be fed with the bread and water of afflicti­on, untill they learned either to change their tune, or to be silent, at least, not to pro­phesy at Bethel. Thus many ripe but per­nicious wits were wonne, and fast ingaged to their party, of which some defended them in polemicall discourses, as my present Antagonist, others, commended, and sought to eternize their memories by clawing, flattering histories; but that which struck deepest, the Souldiery, and thousands others were drawn in to an in­terest upon the score of purchase, to invite to which very cheap penny-worths were sold, and all to secure, and indemnify their Perju­ry, Treason, and Murther, So that I consider most worthy Senators, what a duel must needs be [...]ought, in each of your breasts, between Conscience, and Discretion, Honesty, and Wisdom, [Page 18] Judgment, and Policy. The Consideration of which, hath imboldn'd and doth incourage me, to go on in this task, it being not so pro­per for your selves, as now being persons con­cerned. And the more I am spurred on, consi­dering what the most Learned, Judicious, and u [...]daunted Mr. Prynne hath written to this pur­pose duting the time of your forcible seclusion; to whom (though unworthy to cary his Papers after him) I take it as my honour, to Echo, and I hope for, and humbly beg of you, Noble Se­nators, your favourable acceptance, of these my weak endeavours, as proceeding from a cordial desire of what (I know) you aim at, the speedy, safe, and sure settlement of these sad­ly distracted, and almost irrecoverably ruined Nations.

And now Mr. Milton I am at leasure to ex­amine your pamphlet, which I find was writ­ten since the resitting of the RƲMP this last time, for whom it was intentionally provided, a fit discourse, and worthy the patrons, Similes labris lactucae. I shall passe by your prologue, not because it is not blame­meable, but because what is only there hinted in naked expressions, is more largely prose­cuted in the following discourse, where, as I meet with it, I shall not let it scape Ani­madversion.

[Page 19] The Parliament of England (you say) assisted by a great number of the people who stuck to them faithfullest in defence of religion, and their Civil Liberties, judging Kingship, by long experience, a Government but thensome, expensive, useless, and dangerous, justly, and magnanimously abolished it, turning Regal bondage into a Free Common­wealth, to the admiration, and terrour of our neighbours, and the stirring up of France it self, especially in Paris, and Bourdeaux, to our imi­tation. Thus you go on, praising our Acti­ons there both at home and abroad, and our declarations and expressions both in publique and private, as testifying a gallant noble Spi­rit, and giving hopes of a Common wealth, not feriour to the Greeks or Romans. From which premises you conclude it, a great corruption in Judgment, degenerateness in Spirit, folly and madnesse in practise, and that it will be ridiculous and disgraceful, unsafe and dangerous, for us to return to our old bondage, (as you call it) of Kingship, which degenerate relaysing, you foretell will fixe us in our former misery irrecoverably, in all likely hood or proba­bility, which you perswade your self and us ought to be interpreted ungratefulnesse to­ward God, in rejecting his signal mercies, and deliverances, at least neglecting to make use of them, and an undervaluing of the Lives and [Page 20] bloud of Englishmen, who with their Lives purchased and left us in this liberty. This folly of ours you tell us how ridiculous it will make us appear to our neighbours, and render us the common by-word and object of laughter and derision of Christendome, who boasted of a Common wealth, but having laid its happy foundation, fell into confusion of factions, about erecting it, and so never brought it to perfection, which manner of Government, you affirm hath been by the wisest men in all ages accounted, the noblest, maniyest, equallest, and justest Government, and most agreeing to Civil and Christian li­berty, most cherishing of vertue and true re­ligion, not only commended, but more then obscurely enjoined by Christ himself, to all Christians with the mark and brand of Genti­lisme, by him fixed upon Kingship. Yea you say God gave the Israelites a King in much displeasure, and imputed it to them as a sin, that they asked one. And so you go on to interpret our Saviours words concerning the Kings of the Gentiles exercising Authority over them, but expressly for bidding his Disciples to let it be so among them, &c. which you con­ceive proved beyond contradiction, to be spoken to them by Christ concerning civill Government. And to this precept you judge [Page 21] no form so agreeable, as that of a Common-wealth, because in it the grea [...]est, are per­petuall Servants to the publique, and drud­ges at their own cost and charges, neglecting their own affairs, and yet not elevated above their brethren, whereas a King you say must be adored as a Demy God, whose expensiveness uselesnesse, burdensomness, and Danger, in and to a State, you urge Oratorically, and Satyrically and conclude that if he happen to be bad as sometimes he is, he is a mischief or malady in a State scarcely remediable, without sha­king, and hazarding the ruine of the whole: The contrary of which you pretend to be in a free Common-wealth, where a Governour, or chief Counsellour, offending, may be remo­ved, and punished without any commotion. So you conclude them either mad or foolish, that build the hope of their happiness on a single person, who if good, can do no more then another, but if bad, may without con­troule do more mischief then a million of o­thers. Which doting on a single person you further condemn, from its childish absurdi­ty, and more then brutish simplicity; citing that place of Solomon, where he sends the sluggard to the pismire, to learne wisdome, where you squeeze out an inference, that they who think themselves, or the Nation undone [Page 22] without a King, have not so much true spirit and understanding as a Pismire. So you go on comparing Kingship with the state of a free Commonwealth, extolling the latter and vili­fying the former, as making all under them Vassals, exalting their Prerogative above the Subjects liberty, rarely (and then only for self ends) convening Parliaments, and break­ing them at pleasure, if they comply not with their Lust and Interest. In which kind of Discourse I finde you Satyricall, and yet seemingly zealous of the publique weale, won­dring how any dare (as a Christian) to King it over his fellow brethren in such a Gentilish way forbid by Christ, to all his Disciples, who you say hath left no King in his Church, as his Vicegerent, and therefore, infer it is worse usurpation, for a Christian professed, to exercise Regall authority over Christians, then for the Pope to claim Christs Vicegerency in the Church.

You proceed to shew the Reason why we have been long delayed, and kept from the enjoying of a Free Common-wealth, without King, Single Person, or House of Lords; which you ascribe to the frequent Interruptions, and figgaries (in and out) which the Rump have had, and met with. And of this you assign the cause to be the Real Ambition of [Page 23] the pretended Army Saints, (the chief Com­manders of them especially) which you flat­ter your self, and the Army, was and is con­trary to their sense and mindes, (to wit the generality of them) at least when they were undeceived, and in their own power, which I presume, at least, doubt, was never since they first rebelled.

You seem troubled that the small fagge­end of the Parliament should be called the RƲMP, but would rather have them ho­noured, as the remainder of those Worthyes who freed us from Tyranny; which they have declared, and that (as you conceive) most truly and justly they could not fully doe, nor remain constant to the trust first reposed in them, and secure our liberty, but by setling the Nition into a Free Common-wealth, for the attaining speedily, firmly establishing, and best ordering of which, you give your judgement, and that in some things Para­doxall: but as you conceive the most ne­cessary and best expedient, to procure much good to, and preventing much mischief in, and managing affairs most wisely, and ex­periencedly for the good of the Common-wealth. And that is that the Grand Council of the Nation should sit perpetually, of which you shew the good and conveniency on the [Page 24] one hand, and the dammage and inconve­nience of the contrary on the other hand, which you illustrate by instances, confirm by reasons, and shew some Stumbling-blocks you would have avoyded, in following your advice, and Rules to be observed; namely, not to harbour any such fond conceit in our Republique, as is the Duke in the Venetian, or the Prince of Orange and House of Nassan in the Netherlandish Common-wealths.

Thus in order you come again to com­pare a Republique so contrived, with Monarchy, to admire the one, and decry the other, by shewing the Justice, Freedome, Plenty, and Peace of the one, and the difficulties, un­certainties, and impossibilities of the like injoyments under the other. You proceed then more particularly to compare them to­gether, in their allowing or disallowing spi­ritual freedome, or Christian liberty, and herein also you give the priority to a Common-wealth; concerning the promoting of which, you adde some thoughts of your own, concluding it an absolutely necessary thing for the ob­taining or continuing Civil peace, and will allow no Government so inclinable to fa­vour and protect it, as that of a Free Com­mon-wealth, but on the other hand you shew the unlikelihood that Kingship should ever [Page 25] give way to it, as you instance in Queen Eli­zabeths not induring Calvinisme, or the Pres­byterian Reformation, should be so much as proposed to her, during all her Reign, lest it should diminish Regall Authority. Be­tween which Queen of happy memory, and our most pious Prince, you make a short but scurvy, scurrilous comparison, impu­dently affirming him to be bad Principled from his Cradle, trained up, and governed by Popish and Spanish Councils, and on such de­pending hitherto for subsistence.

From spirituall you come to Civil Freedome, which consists in the Civil Rights and ad­vancement of every person according to his merit, and for the attaining of this end also you conclude a Common wealth far to excell, in opposition to Kingship. And for the reap­ing the larger benefit in this kind, you pro­pose an expedite way in your opinion By having Legall Jurisdiction without Appeal in each County, providing also for such Con­troversies which shall happen between men of severall Counties, that they may repair to the Capital City; to conclude which head, having vomited forth much of your filth against monarchy, you close your discourse with a Patheticall Peroration to the People, in which you do briefly hint, and seem to wipe [Page 26] away what Objections may be made against a Free Common-wealth, and so draw to this Con­clusion, That if we do return back to Kingship, on that score, that Jewes would have returned into Egypt, for the sake of Onyons, Garlick and Flesh-pots, (trading to wit, which by our casting off Kingship, hath been decayed) our condition is unsound and rotten, and that we are in the Road-way of all Nationall Judgements and Calamities. You seem at last to fear the successe of what you have written, only hope the best, that though these lines should move most men no more then stones or stocks, yet they may out of some of these stones raise up Children to Liberty: That what you have spoken is the Language of the Good old Cause, intended for the Conviction of Backsliders, and if possible to give a stay or stop to our ruinous proceedings, and to the general defection (as you conceive) of the abused and misguided multitude.

This Sir is a short or summary Epitomy of what I understand by reading your dis­course, but how far wide it comes from Truth and Reason, I doubt not but before I end to make manifest, and shall shew your intended Modell to be unpracticable by us, if ever we expect peace and settlem [...]nt in these at present distracted Nations. Your first [Page 27] stating of the Case is brief, and might pass for current, among such who are, and have been strangers to the transactions of this Nation, or whose memories are so short, as not to be able to recollect how matters have been carryed on by, and from the beginning of this Parliament, but to others, the fallacy may appear at the first reading. Was it the Parliament of England that abolished King­ship, and Kingly Government? Where were the Lords? Did they concurre in that acti­on? Certainly no, for they by the same power and Authority (if that can be called Au­thority which wants Justice to support it) were abolished likewise, about the same time, and by the same Engagement after­wards, that excluded Kingship, cut off from having any share in Government: And if they concurred not in that Act, how can any man (without impudence) affirm, that it was the Parliament of England that abo­lished Kingship? Or can the Parliament of England consist without a House of Lords? It is most evident, that at the first sitting of this Parliament it consisted of both Lords and Commons, who yet made no Parliament, without him, with whom they were to parly, or consult, and that was the King. But it is not my task to discourse as a Lawyer, [Page 28] but as an Orator intending to inquire into the truth and Reason of things, and not to determine how the Case stands in point of Law.

Though Lords had been uselesse and unne­cessary to sit as a House, and assist in Govern­ment, yet they were absolutely of use, to the making of an English Parliament; or else shew me any Parliament that ever was in England without them. You confesse that the Par­liament of England was assisted by a great number of faithfull Adherers to them, in the defense of Religion and Civil Liberties, and were not they as well the Peers as the Com­mons? By what Power were Armies first raised, Commissions granted, and Moneys levy­ed, but in the name of both Houses? If the first making of Warre, (which judicious and conscientious men judge Rebellion, but I shall wave that Enquiry, nor hereafter meddle with it) were for the defence of Religion, &c. the Lords as an House can claim as great a share in the glory of it, as the House of Commons. Yea if to have the honour of first kindling the fire, deserve prayse, One Peer, with Five Commoners, must share to­gether. Was not the case of Kimbolton once accounted of as high merit as that of Hosle­rig and his fellow-partners? And the Privi­ledges [Page 29] of Parliament equally pretended to be concerned in the defending of them all? Or if the management of the Warre, deserve commendation, (which you call the assistance of the Faithfull) did not the Lords personally act as highly, and adventure as far as any Commoner? Or did not the faithfullest, (for I observe you use the Superlative degree) appear before the new modelling of the Army? True, there was no rebelling against all Au­thority, King, Lords, and Commons at once, till that time. Sure, Sir, those Lords, who were forward with the forwardest, adventu­red their lives, spent their bloud, as well as others, will have little incouragement to help, manage, and carry on such another War, if we should finde occasion to fight all over again, that hath been fought, as you after insinuate, unlesse they may have more thanks for their labour. You must needs grant, that the Warre at the beginning was raised, and from the first carryed on, for the defense of Religion and Liberty, or else it was most hypocriticall and barbarous Rebellion, and all the bloud shed therein inexcusable murder: And if it were for the defense of Liberty and Religion, from the beginning, without doubt every rationall man must conceive, that they who at first acted themselves in the War [Page 30] vigorously, and stirred up others to it sedu­lously, and continued constantly, in the name of the Parliament of England, with the di­stinction of both Houses, did never imagine the Commons alone to be a Parliament.

But why speak I only of the House of Lords? Did the House of Commons abolish KINGSHIP? Were not above three parts of four of them, not only not consent­ing to, and active therein, but protesting a­gainst, and abhorring it?

So that in truth, it was not only not the Parliament of England, that did it, but neither the Lords nor Commons House that either acted in, or consented to it, but a factious Com­bination of some of the rotten Members of the House of Commons, who assisted by the factious and rebellious part of the Souldiery, without consent of, and in opposition to their Fellow-members, contrary to the sense of the whole House of Lords, not minding their former sacred Vowes, and the scandall which the breaking of them would bring upon the profession of Religion; murdered their KING, divided his Estate and Revenue, among themselves, and their Abettors: and to se­cure themselves from justice, for these Enor­mous Villanies, Vote down both King and Kingly Government, turn out of dores the [Page 31] House of Lords, and all their Fellow members, and in their places seat themselves, and vote themselves the Parliament of England, and this they vote (as they call it) into a Free Common-wealth, to which they endeavour by Conquest first to subject, and then to unite Scotland, and Ireland. Now how just and how magnanimous this action was, let any ratio­nal man judge.

'Tis strange, that if it were so, and that those Remnant of Patriots, who delivered us from thralldome (as you are pleased to mis­call them) could no otherwise secure us from slavery and bondage, but by abolishing Kingship, that no more of the Commons nor any of the Lords House, could perceive it but themselves. And how came they so late to see it? Strange, that their eyes were not opened so well before! Or did they see it before, and yet swear, and compell others to swear, to maintain that with their utmost hazard of both Loves and Fortunes, which they had found and experimented, to be burden­some, uselesse, expensive, and dangerous, and upon just grounds to be abolished? Are these things think you, consistent, Mr. Milton, how long experience had they of the dange­rousnesse, &c. of Monarchy, before they abolish­ed it? be pleased to tell us, if before they [Page 32] Covenanted, and protested, the more Villains they to swear, if after it were good to be informed when; Were they faithfull Patriots, if they knew, and had experienced such a thing, and yet never disclosed their mindes to their Fellow-members, untill upon a Treacherous sur­prize, they were turned out of dores by their mercenary servants, the Army? Are these the acts of men who are likely to secure our Re­ligious and Civil Liberties?

Was it a Common-wealth that was fought for, or a Free Parliament? How then comes a Common-wealth to be the Good Old Cause? Was it once in nomination at the first ta­king up of Arms? Was not the thing pre­tended, the removing of ill Counsellours from about the King? and was there no way to do it but to send him thither where no evil counsel can have accesse, even to Heaven? Did they not vow to make his Posterity as well as him glorious, and was there no way to it, but to rob the Heir of his Earthly Crown, that he might have the more leisure to contem­plate upon his Heavenly one? No way to make him a blessed and happy Prince, but by intitling him ipso facto to one of the ten Blessednesses pronounced by Christ, among others, to those of whom men speak all Evil falsly, and revile them? Blessed God! [Page 33] if these be Saints, where shall we find Wicked men?

But why Sir do you call Kingship a detested, and once abjured thralldome? Who abjur'd it, and when? I am sure that there was searce a Rumper in ten, but swore to maintain and defend it, besides the Oath taken by all Mem­bers at their first admission, how I pray then, and when, was this Oath or abjuration taken, and by whom? Lately, one, Prayse God Bare­bone presented a Petition to that purpose, which made his house appear like to a Baw­dy house (for broken windowes) twice in a few dayes. I hope, Sir, you have not a pri­vate Dispensation among you, to swear to maintain and abjure the same thing at your pleasure and as oft as you please.

I doubt not, but most of those who first assisted the Parliament, had they heard but the least pretense this way from those who called them to their aid, would have very hardly contributed the least Money to their supply, nor the least help to defend their quarrel. Then it was for the Parliaments ser­vice, in defense of the KING, and his Poste­rity, that all was pretended to be done; and now can we believe the Originall intention to be (all those facred pretenses notwith­withstanding) to destroy the King and his line, [Page 34] and to abjure Kingship, or Monarchical Govern­ment? God forbid, this is (certainly) no other then a new Invention, suggested by the Old Serpent, and fomented, by his Instru­ments to the Dishonour of God, whose sacred Majesty they appealed to, and swore before, and the reproach of the true Protestant Reli­gion, in the profession and sincerity of which (made by, and immovably fixed in the hearts and breasts of thousands of this (once famous) Nation) England was exemplary a­mong all her Neighbours, but now, by this act of some few of her perjur'd, yet Saint pro­fessing Sons, made infamous, yea abhorred, and detestable among al that live round about her. I grant you, Mr. Milton, that this action of ours (for ours we must call it, till the Na­tion be vindicated from it, or punished for it) as it was a damnable president, so it was com­mended to and laboured very hard to be made practicable and practised in our Neigh­bouring Kingdome France, so willing are seared Consciences in sinne, to involve as many as may be in the same guilt with themselves, if not for their justifi­cation sake, yet to keep them from open Reproach.

I easily believe Mr Milton, that nothing was wanting on the part of our Regicides, that [Page 35] the same was not only meditated and attem­pted, but brought to perfection and put in execution in France, being begun, (as you say) in Burdeaux and Paris. But without doubt the protestant interest, never had such a blow among Christians by profession as they had by this Act. How was this for­merlie the blot of the Jesuits, that they taught and allowed the murther of their Princes, if once excommunicated by the Pope? And yet, how ashamed were the Papists ever to own such a tenent, although they might consent to such a practise, and be guiltie of it. How were the Gunpowder Traitors branded by our divines and Professors, with marks of infamy upon this score? Yet now behold a Protestant King, not treasonably conspired against, but murdered, and that not designed and brought about by a private unseen blow of Gunpow­der, or stab with a Dagger from a private hand? as English King James was designed for destruction, by our English Papists, and French Henry was actuallie slain by a Ravilli­ack. But, stand amazed O ye Heavens! for ye beheld it, blush O thou great light of the day: which then sawest it, this Protestant, Virtuous, Picus KING, was solemnly cut off, at his own doore, by his own Subjects, who claimed then the name, and usurped [Page 36] then the power, of the Representative Body of the English Nation, the PARLIAMENT or Supream Authority of ENGLAND. Nor did they for this Action to excuse it, plead such a thing as the Popes pardon or dispensation, as the Papists did, acknowled­ging in that such an act to be, (in it self) un­warrantable, and unjustifiable, but they stile themselves the only true Assertors of the Peoples Libertie, and the faithfullest part of Englands Representatives, and therefore the Common wealths most constant and firm Pa­triots. Nay no man could have any protecti­on from the Lawes, that did not by Engage­ment justifie this Act, no Minister injoy his Living unlesse he give his post consent to that, which but six years (at most) before, he had (to avoid the like penaltie) Covevanted, and entred into League, Vowed, and Protested against, Solemnly, and with hands lifted up to the most High God. This a man may be­lieve (if he will be an Atheist,) to be Englands restitution to its Religious and Civill Liberties, but he of discretion that reallie believes so, may easilie be brought to yeild Light to be Darkness, and Darkness Light, Conscience, and the fear of God, expectation of happiness in Heaven, and fear of Hell, to be onlie juggles. [Page 37] Now what Prince, (that is not mad) would trust a Protestant in power, nay tollerate him in his Dominions, if these are Protestants indeed? who are neither to be believed when they swear, nor confided in, if they can but get an opportunitie; That will swear Alegiance to, and murther the same King, and that not se­cretlie but openlie, nor seek to excuse it when done, but justifie, plead for, extol, and commend it, as a performance worthy ren [...]wn, and fit to be trasmitted down as an example to posterity. But let all who truly fear the Lord, say of these as Jacob of his two bloody Sons Simeon and Levi, who kild only their Neigh­bour Idolatrous enemies, who had deserved their hate, by ravishing their Sister, and were part of the Nations, that were to be destroyed utterlie by Jacobs seed, yet with whom they (in colour at least) were then a­bout to make a league of friend-ship, and a­mong whom they lived peceably. O my soul come not into their secrets, and to their counsailes, mine honour be n [...]t thou united! for in their wrath they slew their Soveraign Lord, the King, and in their self will plucked up (to their ut­most) the whole Royal root, and dugge down the wall of Government, and destroyed the foun­dations, the Lawes. Boast not then Mr. Mil­ton, how taking this example was with the [Page 38] like spirited Mock Protestants, but really damnable Rebels in France, for from such a spark as this was kindled that fire, which for­merlie wasted, and consumed the Hugonites of Paris, and of late the Waldenses in Piedmo­na, and Savoy. Guilty art thou, O treache­rous! Perjured! Apostate Rump! of all this bloud, the former of which thou hast justi­fied; and the latter been instrumentall in cau­sing to be shed. Blessed be God who hath clipt your wings, Pared your Hornes, Broken your Talons, by which you soared above the reach of justice and pushed at, and griped most horribly, whoever durst but speak or write against your execrable murthers, rapines and Sacrilegious Villanies. And I hope that Chri­stian Princes will in time be made to under­stand, and given to see that this and the like actions of yours are not consonant to the te­ [...]nts of any true Protestants. Be confounded then and for ever silenced, ye self-condemning wretches, who when at the beginning of the warre, such a design was charged upon you by the Royall l [...]yall partie, you rejected it with imprecations, and were sedulous (with the rest of your fellow members, of the Commons house, and the whole house of Peers) to acquit and clear your selves from such an aspersion (as you then called it) with detestation, yea I am [Page 39] confident that then many of you (before your consciences were since by monstrous impieties cauterized and rendred past feeling) did cordially abhor, what you since have acted and endeavoured to compel all men (mi­nisters especially) to approve of, and justifie, and by a post engagement, to consent to, in op­position to former Covenants and Protestations to the contrarie, I do verily believe: I say, that then you would have declard against it, with horror, and trembling, however the Devil, bad counsel, and worldly gain have since insnared, and corrupted many of you.

Come we from what you have done in our name, to take a survey, of what you have procured to us thereby, for although the end is but a fallacious rule to judge actions by, nor is it wisdome to determine concer­ning the thing done, that it is good or bad by the event, and success of it, yet it is a perswading motive, to repentance and a­mendm [...]nt of such courses, which we are con­vinced to be evil, when we find the smart of them, and see evident our condition to be bad at present, and worse and worse in likely­hood to be expected every day. It is likewise a good conviction, and very sutable to, and seasonable for such who will not believe, but these our present miseries, are only the fore-running [Page 40] throwes of a glorious Birth, and off­spring, of which they seem to perswade [...]hemselves, and would have us to believe that we are not only in Expectation, and cer­tainty, but in the present fruition, and possession, to wit Liberty, both religious and Civil, in respect of which Kingship is a Yoak of Bondage, thraldome, Vassalage, slavery, and infelicity. Good Lord! was ever such ridiculous folly, such wilful madness known or seene! Have we any Liberty in civil things, but if we please to antidate our Ruine and beggery? to spend all one year or two, before our new found Patriots of, never before heard of, Liberty squeeze all out of us, and get all from us. Have not the Keepers of our Liberties, like theevish Promethews, dealt with our Liberties, as he did with Pandoras Box, Let fly among us only plagues and miseries, and now they keep all close, when there is left only hope, (and scarcely that) in the bottome? Where is there any reality of Liberty in any of our in­joyments, either civil or religious? and yet that, Oh that! is pretended as a sufficient re­ward and price of our last bloud, and expen­ded Treasure. In our Courts, what unsettle­ment, and upon every change, what turning out of office, whoever would not comply with the horrible villanous practises, by which [Page 41] each interest supplanted another? Look back­ward to the first gaining of this Nominal Free­dome, and you shall find many Judges discar­ded, Sergeunts at Law layd aside, Counsellours their Gownes stript over their eares; Attor­neys turned from the Barre, Sollicitours and other attendants on the Law made uncapa­ble of either publique imployment, or pre­ferment, in a word all Officers of the Law in Civil as wel as Common courts of Judicature, put out of place, and by consequence cut off from all means of lively-hood, upon no o­ther ground, then because their Consciences would not permit them so farre to sleight their duty of allegiance (to which they were likewise engaged, by a sacred and indispensa­ble Oath) as to take another league and cove­nant, a vow and a protestation in their judgments Crosse to the former; here was Liberty, (if e­ver) with a plague, and vengeance, I doubt not but this with other things, hath been the cause of the many Judgments since that poured forth, and still continued upon this perjured Nation. How was the Solemn League and Covenant obtruded upon all men, that had any thing to be plundered of? And what Liberty had they in case of refusal? except we will account turning out of place, of ei­ther honor or profit, the Imprisonment of mens [Page 42] persons, for a long time, with barbarous cruelty during their imprisonment; the vi­olent taking away their estates, by Seque­strators to be libertie. No man could be per­mitted to crosse the Seas in almost any capa­city, whether of Merchant, or Factor, or passenger, unlesse he would first swallow this potion. Where then (I would gladly be enformed) lay our Liberty? Unlesse we will confess, (and that God knowes and we have all felt it is the truth,) with Cicero, Nomina re­rum perdidimus, jamque licentia militaris, liber­tas appellatur. We have left the true names of things since now the Souldiers petulancy, is cal­the Peoples Liberty. And if we had such cause to complain of the beginning of these our distracted calamities, when you seem to give the Army this Character, that they were undeceived, and in their own power, with what reason may we lament, and bewail the following times and changes, which have been ever since. And yet the peoples liberty hath been the thing cryed up Continually. What think you Sir of the Engagement? what agreement hath it with the Covenant? And yet that must be taken, or no judge must continue in office, no Army Officer in Command, no Minister must preach, nor School-master teach School, nay, nor any man have the benefit [Page 43] of the Land either as Plaintiff or defendant. And call you this Liberty, Mr. Milton? I con­fesse the tameness of our English Nation, be­yond any former (either Antient or modern) president, gave the Rump liberty of perpetra­ting and persisting in never before heard of Villanies, with as much impunity as impiety, but accursed be that Liberty from the Lord which will only give a company of Villaines liberty to be as much Bloudy, perjurd, murderers, and unjust oppressive Robbers as they please, but abridge all other of former means of living, unlesse they will assent to and approve of these actions, or else appear so. The end of all this is impoverishment of the Nation, losse of Trade, decay of Ingenious Arts, and manufac­tures, the ecclipsing of our former credit, e­steeme, and reputation in the eys of our neighbouring Nations. That we may truly say of England, Our glory long since is departed from us. How did the Rump first by secret complyance and complots, animate the aspi­ring Commanders in the Army, and then betray all their Counsel; to them? So that the Great Counsell of England, the Glory of our Nation, the foundation, and fountain of our Laws, having, first made warre with their KING, and those who stuck to him con­stant and faithfull, were soon divided among [Page 44] themselves, and the greater part thereof at last betrayed, and turned out of doors by a small number of their own fellows, who with a mutinous Army, to back them assume the Supream Authority of England into their own hands, and declare, and act accordingly, ca­shiering the house of Peers, cutting off their KING, disabling his posterity, and to secure themselves in this unparelleld treason, and rebellious innovation, form an Engagement, to be true to the Common wealth as it was then Established, without a KING and House of LORDS. This and these like actions and declarations, you call just, generous, and mag­nanimous, and such as gave hopes of a glori­ous rising Common wealth, this you call our hap­pily fought for and succesfully attained Li­berty, but I with more truth and reason, know and shall justifie, these actions to be rebelli­ous, perfidious, and treacherous, the declarations to be but heraulds for infamous perjury, and discovered men made impudent by victorious suc­cesse, who with faces of brass, blushed not at what the Sunne could not but blush, who declare their sinnes like Sodom, and think Villanies, (because prosperous) are heroick actions and noble performances. What pal­pable prevarication is it (Sir) for you to give this for the happy End of the many and [Page 45] bloody battels and skirmishes, which were fought between the two Armies of the King and Parliament? Was the warre begun, on such a design, or wit [...] [...]hat pretence? If not, when came it to be the cause? Mr Prynne, in his historicall relation of things as they were ac­ted (in his vindication of the secluded Mem­bers) cites their own votes, consultations, resolvs, and messages, to, & from the chief Officers of the Army, and by all makes it apparent, that the House of Commons were so farr from making that to be the mark shot at in their con­test with the King, that many daies were E­lapsed before they could make up the Quo­rum of a House of Commons, nor was the num­ber of Rumpers to the very last, greater then to argue our folly and misery, and to aggra­vate their impudent imperiousnesse, in cur­bing a Nation (formerly so famous for valour so long a time,) and of our shame this is none of the least part, that now hopes of our deli­verance (through Gods great mercy) is ap­pearing, one should have so much confidence as to appear in publique, and to court us not only to keep on, but be in love with our pre­sent shackles, and to declaim against our formerly enjoyed, most happy Government of KINGSHIP. And as this fag end of the English House of Commons, was inconside­rable [Page 46] in number; so was neither their quality likely to argue an excellency in what they set up, beyond what we before were governed by: for first, the two hou [...]s after the end of the warre, had frequently treated with the King, and also had upon a late (yea their last) treaty, determined and concluded, that his Majestys answers were so farre satisfactory as to pro­ceed upon the settlement of the Nation. This last treaty was occasioned by the Petition of the Citizens of LONDON, the remonstrance of severall Ministers, the addresses of many Counties, with severall thousand subscripti­ons in concurrence with that Petition of the Londoners. To this the sad distractions by a long bloudy warre did seeme not only to a­gree, but also to inforce. Well, the two Hou­ses being petitioned, and addressed to, remonstran­ces made and sent them, Reason inviting, Re­ligion binding, the necessity of the Nations calling for it, petitions pressing, in a word, no other safe, discreet, honest way appearing, treat with the King, God so orders his heart, that they receive, (if not plenary satisfacti­on) yet so much as they vote his Majesties answers a ground on which to proceed to the settlement of the Nation.

The RƲMP, by help of the mutinous Army, dismember four parts of five, of their [Page 47] Fellow-members, and unhouse all the Peers, then Vote against this Vote, as a breach of Trust in the Voters, not considering they were the major part of the House, but presupposing themselves the better part that had thus out­witted, and by Force secluded the other greater? But if so, it is strange, that the number of the RƲMPERS was so long a making up, and so small at last. Good God! what a condition was this Nation come to, that of so many who were Repre­sentors of the People, so few should have the justice and magnanimity to perform such an action, or approve it afterwards, if it were indeed just and Magnanimous, as Mr. Milton would have it? The whole House of Peers, (although excluded by an after Vote) yet they spontaneously adjourned, rather than to have a hand in so base and so barbarous an Action: Against which the godly Divines un­dauntedly protested, the conscientious Citi­zens and Countrey-people joyntly dissented by Petitions, the Scotch Nation (equally con­cerned with the English) declared, and thereupon, Preclaimed and Crowned their Hereditary King, by Succession, CHARLES the Second, (whom God preserve.) The Irish Nation (not the Rebels) disowned so irreligious Treason, and take up Arms, Where [Page 48] then is the Justice of abolishing Kingship? The Peers have an Interest in the King, to whom many of them are allyed, and Kins­men, and whom he in Honour vouchsafed to call Couzins, he is the Fountain of their Ho­nour, and they therefore an House of Par­liament by Priviledge and Prerogative: Yet they are of us, our Lords and our Kinsmen, by Estate and ability far above us, yet bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh. What Justice was there in Discarding them (Mr. Milton) and cheating them of the thing fought for, when in their custody and possession, after they had born a considerable burden of mannaging the Warre? Put all the Cost to­gether, and they bore their full share, and therefore of due Justice ought to have had a Voyce in disposing of his Majesty, after the Warre, who had reduced him to that Con­dition by Warre.

But alas! The Scots had expressely de­clared, that they would have the King to be Treated with, with Freedome and Honour, and the Nobles with the Commons had Resolved his Majesties Answers to be satisfactory, so far as to proceed upon them to settlement of the Nation: What Justice then can be preten­ded that one part of six (if so much) of the House of Commons, should destroy the KING, [Page 49] and abolish Kingship? Will you say, the Army would have it so? Then it was so far from being just and magnanimous, as it was neither, but contrary to both. What more unjust, then for a few to carry on a bloudy Treason with perjury, not only in con­tradiction to, but exclusion of four times the number of their Fellows, and the whole House of Peers, equal in Power to them and their Fellows put together; at least, so far equal, as that their Nay was a bar to any thing the others would have enacted or re­pealed. What more sordidly cowardly, then for fifty or threescore Commoners, who with their Fellowes and the Lords had mannaged Seaven years War against the King and all his Forces, now in complyance with a few Army Officers, to betray their Trusts, their Fellow-members, the Priviledges of Parliament, and all that is sacred & honourable, to murder their King, break all their Oaths and Vowes, only to satis­fie the Exorbitant Lust of some few aspiring Army Grandees, who all of them were their Servants, Raised, Armed, Commissionated, Impowered, and Payd by them, for other ends then to be commanded by them to act things contrary both to their Oaths and Consciences. Could they, who but few years before had ingaged England in a bloudy quar­rel, [Page 50] and called in the Scots to their assistance and all to defend (as they pretended) the Priviledges of Parliament, when their lawfull KING, their sworn Soveraign, demanded but five of their Members to a Legal tryall, upon a Just Charge, which he proffered against them; suffer their Servants, who received their pay, and had been sworn to their Obe­dience, to secure, imprison and detain, forty at a time of their Fellow-members, and after exclude and drive away nigh two hundred more? How then did they adjourn, and continue to sit in a Committee in London, till that pre­tended and (in comparison of this) not imaginable Force was removed? And now can they keep their seats, and continue sitting? Then they resolved into a Committee, now they remain as an House, nor remain only, but act, nor act alone, but prescribe Qualificati­ons to such as shall be readmitted to sit, by which it is apparent, that they were not com­pelled by force of the Soldiery, to what they did, (although that had convinced them of pusillanimous Cowardise, in stead of Magna­nimity) but they complotted with, contrived and invented what the Rebellious Soldiery acted, among whom all were not alike to be taxed, for the then Generall, now the Lord Fairfax, was so far from contriving or countenancing, [Page 51] that he was unsatisfied with those proceed­ings against his Majesty, which was indeed (as after appeared evidently) the sole Plot of OLIVER the Copper-nosed Saint, and some other Schismatical Army Officers, toge­ther with a few treacherous, perjur'd Commo­ners, who (forcibly secluding most of their number, and the House of Lords willingly adjourning, till this bloudy Tragedy might be over, (unlesse by God prevented) and so Disavowing the Murder) had the Honour to be infamous by themselves, an stained with Sacred Royall Blood.

I grant you Mr. Milton, that these Patriots, as you style them, did this, but while they did not own what they acted, but would seem to lye under the Armyes Force, (when in­deed, they, and the Rebellious part of the Army mutually complotted and contrived the whole businesse as it was after acted) where was their Magnanimity? If the Action was good, and just, and honourable, why would they seem unwillingly compelled to it? Why did they so oft send to the Army and de­mand the readmission of their Members? since they did not desire, nor intend it, why did they pretend to desire it? Was that a part of their valour and Magnanimity? To pre­tend a fear, and affrightment, from unar­med [Page 52] Petitioning London Apprentices, who seized not a person of them, nor offered the least violence, no nor yet menacing words, not daring to oppose the insulting Soldiery, if they really disliked their Actions, nor yet having confidence enough to own their Actions if they did (as since it appeared undenyably) approve of what they did; who but Mr. Milton would style this a Mag­nanimous Action?

If Perjury, Treachery, breach of Vowes, Mur­ther, Ʋsurpation, Oppression, and Sacriledge, be the demonstrations of a just action; if to be chosen for the good of the Counties, Cities, or Burroughs choosing, in a joynt, not divided way, with, not without the House of Peers, to consult with the KING, not to depose and murther him; and yet to do con­trary to all for which they were Elected: If to be returned by Indentures, to advise with the King about matters of great concern­ment, to be sworn at admission into the House, to be true to the King, his Heirs, &c. to maintain him, and all his just Priviledges, and to confirm this Oath by several after Oaths and Covenants, and Protestations, and yet to butcher the same King, make Warre against, and proclaim Traytor his Son, expell him out of one of his Hereditary Kingdomes, [Page 53] and wherein he was Crowned, make it Trea­son to relieve him in Exile, yea Malignity to pray for him publiquely: If to make an Invasive Warre on Scotland, for Crowning a King, to whom, and which, they were bound by Oath, without their consent, who had murthered the Father, not only without but contrary to theirs, and contrary to their own re-iterated Oaths and Duty. If I say, all these, and ten times as many the like Actions, which all concur to, and cen­ter in the abolishing of Kingship, be just, then next to the Devil, the Rumpers shall have my Voyce to applaud their Justice: And as for their Magnanimity let them com­mend it who know not, or will not believe, how perfidiously they wrought with their own stipendiary Servants, to rebell against those from whom they derived their power, and by whom payd. It was the major part of the Commons and the Peers, that alwayes acted, empowered, ordered and disposed of all things, which how magnanimously the Rump could usurp to themselves, we have seen, having an Army at hand to back them, but so cowardly they were, that they durst not own themselves to have a hand in any of these Transactions, but like a Puppet-player drew the Curtain of a [Page 54] rebellious mutinous Souldiery before the eys of the spectators though quicker sights easi­ly at first perceived the juggle.

'Twil now not be unseasonable to consider the experience which the worthy Patriots the restorers of us to Liberty had of Kingship, which is no more then what themselves ex­pressed in their Resolvs and Votes, (as is at large related by learned Mr Walker in his History of Independency,) and the same is here laid down by Mr M [...]lton their Champion, for the ground of this their abolishing the same. They had found it by long experience, bur­densome, expensive, uselesse, and dangerous, so also they judged the House of Peers, un­necessary, &c. Concerning this I have spo­ken already, and yet I must repeat the same arguments, although not the same words, since that maxime in oratory holds ever true, Nunquam nimis dicitur quod non satis intelligitur. Let us consider things then, and if we want not memory, we shall not want instances e­nough to convince as well the Rump as this their Champion, that this their old discovery, was but a new forgery, and an expresly sinning against the light of their Conscience, would a­ny that had read the Speakers Speech to the KING made on the fifth of November, 1640 at the first convention of this Parliament, be­leive [Page 55] that he then had found Kingship or Kingly Government, such as the Rump since de­clare to the world their experience thereof, nevertheless the same William Lenthal though he then protested his Judgment, that the welfare of these Nations under God depended on his Majesty and his Royall issue, and acknow­ledged with pretended gratefulnesse, how under him and his Father, this Kingdome had flourished, yet eight years after, behold, and stand in admiration the same man with a perjurd tongue and double mind, sits Speaker to the Rump, and they pretend their long experience, not only of the burthen and use­lesness, but the danger of Kingly Government. Of Sir Henry Mildmay, and both the Ʋanes Cornelius Holland, and severall others, this I may say, and wrong neither them nor the truth. That if ever Servants had a good Master, and he in requital false, wicked servants, they and their murdered Master may be cited as ful and clear Examples. And yet these will needs be Saints, in opposition to the Apostle Paul, who saith that perhaps for a good Master some servant may dare to dye, never supposing or imagining there should be such desperately treacherous Ser­vants to circumvent, and Murther their Ma­ster.

[Page 56] As for the burthensomnesse of Monarchy, which I presume we are to interpret concer­ning our own Government by Kings, and more particularly of that excellently accomplished, and first english royall Martyr King CHARLES. How expensive I pray you, how burdensome was he? Could he or any other KING be­fore him, rayse monys without a Parliament. As for his Family expense, did ever any man before you taxe him with profusenesse? Did he or could he make warre without the ad­vise of those Nobles who were of his Privy Counsell? Nay on the other hand was not his Father so farre given to peace, and peace-ma­king that he gave for his Motto, Beati Pacifi­ci? and reckoned it his honor to be accoun­ted one of that number? Was not the im­putation laid upon him by those who make it their business to bark at Majesty, and to speak evill of dominion, that he was a Coward and one who would rather choose to buy a dishonourable peace, then to make and ma­nage an honourable Warre? was not he by the invitation of his allyes the Bohemian Pro­testants, as well as those of Rochell, the insti­gation of his Peers, the addresses and incou­ragement of all his loving Subjects, stirred up to a Warre in defence of both the Bohemians, and Rochellians? In prosecution of which, was [Page 57] not his treasure exhausted, and a Warre left from the Father to the Sonne, to the pur­suing whereof, Conscience, Religion, and reputation bound him? and yet how slack were the Parliaments for his supply, how ear­nestly on the other hand did he desire it, and yet factious spirits being crept into these grand Counsailes, how was time spent in vain, and nothing effected? I speak not now as an Hi­storian, but as an Oratour, my present task is to urge matters granted, not to relate, but for things of fact, I shall recommend the Rea­der to the larger history of Mr Sanderson, and the briefer of Lambert Wood Gent: both re­lating the full substance, of what was done, and suffered by our happy (had we known our happiness) King CHARLES the First, whole happiness as to himself is (I question not) beyond mortall capacity, and whose glory, honour, and renown for his Conquest in his sufferings, exceeds the most famous of all our former English Monarchs.

Our Kings before these reforming times, had a splendid Revenue accommodated to the Majesty of a Court, although much short of the expense which a warlike Camp and navy Call for, to the former our Kings estate was fitted, of the latter he was himself un­capable, without the assistance of his Sub­jects, [Page 58] nor was this to be had of them, with­out their free consents in Parliament, where neither the Lords, nor Commons alone, but both together were in a capacity to furnish the King. Good Sir, what burden was here? But moneys you say, were commonly extorted out of the Commons no just cause appearing to them. Strange that Mr Milton should write such a foolish absurdity, and yet considering him the Author of [...] the defense of the peo­ple against English Salmasius, and the Paradoxes concerning divorce, the subject meethinks befits the pen. How is it possible for money to be extorted from the Commons in Parliament without their Consent? When neither the Lords nor King, both concurring could im­pose one Subsidy upon the Commons. Nor was it ever known that the Commoners sate in Par­liament under a visible compelling force, untill these times of mysterious reformation. It is cer­tain, the major part of the house of Commons must vote a subsidy or subsidys, or else the King must go without them, and this must passe the house upon a full debate of the question. Now to imagine that monys voluntarily given, should be extorted, and where the question is put and each man without compassion hath liberty of giving his Ay or No, without fur­ther rendring an account of the reason of his [Page 59] dissent, more then he is free to, or if he have reason (as you insinuate) and gave it, he is not liable to the least question, for any free­dom used, in expressing his mind in the house, who but a man compounded, and made up, of ignorance and impudence, would say, that such moneys, so given, upon such debate, and the question so oft put, no man being bound up to either consent or dissent, but as his judgment, and Conscience gave him, were extorted without any reasonable Cause appearing.

To this I know what you would reply, namely, That the House of Commons had within its Walls a Court faction, and without, both King and Lords, (who were his Crea­tures) and all labouring to their utmost, to supplant the sincere part of the Commons, who were zealous in defense of the Peoples Liberty. This Mr. Milton is soon said, and Machiavell teacheth you no lesse, but not so easily to be admitted: The Commons are chosen by the Counties, Cities and Burroughs, for which they serve, who usually choose such whom they most confide in, to the Electors they are ingaged by Indenture, or Covenant, and so where a Free Choyce is, there is less fear, that men chosen by all, impowered by all, and representing all, and willingly ingaging their [Page 60] Faith and Credit to all, should contrary to their Trust betray all, and comply with the Royall Interest, to the prejudice of those who Elected, and intrusted them to Repre­sent themselves. We know, Mr. Milton, that Elections then were Free, and no Prohi­bition laid upon any that were by Law ca­pable, either from Electing or being Elected. True, since our Yoak (as you term it) hath been shook off, and none are under re­straint, but only such who fear an Oath, and make Conscience to keep those sacred tyes inviolable, which judicially and consci­entiously they took, we have had at least nine parts of ten restrained from either choosing or being chosen, so that the tenth part only hath had liberty of Ordering the Election, and the other nine parts, must upon penalty of being plundred, sit still, and call this a Free Parliament, in such a House of Commons, as this I doubt not but many may be found, who will betray their Trust, pre­tended to be committed to them, because they indeed are not Elected by, but Obtruded upon the people: Thus we have had not only Knights, but also Citizens, and Bur­gesses, more then formally yea really, men (cum accinctis Gladiis) with their Swords girt, for Army Officers have not seldome [Page 61] been the major part of the House, or else such with the Officers, who held places of great profit, under the then ruling, or rather Domineering Ʋsurpers.

But if really these men had (as you say) experimentally found, and that upon long proof, Kingly Government to be expensive and burdensome, what can they pretend in excuse, that they should Declare publiquely their intent to be, to make this Kings Rvenue Larger and more Splendid? Was this intent reall, or did they make use of it as a decoy pretense to ingage the Common people of their side, without whom they could not perform their work? Yea I will appeal only to themselves, had they not declared, protested, covenanted, vowed, and used all sacred and solemn means, to perswade the Nation, that their reall intent was only to remove some bad Counsellors from about the King, and to bring them to Justice, but that to his Ma­jesties Person, and Royall Issue, they bore firm and inviolable Allegiance, nor ever minded to abridge his just Prerogative, only with it to confirm and secure, and settle the Liberty and Priviledge of the Subject, if (I say) they had not Declared this, do they think that ever Money had been lent and raised, or so many men would have ingaged their Lives [Page 62] and Fortunes? No verily, those turbulent spi­rits (without these specious shewes) had been left at first, stript of all Friends and Abettors, to the hand of Justice, to have had their hot spirits cooled with deserved Imprisonment, or perhaps with a Hempen Preservative, a­gainst future infection with a treasonable Re­bellious Spirit.

Well then, if the People by such pretences were cheated into a Rebellious War, it can­not so much be imputed to them, consi­dering, what the Parliament with sacred so­lemnity vowed and swore, (enough to induce any, but very discerning Judgements, to side with them) but the blame must for ever lie at their dores, who have acted so rebelliously and perfidiously on one hand, and dissemblingly on the other.

Consider I pray you things upon the ac­count of Justice, for Sir, there is Justice a­mong Thieves and High-way men, if they share their Booty fairly and equally: could these Patriots, as you call them, of our liberty, (the Rumpers I mean) with their own valour and wit, upon their own Charges, have defeated the King, and all who should appear for him, upon the score of the expensiveness, burdensomenesse, uselesnesse and dangerous­nesse of his Office, and publiquely avowed [Page 63] this to be their quarrell? Ile grant you, then, their actings might have been justifiable, upon the title of Conquest, and a posteriori, for Originally they could not be so, consi­dering the paucity of their number, but when it is evident, that not they, but the major part of the Nation, many by actuall appear­ing in Arms, all by Countributing Moneys, car­ryed on the War from the beginning to the end, now at last for them by complyance with a corrupt mutinous Souldiery, to imploy the Victory to other, nay clean contrary ends, then for which Arms were first taken, and Moneys raised, to turn out all, that with them, for Eight years together carryed on the War joyntly, because at last they could not in Conscience, and would not joyn with them in so detestable perjurious actings, to murder, destroy, and plunder as many as durst oppose these palpable Praevarications, if I say these actions do not point out Saints in grain, the most barbarous of Murtherers, to wit Regicides, the most abominable sort of Thieves, to wit Sacrilegious Robbers, the most damnable of Professors, to wit Hypocrites, the most cor­rupt of English Commoners to wit Rumpers, I shall leave it to any of their friends, to consider, at least, if ever God should open his, or their eyes, or they come upon their [Page 64] Death-bed: I am sure no Cordiall unpre­judiced English-man can think of those un­heard of practises, but with the like affection wherewith Aeneas at the Request of Queen Dido made relation of his past miseries, which he with his Countrey suffered,

Yea I question not, Mr Milton, but succee­ding ages will esteem of it, next to the re­jecting and crucyfying the Lord of Life, Jesus Christ, the most detestable example that e­ver any people who were really, or desired to be reputed the people of God, acted, or a­betted.

But Sir whatever you have said as to this Argument, I shall have occasion to meet with and speak to in proving my own asserti­ons, and therefore I shall with as much bre­vity, as perspicuity will admit discourse of, and by solid reasons confirm the same.

Kingship I affirm, to be the only desirable government in the world, and of all sorts of Kingly Governments or Monarchies, ours of England was most exquisitely composed, equally tempered, and suited to a Nation really free, and yet truly Subject, where Majesty and subjection made a true harmony, and the most inferiour [Page 65] members were as equally necessary to the good of the whole, as the chief. In it the King was Supreme, the head of Law and Ju­stice, and yet himself never had power to make, or to execute any Law, the governed people propounded, formed, and modelled, such Lawes by which they were to be ruled, The peers who also had a share in subjection, yet a degree advanced above the Commons, they had likewise a hand in Laws; that were to be enacted, to whom therefore they were brought for approbation. And being thus for­med and approved, they were lastly presen­ted to the King for his Royall confirmation. Thus the Commons propounding, and framing the nobles approving and Consenting, the King signing and confirming, Lawes were made. Where now is flavery? where the bondage, and vassallage, which you made so great a noyse concerning? Was it in having any Laws at all? Truely Mr Milton, however you palliate things I believe verily there lyes the knot that troubles you, there your shooe pinches. I find generally such Christian Liber­tines, as your writings shew you to be one of, come at last to throw off all externall coer­cive, or binding lawes, and desire only to be governed by the Law within them, which in truth is a spirit of Lawlesnesse. To this your [Page 66] doctrine of divorce seems to incline, therein you complain much of bondage, and thral­dome, vassalage, and what not, only for standing indispensably obliged to your wife, after the Covenant of God mutually passed between you, what wonder then, if you ac­count it vassallage to be held by an Oath of Allegiance? But as there have been, and are many who account themselves at a much greater liberty, being engaged in an invio­lable bond, to a loving wife, (& considering the frailty of their nature, cannot abide a sin­gle life) so I question not but thousands of so­ber spirits, Judged themselves farre more free, when we had our KING, and kept our Oaths by which we were indispensably inga­ged to him Conscientiously and firmly, then since, by Hypocrisie, Perjury, and Rebellion, we have gained this (much talked of) Liber­tye.

But to return to our former, and not by humane Art amendable form of Government if you will yeild it convenient to have any Laws, what can be better then those of the Peoples own making, they propounded, they framed them, unless you would have their Resolves to be Laws, without any Concurrence of Nobles, or Consent of the KING? If so, what monstrous Liberty would you have, [Page 67] when virtually two thirds of the Nation must be content, with what the Commons do, or as the Proverb is turn the buckle of their girdle behind them, and seek their amends where they can get them? The KING his Family and Po­sterity, had a Revenue of their own for which he was not engaged to the present people. He had lands by due title as any Commoner in England, and was suable in case he detained any mans Land, or other of his estate illegal­ly, and the Law equally free against, as for the King, Now the Royalties which belonged to him (as supream) viz. Customes &c. were his by descent, and antient prescription, in wrong of no Subject, or if any thing did pinch upon any Subject, as the forfeitures of felons goods, wrecks &c. these (had the Com­mons, with the Lords, adjudged them a burthen) might easily have been taken away, and the King would willingly have been con­tent, with a more equitable income, of the like value, The Nobles also had very large Estates, and Revenues. And so had likewise the Bishops, and such who attended the se [...] ­vice of God, who had great possessions. Who should represent these in a bare house of Commons? Experience shews us, that no soo­ner were the Bishops, &c. put down, by these reformers, but their Lands were all alienated [Page 68] from the Church, and sonld, and turned to im­pious uses, namely to reward the Souldiers for what English bloud they have shed, and this done by those who never had the piety, to give any thing to the Church. But of such Church robberies, I shall be silent hereafter because the lands (thus ravished away from the true use to which they were intended) were publique lands, but being once dedi­cated to God, many good Christians, could have wished, they had still been reserved to the same ends, though perhaps the same per­sons might not be adjudge fit to possess them but of this only by the way, however this is a lamentation, and shall be for a Lamenta­tion.

The people of England, as they had Liber­ties, which were their birthright and preci­ous to them, so also had the King as one of the Nation, for his being King, and so Su­preme although it added much to him, be­yond other men, yet it abridged him of no­thing that was his, as a man, It was right the King should have Liberty, in his Confirma­tion, of what the Peers, and Commons presen­ted to him, for his Royall ascent, or else they might, if ever both estates could agree, at their pleasure, dethrone him, or limit, or al­ter his successors, or what not injurious to him [Page 69] as a man, but much more as a King? So like­wise the Nobles of the Land, how should they be represented? Barely to be chosen among the Commoners? If so what inconvenience of necessity must thence arise, and how absurd it would be, a shallow discretion might easily apprehend, for first they exceeding (for the Generallity) the Commons in estate, would be much more popular, and so, if they could be courted so farre out of their honour, as to accept of popular elections, what Parliament could we expect but the majority of them would be Nobles, and by this means they which in our present constitution, are only revisers, and approvers of the Laws would soon become the Law-framers, and Enactors. Or if you should imagine that few only of them would be chosen, as of late, two of the house of Peers were Rumpers, what ine­quality and absurdity would there be, when a small Borough shall elect two Burgesses, and he who is Lord perhaps of twenty or more Burroughs, and the chief man in three or four Counties as to estate, shall only be re­presented by his own single voice, and some not at all? What siding, and factions this must necessarily produce? Our Govern­ment then Mr Milton needed none of your Art to mend it, no more then the Law of [Page 70] Marriage, needed your Divinity to explain and limit it: and as by the latter you gained lit­tle credit among the Ladyes or such prudent so­ber men who made a Conscience of their Vow in Marriage, so the former is lesse accepta­ble to true loyall breasts, and will be exibila­ted by the vulgar, when once the fury of our former madness is a little allay­ed.

Twas strange that you could imagine no subordinate ingagement to a single person, but what is accompanyed with Vassalage, when it is certain in faith, that among the three persons, Christ the Sonne, and the Holy Spi­rit, who are God blessed for evermore, are both Subordinately related as Persons to the Father, and yet there is that blessed freedome and Liberty, that among them is unity. But we will come to humane Governments, for concerning them will lye the question, In so­ciety the first subordination is aeconomical of chil­dren to Parents, and for to provide the bet­ter for a mans family, and to carry on things more comfortably, comes in another rela­tion, of servant and Master. Now although the Man and Wife be head of the family, yet not separately but unitedly, and the Wife her self is suborainate, being above all the rest, on­ly inferiour to her husband, although in some [Page 71] cases equall. This state of society admits no Democrasie, nay it is accounted a misery for a servant to have more then one Master, insomuch that Christ saith, it is impossible to serve two masters, and addes for a reason, that he will hate that one, and love the other, he will cleave to the one and despise the other. It was the Complaint of Cyrus in the Comaedy, that he did not know, who, nor how many were his Masters, and though he be brought in as a slave, yet this he laments as aggravating his bondage. Here Mr Milton may observe divers subordinations to one, and yet no bondage, but all make up on free family, and live in peace, and Love, and plenty together. The Wife is subject to her husband one to one, yet no Vassal unlesse Mr Miltons doctrine of divorce may be admitted that he may turn her off, as soone, or as oft as his wayward spirit can find no delight in her. The Children are sub­ject to their Parents yet no slaves, and although they ow obedience to both, yet their father is, in the family chief, and he makes and usu­ally executes all Lawes, in his family, never­theless no tyranny can be charged upon the Father nor Vassalage imputed to the Sonnes, The Master and Servant is another relation, the Servant bound by his own Consent, and to be at the Masters command in lawful and possible [Page 72] things, yet would scorne the title of a slave or Vassal, What need I instance in other so­cieties, of Schools of Learning, where one Pedagogue is found the best expedient, though he have Vshers under him, so in Col­ledges, one Chancellour over an Vniversity, one Rector or President over a Hall or Colledge, so in a Ship one Master over a Company, one Captain over a Regiment, one Collonel over an Army, one Generall, and yet no slavery nor Vassalage. But to come nearer, in a family, where are (perhaps) many Sonnes and Daugh­ters, and a multitude of Servants, upon the death of the Father, doth not the supremacy (as I may call it, or chief rule,) descend to the first born, both by light of Nature, and divine Commandement? Surely Mr Milton ne­ver studied the dignity and authority of the r [...]ght of Primogeniture, and that by Natures Law, and divine Institution, upon the score of sleighting, and selling, whereof Esau gai­ned the title of prophane, and was rejected, nor (having once despised his birth-right) could he get the blessing afterward though he sought it with tears, But old Isaack, subjected him to his brother Jacob, that he should serve him, and bow down to him and yet was he no slave, Nor were the Sonnes of Jacob (who were twelve) and his Grandsonnes, [Page 73] (then a numerous multitude) Slaves, though all subjected to Judah, the first-born by divine praeheminence, and old Jacobs appointment, Ruben having by his incontinency, (in defi­ling his own Fathers bed) forfeited that pri­viledge, which was next to death, (which he deserved therefore) a heavy, matchlesse pu­nishment. One would thing that if ever a Republique had been necessary and usefull, now it was when twelve Brethren, all living, and fatherlesse, had under them a multitude of Sonnes and Daughters, Grand-children, Servants, and handmaids, yet then, one Ju­dah is appointed Law-giver to them all, and so confirmed, untill the coming of Shiloh, to whom the gathering of the Nations should be, And this is not a Boorish way of a Dwin­dling Common-wealth, But the Scepter shall not depart from Judah, nor a Law-giver (in the sin­gular number, mark that) from between his feet, &c. Yea, was not this part of the pro­mise of God to Abraham, when his name was changed unto Abraham, That Kings should come out of his Loynes? Before he had blessed him with fruitfulnesse, that he should be the Father of many Nations, and his seed should be innumerable like the stars of Heaven, or the sand upon the Sea-shore, but at last, and upon the change of hi [...] [...]ame, he assures him [Page 74] that Kings should come out of him, not only that his seed should be many, his posterity in­numerable, but as an addition of happinesse, they should be advanced to the Majesty of a great and mighty Kingdome, all which was ful­filled in Gods due time. With what face Mr. Milton, can you brand that estate, with the base titles of Slavery, Bondage, Vassalage, and Servileness, which God added unto Abraham as a corollary of temporall blessings? fae­cundity even to innumerablenesse, as the Starres of Heaven or as the sand upon the Sea-shore, he had promised him before, yet still he remained Abraham, but when he ads this to his former blessings that his posterity should flourish into a Magnificent Kingdome, then he alters his name into Abraham, Whose other Sonne Ishmael, when Abraham groaned out his desires to the Lord, Oh that Ishmael may live before thee, God answers him like­wise concerning him, Of him will I make a great Nation, I will multiply him exceedingly, and for an addition or rather fulness of his earth­ly blessings? (Twelve Princes shall he beget) So concerning Esau, the brother of Jacob, (from whom sprang the blessed seed) the Scripture mentioning his temporall felicity, (for Isaack had blessed him also with the fatness of the earth) records what Dukes sprang out [Page 75] of his Loyns, and what Kings reigned over Edom, before any King reigned over Israel. Which makes it evident that Kingly Govern­ment is the most honourable, majesticall Govern­ment, and argues a greater portion of Gods bles­sing powred forth upon the Nation that in­joyes it, then where any other inferior, and more Contemptible Government is had.

It is a poor Sophisme that you use, Sir, that God gave Israel a King in wrath, and imputed it a sin to them that they asked one, if it be certain, that God had before blessed Abraham with the promise of Kings to come out of his loyns, and the Government of the seed of Jacob, was to be by a Scepter, and this to spring out of Judah, and the King of Kings (God for ever blessed) was to be cloathed with humane flesh, from one that lineally descended of King David, and his Grandfathers to be a continual succession of Kings. It argued only that they asked unseasonably, and in unbelief, (for whoever believes, makes not haste, but patiently waits the accomplishment of Gods Promises in his time) they asked also upon a wrong principle, and for a wrong end, not to have the blessed Promise of God accomplished, but to be like other Nations. Nor did they consider, that then God was their King, Samuel ruling over them, [Page 76] and judging them, who was known from Dan unto Beersheba to be a Prophet of the Lord, and to have frequent Dialogues with his Maker. This was their sin, and God to convince them of it, gave them their desire, a King in his wrath, whom he after took a­way in his displeasure.

'Tis strange, that God should make his Covenant with David, (even an everlasting Covenant) which was so inviolable that soo­ner should the Covenant of the Day, and of the Night be broken, then it, had he ad­judged Kingship a Government not so well-pleasing to him, as that of a Common-wealth: Yet at that time, and before, the Sanedrim, or grand Counsell of the Seventy Elders, were in being, neverthelesse of none of them, nor of any of the Priests, though the order of Aaron was Sacred and Noble, would Christ vouchsafe to come, but only of the Kingly stock of the house of Judah, Two of whom David and Salomon, were immediate Types of him, and Prophets Divinely in­spired. Certainly Mr. Milton this will argue something for Kingship, or Kingly Govern­ment.

But to proceed orderly in what I intend, I shall recapitulate some things, and then proceed through the whole History of Gods [Page 77] People the Jews, urging what may be ne­cessary to my present purpose, (and this very briefly) afterwards I shall come to the times that have been since Christ, and shall take notice of some instances, both modern and ancient, which have been delivered us by Historians, concerning other places, especially Republicks or Common-wealths.

First let us begin with Abraham, the Fa­ther of the Faithfull, the first to whom the promises, (which in his seed, were extended to all Nations) were made. This Abraham was a great Prince, as was acknowledged by the Sons of Heth, so great, that when the five Kings of Sedom, Gomorrah, Admah, Ze­boim and Zoar, were overcome by the four Kings who came against them, and Lot a­mong the rest was taken Prisoner, he with his Confederates, Aner, Eshcol, and Mamre, went out, gave them battle, overcame them, and rescued Lot. This Abraham was so ab­solute a Monarch, that God testified of him, I know that he will command his Family, and his Children after him, and they shall keep the way of the Lord, to do justice and judgement. See here, absolute command, and absolute sub­jection, without tyranny on one band, or Vassallage on the other. The same power, descended from him to Isaac, and successive­ly [Page 78] to Jacob, and by him (being Divinely di­rected) it was intayled upon Judah and his Offspring, over all their brethren, untill the coming of Shiloh, which Promise was ac­complisht (with the blessing thereof) in the Anoynting of David, especially when he was confirmed King, over all Judah and Jeru­salem.

During which interval of time, for the space of four hundred and thirty years they were Sojourners, and in Bondage, in Egypt. But when the time of deliverance came, God sent them a Captain, and a Redeemer, even Moses, who was a Prince in Jeshuron, or Israel, concerning whom God said, That Aaron should be unto him as a Mouth, and he should be unto the people as (or in the stead of) God. What was this, but a KING, or Chief Ruler or Judge, as Stephen expounds it in the Acts, This Moses (saith he) whom they refused, saying, Who made thee a Judge, or Ruler over us, the same did God send to be a Ruler and Deliverer. He under God imme­diately, conducted, gave Lawes to, yea he judged and determined Controversies be­tween them. And when the Seventy were chosen, by the advice of Jethro (Moses Fa­ther-in-law) it was for his case, that he might not be worn out by sitting all day to [Page 79] judge between them, to hear and determine their Controversies: with a Reserve still, or an Alwayes provided (as our Lawes have it) that the greater, and more difficult, and weighty matters be brought unto Moses; by which it appears, that he under God was their Supreme Judge, Captain, Leader and Conducter.

After Moses death, Joshua succeds him, of whom first it is testified, that the Spirit of Moses rested upon him, that is, he was the Peoples Chief Captain, and Judge, though the Sanedrim still continued, for that re­mained an Ordinance in Israel, till the coming of the Messiah, (although perhaps with some variation) yea it is further added, that the Lord promised to be, and was, with him, as he was with Moses, and the people obeyed him, as they did Moses. I dare say, and af­firm, that no King of England ever did assume, nor any would hereafter desire a larger extent of Authority, over Subjects, then Joshuah had and exercised over Israel.

After Joshua succeed the Judges, who all of them exercised the authority (although they wanted the title of Kings, yet one of the Sons of Gideon, Abimelech, born of a Concubine, had both the power and title of a King, and was a Tyrant; yet was he none, to [Page 80] whom, and in whom the promise of blessed­nesse was made, which was not accomplished till Davids time.

Adde to this, that the Glory of Israel was never compleat but under Kingly Government, no nor till the promised Kingly stock came. Be­fore, they were sold now to this heathen King, now to that, oppressed, burdened, and afflicted; yea, and in the time of Saul, the Philistins oppressed Israel sorely, insomuch, that you shall finde Saul with a slender Army, and them following him trembling, on the other hand, the insulting Philistims reproaching them, when they saw any of them to appear, These Hebrews come out of their holes into which they were crept to hide themselves: Untill David, the Chosen of the Lord comes to sit upon the throne, and to have the Kingdom established unto him over all Israel, as well as Judah, then he fights the Battles of the Lord, and God gives him Victory on every side, untill the name of Jacob became fa­mous among the Nations.

And it is worth observation, that after the death of Joshua, and the Elders who out-lived Joshuah, who had seen Gods great works, no Ruler being then in Chief, the Children of Israel ask counsel of God, who shall go up first to battell, and God gives [Page 81] answer, Judah shall go up first. Now the Sanedrim or Common-wealth of Israel, had a time to be tryed, how good a Government that was, yet then you shall finde, the Children of Israel making peace with the Nations about them, contrary to the express command of God, by Moses and Joshua, se­verely injoyned, and often reiterated: Then comes the Angel with that sad message, which made them lift up their voyce and weep, so remarkably that the place from it took the name of Bochim, or place of weeping. Then was that praevarication of Israel, not to be expiated but by reiterated, and tedi­ous servitudes, under Heathen, neighbouring Princes, whom they forbore to extirpate, according to the Command of God. Then comes the time of which the Holy Ghost testifies that there was no King in Israel, and every one did that which was right in his own eyes, This was the Interstitium of Government, (that of the bare Sanedrim or Seventy Elders, being reputed by God as none at all) in which the Levites Concubine was, with unheard of brutish inhumanity, ravished to death, which barbarous abominable action was re­venged, with almost the whole extirpation of one great Tribe in Israel, to wit Benjamin, forty thousand stout men, being lost in two [Page 82] preceding Battels, on the part of the Ele­ven other Tribes, and after this, the Jabesh-Gileadites utterly cut off (all the males to wit, and married women) because they were Anathematized by a Solemn Vow of the Congregation, for not appearing before the Lord in Mizpeh, in revenge of this de­testable Rape upon the Tribe of Benja­min.

By which it is evident, that the Govern­ment of Moses, Joshua, and the Judges was ac­counted by God as Kingship, and the want thereof, is by Divine inspiration reputed as a total defect of Government. There was no King in Israel, therefore every man did what was good in his own eyes: Yet at that time it is evident, (by the same sacred authority) that there were Elders of the Congregation, otherwise called the Chief of the Tribes, who consulted upon this act, (of those of Gibeah) committed against the Levite, upon his Concubine, and who, upon the Benjamites appearing armed to defend the fact, man­naged the Warre against the whole Tribe, who devoted to destruction (by a solemn Curse in Mizpeh) what City, Town, or Family soever, should not appear to re­venge this wickednesse: Who repented af­ter, that a Tribe should come so neer to [Page 83] perishing out of Israel, Who advised a way to the Benjamites, how to supply them (that survived that great overthrow, and massacre of their Brethren) with Wives, having be­fore given an Oath, with a Curse (to all the people) upon whosoever should give a wife to a Benjamite. A man would think, that here were Government good enough, if a Republican Government were worth estima­tion: But notwithstanding it is testified, that no King being in Israel, every man did what was good in his own eyes. The miseries brought upon Israel during the Interval, between Joshua and the Judges, Sampson and Samuel, were so great and overwhelming, that Da­vid a great Warrior, and with whom God was, spent his whole Reign, in fighting the Lords Battels, and making up those defects, and amending such faults, which were com­mitted during the space, that there was no King in Israel, who therefore, being as the Holy Ghost styled him, a man of bloud, was put off from building the Temple of the Lord, (although it was in his heart, and God accepted therein his good intentions) but this work was reserved to Solomon his Son and Successor, a King of Peace, and blessed with Plenty and all manner of Prosperity, (and so Chists Type) in whose dayes Je­rusalem [Page 84] was the renown of all the Nations round about, who payd Tribute to Solomon, and counted it their glory and happiness to be his Friends and Allies.

Adde to this, that during the Reigne of David, Jerusalem first came to be subject to Israel, (being formerly in the possession of the Jebusites,) which was the only place chosen by God, the Lord of Heaven and Earth, out of all the Earth, to put his name there, here was Zion the holy place, out of which the Lord vouchsafed to distill his blessing, First upon his chosen people, and by their means upon all that fear him, in all Nations, ma­king no difference. After David, comes So­lomon mighty in power, and extent of domi­nion, (for the bordering Nations were his tributaries, to the great River, yea and be­yond it) splendid in magnificence, abounding in Riches, incomparable for Wisdome, yet blessed with Peace, he builds a Temple for the Lord of Hosts, and a place for the God of Jacob to dwell in, who sitting in the high and holy Heavens and whom the Heavens of Heavens cannot contain, yet vouchsafed to dwell between the Cherubims, which Solomon, had made according to the pattern given to him from himself. Of this performance God himself testyfieth, that from the day that Israel [Page 85] came out of Aegypt, he had no house to dwell in, but was content to dwell in Tabernacles, in which (being made according to the pattern, shewed by God to Moses, in the Mount) were put the Arke, with other holy things, belon­ging to Gods worship, and so continued till Solomons time, as shewing that God dwelt not, but did then only Sojourn, (as it were) with them sure til the time of Solomon, then first among the Israelites was Religion, not only in purity, but also flourished, Gods name was not only known to be great and holy, but it also appeared most glorious. Then did truth appear triumphant in the Beauty of Holy­nesse.

After Solomon in the hands of severall suc­cessive Kings the Government continued, un­till the Captivity, although God to cha­stise the sinnes of Solomon, (according to his Covenant with David his Father, in case his sonnes should forsake his Law) rent tenne tribe from his Sonne Rehoboam, and his seed yet continued he the Government of Kings, till the Captivity unto them; among whom some were more eminently good; prosperous and famous, as especially Hezekiah, and Josiah, others wicked, and Idolatrous; forsakers of Gods Lawes, and therefore afflicted.

[Page 86] After the Captivity in the time of the se­cond Temple, the Jewes had many changes of Governours, and Conditions as is largely re­lated in the history of Flavius Josephus, but flourished under none comparably to Monar­chichal Government, and although for a long time, the High Priest was, and ruled, as their Prince, however he changed not the Kingly Constitution into that of a Republique, as Histo­rians will fully satisfie any man that desires information therein, Yea and during the se­cond Temple, before Christ it is certain, that then was their time most troublesome, their Condition most lamentable, and to be pity­ed, their distractions almost ruinous, when the true succession from Shealtiel to Zerobabel, &c. was interrupted, then were they sold as it were, for a prey to the neighbouring Grecians; and to other enemies, who by frequent incursions, and in a manner de­vastations of them almost ruined them, only now and then God sent them Princes, who were deliverers and famous Captaines, such as the Machabes and others, of whom Josephus in his H [...]story instituted (de bello Judaico) gives a cleer large and full account.

To this agrees that the Jewes alwaies did expect the Messaih to be a Prince a great Ru­ler and deliverer, and (to use the disciples [Page 87] words, to Christ when he was about to leave the World) One who should restore the Kingdome, unto Israel. And so (although in another form then the Carnall Jews expected him) Christ is come, the true King of Jews which he de­nyed not unto Pilate, when it was asked of him. If or no he were a King, but answered, It was so, and added that for this end he came into the World, to bear witnesse unto the truth, with truth the blind Jewes not perceiving re­jected him, and in him their own mercy, yea they crucified him and in him their true KING the Lord of Glory.

And now Mr. Milton I am come to that which you seem most willing to be at (viz.) the Command and example of our blessed Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ, which as you con­ceive expresly prohibits Kingship to any of his disciples branding it with the marke of Gentilisme.

Surely Sir, the Proverb is in you veryfi­ed, None so blind as he that will not see, (I speak not this of your Corporall blindnesse) for that, (God is my Judge) I pity, but of your bet­ter eyes, (viz.) the understanding, which (me­thinks) cannot be so palpably blinded, as you would make appear it is.

We shall easily grant you, that Christ there speaks of temporall dominion: but he speaks to [Page 88] his Disciples, or rather Apostles, who were his family and houshold, who to the very day of his assention knew not but that he intended at last to appear a temporall Prince. Now Christs Kingdome was not of this World, as he himself testyfied when he was betrayed, if it had been his servants would have fought for him, those daies of his converse upon earth were the daies of his humiliation, in which his King­dome though reall was invisible, the Captain of our Salvation, being to be made perfect by sufferings; So that the check his Dis­ciples received from him, concerning their ambi [...]ious desire not only disalow Kingly Au­thority among them, but all temporall power. For it is apparent that the two Sonnes of Ze­bede, by their Mothers intercession, did not desire to be both Kings but only his chief fa­vourites, in his approaching Kingdome, which they carnally imagined, was near that one might sit at his right, the other at his left hand therein, Upon which he teacheth them the nature of his Kingdome, that it was at present to be begun and carryed on with suf­fering Upon the indignation of the other tenne, (when they heard this) follows this discourse of Christ, in which he speaks not only of Kings that bear dominion, but of those that are great and grandees, and are therefore [Page 89] called gracious Lords, Not unlike to the Ho­ghen Moghen, Heers of Holland, What you in­sinuate of a Free Common-wealth, Comming nearest as you conceive, this Pattern, and Precept: I conceive you would have it under­stood of our blessed Republique from 48 to 53. Wherein our humble Servants, (as you term them) who were also (if we be so mad as to believe them) the servants of God, served both God and the Nation, whom they pretended equally to be serviceable to, a scurvy trick, and in an ill-favoured way, breaking their Oaths and Vowes with one, and their ingage­ments with the other.

But as for their serving at their own costs and charge, I wish you would be so farre a friend to Church and State, as to make that true; I am sure, for that lamentable service they did for God, in silencing his Ministers, and almost destroying his Worship, they took from him, whatever for many ages past, had been piously dedicated to the mainte­nance of his service; and for the never to be forgotten service done to the Nations, they did what they could both to ruine and beggar Majesty, undid the Nobility and most of the Gentry, and squeezed the Commons, till they wrung out from them, their radicall moisture, and almost their heart-bloud. As for their [Page 90] walking the streets like other men, it would be well for them, as the case now stands, (blessed be God for it) if they could do so, having deserved so much hate and vengeance from all.

But to return to your Scripture, you are not ignorant Sir, I make no question, that many things which Christ said to his Apo­stles, and which he gave them in Precept, was but for the time, and suited to the pre­sent occasion, as when he commanded them to go forth without Provision, of Clothes, Meat, or Money, or Staffe, yet afterwards he com­manded, or rather advised them, That he who had Money, should make use of it, and he who had no sword should sell his Garment and buy one, He that expounds that precept of Christ, as given to all Christians, and to be perpetu­ally binding (which was by you cited) I dare promise him he shall not stop at Kingly Government, but upon the same rule shall in fine, reject all Authority. For at that time Mr. Milton, you know, many of the Gentiles were governed by Republiques, as to their own Formall constitution, although they ac­knowledged and payd a Homage to the Ro­man Empire: Nor was it then out of memo­ry, since the Romans were themselves a Formall Common-wealth, the bloudy disputes [Page 91] for it against Imperial Monarchy being ended but a small time before the birth of Christ. You may read how our Saviour refused to divide an Inheritance between two bre­thren, and yet the Apostle Paul, who thought he had the Minde and Spirit of Christ, (and I hope you do not question it) ac­counted it a shame to the Corinthian Chri­stians, that they were either not able, or unwilling to determine a Controversie be­tween Brother and Brother. But I most wonder, that you in your reading did not observe, or would not take notice, that this ambitious spirit of being greatest, was more then once the fault and infirmity of the Disci­ples, and so more then once reproved: When Christ took a little Childe and set amongst them, and said, Whoever receiveth not the Kingdome of God as a little Childe, shall not enter therein: That this spirit was the same of Temporall greatnesse, is certain, for they had learned, that the power of Christ, and the Gifts by him given to them, were freely bestowed, and so they were commanded freely to give them: No Divine ever yet con­ceived, that they contended who should ex­ceed in the gifts of grace, nor doth Christs rebuke imply any such thing, for he propo­sed to them the example of a Childe, free [Page 92] from ambition and animosity. If you would from hence inferre the mannagement of Chri­stian States, and Commonwealths by Children or Infants, you might do it with the same Reason you made your forementioned Infe­rence, and I should reply that of the Pro­phet to you, Wo be to thee O Land! when thy Prince is a Childe. Your other Scripture by which you would confute those who stand up for Kingly Government of folly and brutishnesse, I am sure is simply brought in, and brutishly applyed: Because the Wiseman sends the sluggard to the Pismire, who with­out King or Ruler manifests unwearyed di­ligence in the Summer to provide for Winter, that he may learn understanding from her, you conclude (quite from the Text) that they who think themselves or the Nation un­done without a King, let them seem what they will, have not the true understanding of a Pismire. 'Tis well Salmasius is dead, or else in recompense of your allowing him to be only, and scarce a good Grammarian, he would from this place have convinced you of want, of both Grammar Logick and Divi­nity, or else that you are pleased to make little use of either here. Grammar will tell you, that the Clause (having no Ruler Prince or Lord) is within a Parenthesis, and may be [Page 93] left out, and yet the sense intire. Also that speaking to the sluggard, and sending him to learn Wisdome from the Pismire, im­plyes no more, but that he would have him diligent, while the season calls for it, not that he adviseth him to form or esteem States, and Politick Governments by her Ex­ample, Consider her wayes (saith the Wise man) how she provides her meat in the Summer, and gathers her food in the Harvest; he sends him not to consider her Constitution, how she had no King, but her wayes, or what she doth, being so without King, Ruler or Lord, Logick would also teach you, that the addi­tion of that Clause, by way of Parenthesis, doth adde only an Emphasis to his Exhorta­tion, or rather rebuke, and includes barely an argument a fortiori, and absurdo, that if an irrational Pismire, without Lord or Ruler doth thus and thus, much more ought a rational Man, living under a wise and discreet Prince, and Prudent Governors, use the same discretion and diligence, and what an absurd folly, and foolish shame it would be, if he did other­wise. Divinity also would teach you, not to wrest and torture Scripture, you know him who hath testified of many that do so to their own destruction: You cannot imploy it to a worse end, then by it to reproach [Page 94] and cast contempt upon Dignityes. Do you think Solomon or the Holy Spirit by which he wrote intended any such thing in them words which you gather from them? Himself was a great, glorious, and Magnificent Prince, and begins his Proverbs with the ad­dition of his title (King of Israel.) So also his Book of the Preacher. I wonder that you could hit on this obscure mentioning of a Prince, in one Text, relating to a sluggard, and Pismires, and overlook many plain Texts, teaching honour, and obedience due to the KING, My Son fear God and the King, &c. the fear of God and the King are Coupled to­gether, by an inviolable kno [...] of Gods own making. So in another place, Curse not the King, no not in thy heart, &c. But most evi­dent is this of the Proverbs, for the dignity of Kingship. Seest thou (saith the wise man) him that is diligent in his businesse, he shall stand before Kings, he shall not stand before mean (or obscure men. It would be small incourage­ment to diligence in businesse, if a man thereby should only preferre himself to be a Slave and Vassall, as you insinuate, stand­ing before Kings to be, he might better neg­lect it, and injoy the happy liberty of stand­ing before mean and obscure men, such as you would have our Common-wealth framed [Page 95] of: And we were in a likely condition to have been brought to that passe, could your Favorites and Patriots have accomplisht their designs, concerning whose Quality, Mr. Wal­ker, in his History of Independency will satisfie any curious man, if he be rationall. To mention all places in the Scripture that men­tion with honour, and command Conscientious Obedience to Kings, would be tedious, and it would be only (agere actum) Mr. Prynne hath fully and judiciously performed that: It is enough that it was never questioned till these blessed times of Atheistical Liberty. Christ was born under an Emperor, not du­ring the time of the Roman Common-wealth, under Augustus Caesar, at that time the whole world was at peace, the Prince of peace then appearing, then was the Temple of Janus shut, which never fell out during the time of the Republican Constitution of Rome: And Christ, who was born in Bethlehem Judea, yet conversed chiefly in Galilee, a Formal King­dome, under Herod, besides its subordination to the Roman Empire, where also he did most of his mighty works, where he appeared first, and conversed chiefly after his Resurrection, and then no Christian doubts, but he begun his Kingdome of glory, in his own person. In his life time, being asked Tribute, although [Page 96] he first made it appear, that Peter and he, (being children and not strangers) were free from the payment of Tribute, yet payd it, and wrought a miracle to that end.

But I shall not urge this subject farther, forasmuch as the Scriptures commanding us to pray for KINGS in the first place, the Precept of Christ to render to Caesar what is Caesars, with other Scripture Rules, of fearing God, honouring the King, joyned in one sen­tence, of branding such who condemn Au­thority and despise Governments, of being sub­ject for the Lords sake to all that are over us, to the King as Supream, &c. all being New Testa­ment Precepts, together with the paterns and practises, and professions of Primitive Christi­ans, have all been urged fully and satisfacto­rily to the Ingenuous by learned Mr. Prynne the honour of our English Nation, in this time of the generall Apostasie and prevarication of this Nation, from their duty to their King, and yielding obedience to Gods commands, and Christs, and his Apostles both Precepts and Presidents, and the Churches pattern and practise, for these sixteen hundred years, and upwards.

I shall return to the assertion before layd down, namely that Monarchy was the best of Governments, to which I added that ours was [Page 97] the best of Monarchies, as to the dignity of Monarchy, or Kingship, (to use the new word put upon our former Government by the Rumpers) to both of which I have already spoken, and urged (as to the excellency of Kingly Government) Gods promise to Abra­ham, and the accomplishment thereof under David and Solomon, that Nation never being so famous, so glorious, and so flourishing, as during their Reigns, besides whose exam­ples, let the whole world be sought for in­stances, and never shall we finde the magni­ficence of a Common-wealth comparable to that of Monarchies. How did the Roman Empire in Augustus time, excell in glory the same Roman Common-wealth: And yet who knows not, that is moderately versed in the Roman History, that their very Common wealths were but nominally so, really Monarchies: What were the Consuls but in stead of a King, and the Senate his Councill. Which Consuls though two, yet how oft stood one for more then a Cypher? What was Bibulus joyned with Julius, but as his shadow? What was Antonius with Cicero, when he without mentioning the other, boasts of himself, not privately, but openly, even to Envy, O fortunatam natam me Consule Romam. You will say the Consule were changed yearly: Granted, but had they [Page 98] stood longer it had been better, however the Senate being for life, and the Consuls chose out of the Senate, they were better able to under­stand the series of affairs, yet how did one Con­sull envying his Predecessor carp at what Lawes were made in his time? and labour to disgrace and repeal them? the other making a party, stood up and maintained them? Thus the A­grarian and the Portian Laws, with many o­thers, that might be named, were polemically handled in the Pulpits, and disputed in the field by bloudy battels, that it was not amiss which was said by one concerning the Agrari­an Law, That the opposing and defending it had cost as much bloud, and made as many breathlesse Car­cases, as would dung as much Land, as was really be­nefitted by it. How were they during their Com­mon-Wealthsship plagued with continual aspi­ring minds, whose thirst and rage was never quenched but with incredible bloudshed? Syl­la, Marius, the Gracchi, with many others may be reckoned up, whose ambition of overtop­ping all, proved almost the Ruine of their Com­monwealth, How were they inforced sometimes voluntarily to choose, sometimes perforce to endure a Dictator which was a King or Empe­rour, with a new name, not much unlike to our English Protectour. When Rome was sackt, the Senate slain, and all things desperate, the [Page 99] Capitoll only remaining (in a manner) of that great City, the rest turned into rubbish and ashes, by the merciless flames, then something like a King was found necessary, and that was a Dictator, who having done his work, and freed his almost ruined Country, in plain hearted simplicity, resigned his Dictatorship, and was re­payed his good service, with the full measure of ingratitude. If upon a force put, a King or somewhat like a King be the best expedient, it is doubtlesse best alwaies, for (non minor est vir­tus (quam quaerere) parta tueri) Furius Garnillus found how ungrateful his countrymen pro­ved when by his means they were delivered, a good caution for men in Supream Authority, to look to themselves. But to return to the Ro­man Common-wealth, so much admired, by our modern Statists, It will be no solaecisme to affirm that whatever was in it worth admira­tion was performed by such who wanted no­thing of a King, but the name and settlement, for want of which they were ever rent with divisions, Conspiracies and inbred tumults, often inforced to make, or to indure a Dicta­tor, or Protector, or High-Gonstable, call him what you will, but an absolute Monarch he was untill Julius Caesar came, who first being chosen perpetuall Dictator, after assumed the title of Emperour, and as an Empire Rome flou­rished [Page 100] as long, and was incomparably more glorious; then in its own condition when a Common-wealth. As for the Civil warrs in the Empire that were frequent and bloudy, it must be owned, that peace and warre are in the hands of God, by whom Kings Reign, and injoy peace or enmity at home and a­broad. However the Reign of Augustus Caesar and of severall of his Successors, shew evident­ly, how happy and how peaceable it is po­ssible (if God please) for an incredible Monar­chy to be for a long season: but the want of any example (at any time) for the like in a Republique, shews it to be next door to im­possible that is beyond Imagination improbable. How glorious, how stately and magnificent was the Babylonian, Assyrian, Persian, and Gre­cian, Monarchies? And at this day the Tur­kish, Tartarian, Persian, Chinensian, Aethiopian, and Indian Monarchies? with that of the Moores in Affrica? These I name as Heathe­nish, but great Monarchies, And of Christians the Russian, Palonian, German, Spanish, French, and formerly English Monarchies, how fa­mous are they, and were we. To which you oppose the Venetian Seigniori, the Low Country Boores and the rude Switzer Cantons. Because I find you good at Comparisons I shall be with you there and let the effect speak the cause. [Page 101] And because I perceive you liked very well of our Constitution from 48 to 53, as giving great hopes of a glorious rising Common-wealth, I shal admit that time to come also into Com­parison with our selves under Kingly Govern­ment, during the Reign of our late King of blessed memory, (although unfortunate to the infamy of his Subjects, as many as were guil­ty of his Tragicall misfortunes) before these sad divisions appeared, which produced in your opinion so glorious an effect. As for the Atheni­an, Lacedemonian, and other Grecian Common-wealths they were of so old a date that the History of them is scarce to be had true, and certain, and therefore I shall speak little of them, but as by the by, perhaps I may glance at them, as you have done.

First then, as to the Venetian Seigniory, I yeild its long continuance, its abounding in Riches, and traffique, but withall, I suppose, you wil easily grant the power of its trouble­some neighbour the Turk, and the fear of its other neighbours who would soon swal­low it up if divided, hath been the chief preservative of that Common-wealth under God, and given it so long a life. But yet the Duke of that Seigniory, doth not differ so much from a King, whose being limited to a dou­ble voyce, as things are carryed, signifies [Page 102] as little to abridge him of Kingly Authority, as the Nominal electiveness of the Emperour of Ger­many, is a reall barre to the Austrian family. Yet let the Ʋenetian Policy, thus farre speak for the excellency of King-ship. That one King­dome of Candia which is in their jurisdiction, is the present irreconsileable bone between them and the Turks, the one having gained the most of the Island, (all in a manner) and having built Mosques there, and made places of buryall, is prohibited by his religion, to yeild up the same, by any trea­ty, or for any Composition, the Venetians on the contrary, having no Kingdome belong­ing to their Jurisdiction, but that will take no price to sell away the title, although the defending of it costs them annually an hun­dred times its value, whereas if they would quit it they might have both peace and a con­siderable price for it, yet refuse it obstinate­ly, of so great esteem, do they account the ti­tle of a Kingdome. And to speak truth, the Venetian Government is suited to their terri­toryes, they grew up with it, and were no sooner considerable, but had such about them, who watched all opportunityes of swallowing them up, that if they were con­vinced of a better way of Government, yet was it impossible for them to change, a new [Page 103] Policy, being like a new Garment, though never so much better then the old, yet will be a good while before it will fit so well and be so easy, so that if they should endeavour a change, could they use the Celerity of An­gels, in shifting out of one form into ano­ther before they could suit themselves to it, or it to themselves, they and their Govern­ment would be griped, and wrested out of their hands, and they made a prey, if not to their cruell and barbarous, yet at least to their ambitious Neighbours. As for Hollanders, if they be a Common-wealth, none of the least causes is because they are fit to make nothing else, being never but a limb of Monarchy, yet as farr as they are capable of it, have a Prince of Orange, who differs little really from a King only he may be said to be Rex belluarum he hath a company of malapert swinish un­ruly Subjects, whose revenue to which he is by the peace restored, lyes part in the King of Spain, (his former Leige Lords,) territo­ries, some under the Emperor, some under the French. But among them and out of those Provinces only that rebelled from the King of Spain, should a King live and expect his Revenue he would be a ridiculous King of boorish subjects. They indeed might be rich, but the King a beggerly Prince. They must be [Page 104] then what they are perforce as a block of wood is best imployed to make Beetles to cleave other wood withall, if it be so knotty that it will serve for nothing else, or at least nothing better. What a good Common-wealth think you Holland to be? A Hotch potch of many Independent Jurisdictions, joyning for­ces together upon necessity, to keep them from being punished for their Rebellion a­gainst, and abjuring their lawfull King, that so they may mutually secure, indemnifye, and keep harmless each other, among whom are to be found some few relicts of Antient Nobi­lity, which appear among, and have relati­on to the rest, as here and there a great Plum in a Niggards Plum pudding, where not only the provinces are independent each on other but every Village is a distinct and I may say Supream jurisdiction, of it self. Only the King of Spain like a great Wolf hath dared them, (as a Hawk over a hedg dares the small birds) and they herd together, to oppose him, as a herd of swine will runne together to oppose a Wolf, with their young in the midst, making a ring to defend themselves. Some joynt Rules of Confederacie, the united Provinces (as they are called) have made among themselves but indeed they are but as so many severall flowers pickt and made up into a Nosegay, [Page 105] which have no tye one to another, but a string about all, thus they were at first uni­ted for fear of a string or halter, and to this day they continue friendly to one another, and to the whole world upon the same ac­count, so farre as they either get by them, or cannot be without them. And for the Switzers by degrees rent from neighbouring Monarchies, who but he that is a Switzer born and so would not defile his own nest, can commend or speak a word in commendation of their Policy, so farre from being desirea­ble, that it is scarce tolerable. As for the Genevah Common-wealth, the constant fear they live in, makes their politicall estate, un­desireable, yet are they not altogether in­dependent, nor safe, but under the wing of that Prince whom they chose for their Protector, And if the Protector be more honoura­ble then the protected, then the Monarchys of France, must needs be preferred, before the Neithe landish Republique, the protection of whom was offred to England and accepted by France. The Switzers also have their Pro­tector, and so the Hamburgers, the Genoeses, and in a word not any without protection, formally granted on one hand and accepted by the other, that bears the face of a Com­mon-wealth. And the Protectour and Patron is [Page 106] still a Monarch, and therefore of the two, Mo­narchy is the more Noble and absolute Govern­ment.

Such a Common-wealth (Mr. Milton,) as Hol­land is I suppose you could wish, and would help to make England, but there is a­mong them something that you do not so well like and approve of, that is, the house of Nassau or Orange family, Certainly, what ho­nour or preheminence that family hath, we may say as old Tobit said to his Sonne, con­cerning the Angells having half of what was brought back from their Journey, conside­ring the many and good services he had done It is due to him. So may we say, and the Dutch when time was acknowledged so much of this Princes Grand-Father, he deserved all they did or could bestow on him, or his posteri­ty. By his valour, prowesse, friends, and E­state, at first they rebelled prosperously, and by the same afterwards, they were defended, from punishment of this their Rebellion safe and kept secure, to save whose legally forfei­ted lives and fortunes (if reduced) he hazar­ded and spent his own fortunes, and lost his own life, while these merits of the Grand-Father were fresh in memory, and the Sonne surviving the Father might be, and was use­full, and serviceable in the same kind, what [Page 107] honour then too great, what accounted too dear for the house of Orange, though since they have with sufficient ingratitude forgot the merits of the Father, Grand-father and great Grand-father, and would deal with the Issue of this their deliverer, as the un­thankfull Sechemites did with the posterity of Jerubbaal. This revolt of the Hollanders, I call it rebellion, as being its proper name, since it was a totall defection from, and taking armes against, and making warre upon their undoubted Soveraign, Tis true and I yeild that they had provoking Cause but whether up­on this provocation, (and that very great) they did not show much of Man, in the manage­ment of this revolt, I dispute not, only give it the proper name of Rebellion, which in all cases is not absolutely sinfull, though it ne­ver will loose that its proper and unalterable denomination, as the Killing of a man, in never so just defence, yet leaves the fact manslaughter.

But to return to their policy they are ac­cording to their own name, by which they call themselves so farre from being a Common-wealth, that in the plurall number, they stile themselves the Hoghen Maghen estates of the Low-Countries, one juridically not depending upon the other, They were auntiently so [Page 108] many Lorships, or (in their own Language,) Gravescapes, which being no way subordina­ted to, or depending upon each other, a­greed together only in a mutuall relation of Subjection, and equally owed allegiance to the King of Spain. Whose minister in those parts the Duke of Alva by unparelled, and scarce before heard of Tyranny, and barbarous Cruel­ty, especially labouring and endeavouring to impose upon their Consciences; and to bring up amongst them the bloudy inquisition, that monstrous engine of inhumanity, exer­cised chiefly upon the score of Religion, they were compelled to take up armes, and rebell against their Leige King, which was prosecu­ted (on both hands) with that violence that the breach was made irreparable, and so they for ever cast off, and solemnly abjured his autho­rity. So that now Zealand, Gelderland Ʋtrecht, Mastrecht, &c. are distinct Jurisdictions by themselves, and independing as to Holland, Yea the very great Townes of each province, Juridically depend not on any other, but are absolute among and within themselves, and the States although they convene together, it is not in the form of our English Parliament, or Grand Counsell, but only to advise each with other, to consider and consult, and thereup­on to perswade, yet have not the least power [Page 109] to Compell, So that all the other provinces to­gether, cannot give one Law to Zealand, or to Gelderland, but the Lords of each Province, may do what they will; further then they can be wonne by perswasion, they cannot be commanded, by the rest, though altogether agreeing. The same may be said of Amsterdam Roterdam, the Hague or any other Town, whose own Lords or Heirs, are Autocraticall, or invested with full power of themselves, nor own they any Commanding, or Prohibiting, or any way Coercive Power, above, or without themselves, their own Wals bounding, not only their Towns, but including Supream ju­risdiction from which lyes no appeal. Such a passe you would have England brought to, & your Country is much beholding to you Sir for your goodwill. I suppose you expect no po­sterity to leave behind you, that might curse the Fathers invention, should it take effect; You contrive very readily to have each Coun­ty to have Law, and education for youth a­mong themselves, and each chief Town, (if not so named before) dignified with the Ti­tle of a City, that we may not come so farre for Law and Justice, only you are troubled at Controversies which may happen between two of distinct Counties, and these you would have decided at the Metropolis, I suppose you [Page 110] intend London, But because, it was alwaies ac­counted as easy to found a New City, as to form, and establish a New Government, it may be you have designed another Metropolis in your Windmill brain. But be it as it will, why may not the plaintiffe sue still in the County where the defendant lives, unlesse he can by accident find him, or by some device get him into and arrest him in the County in which himself dwels? and what need in such case a­ny Metropolis at all? And so what needs a Grand Counsell, but only Conventions to advise and Consult, but what matter of enacting Lawes when every County may be within it self Supream? Certainly Mr. Milton, you were very inconsiderate when you wrote that rea­dy and easy way of establishing a Free Com­mo [...]-wealth. I shal not here urge the unpracti­cableness of these your fanatique State-whym­sis, but aske you (presupposing them as you say easy, and ready just now to be put in practise) Cui bono? In what shall we be bet­tred there by? and tis like you may answer me, Peruse my advice and there you will find the benefits thereof. There I find you give us hopes, that if we can but either Can­tonize England, as the Switzers, or imitate the Hollanders, or the Venetian, avoyding the Duke of the one or the Prince of the other, [Page 111] We shall first be free in Civill and religious things, and Secondly we shall have our minds made Governours, our Spirits enobled, our Cou­rages advanced, and be made Valourous, where­as otherwise we shall be curbed of our Liber­ty, and have spirits sutable to our Condition base and degenerate. Perhaps Sir you write ex­perimentally. While you held your obligation to your Wife, which as your learned doctrine of divorce testifies, was an insufferable yoak, of which you could say, with the Apostle Peter concerning the Law, It was a Yoak which nei­ther you nor your fore-fathers could bear, During this vassalage, I may imagine you, likewise to be so poor spirited as to fear an Oath, and to be inslaved to your Allegiance, and so farre to reverence Authority, as not to dare to bark at the highest thereof, to wit Majesty. But since you grew so wise, as to throw aside your Wife because your waspish spirit could not agree with her qualities, and your Crooked phantasy could not be brought to take delight in her, you then grew so free, that as for your religion you could take the Christian Li­berty, to turn a Libertine at large, or in plain termes an Atheist, and as for your Allegiance, you found your self so free set from it, that you could without remorse discharge your filth at, and vomit forth your poyson against [Page 112] majesty, then you grew so valourous, that you could swear allegiance, and take the oath of Soveraignty, the Covenant also, or Solemn League, with the Vow and Protestation, the Enga­gement, also without boggling or starting; and reserve Courage enough, for twenty severall, nay Contradictory Oaths, if reformed Authori­ty, (in plain tearms rebellious Ʋsurpers) re­quire it, and hope of profit or danger of losse, invite to, and back it. Truly Sir you are in my judgment a valiant man grown, who durst not only adventure against the most learned Salmatius, but had the impudent con­fidence to snarle, and bark at the most ponde­rous, Judicious, and Matchlesse piece, his Ma­jesties ROYALL MEDITATIONS, intituled [...].

But Sir, upon a serious, yea a slight en­quiry, we shall finde no such qualities a­mong either the Hollanders or the Switzers, as to make us in love with them, but we may truly say, There is no King there, therefore, every man doth what is good in his own eyes. The Dutch is a Boorish Nation, where Courtesie and Civil Entertainment is as much a stran­ger, as in most places in Christendome: All that can be said, A man for his money shall have what he can bargain for, that the Town or house (in which he is) doth afford, but in­genuity, [Page 113] learning, piety, misery, and what­ever may move a charitable respect, if by Gods Providence, they happen to be sepa­rated from money, a Turk, or a Jew will af­ford a Christian as much relief, as a Dutch man will such a person, so that it may be the Inscription there upon the Gate of every Town,

They are rich I yield, their dexterity ly­ing in that one thing (chiefly) getting Money, for to compasse which they account scarce any thing sordid, their affability excells not the Scotch Highlands. Riches is the standard of their advancement. And as they have Popular Rulers, so they receive from those whom they govern but popular respect. Two North Countrey Farmers in England, where one excells the other in Estate, shew much more respect, the poorer to him that is weal­thyer, then the Dutch Boors give to their Heers. That this rusticity, and surlynesse is the effect of their Government, is evident by their neighbouring Flandrians, who still retain their allegiance, no men in the world more candidly open breasted, civilly courteous, pitifully [Page 114] charitable then they, who were formerly one Arch-Dutchy with the other revolted Provin­ces, a most clear argument of the degene­rate effect of Popular Government, for when Governors approach so neer to the Governed, in quality, and deportment, they become quickly like the block in the Fable, which Jupiter threw down to be King among the Frogs. The bounce of it made the Frogs tremble, but when the flashing of the wa­ter (which it caused by its fall) was over, they drew near by little and little, and at last (casting away all fear) clambered upon and skipt off from it, and in conclusion con­temned it. So a Dutch Governour, or Lord, when he flounces (as it were) upon a Thier or Murderer, or Coyner of false Money, of the like, he makes him to tremble; but, the rest casting away fear, will talk irreverently to and sleightly of their Heers, nor make scruple to curse them bitterly, if either they really do displease them, or the others ap­prehend cause of displeasure. As for the ennobling of the spirits of men, which you fondly expect, or at least give hopes of, upon a Common-wealth account, it is most evident by experience, that nothing is more contrary.

[Page 115] Let any man bust cast his eye upon, and observe the Switzers, a rude, barbarous Nation, as to the generality, and although all of them professe the Gospel, and many of them the Protestant Religion, yet as to the fiercenesse of their manners, they may in Comparison of most Christian Kingdomes, be looked upon, as Ovid in his banishment, ac­counted the Getae, and Sauromah, being put in ballance against the Romans. A savage Peasantlike Nation, fit only for the warres, and to be imployed by almost any that will pay them. Who will they not fight for? yea, who will they not fight against for Money? Insomuch, that in the Imperiall, Brandenburgish, Polonian, Danish, Swedish Ar­mies, yea almost in all ezpeditions of the French; in the number likewise of the Tran­silvanian Forces, you shall finde the Swit­zers serving as Soldiers: So also in the Ve­netian service, and most of the Italian warres; Rough hewen, desperate men, ready to be im­ployed for, or against any Prince, wanting one of their own, to Civilize their ruder dispositions, and to employ their brutish valour in more noble and honourable At­chievements, for the glory, and inlarging of the Territories, at least the Jurisdiction or Fame of their own Nation.

[Page 116] So the Hollanders, what are they but the Common Pedlars of Europe, that to get a little Money, will comply with, speak fair to, and at the same moment, betray the most con­fiding of their Allyes, and irrecompensible Benefactors: How did they promote, and fo­ment our bloudy intestine Dissentions, to the end that they might scrape together a sor­did gain by fishing in our troubled waters? How will they mannage an Huckstering war­fare, as the Poet speaks, (Gauponantes bellum) at one time besieging, and straitning with one hand, and with the other hand relieving the same Town, or Garrison, as long as their Mo­ney lasts, and they can but gain by the bar­gain, and make their own Rates? What have they so Sacred, that they will not pro­stitute for Profit sake? What Articles of Agreement, but they will evade, or at least run the hazard of breaking, openly or ur­der-hand, and supply any place besieged, with not only Provision and Victuals, but, with Ammunition also, and Weapons defensive, and offensive, Ships of Warre, or any thing else, perhaps to the ruine of a Design, or at least irrecompensable dammage of their Professed Friend, who at that time with perhaps in­valuable Charge, and hazard of mens lives, hath reduced his Enemy to that strait, and [Page 117] yet in the mean while, they will professe as much love and candor as can be, to him, whom they secretly thus injure? What almost is it, that they act publiquely, in reference to their Neighbours, that they act above-board, but are either afraid, or ashamed, or unwilling to own? Nay what is that even Impudence, and Impiety it self would be ashamed to act openly, that they will not bring about by under-hand dealing, if Pro­fit invite to it? How in their revolt from the King of Spain, did they incourage the revolt of the Portugal? and how now do they assist the Spaniard against the Portugal? Who can sufficiently set forth their sordid under-board play, with all, (and as oft) as they pretend to agree with, and are most friendly unto? And call you these Heroick spirits, Mr. Milton? As for the advancement of men among them, according to their merit, it is evident to all that know them, that the measure of merit among them is only Money, which without either wit, or honesty, or any Good quality, shall preferre a sordid Boorish Churle, to be one of their Hoghen Moghen Heers. As for Liberty of Conscience which you so much dote upon, and look upon it as inconsistent with any frame of Government, but that of a Re­publick, I grant you that it is allowed in [Page 118] Holland, even to infamy, only they are as severe against the Papists as any: And what I pray you may be thought the reason of one, and the other? Not the Heroick disposition that is in them, for what need they then fear the Papists? Or do they not think, that many monstrous Religions are there tolerated, in comparison of which the Papacy may be ac­counted Saintship? Only here lyes the knot, which troubles them, The Prince to whom they were before Engaged by Allegiance, al­lowes publiquely only the Romish Religion, in his Dominions and Jurisdiction: Which Reli­gion, if they should admit, many they fear, would dwell among them, who might make a Conscience of keeping Allegiance inviolable, and would urge against their Protestanisme, that ungospellike rejecting their lawfull King, (although provoked by persecution) and would cite the practise of the Primitive Church, unanswerably discountenancing, and their profession and Doctrine, loudly and open­ly condemning the same, by which means the multitude might be brought about to be un­deceived, and willing to entertain, or at least desire, their former Loyalty. So that Policy not Conscience, excluded from among them the Popish, and a sordid desire of Gain, set open the Flood-gates to all other Religions. [Page 119] Among which (if that may be accounted a Religion) Athiesme is not excluded, but findes its Sanctuary. Now I pray you Sir, where is the Magnanimity of Spirit, that you boast of herein: When nothing that bears the face or carries the name of Religion is dis­allowed, but that only which is the only publique Religion of their former Prince, lest by entertaining it, his Friends should be let in therewith, to the shaking of their new layd foundation, the chief security of which seems to consist in their Nationall abjuring their formerly sworn to Soveraign, not mind­ing in the mean while the dishonour done to Gods name, by those multitudes of abominable heresies, yea damnable blasphemous Doctrines, which swarm in those Countreys (Amsterdam especially) as Frogs swarmed in the Land of Egypt, and yet they (the more the pity) are not at all troubled thereat, because they bring profit and commerce along with them, but I wish they do not hereby heap up to themselves wrath, which may be powred forth upon them in the day of Gods Ven­geance.

When no King was in Israel and every man did what was good in his own eyes, then Micah made his graven and molten Image, his Ephod, and his Teraphim, and hired a Levite to be [Page 120] his Priest. Then was every man at his liberty, what Religion he would follow, a King only being so generous spirited, and noble, as to En­gage that Religion publiquely to be professed, which appears to him, and his most learned Divines, the true, and most agreeable to the pattern, and precepts of Gods Word, and pro­hibit whatever strikes at this foundation, nor to suffer any Rents or Schismes in the Church, (the inlets generally of farre greater mis­chiefs both in Church and State) whereas a Common-wealth being but a puny Authority, is compelled to tolerate this, and that, and twenty Heresies, because some rich men or other are Favourites to all, and nothing keeps the most rustick Peasant from being created the Greatest Heer, or Lord among them, but want of a competent quantity of Silver, Gold, or Merchandise. Kings therefore in Scrip­ture, are promised to be nursing Fathers, and Queens nursing Mothers to the Church, but no such Promise concerning Republican Lords, let them be never so high and mighty.

Nor is this degenerate basenesse of spirit visible only in Religious, but as well, and as much in Civil, yea Ordinary concernments; and there is a naturall reason for it, since according to the Proverb, According to a mans meeting so is his greeting: Vulgar deportments [Page 121] find but vulgar respect; nor is it fit or likely, that he who puts little value upon himself, should have greater put upon him by others that are about him. Majesty and state may be kept without adoration, but not without humble, and due submissive respect. Too much familiarity in all relations, breeds Contempt. The state and distance which Solomon kept, between him and his subjects, we finde re­gistred by the Penmen of Sacred Histories, as part of his magnificence, and no small portion of Gods temporall blessings cast upon him, as an additional Supplement to that, for which he requested, to wit, Wise­dome. And I finde Paul the famous Apostle, appealing to Caesar, from Festus, who was a subordinate Deputy to the Emperor, hoping for greater shelter (as to Religion) from the Head of all Majesty, Caesar himself, then from an inferior Substitute, or Lieutenant unto him: And we read in the last Chapter of the Acts, how long, and how free he lived, (considering him in bonds) at Rome, being arrived in prosecution of his Appeal, an evident argument that he expected, and doubtlesse found more freedome under the Wing of Majesty, then probably he should have had from an Inferior Governor, neerer allyed to the common rank of men. And [Page 122] as in the persecution of Religion, the greatest favour is to be found (in probabi­lity) from Majesty it self, so in the pro­tection, incouragement, and advancement of Religion, Kings and Emperors are unpa­rallel'd Fathers, and Nurses thereof: Wit­nesse of old, David, Solomon, Hezekiah, and Josiah, with many other godly pious Princes: And of late, since Christ, Constantine and Theodosius, with severall glorious, truly Chri­stian, and famous Emperours: And among us, Edward the sixth, Queen Elizabeth, King James, and (without regard to your rayling black mouth) our unparallel'd Martyr King CHARLES; under whom how glorious was our Church, to the admiration of many, and envy of some of our Neighbours. Du­ring whose pious Reigns, if we will be poring only upon what was defective, and whining after what was to be desired in our Church Discipline, we shew our selves very ungrate­full to God and men, but if with thankfull hearts, we could have enjoyed, and prized what really was our Lot, beyond all who were about us, we might have said truly, Our lot was fallen to us in a pleasant place, and we had a goodly Inheritance, God not so deal­ing with every Nation, as he had with us, who therefore might be named the darling of the [Page 123] Lord. It is the glory, happinesse, and true beauty of a Nation professing Religion, when the face of man is not feared, but God is so far exalted, that none is acknowledged beside him King in the Church, and therefore, not only Caterpillers, and Locusts are destroyed, and Cattell which browse upon the Vynes kept out, but the Foxes, the little Foxes are taken, that spoyl the Vynes, they having on them tender Grapes. How glorious a thing is it, for a truly zealous, and pious P [...]ince, to countenance and encourage the Priests and Levites, (such I mean who oversee, and manage the service of the Lord) that out of the Church may be excluded not only the abominable, and the unclean, but likewise every thing that offendeth? What more dan­gerous in the Church, which is the Garden of the Lord, then Factions and Heresies? but what so fatall as the plucking up its Hedge, and throwing down its Wall? which is not, as many imagine a foolish agreement or Co­venant of the people one with another, but a Christian and conscientious submission (for the Lords sake) to those who by Divine right are appointed, and set over them, to main­tain which pale inviolable, the King (when a true nursing Father of the Church, as blessed be God we had many such) is next to God [Page 124] the greatest defense on earth, on which score, not without cause, our Kings, have had, and deserved the name (several of them) of De­fenders of the Faith, to wit, the true Christian and Apostolick Faith, concerning whose pro­fession of, and owning so honourable a de­fense, we were bound, and still are to say with good Nehemiah, Blessed be God who hath put such a thing as this into the Kings heart; and to pray, that he would more and more be his Guide, Counsellor, Director and Protector, that under him Religion may flourish, and, we may once more be a happy flourishing Na­tion.

'Tis to be confess'd, that while the Church is militant here upon Earth, there will and must be Offences, and Scandals, this Christ hath pronounced, as absolutely necessary, and the contrary impossible, (although woe to them by whom they come) but for pro­fessed Christians, to be viewing, perusing, overlooking, and examining the Constitu­tion of the Church, they live in, to be carp­ing at, and inveighing against, the defects thereof, (practicall especially, where much that is practised, is not allowed, and wished by the Judicious, that it may be amended, as soon as may be with conveniency) and thereupon reviling, reproaching, and sepa­rating [Page 125] from the same, it argues, (in my o­pinion) those who are but nominall, not reall Christians; yet such is the temper of most of our modern, Giddy-brained Phanatiques, who from Controversies in Religion, fell natu­rally to dabling with State concernments, and have, without Gods infinite mercy, kindled in both our Church and State, an inextinguish­able Combustion.

I shall come now briefly to take a short view of what we were before these unhappy late Warres, and compare our condition then, with what we have been since, that so an estimate may thence be taken, what we are like in the End to come to, unlesse God in mer­cy prevent our ruine, as he hath alrea­dy, blessed be his Name given us great hopes.

Our Government and Governors, were of two sorts, Civill, who ruled us as men, and Ecclesiasticall, who were set over us as Christians. Of Civil Magistrates, our King was supreme, a true, but not an absolute Mo­narch: He had none above, or singly co-or­dinate with him, and in dignity he excelled and went before all the rest: Howbeit, his Rule or Government was purely Paternall, for as a loving and carefull Father, (in managing the affairs of his Family) will consult with [Page 126] his Sonnes, when grown, to age, yea and with his discreet Servants, so the Royal Fa­ther of this great and flourishing Family, consulted, not only with his Nobles, whom he honoured with the Title of Kinsmen, and who were (the most discreet and judicious of them) of his honourable Privy Councill; but he advised also with this Commons, who for that end, chose the Chief men of their Shires, Cities, and Boroughs Corporate, and in­trusted them with power in their name, and for their welfare and benefit, to represent and lay open their cases, wants and grievan­ces, before the King and his Peers, and joynt­ly to endeavour, study, and finde out a way of redresse or relief of the same. They were still the Masters of their own Purses, they not only raised, whatever Money was to be levyed, but advised together, and con­sented to the disposing of it. This grand Council was the Physick (under God) for the Nation, when it was sick, or any way di­stempered, which the King (like a wise Phy­sician) called, as oft as he, with the advise of his Wise Counsell, judged it needfull, either for the necessary cure of a distempered State, or the convenient preservation, and farther beautifying or adorning a flourishing one. While things ran in this Channell, how [Page 127] happy was England in Generall? although some particular blemishes or pushes in the Body politick, were lanced, fretted and made sore by this means? But when the just in­dignation of God was come to its height, because we were so unthankefull for multiplyed blessings, he then suffered this ungratefull Nation to loath Manna, and to long for Physick, to come into a course of medicinal diet, and to linger after first a Trienniall, then a perpetual Parliament, which we have enjoy­ed so long, nominally at least, though really the Fagge end only, or Rump of that Parlia­ment, which was also sore Ague-shaken se­veral times, by disgracefull and long Ejecti­ons, which yet they (willing to perpetuate themselves) as oft as they came on the Stage again, called only Interruptions, how­ever they cannot deny, but they made or suffered tedious Exits, which were as long as the rest of the Play, and other Scenes, nay whole Playes were acted in the Inter­vals, I say we have endured so tedious a course of State Physick, till we experimen­tally, and to our cost, and shame, found the Proverb verified, Medicè vivere, idem esse, a [...] miserè vivere.

At the Convening of this Parliament, what was accounted grievous, and so represented [Page 128] to his Majesty, but he was willing to redresse it effectually? Monopolies, Star-Chamber, and High Commission, by his Royall assent abolished, and the Council-Table regulated so as to stand for little more then a Cypher, by his Ma­jesties permission; and all because his people; whom he loved more dearly then his own safety, shewed a dislike of them and ac­counted them a burden. T [...]age and Poun­dage, willingly layd down at his Subject [...] feet: the Militia, and Negative Voyce so far granted from himself, that he left himself only power to be made a Martyr at his Subjects pleasure: Yea and for the Episcopal Dignity, he consented, they should be stript of whatever the Parliament thought fit, sa­ving to them only their Office, which his Oath at Coronation, bound him indispensably to maintain. O England! England! couldst thou but then have seen the things that belonged to thy peace, which soon after alas! were hid from thy eyes. Yea the Nation did see it, yea the Reverend Senators were deeply sensible of it, the Nobles discovered evidently the true and only cure under God for the Na­tions distempers. Nor do I blame them, nor yet the major part of them, but know, and they since have been made sensible, that a few restlesse; dangerous, factious, pestilent spirits, [Page 129] in both Houses, first begat, and then fomented a misunderstanding between his Majesty, and his Cardially loyall subjects, which Coal being once kindled, they by the same cunning, but devilish policy, blew into the flame of a War; in which posture, all things could not be defended on either side, but his Majesty want­ing the sinews of warra, could not possibly keep that discipline in his Army, which the Parliament did in theirs, and so Gods Provi­dence permitting, and our sins procuring, his Royall person being captivated, and his Forc [...]s dissipated, those whose loyall breasts only in­tended his welfare, and advancement in glory and Revenue, which they in soverall Declara­tions protesting, and appealing to God as a Judge and Witnesse of the truth of their in­tentions, enforce me (as Christian) to believe to be their design, were convinced by seve­ral Treaties, that his Majesties, both actions, and intentions, were misrepresented to them, by some Boutefeus of State, and therefore relenting towards him, and his Royall Posie­rity, intended a speedy settlement of the Nation, in a Religious Peace; and had done it speedi­ly, I question not, had not some perjurious, detestable Mon [...]ers, who were Ring-leaders, and after drew in other weak deluded Members, to joyn with them, but free from [Page 130] matice, (as I confidently perswade my self) cut off at once both the hopes and means of our settlement, and by that means, cast us ever since into a Sea of Troubles, where flouds of miseries have been like quite to have o­verwhelmed us, had not God been gracious to us beyond our deserts, and spared this whole Nation from utter ruine, for the sake of some pious and precious men, who have stood up in the Gap, and interceded for, yea pre­vailed with our long-suffering God, yet to spare us, to his Name be all Glory and Honour for ever.

As for the Commonalty in the time of our former long enjoyed, (but not truly prized) peace where could the world shew a more gallant Gentry, where every private Esquire having an estate in the Country, or about the City, was as free in the injoyment of himself and his estate, as the Prince himself, from whom no man could legally demand one penny, which he was not free to in his Person, or had not agreed to, in his representative, our Citizens had a rich Trade, and for wealth, London could compare with any Metropolis in Europe. Our Nation then was truely Noble, gallantly generous, famous for Civility, and cour­teous entertai [...]ment. Then were promises strict­ly, Oaths, and Vows sacredly and religiously [Page 131] observed, for what we did then, or atchie­ved, was not only, nor so much, for our private Credit, and reputation, as for the ho­nour of our Prince and Country. And those are the most honourable Enterprises, for he who looks no farther then himself in his actions, may propound gain as his principall and last end, which is most fordid at the best, and because the grace or disgrace reflects only upon, and determinates in himself, he judg­es all by the narrow scantling of his own spirit, which is often poor and inferiour, whereas he whose actions reflect upon ano­ther, this raiseth the mind to an higher pitch of Gallantry, then is sutable to a mans own personall capacity. Thus a steward or servant to a generous Noble man, how is his deport­ment, and carriage, above that of a Farmer, or Yeoman, who perhaps is four times the ri­cher man? Thus Parentage, and Relations, make many to scorne those actions as dirty which themselves would act confidently, and without check were their condition separa­ted from their Relation. What think you would a Dutch Boor forbear, that were for his profit, for the honour of his Hoghen Mo­ghen Heers? When the States were low, and King James (one of the most Royal friends they had) wrote to them and sent an Agent, to ne­gotiate [Page 132] with them, for the suppressing of the Arminian Heresy, how zealously did they persecute it, and yet afterwards, when it had been condemned for a heresy, at the great Synod of Dort, how sordidly did they tolerate both it, and all other heresies, when their cautionary Towns were in their own hands, and they judged themselves of strength con­siderable? And what other reason can be gi­ven for it, but that their Townes might be the Common sink of all heresies and factious Schismes, who with themselves might bring their estates, and make an addition to their Trade? How did they seem to mediate with the Parliament for the King, and yet when the most learned Salmasius, the honour of Leyden, most judiciously, and learnedly defended our martyred King CHARLES, to whom Mr. Milton (my present Antagonist) replyed, how did they heap indignities upon that learned Professor, for this most Christian work of his? in complyance with the Rump, who for that sordid service, requited them with Powder and bullets, to the endangering all their navall force, and hazard of the utter ruine of their Trade. Afterwards, how poor­ly did they buy a peace with Clivet, and un­derhand supply the Spaniard, his then pro­fessed, and their late reconciled Enemy? But [Page 133] let us consider our selves and our own ways, and he wise, what Gallantry have we left in the Nation, but that we dare Triumph in Vil­lany, and glory in our shame? What Magna­nimity, but that in defiance of a Deity, we can take, and break as many, and as Contra­dictory Ouths, as Reprobate perjur'd Inven­tion can finde out? What assurance of Estate, but still the Rump with Ahab coveted it? then could they (as nimbly as Jezabel) find out Mercenary witnesses, to accuse a man of Malignity, and swear to the accusation, which was Conviction enough, and followed im­mediately with Plunder and Sequestration, if not totall Confiscation? Such was the lot of the Noble Lord Craven, and many others, whom if I should name, and give only hints at their Cases, I should fill a Volume: only to shew that their proceedings have been the same, to the last of their Ʋsurped Autho­rity, Deputy Nodes Case is not inconsiderable, who being a man of a true English spirit, and a better Patriot then any of Mr. Miltons com­mended Saints, had his house secured, and his Money violently and injuriously taken from him, which although it was restored as a Captive Lamb from the Jaw of a De­vouring Wolf, let him thank (next to Gods Providence) the declining state and ticklish [Page 134] station of the Rumpers, from whom (had their power been any thing Rampant, as formerly it was) the redemption of his Captiv'd Coyn, had been equally improbable to the re­demption of a condemned soul from the bot­tomlesse pit. Blessed be the God of mercies, who hath put a stop to their mercilesse rage and fury, therein making good his gracious promise, That the anger, or rage, or fury of man, should glorifie him, and the residue he would re­strain. And we might well say, Our soul was redeemed as a bird out of the snare, it was broken, and we were delivered: And surely had not God been on our side, when men rose up against us, we had certainly been swallowed up quick: They who Voted and put in Execution, the cutting down the Posts, and taking away the Chains of the City, they who Resolved, and Ordered, the breaking down and demolish­ing, the ancient Gates and Portcullices of this so long famous City, had certainly, made an end of this their rage and malice in the plun­der and fire thereof, according to their often reiterated, and most audacious threats: But God, whose Name we have cause for ever to blesse, put a stop to their mercilesse fury, Blessed be his Holy Name for ever.

And now Mr. Milton, when your thoughts are serious, take but a brief survey of our [Page 135] former Government, which you brand with Tyranny, Oppression, and Cruelty, and compare it with those worthy Patriots, whom your piety to your Countrey would have perpetua­ted in a Grand standing Council. Did not they teally perform, what Rehoboam only threat­ned to the Children of Israel, and by threat­ning caused a defection of ten Tribes in twelve, from his Obedience? Did breaking up of Par­liaments afflict us? Behold a Cromwell, the Demigod of the Rump, their Creator, their Director, and lastly their Master, breaking first themselves, and then calling and break­ing Mock-Parliaments as a Potter his Earthen Vessels on the Wheel. Did that, which you called an Illegal Exaction of Money vex you? Rejoyce in your Rump, who took away the twentieth part of all Reall Estates, besides o­ther Compelled Lones, Taxes, Excises, &c. from their Friends, and all or most, from their Enemies, whose only Crime was loyalty to their Prince. Did abridgement of Ch [...]i­stian liberty molest you? you have been hap­py in the Fagge end of a Parliament, that would allow Anobaptisme, Ranting, Quicking, Seeking, and what not? only abridged Epis­copal men, (who were true Sonnes of the Church,) really, and the Papists nominally. But in truth, when were so many J [...]suites, [Page 136] and all sorts of Romish Emissaries (tolerated at least, if not underhand allowed) as during these times? In a word, if God hath not proportioned your Judgment to your sin, to the amazement of Strangers, and Neigh­bours, and the misery and smart of the Na­tion, then rejoyce in your worthy Patriots, and let them rejoyce in you, otherwise let fire, (nay a fire hath) come forth of these Brambles, to the destruction of our tall and glorious Cedars.

I have but a few words more, and I have done with you Mr. Milton, concerning Queen Elizabeths not enduring the Presby­terian Reformation lest it should eclipse the Dignity of Monarchy. The necessary con­nexure of Kingship with Episcopacy. The mer­cy of God to this City in preserving it from Pestilence during this time of hopefull Re­formation. And lastly, the suspition of our present Hereditary Kings being inclined to, and infected with the Popish Religion, from his being necessitated for a long time, to crave and receive his Maintenance, or means of subsistance, from the King of Spain, a Popish Prince.

As to the first, I finde you acting like your self, (at least as you professe your self to be principled) clawing the Presbytery, to [Page 137] ingage it against Monarchy. For your Author, by you cited, I count it not worth while to examine him, if or no his sense by you be perverted, being most confidently assured, that it is. He is an Author of worth, and lived in great repute, and esteem with his Princes, whom he served; upon which score, I am satisfied that he knowingly wrote no­thing that was derogatory to Majesty: But if some kinde of Rigid Scotch Presbytery, en­tertain Tenents, which tend to eclipse the honour and respect due (by divine right) to the Supreme Soveraignty, so far it is condemnable, the Church of God disclaiming in its primitive purity, all such Doctrines, and declining such practises. Or if Fame might represent to that good pious Queen, things otherwise then they really were, (as we here frequent­ly and confidently reported of the Scotch Presbytery, that they teach, and would practise the bringing their Kings to the Stool of Repentance) she upon this misreport might suspect it. Or perchance, (and that is most likely) she being a wise Princesse, and having a choyce Council, might observe the tempers of their spirits, who stickled most in the promoting that Reformation, and finding them to design, not only Inno­vation, as to the then setled reformed Reli­gion, [Page 138] but distinction also in State, might wise­ly put a stop to their pragmaticall intruding themselves into matters somewhat above their concernment: Otherwise, I seriously professe, that I know nothing in a sober, moderate Presbytery, but what may agree very well with, and will with Conscientious piety, yield all due reverence unto a splendid, powerfull Monarchy; they are consentaneous each to other, and may co-habite or dwell together in a Land, as Moses and Aaron, David and Nathan, Hezekiah and Isaiah: And this is most apparently manifest in the Reformed Hugonites, who are Presbyterial Pro­testants, and yet keep their Allegiance firm to, and pay Customes, Tributes, and all due reverence to their Liege Soveraign, the French King, although a Papist; nor do they ac­count their subjection, only compell'd upon that score, but conscientiously they do, not only outwardly obey him, but in heart they honour him So the Waldenses in Savoy and Pi [...]m [...]nt, who being so cordially loyall to their Popish Princes, can we imagine, that English Presbyters would have been lesse subject to, and honourers of their naturall pious Protestant Kings and Queens, then others are of their Soveraigns? who differ from them in Reli­gion, and alwayes may be suspected, to bear [Page 139] an ill will to them, exercising not rarely most bloudy cruelty in the massacring, and murdering of them. Although I doubt not but the example of our English King-killing Saints, being recommended by their Agents with what serious motives they could invent, to their Neighbouring Protestants, and perhaps liked well, and approved by some false pre­tending Brethren, among the Hugonites, and Waldenses, with whom many in Devilish po­licy, pretending to be Protestant Converts, en­tertained such English bloudy Tenents, with approbation and applause, and by menacing threats, gave severall Alarms to those Princes to whom they owed subjection; commending the courage and Noble Valor of our English RƲMPERS, and boasting of help and supply from them promised, to attempt and put in practise such another heroick feat in their Nations. Our Crimson Saints on the other hand, boast and proclaim that this their practise shall be a leading Example throughout all Europe: In the mean time, the true Conscientious Protestants, protest a­gainst (both in publique and private) these damnable Tenents, and execrable practises; yet by this means the Princes of those Subjects are made jealous and suspicious of the Pro­testants Fidelity, (having such a dangerous [Page 140] president before their eyes) which Jeasousie, (through the Villany of false pretended Bre­thren) is blown to that height, that the King findes no way of safety, but in chastising all, and cutting off many of these his dangerous Rebellious Subjects; in which Massacre, those Villains, who first kindled the Coals, make a fair Retreat, having betrayed so many innocent pious Christians, as Sheep to be slaughtered, they only feeling their Princes rage, who most abominate those Rebellious Tenents and Principles, by which their Prince at first was provoked and inraged. Ob­serve here as in a Landskip the piety of our Rumpers, and what they have deserved of their Neighbouring Protestant Friends, by their Example, Counsell, and vain-glorious boast­ing; what a leading Card they had begun withall, and how it should be playd round, to the confusion and pulling down of all the Princes of Christendome: Hereby they have betrayd and butcher'd many thousands of the Waldenses, by the Sword of the Savoyans. And when God shall come to make Inqui­sition for bloud, at their dores will all that Christian bloud be found lying, and of their hands it will be required. If then the sent of the Rump were so noysome of late, how will they stink in Ages to come? How will [Page 141] (the then innocent Babes) the Orphan Chil­dren of those murdered Protestants, curse their memories? For ever shalt thou live in ig­nomy, and deserved infamy, O most Bloudy Rump, and the Children yet unborn, shall justly de­test and abhor thy remembrance: They loved Bloud, and thou (O righteous God) give them Bloud to drink, and let that be their portion, for they are worthy of it.

But (by the way) I question not, but the sober, modest, and pious Presbyterians will see your Delusion. You urge not Queen Eliza­beths aversenesse to their Reformation, as ac­counting it to be indeed Reformation: Your contrivance to eject Hirelings out of the Church, by taking away Tythes, shewes how well you like them, or any other true Go­spel Preachers, when you discover it to be your design to have all Maintenance for the Ministry, to be paid out of the publique Ex­chequer; for so, what could be expected more from such Preachers, then was found in Ahabs Prophets? who eat their Bread at his Wife Jezabels Table? It is a fatal Plot against Religion, to have the Maintenance of all its Ministers, to proceed as a State Gra­tuity, bestowed upon them in requital of their pains, and labour. For what could be hoped in such a case, but that all must turn State-pleasing [Page 142] Preachers, or begge? and who upon that score would educate their Children, that they might be capable of the Mini­stry? or what conscientious man durst ad­venture on that Profession, in which he must goe against the light of his Conscience, or begge?

But I shall leave this, as having I sup­pose spoken to it satisfactorily, your next whining complaint against Monarchy is, that Episcopacy and it are inseparable. To which an Answer is ready, that Mr. Milton is gross­ly mistaken. It is certain, that Monarchy is, where Bishops have no place, not are so much as known, witnesse the Persian, Tartarian, Turkish and Indian Monarchies: and Bishops on the other hand, have been for many years owned, and acknowledged, and to this day are in place and esteem among those, who are not under Kings, witnesse the Popish Can­tons in Switzerland, the Venetians, Genoeses, and Hamburghers, which last are a kinde of Republique, although they owe and pay Ho­mage to the King of Denmark.

By which it is evident, that the Crown may return, without readmitting the Mitre, and it is likely, that Episcopal Lordly power, will hardly get footing again in the Nation, the Barons and other Nobles in Parliament, (who [Page 143] were alwayes firm to Monarchy) still oppo­sing and endeavouring to lift out the Lords Spiritual, from having jurisdiction among them, as is evident by very many of their Speeches to that purpose, to this day pub­liquely extant, yea and his Majesty consented to the divesting them of all, but their Title and Office, submitting their Lordly Juris­diction and Revenues to the disposall of the Parliament. Concerning whose Office, and extent of Power, it is not now convenient, nor seasonable to argue, and dispute, nor Wisdome to determine without Disputati­on; only I shall adde, that if Monarchy and Episcopacy were necessarily inseparably link'd, it were a strong argument, for the excellen­cy of that sort of Church Government; but the contrary is most manifest, namely, that what Government Kings most approve, is by them chiefly countenanced, or at least, what the consent of most Divines under their Jurisdiction confirms, as most agreeable to Scripture, that is permitted, and allowed: So the Presbytery prevailed in Scotland to the ruine of Episcopacy, yet Kingly Government was not upon that account rejected by them.

Adde to this, that most of the Presbyters in the Nation, interceded for the Kings life, [Page 144] protested, and Remonstranced against his Death, and the Scotch Nation, (the most strict Pres­byters, reputed) treated with, received, and Crowned, our Hereditary now living King Charles the Second, Son to his murdered Fa­ther, and yet readmitted not Episcopacy.

This only I shall say, that as a just splen­did Monarchy, may be limited, so as to con­sist together with the most absolute, and reall true Freedome of a flourishing State, so a pious Church overseeing Episcopacy, and a Godly moderate Presbytery are (res diversae, no­mine tantum) only nominally differing, but really the same: Call the Bishop and the Presbyter by one name, and let the wisest, gravest, and most Exemplary pious, be reputed the Moderator of the rest, and let him be ac­counted worthy of double honour, and have it, and I see no remaining reall ground of ani­mosity, but that both like Christian Bre­thren, may goe hand in hand together, to oppose the common Enemies of the Church, both Popish and Sectarian.

As for that blessing which you take notice of, (Mr. Milton) that the Plague hath been for so long a time a stranger to London, it is a great mercy, and so to be acknowledged; but I suppose your conclusion from thence, that our Government during this time hath [Page 145] been more well-pleasing to God, then for­merly, is most pitifully extorted, and there­fore for shame, you do but obscurely bring i [...] in however it is clearly to be collected from your words, that you mean so. Gods usage with his People, is not to be expoun­ded recording to that Pattern of yours: His own people the Jewes before they were to enjoy the Blessing promised to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, to them, and their seed after them, were first brought down into Egypt, and there indured sore bondage, before this Promise came to be accomplished. That a great Plague began the Reign of King James, and a greater the Reign of his murthered Son Charles, in Gods usual way of dealing with his people, (if it were significant) might argue an Elation of spirit in those two Princes, in respect to the numerousnesse of the Subjects of the Kingdome of England, which was lately united to the Scottish Dia­dem, in King James the first Scotch King that swayed the English Scepter. But with­all it argued those Princes (with David) to be persons in esteem with God, and there­fore to chastise them he took them into his own hand, cutting off many of their Sub­jects, which went very near to their hearts, as being the Fathers of the Nation, and so [Page 146] they were affected with the Death of their Subjects, as a Parent is with the Funerals of his children.

But when the Nation waxed wanton a­gainst God, through surfetting on his bles­sings, and rendred him not the thanks that was due to his Name, for so happy an union of two Protestant Nations, and increase of Mercy, in the successive Reigns, of three scarce be­fore parallel'd Princes in our Nations, at least, so succeeding one another, and so long con­tinued, the last being for wisdome, piety, true valour, and yet Christian patience, not to be matched by any that went before him, to whom (as under God the main prop and hope of our happinesse) the Lord had gra­ciously given a plentifull, and most promi­sing Off-spring, we I say being not only bru­tishly ingratefull for, but profanely despising these so rare Mercies, it pleased God to de­prive us of them, suffering this our Josiah to be (not slain by Pharaoh necho, but) mur­dered by his own Subjects, and as much as in them lay, branch and root to be cut off in one day, blowing in his anger at once both in Church and State, taking away the antient and honourable in both, and suffering the Bramble, not only to King it over the Trees, but a fire also to proceed out of it, to the [Page 147] consumption of almost all the stately Cedars in our Lebanon: So that instead of a wise, prudent King, for many Generations Royally descended, we had sometimes a Link-boy, a Cobler, and a broken Citizen, a Plow-man, with some Apostate Lawyers, and two or three unthrifty Sollicitors, with a few twenty pound a yeer Yeomen, domineering over us with ri­gor, and swelling the least joynt of their fin­gers, beyond our murthered Kings loyns, yet all pretending Reformation; otherwhiles the Fagge-end of the House of Commons (dissolved actually by the Kings death) insulting over their Fellow-brethren, and the Lords, and inslaving the whole Nation, by usurping Su­preme Authority, and squeezing all sorts of people beyond any president, to satisfie their exorbitant lust and covetousnesse. For some years we endured an aspiring Tyrant, oppres­sing, grinding and afflicting the poor: Now and then we had the Army Officers Lords pa­ramount, but all oppressing the people both in City and Countrey, and writing their Dictates in bloudy Characters. Could any plague be worse then these miseries? and slavish, being tossed from one Condition to another? changing not only our Governours, but also the Government as oft as a Harlot changeth her Paramours: Our Fanatique Rulers setting [Page 148] up, and again pulling down Governments as oft as they saw new light, leaving us to the sad choyce of either dancing to their fantasti­cal pipe, or else being destroyed, agreeing in nothing but in keeping out the true Heir, and his faithfull Friends, under the notion of the Common Enemy.

This God brought upon us for our great sins, one while giving up the whole Nation, the Lords and majority of the Commons, to the odious servitude of a perjur'd Rump, under whom, besides monstrous Taxes, (which they extorted to maintain their Janisaries the Apostate Souldiers, by whose mutiny and rebel­lion, they were first constituted, and by their assistance kept up (in name and notion) as the Supreme Authority of England) men had not liberty to avoyd perjury, but at the utmost peril of ruine to themselves and Family; Ministers especially, and all who were to be admitted to places of trust; nor could they stand to their Oaths and Covenants vigo­rously, and act what they covenanted solemnly to act and perform, but they were declared Enemies to the Common-wealth, for continuing constant and true to their Vowes, and were rewarded with losse of Life, and Confiscation of Estate.

[Page 149] God at length gives a check to this Tayle of Authority, by the chief Instrument of their own Treachery, and Villany, and sells them, and the Nation, to the greatest Monster of cursed hypocrisie, and damnable rebellion, that ever yet Nature brought forth: Who with reproach turns them out of dores, giving them a serious, but true Reproof, calling them (as they were) a pack of Whoremasters, Drunkards, and base self-seeking Wretches, and having thrown them aside with deserved scorn and contempt, seats himself in the Su­premacy, calls and dasheth to pieces at his pleasure, several ridiculous Juntoes or Mock-Parliaments, makes Warre with Spain, to al­most the ruine of our Trade, and Peace with France and Holland, &c. only to eject our Hereditary exiled, distressed King from all Pro­testant supplies, sends away thousands of the English to Hispaniola, Jamaica, and Flanders, which proved a grave to the Men, and a waster of some Millions of Treasure; Orders Nine­teen hundred thousand pounds to be setled on him (as an Annual Revenue) which he took by the Sword, and would have had confirm­ed to him and his Successors, by a Law of his own making and imposing: Those who op­posed him felt his fury, and as many as dis­gusted his proceedings, he had Court-plots to [Page 150] insnare them with, Witnesses at hand, who would not fail to accuse, and Mercenary Judges, Attorneys Generall, and Sollicitors to impeach, aggravate their crimes and condemn them; and (for failer here) he had at his beck a Monstrous High-Court of Justice, who like desperate Hounds would flie at, and fasten upon any that he pointed out to the slaughter, who were hanged, beheaded, drawn, quartered, their bowels burnt, and what not cruelties done to them, at the Tyrants pleasure? Others suf­fered close and tedious imprisonment, till (with Nebuchadnezzar) their Hair became like Eagles Feathers, and their Nails like Talons or Clawes, in comparison of what they were before; such was the monstrous villany of this Tyrant, and Ʋsurper, and such cursed Instru­ments had he in readiness to execute what he should command. Those who know not this, are very strangers in our Israel: Lord! what Plague could equal the misery we suffered under this Monster?

At length God puts an end to his rage, Death arresting him with fury, madnesse and despair: And his Son after him proclaimed, proved moderate, but was too good to hold, God not yet seeing it meet to put an end to our plagues and miseries: He through Gods judgement, lost that Ʋsurped Government like an [Page 151] Asse, which his Father got like a Fox, and mannaged like a Lyon or Wolf.

And now again, by the Swords determi­nation, the Rump was a second time Ram­pant, and begin to act at first like themselves, that is, Monsters of perjury and villany. The Gentry of Cheshire are proclaimed Traytors, for declaring for a Free Parliament, and the ruine of all their Estates, and some of their Liues is agreed on, for attempting it: Praysegod is made chief Sequestrator, with a Commission to pick the very flesh of all who should dare to stand up for a Free Parlia­ment, to the Barebones. Yet God in mercy to the poor Nation, hearing the grones of the oppressed, did respite this Calamity, and once more brought to ground the pride of the Rumpers, turning them again out of dores by the same Instrument whereby it pleased him to defeat the Endeavours of divers of the Gentry, who laboured after, and Declared for a Free Parliament, and then the Army Officers fall to tampering with the Government, and rule and domineer with as much insolency as impurity. And lest this Scene should want its solemnity, the project of the Army Officers, (the Committee of Safety) order Hewson and others to march into the City, where they triumph in the innocent [Page 152] bloud of unarmed Apprentices, whose only Crime was, that they resenting their sad misery occasioned, partly by so many Chan­ges, and wofull distractions, but especially by the decay, yea almost total want of all Trade, by which thousands were undone, and re­duced to beggery, formed, and assayed to de­liver a Petition, to the Lord Maior, Court of Aldermen, and Common Council, to incire them (if possible) to endeavour the removall of the cause of these their pressures and burdens, greater then which were expected daily, the insolent Souldier threathing the City, and Alarming it from time to time with mena­ces of fire and plunder. These Sword-men, like Jehu, drove the Chariot of their ima­gined Ʋtopian Common wealth with such fury; and (wanting Money withall) ran upon so many Rocks and Sands, that with much basenesse and sordidnesse they were baffled, and the Rump re-enters upon the Stage, with as much scorn, contempt and disgrace, as Ballad-makers, and idle Pam­phleters could devise, but these things they minded not; Money they wanted, and were resolved to have it, Quo jure, quâve injuriâ, they made no matter; and having outwitted and baffled Lambert, Fleetwood, Desborough, and the rest of the too petulant Army [Page 153] Grandees, thought it now easie for them to bear all down before them with violence, and on this perswasion, begun to be rough and resolute with the City: The Citizens on the other hand, now at last wearied to the very soul, with the constant Oppressions, Rapines, Exactions, and cruelties of this abominable Fagge-end of Authority, and finding the Purses and desires of their Ma­sters to be bottomlesse, never filled nor sa­tisfied, although themselves were almost quite exhausted and ruined, and perceiving that their villanies would alwayes create new troubles, and the fears of them would call for new expenses daily, Heroickly resolved, to see a legal Authority in being, before they would contribute any more Moneys at the demand of any Usurped pretended Power under Heaven. To curb these, and reduce them (as they called it) to obedience, Ge­nerall Monke was imployed in odious, dirty, hatefull services, and unheard of villany was plotted against as many in the City as loved loyalty, whose bloud, and plunder, (if not the flame of the City) was resolved upon, to be offered as a sacrifice to some Infernal Furies that sate in the Rump. However, the Posts and Chains of London were demolished, seve­ral Aldermen and Common council men were [Page 154] imprisoned, and to make a compleat Tragedy, the most active Aldermen were (as report gave it out credibly) appointed to be hanged one at each Gate of the City. Yea to fill up the measure of their impiety to amaze­ment, as well as detestation, Praysegod Bare­bone, a Fanatique leading Zealot, appears with a cursed Petition, to abjure, not only our Martyr'd Kings whole Royal Posterity, but the whole Family of King JAMES, and to have the motion for, or defense of Regal Government, made a Capital Crime, and that irrevocably, according to the Law of the Medes and Persians, not repealable by any future Parliaments, but the propounding such a thing (though in Parliament) to be adjudged Treason, and the Offendor to suf­fer losse of life and forfeiture of Estate, as in case of high Treason, for the same. For which pious Petition, in which this must not be omit­ted, that he would have no Minister preach, nor Schoolmaster teach Scholars, and in a word, none to be admitted to any place of profit or trust, either civil or military, but such only who could dispense with his conscience so far, as to take that Oath of Abjuration, and actually did the same; for this (I say) he had, by the Order of the House, the Speakers hearty thanks, while two Noble [Page 155] spirited Gentlemen, Members Elected of the same Parliament, but by force secluded, (the force of the Rebellious Army, as the self-con­demning Rumpers long time pretended) and still by force kept out, for a sober Petition to their Imperious Fellow-members, for re-ad­mission, delivered in behalf of themselves, and the rest who lay under that forcible re­straint, from discharging the trust committed to them by the people, at the time of their Election, were committed Prisoners to the Tower. Then at last God saw it good to hear and answer the multitude of Prayers put up to him by the oppressed languishing Nation in generall, and his faithfull Servants in particular, and restrained the residue of the Rumps fury, having glorified his Name wonderfully by so much of it as he did per­mit, by which the Nation in generall, and the guilty in particular, saw their sin at first committed against their Liege and gracious Soveraign, in the Looking-glasse of its de­served and long continued punishment: Which was, and hath been by farre so much the more grievous plague, then the pestilence it self, wherewith formerly (to correct our lesse horrible sins) God in justice (mixed with mercy) sometimes visited us, as it was more afflictive to fall into the hands of [Page 156] mercilesse men, then into the hands of a gracious God, and therefore the latter was chosen by David rather then either the for­mer or Famine: Yet the pestilence is a sharp scourge, but far to be chosen before being sold to, and oppressed by a Forain Enemy, although this last be lesse grievous then to be subjected, and inslaved, domineered over, and kept under by the viler and baser sort of our own chosen Representatives, who were elected and intrusted to stand for our liber­ties, and with their Lives and Fortunes to maintain them, which yet they perfidiously and perjuriously betrayed, and joyned with the most unconscionable, rebellious part of the Army, to wit the mercenary Soldiers, who being raised, impowered, and payed, to defend the Liberties of those who made use of them, contrariwise imployed their own Moneys, and the Weapons with which they were armed, to inslave and subject those who thus armed and payd them, and as much as in them lay, to perpetuate this bondage and slavery (to posterity) unto a few sordid degenerate Gentlemen, and Peasants, after all that were Noble and Honourable were thrown away, and layd aside. This was our long continued Plague, often varying its symptoms, but still appearing worse and [Page 157] worse, till at last mortal tokens (as I may call them) began to be visible: Then all were instructed (each man in his place) with (Gods high hand, that the mist raised) by factious, seditious spirits, at the beginning of the War, made his gracious Majesty to appear to his cordially loyall subjects, not as he really was, but his actions were scandalized, and his in­tentions misconstrued by such Boutefeus of State who desired only to kindle an un­quenchable fire, as well in the spiritual as in the temporal Government, which God to punish our sins, permitting them, they villanously brought to passe. Boast no more, I pray you, Sir, how free this City hath been since these overturning times, from the Pestilence, which in probability might have roosted the Rumpers out of their nest, in which they sate so long hatching mischief and perfidious villa­ny; and so instead of a plague, might have proved a blessing to this unhappy Nation: but themselves, and such who took occasion to Ʋsurp, by their complyance and breach of Faith, and trust with the Nation, being indeed tenfold the more cursed plague, and God (for our sins judging it fit to continue this worst of miseries, (next to utter desolation) for a long season, upon this sinfull rebellious Na­tion, whom no Oaths (formerly taken) could keep firm to our Loyalty, but even [Page 158] the Pulpits (the places of Divine Messages) sounded of nothing but arms, bloud, and con­fusion) kept off the contagious Pestilence, and continued (with various changes between whiles) our bondage to Ʋsurpers as well as Rebells, for a long time, nigh Twelve years, by this judgement of his to convince us each in our place) of our sins in generall, and in particular, our sin of ingratitude to God, for so many and so pious Princes, succeeding each other, the last exceeding the former, their Reigns so long continued, in which we enjoyed the Gospel of peace, with peace and plenty, and in this Royall Stocks multi­plyed Branches, we had almost confidence of the continuance of our happinesse, to which sin of ingratitude, we added the spirit of rebellion and perfidiousnesse, and both they brought forth perjury, but still (in the act of villany, to keep the shew of piety) all the rest of our sins shrouded themselves un­der the cloak of hypocrisie, Fasting (many of us) Monthly, that with greater security, by this shew of holynesse, we might smite with the fist of wickednesse.

I speak not this of all the Nation, God forbid, as little of all the Parliament, among whom, I verily believe, that six in seaven (yea more) were either cordially innocent, or barely seduced by the pestilent, pernicious [Page 159] wit, and damnable diligence of a very few In­cendiaries at first, whose poyson spread as a Canker, to the insnaring of many to act and uphold that in ignorant pious zeal, which had they been nakedly uncased and discove­red, they would have abhorred. But the monstrous impiety of the Rump, hath (blessed be God) undeceived and opened the eyes of most, if not all that were inconsiderately seduced in these three Nations, some of the grand Villains only excepted, to wit, the emi­nent men who swayed the Rump, who were indeed the true Incendiaries, and detestable Causers of our so long continued, sad cala­mities. Concerning whose persons, and pardon, I shall advise nothing, it being pre­sumption in me to think such a thought, only my opinion is, that they are of the number of those wicked, to whom if favour be shewed in a Land of Ʋprightnesse, yet they will not take notice of the Majesty of God: Let them be respited from deserved death, with Shimei, and pardoned to their own con­tent, yet they will (through the just judg­ment of God) deserve, and come to a justly merited reward of their former Treasons, by some after committed villany. Now Sir, as to the name of Rump, which by-word, (as you term it) you mislike, give me leave [Page 160] to give a reason of my use of it: How first it was given to them, I shall not here in­quire, though perhaps I might satisfie the Reader in that, but as for the reason of that denomination, I think if weighed well, it will be found too good a name for their bad deserts, if the name of a Rump or Rumper may owe its Originall to, and derive its signifi­cation from (rumpo) that so the title Rumpers may be deduced a rumpendo, no notation can better agree to their nature, and what they have done. How have they broke their Vowes, Oaths and Covenants with God? their Engagements and promises to men? the Priviledges of PARLIAMENT? The lawes of the Land? the hedge of all Government both Civill and Religious? their words at all times, with their friends? Arti­cles with their Enemies; peace with their Christian Protestant Neighbours? The Seals of both their lawfull King and usurping Protector, the staffe of beauty, and the staffe of bands, by which the Nation formerly flourished, and were united together? The bond of Love, both in reference to God and men? The hopes of good men concerning them? The endea­vours of pious Christians and true loyall Members of these three Nations, for the heal­ing our breaches? How did they by wicked [Page 161] Prevarication break off all Treatyes that were made between the King and Parliament, to­ward the setling of a sure and well grounded Peace? How did they impiously break their bounds, and ingrossed into themselves by usurpation all the Power over these three Nations? In a word what have they not broke that is either honourable or sacred, which ought to have been kept inviolably? They have broken their faith, yea broken and trod down all tyes of Conscience, boundaries of Law, Par­liament and King, Nobles and Commons, their own credit and other mens, the estates of severall both Noble and Gentile, yea that of the Widows and Fatherless, The trade of the Nation, and its repute both at home and a­broad, the Gates of the City, their Posts and Chaines, in a word, all hopes (in a manner) of ever recovering out of this Condition, they had certainly broken, had not God raised up one, and endowed him with a gallant hero­ick spirit, who to be ever with these Rum­pers, hath happily broken their hornes, and a­bated their Power, broken their net and let out the Captive, broken their Yoak and freed the oppressed, and the rod of Pride, and delivered the poor Nation, that lay at the feet of their mercyless ambition, broken [Page 162] their plot, and defeated (I hope) for ever their counsell, who otherwise, had in short time broken the hearts of all that were not gifted with a base slavish spirit, to submit to their lawlesse wils, and cursed Lust, and scor­ned to truckle under their highflown matchless Tyranny. Here are Rumpers with a witness, nay rather with a vengeance; Though I conceive, he who first was reported the Author of that name, alluded in it to the Rump of a Sheep or Lambe, which is but a small contemptible peice (compared to the whole Loyne,) and is usually at Innes of Court the Cooks fee. So that if good it is of small value, in respect of its bulk, but if tainted, is scarce good for dogs. At a Gentlemans Table it is not of esteem, and therefore granted to Cooks as an inconsidera­ble part of the Doyn which (if left on) addes nothing to the price or value of it, and be­ing cut off, diminisheth not a whit from the worth thereof, In any of which respects, this fagge end of the House very well might be called the Rump; for esteem of all the Com­moners being the most contemptible, especi­ally when they are apparently tainted, and might be followed by the sent, of Perfidious­ness, Perjury, Rebellion, Treason, Oppression, Mur­ther, Sacriledge, and what not that is odious [Page 163] either to be named or heard? I think not of their personall vices, but desire to be under­stood only concerning their Villanies commit­ted as a body politick. Their number also was so inconsiderable, that being joyned to the other members they added but little of esteeme or repute to them; the number be­ing sufficient to make a considerable House without them, but of them so small, that they seldome exceeded much, never doubled the quorum of a House of Commons and there­fore they were compelled to make bold with the Law, and fetch their fellows out of severall Gaoles, lest the indisposition of some of the rest, might make their House thinner then by the Law thereof its constitution would bear: Some they adopted into their number, right or wrong, as five or six Esquires, others they pluckt in by head and shoulders, as for instance, two or three Earls, who a­mong them seemed Mungril Neuters between Peers and Commoners. Thus the English House of Rumpers may hereafter goe joyned to the three places which according to the Pro­verb, refuse no body, Hell, the Grave and Sea. They may also very well be termed the Snuffe of the House of Commons, the State of England during the Commotions being pro­perly compared to a Taper, which being [Page 164] melted by the fire of Warre, and wasting it self with its own light, which was blown aside by the blasts of Rebellion, ran down much of its waxe into the Socket, and de­clined apace. This snuffe at last preying upon what was run down by the heat of Warre, and the winde of Rebellion, blazed a long time, till all that fed it was consumed, and then went out in a most insufferable stink. But I shall leave them to their own melan­choly thoughts, which perhaps may now check them, and as Josephs brethren, after almost twenty years security in that great sin, which (for ought they knew) they were guilty of, to wit, their brothers bloud, when they were reduced to a great extremity, began to ac­cuse themselves one to another, We are verily guilty of the bloud of our Brother: So these Re­gicides, I hope in this their extremity, may be alarmed by their consciences, with such like thoughts, We are questionlesse guilty of the bloud of our KING, when our own hearts told us that his person was sacred, and we our selves were guilty of what we charged upon him, but he was innocent, and therefore now his bloud is re­quired. This is the worst I wish them, if it were Gods will, but their black fact I would have abhorred and detested for ever, and damned to the pit of hell, where first it was hatched.

[Page 165] The last Engine by which Mr. Milton en­deavours to hinder our much expected set­tlement is, to perswade the people that our present hereditary King hath been from his Cradle trained up in Popish Principles, ha­ving lived so long, and received his subsi­stance among, and from them, this if it were true, is a bad argument to keep him from his Crown, if it be, as certainly it is, his he­reditary right and due. It was the unani­mous resolve of the true Protestant Christians, in Queen Maries dayes, that notwithstanding the desire of pious King Edward to the con­trary, she, and not the Lady Jane, should be Crowned Queen, although she was known to be a resolved Papist, and of a most furious spirit, in requital of whom, she sent many of them to Heaven in Triumphant fiery Cha­riots. Now were it to be admitted, that our King were of the Romish Religion, yet his sweet inclination and disposition might take all suspition of danger from him. Had he been educated with the greatest indulgence and care that were possible, in the true Or­thodox Religion, and yet been seduced acci­dentally by the fraud and policy of some Ro­mish Agents, it had yet been our duty to have prayed for him (as became true Christians) but withall, to have submitted to him, for [Page 166] Gods sake, as became the true Children and Successors of those Primitive Apostolike Saints, who did the like to Heathen Empe­rors and Governors. But when God knowes, this Nation hath by unparallel'd Rebellion and Treason, cut off the Father, with that impious solemnity as was never yet done by the worst of Pagans, and neglected the Children with as much inhumanity as unrighteousnesse, divi­ding (as a spoyl) among themselves the am­ple Revenues belonging to Majesty, and nei­ther allowing the posterity any subsistance themselves, nor permitting any other to do it; but upon penalty of high Treason for­bidding all relief to the Royal Orphans and Widow; when (I say) the Nation hath done this, (pardon me that I say the Nation, for I must lay the blame on the Nation, till the Na­tion hath wiped off the blot) if the King in consideration of these monstrous impieties, perpetrated against his Father, and conti­nued against himself, had imputed the fault of the Professors to the profession it self, and imbraced Popery rather then refined KING killing, Soveraign-despising Protestanisme, it had been our duty to have been humbled for what was past, and by a more exact Obedi­ence to have testified our detestation of such principles, in order to the convincing his [Page 167] judgement, but to have rejected him on this score, had, (I confidently perswade my self) been adding impenitency unto sinne, which is the greatest aggravation thereof: For, without doubt, the whole Nation can­not wash their hands from the guilt of our great sins committed against Gods Vicegerent, our undoubted Head and Sove­raign Lord, and his Royall Issue, for fear of man at least, or cowardly declining their endanger'd King, and his Royall line was their fault; While Vowes, Covenants, Oathes and Protestations were made for his preservation and happinesse, it is no great wonder that fair words and promises insnared the simple, since I perswade my self, that those who made such promises were themselves be­guiled by the subtilty of the ringleading Rumpers, and the Rebellious Souldiery, but when Oaths were palpably broken, and Ma­jesty not only contemned and in hazard, but upon the very point of ruine, had all who were cordially loyall, then appeared against such monstrous impiety and villany, had they been not only unarmed and naked, but even sick and wounded men, they had undoubted­ly given a check to the Rumpers rage, and malicious, barbarous, bloudy impiety. In which respect our Humiliation ought to be [Page 168] Nationall and serious, since not only Dogs, Sorcerers, and such like, but the fearfull and unbelieving, shall be shut out of the heavenly Jerusalem: Yea, and when Christ was cruci­fied, it was not the whole Nation that did it, but the High-priest, and Scribes, and some zealous Pharisees, nor the majority of the people that consented to it, for they who plotted his death, durst not put their designs in execution on the Feast-day least there should be an Uproar among the people, who most of them accounted Christ as a good holy man, and a great Prophet: Yet none ap­pearing on his side when it was put in exe­cution, that was long before plotted, his bloud lay upon the whole Nation, and dismal calamities many years after came upon all, for the actual sin of some. So in likenesse of our Saviours sufferings, behold a pious Protestant King, not carefull of his own life, that by his bloud he might seal his peoples Li­berties, and the priviledges of Parliament, be­hold him I say, arraign'd, with scorn, reproach and contempt, condemned with impudence and the height of indignity, and executed with the full measure of malice, tyranny and cruelty; yea and after his death, the Inju­ries done to the Father as it were intayl'd upon the Son, and extended to the whole [Page 169] Royall Issue, and Relations. Behold, a young Prince, no sooner by villanous violence made a a lawfull KING, but persecuted to the death, Warre being made with all who gave him entertainment, nor peace concluded with any, but upon condition of his being proscri­bed, and ejected out of all their Dominions, and Jurisdiction, his naturall Subjects prohibi­ted, (but upon condition of utter ruine) to own or relieve him, and yet see the mercy and goodnesse to this poor Nation in this our King, his constancy in the true Protestant Religion, and his undaunted profession of the same in the midst of, and in despite of all these Injuries offered him from Protestant Subjects, hath been the joy of all his Friends, the ad­miration of Strangers, the envy of Enemies, and is notorious in Europe, to the silencing of Momus himself, so that his known practise can give the lye to the words or pen of any barking black-mouthed Adversary whatsoever. This is the Lords doing, to his Name be glory for ever. If then it had been our undoubted duty, to have received him joyfully, and sub­mitted to him chearfully, and conscientiously, for the Lords sake, though he had been a Romist, how much more ought we to do it, as the case stands, and how ought every true Christian to long for his return, and not give [Page 170] God rest, day nor night, but be instant in servent prayer till his Restitution be accom­plished: For whatever may be pretended as to settlement by a Common-wealth, there is no way of firm settlement but by returning to our former Allegiance. We came not to that passe we were lately in, but by the means of treason, rebellion, perjury, murder, oppression, and sacriledge, for which God certainly will visit: Could we imagine there were no God, as foolish Atheists imagine, or that God were like to us, an Abettor of such Villanies as we act and approve, it would yet be very improbable, that a (foolishly intended) Common-wealth should ever be setled, foras­much as the Interest of the Nation is inga­ged to Monarchy, it is a Government we were trained up in, and accustomed thereto, and our Kings not Fortaigners to us, but our own Countrey-men, who were themselves by bloud allyed to many (if not most) of the Nobles, and they to the Gentry, they also to the Yeomen, and Countrey-Farmers, that In­terests were woven together so firmly, and the knots knit between all so indissolvably, that the same cannot be undone, without the certain inevitable ruine of all. And if Interests which have sprung up since the Warre (whose foundation is illegality, enormity, [Page 171] and Villanous impiety) be in ten or twelve years become so considerable, that for peace sake, the formalities of Law and nyceties of Justice must be dispensed withall, and the rule (raptim vivendi) since it is become Epi­demicall, must be connived at as to the time past, or else palpable and apparent danger might be of new Combustions; is it to be imagined that so long continued, and so inter­woven Interests, can be thrown aside like an Almanack out of date, and all remain quiet? We see that those who never were possess'd of, nor quietly injoyed the Government, but only reacht after, and aspired to it, can scarse be satisfied without injoying what they thus gap'd for, but will rather endea­vour to set all on fire, then go without it, and is it likely, that such, who were legally and quietly possest therewith, owned by all, and Allegiance sworn to them by all, (as the Kings Posterity was included in the Oath of Allegiance, and Supremacy, and all his legal Successors, in defect of Issue) the Nobles also (who are numerous) whose Franchise and Prerogative it was so farre to participate in Government, as to be the Peers of the Nation, and to make one House of English Parliaments, The Gentry also who were firm to their Sove­raign, whose Birthright it is to choose and be [Page 172] chosen Commoners: Can all these be blown away with a puffe, and breaches be sodered up notwithstanding? 'twere a madnesse to imagine it. Certainly, if to adhere to a King, who had piously and happily Governed nigh twenty years, descended of Ancestors of happy memory, who with himself had almost compleated a Century of years in most happy tranquility, were deserving sequestration, im­prisonment, (and death as some suffered) be­sides a losse of priviledges, and Franchises to themselves, yet must their innocent Babes be cut off likewise with the Parents? and can peaceable submission nevertheless be expected? Certainly no, Religion and reason both forbid it, no marvel then, if now at length toward the Morning Watch, (the Day-star of our de­liverance appearing) the Righteous God hath looked down through the Cloud of confusion and disorder, and hath troubled the Host of our Egyptian Task-masters, taking off the Chariot-wheels so that they drive heavily, and troubling their Counsels in such sort, that I hope they will never be praevalent more, but if they continue obstinately impenitent, will bring back upon them the Waters of trouble, despair, agony, and final destruction, that so when these Egyptians are over whelmed in those Flouds, by which they intended to [Page 173] swallow up the Innocent, we may with joy­full hearts sing Praises to him our Delive­rer; in the Church, and pay our Vowes in the Assembly of the Great Congregation: and I presume with confidence, that if it shall please the Lord once more to return in mer­cy to this poor Nation, to lay our Foun­dations firmly anew, to heal our breaches, and to restore unto us our Judges as at the first, and our Counsellors as at the beginning, we shall then be wary hereafter how we slight Gods Blessings, and loath Manna, lest if we again relapse into the same or the like sinne, a worse Judgement overtake us. As for our King's being maintained during his Exile, it hath been almost a Prodigy in Pro­vidence; of his own he might say as David to Saul, They banished him from the presence of the Lord, saying in effect, Goe serve other Gods; and if David the Chosen of the Lord, and a man after his heart, when banished Israel, fled to Achish King of Gath (a Phili­stine) who shewed him kindnesse, and treated him with courtesie, who can condemn our Exiled Prince far from Friends and Relief, hunted from England into the Low Countreys, and France, from thence recalled to Scot­land, and as soon pursued by that implacable Bloud-hound, (who had not quenched his [Page 174] thirst with his Royall Fathers bloud,) and by him persecuted, and driven into England, thence forced again to flye to the Low-Countreys and France, where he had the relief and converse of Protestants; but even this was envyed him by our late infamous Ʋsurper, who partly by force, partly by policy, ejected him out of both those Jurisdictions, yet when destitute of Friends and succour, God put it into the Tyrants minde to quarrell with Spain, our most profitable Ally, and that Prince relieves our distressed Royall Or­phans. Here was Gods goodnesse, triumphing over mans basenesse, his mercy over their cru­elty, to him be the glory, but in greater mercy he hath kept our King and Royall Issue, from being tainted in their Religion, which is a fa­vour for which Immortall praise is due to his Name.

And thus Mr. Milton I have run through your Discourse, and in answering it I have obviated whatever is material, in what you wrote against Salmasius, either derogating from Kingly Government, or justifying that Execrable murder of our lawfull, and once happy yet (for ever glorious) martyr'd King CHARLES; and in prosecuting my own Assertion in opposition to yours, I have (I conceive) anticipated any material Ob­jection, [Page 175] that might be made for future in be­half of one, or against the other. I shall now conclude with you, wishing you hearti­ly true repentance, and a sound minde. Rayling against Majesty, when insulted over (by the permission of God) and casting scurrilities in the face of Gods Anoynted, is the mark of a Shimei, (let his profession of Religion be what it will) and if God ever come to awa­ken your Conscience in mercy or in judgement, you will finde such a like reproof in your breast, as cursing Shimei had from Solomon, Thou knowest all the wickednesse that is in thy heart, and which it is privy to, &c.) out of the abundance of which you belched forth your filthy Expressions against him, of whom those who are truly pious (fearing God and the King) give a different Character. But I hope all who are indeed wise, will be enabled to judge of persons and things. You say, what you write is the Language of the Good Old Cause: I am sure what I write is the Language, and according to the sense of Good Old True Christians, and of the Scripture. What you wrote, you wrote no more (you say) then if you had written to stocks or stones: And what I reply to you or to the Ring-leading Rumpers, I am confident I write to such, (that is) scared Consciences, and stony breasts, [Page 176] but as you hope your writings out of those stones may raise up some Children unto Li­berty, so I hope these my Writings may meet with some, who, in simplicity are following Absalom in Hebron, being by de­lusions won to desert their lawfull KING in Jerusalem; I mean, following an Ʋsurp­ing Aspirer, in contempt of true Authority, and the true Church, deserting their True KING, and rejecting the true means of Grace, to be only found in Zion.

But those who are True and Cordial Sub­jects and Sons, to their King, and of the Orthodox Protestant Church, know, that Da­vid whom Shimei reviled, was a man after Gods own heart, and one whom the Lord chose to make an Everlasting Covenant with, so different is the esteem of good men being made by divers sorts of persons: As an Eye that is distempered and bloud-shot, dazles at the Sunne, or any clear Light, seeing by it nothing but bloud, terror, and amazement, nor can abide to behold it, but looking down on the green Earth, is more contented, and pleased: So guilty mindes, or restlesse spirits, cannot endure the lustre of Majesty, but go poring upon, and admiring that which is more sordid and neerer the Earth, as suting best to their [Page 177] capacity. To both which the Poet thus alludes, and shewes the fate of each:

But I hope these (terrae filii) will be no longer Remora's to our long wished for, and expected Deliverance, Settlement, and Joy, which that it may come (certe & citò) both surely and speedily, is, and hath been, my prayer, and I hope every Cordiall Subject, and loyall Breast in England, Scotland, and Ireland, will say, Amen.