I Shall not enlarge my self to represent to your Se­renity the Foreign and Civil Wars, that Religi­on hath caused in the Empire; and how these two Evils have weakened so formi­dable a Power; neither shall I lose any time to enumerate the divers Jealousies of the Electors, and Princes of Germany, nor [Page 2] the bad Condition they have reduced the Emperor to. A The be­ginning of the Em­peror's Character. Prince in his own Nature very little capable to defend himself, His Subjects or His Friends from the divers enterprizes of His Neighbours.

These particulars have been so exactly treated of by those that have writ before me, that it would be too tedious to make a Rehearsal. I shall reduce my self therefore to a succinct reci­tal of those things that are new­est, and less known; and there are very few that have either escaped my Care or Curiosity: For I have seen the Causes bred, and their Progress die; and by a very rare Fortune in the time of one only Embassie, I have been a Witness and Spectator of both War and Peace: Yet a­mongst so great a Number of things, I shall meddle only with [Page 3] those that particularly reguard the Interests of your Serenity, in Relation to your Territories that border on the Ottoman to­wards the Sea, and of the Empe­ror towards the Land.

Since that the Ottoman Sect, by his continual Progresses, Victories and Conquests gained over Asia, this triumphant Pu­issance, Progress of the Ot­toman Greatness. not content with the Extent of its first Successes, turned its ambitious Designs towards Europe. Solyman in­vaded Hungary; Selim, his A. D. 1529. vid. Cluv. p. 593. Successor the Kingdom of Cy­prus; the one and the other A. D. 1547. vid. Cluv. p. 615. having for their Object the Ruine of these two Powers that were able to give a Check Their De­signs. to their vast Ambition: The First, that of the House of Au­stria by Land; the Second, that of this Republick by Sea.

[Page 4] It presently appeared, that A strict Allyance is the joint Interest of the Em­pire and Republick of Venice. to oppose so dreadful a Power, it were necessary to make a strict Allyance for the common De­fence between the Emperor and your Serenity, the more assu­redly to keep off the Invasions and Forces of the Ottomans, that every one knows have sworn the Destruction of those two Empires.

The unhappy Differences of Christendom, facilitates to the Turks all those sorts of Enter­prises which in divers places they have had prosperous Suc­cess. They attack sometimes the Emperor, sometimes your Serenity, the one and the other separately, and their Appetite comes in eating: They set up­on divers Provinces, when pas­sing from Conquest to Conquest, they by so much always dimi­nish [Page 5] the Forces of Christendom, and more and more assure to themselves the Roots and Foun­dations of their Dominion.

Thus the greatest part of Hun­gary being invaded by Solyman the Second, the Turks have pre­vailed, and extended very far their Conquests in Europe by Land. In process of Time Se­lim gets possession of the King­dom of Cyprus. Ibrahim enter'd The Turks enter'd Candia, A. D. 1645. Cluver. p. 761. Mahom. 3. fell into Transilva­nia, 1599. Cluv. p. 632 Candia, and Mahomet the Third Transilvania. These glorious Successes by Sea and Land con­tinuing as it were Link by Link, the Chain of their Conquests have made appear, that their Designs are for an Universal Monarchy, and have made the Christians afraid of their Irons and Slavery. In Effect, being Masters of the Kingdom of Can­dia, Effects of the loss of Candia surrender­ed 27. Sep. 1669. they will have the Sea [Page 6] open, and may carry their Am­bition wheresoever they will. Transilvania already by the Conquest of Warradin, and the Warradin surrender­ed 6 Aug. 1660. Clu. p. 845. establishing of Prince Ann. D. 1661. Flo. Hung. pag. 284. Abafti, their Slave, is entirely submit­ted to them; and they keep in no less Awe Hungary, by the ta­king Surren­dered 26. Sep. 1663. Flo. Hung. p. 287. Clu. p. 866. Newhausel, and the several Bastions with which they have fortified it, and aggrandiz'd the Suburbs; and it is easie to per­ceive where they would make the Seat of War, could they but meet with a more happy Attack of Vienna, than that which was attempted by Ann. D. 1529. Flo. Hun. p. 142. So­lyman in the Age past, there is nothing can happen of great­er Importance to be afraid of, and the loss of this The preserva­tion of Vi­enna of great im­portance to all Chri­stendom. Capital City would be fatal to all Chri­stendom; and though it seems that the Ottoman Empire hath not at present such numerous [Page 7] Forces as at other times it hath had, because we do not now see an Army of three hundred thousand Combatants, as was that of Solyman, when he first set foot in Hungary; or of five hundred thousand, as was that of Amurath before Babylon. This doth not proceed from the Weakness of this Empire; 'tis far from being less puissant than it was in those times; but is ra­ther much more considerable, by all its new Conquests, and by the Increase of the Number of Kingdoms and States, that are subject to it. The present weak­ness Present State of the Turk­ish affairs. is very apparent, and the Continuance of it very uncer­tain, and proceeds only from Why their Forces are so much diminish­ed. the Disorder of the Head; but the Body hath lost nothing of its Force, nor of being in a good Condition, notwithstanding the Spirits are languishing, and the [Page 8] Heart abated, so that the Mo­tions of it are slower than or­dinary; and that Vivacity of the former Ottoman Monarchs appears almost extinct. And in short, it seems, that since the Death of Amurath, there hath not been a Sultan worthy the Name of a Grand Seignior, nor of so great an Empire, or one that hath been either a warriour, or addicted to War. The Turks, as they have not encreased, or enlarged their Limits, so they have lost nothing : Their Lan­guishing costs their Empire no­thing, and leaves them in a con­dition of re-taking their former Vigor, as soon as they shall have a Prince that is a Warriour, and loves War; and one that in I­mitation of their Ancestors, shall seek for Glory in the Head of his Armies, in the midst of Battels, and whose Example should in­spire [Page 9] Courage and Bravery in the Souldiers: So that the Lan­guishing of this vast Body pro­ceeds from the Weakness of their Chief; but at the first Change this People will soon re-take their former Force and Vigor.

The Turkish Militia is com­posed Of the Turkish Militia. chiefly of Asiaticks and Europeans; the first are for the most part Cavalry; the second are for the most part Musque­teers, which they raise upon the Frontiers, and have always their Arms ready, and are naturally more addicted to War than the others.

However the essential Basis, and principal Cause of so many Victories obtained by the Otto­mans, hath been the exact Ob­servation of their Policy, and [Page 10] of their Discipline; the Brave­ry of their Souldiers, and above all their Janizaries, which are choice Troops, and a Body of people chosen, and of Courage. It is to be observed, that the Turks use not to do as the Chri­stian An over­sight of the Chri­stian Offi­cers in ge­neral. Officers, who care no far­ther than to get the Number of Men they have undertaken for : And for a little Gain content themselves with the first that come, and list miserable Peasants, Beggars, new cloathing them, and such as they can meet with; so that neither the one, nor the other, have any Fitness or Incli­nation for War; and do only endeavour to encrease their Troops of all sorts of indifferent people, for their own profit, more than the Service of their Prince.

[Page 11] On the contrary the Turks The Turks way of Discipline. chuse out of the Children of the Christian Slaves, such whose Bo­dies are best proportion'd and strongest, which they care­fully breed up in the Seraglio, to the Love and Discipline of War, and conduct them to Arms as soon as they are judged ca­pable, and they afford the bra­vest and most expert Souldiers, and are generally the Instru­ments of the greatest Successes, and Gainers of doubtful Battels. It must also be avowed, that the blind Obedience of these In­fidels doth not a little contri­bute to the prosperity of the State of their Affairs, and their Combats; and are strangely pro­fited by our Examples, Inventi­ons and Machines, and of divers Instructions that the Renegades from time to time give them, both as to what concerns Artil­lery, [Page 12] or artificial Fires; and as to Their Im­provement in Fire-works, and other Warlike Exercises. what regards the ordering of Sieges, Marches, Camps, and other Exercises of War : For without these the Ottomans would not have necessary Un­derstanding. Of which every one was entirely perswaded at the last Siege of Canisa, where The Rea­son of the Christians Miscarri­age at the last Siege of Canisa. the Commanders readily mak­ing use of the Experience of Re­negades, made a brave and ad­mirable Resistance, and baffled the Art of the most experienced Christian-Engineers. That which is remarkable amongst the Turk­ish Armies, they never want Provisions, let them be com­posed of never so great a Num­ber; or whatever happens to them, this Disorder befalls on­ly the Christian Troops.

[Page 13] How often hath it happened The Chri­stians and Turks compared as to their Provisions for the Soldiery. to those of the Emperor? How often have they wanted Bread? How often have their Armies been in a manner broken? The Turks know not what it is to have such Disgraces; whether it be by their great Oeconomy, or by their commendable and natural Sobriety, they never want any thing : For if the Or­der and Care of their Officers procure them abundance of provisions, the Souldier, by his Sobriety, contributes much to their Duration; and with a Handful of Rice, and dried Flesh, or beat into Powder only, without any other Beve­rage than that of Fresh Water, he is satisfied, and sufficiently nourished. Not but that they have Sherbet for people of Qua­lity; but they can be without it, and make it their Glory to [Page 14] abstain from it, for to make them appear more fit for War and Fatigue. One cannot say so of the Christian Armies, much less of the German's, who are always at their Meals, and as it were buried in Gluttony and Drunk­enness.

The Emperor enter'd into this war with the Turks with too great Censures upon the Emperor's Proceed­ings in the beginning of the War. an Affectation to avoid it: For if at the beginning, as soon as the Port had framed a Design of in­vading Transilvania; and was not as yet fully resolved, if the Emperor, I say, had made his Veterane Army, drawn out of many old Bodies since the last Peace of the Empire, advance, he had constrained the Turks to much more reasonable Con­ditions, because that the great­est part of them did disapprove an open Breach with the Empe­ror. [Page 15] But his Majesty, follow­ing the faint hearted and weak Counsels of his Favourite, ap­peared so soft in his manner of Acting, and so intimidated with the bare appearances of a Rup­ture that he confirmed the Vi­sier in his Design of making War, and pushed on so much the more this Infidel, who was already too full of Hope, and almost as­sured of good Success against so feeble a Prince; and in a time when all Christendom was in Combustion and Disorder.

It will be equally superfluous as well as troublesom to repre­sent the divers particularities to your Serenity, since that my Dispatches have punctually en­formed you of the chief passa­ges of what happen'd.

[Page 16] The Visier entered the Emperors The Visier falls into the Em­peror's Territories without resistance. Territories with Fifty Thousand Foot, and Eight Thousand Horse. The first Year he found no resist­ance; for the Germans shut them­selves up in fortified places, and quitted the Field; besides, the Tartars, without any Hinder­ance, and with a great deal of Freedom, ran up and down the Country, and ruined chiefly Mo­ravia; and throwing of Arrows with lighted Matches tied to them upon the thatcht Houses, The cru­elty of the Tartars. they burnt an infinite Number of Villages, and carryed away Fifteen Thousand Slaves, bind­ing the little Children together, & laying them behind them upon their Horses Backs. All was fil­led with Confusion and Disor­der. Vienna in a manner aban­doned: Above seventy Thou­sand Inhabitants left it, and took away the best of their [Page 17] Goods to save them, and to take refuge in places afar of, and se­cure against this Irruption. A great Number of these people stay'd at Lintz, the ways were fill'd with people in despair, who were equally press'd with fear & famine, remained without Force, and some times without Life, in the midst of the High-ways. The Ambassadors kept them­selves in a readyness to follow the Emperor to this City, in case the Turkish Army had ad­vanced towards Vienna, the on­ly place of Refuge; but the Ordinary Slothfulness of his Imperial Majesty, made him one of the last to retire, altho' all were fill'd with pannick fear, and was the occasion that the Capital City was not entirely forsaken by its Inhabitants.

[Page 18] At last a Courier put Cou­rage Newhausel lost. into the fainting, and per­plexed Germans, by bringing the News of the Turkish Armies march to Newhausel; this City, notwithstanding well provided with all things necessary, yield­ed to the force of the Infidels. The Visier spared nothing of Bravery, or of Money; for he gave generously a hundred Rix Dollars a Head to the Janizaries, that should fix upon a Breach the Turkish Standards, hoping by his Liberalities, the more readily to become Master of the Fortifications, and to be before­hand with Autumn; which stand­ing upon a Moross, would have rendered the Attack more diffi­cult, and the Success much more doubtful. The Rains hinder the fur­ther Pro­gress of the Turks.

The advantages of this Cam­pagne were notably retarded [Page 19] by the Protection Heaven was pleased to afford the piety of the Emperor for to repair his and his Ministers Negligence: It rained so abundantly that the ways were broken, so that the Visier was constrained to defer his progress, and to make a halt at Buda, for at least Fourty days, to have his Cannon drawn back. It is almost certain, that if God gave a fair Game to the Turks at first, he at the same time blind­ed them; and that if the Visier, instead of attacking Newhausel, The mise­rable con­dition of Vienna. had advanced in sight of Vienna, he had found it without Provi­sion, without Souldiers, and without Inhabitants; filled with Despair, Diseases, and great Ne­cessities, open and exposed to his Army, and entirely submit­ted to his Disposition, which he did not want being blamed for; and his Excuse was (says he) [Page 20] ‘I could never have imagined, that the Defence of a Capital City, and well fortified, could possibly at the first and false Reports, have been so negli­gently and suddenly aban­doned.’

At this time the Murmurs and Com­plaints a­gainst Count Por­tia. Complaints broke out against the Ministry of Count Portia, who remained as one asleep in so great a Noise, and in the midst of so many Alarms. To speak His Cha­racter. Truth, his Shoulders were not broad enough to bear so great a Burthen: The deplorable Loss of Newhausel ended this unfor­tunate Campagne, and gave some Relaxation to the divers Inquie­tudes, and unworthy dejections of the Emperor's Spirit, reduced to look upon such a Loss as a Happiness to him, nor could have any Hope or Assurance, [Page 21] but from the flattering Treasons of his Favourite, who dissemb­led all things, and amused him by fair and vain Appearances, in such sort, that two days be­fore the Loss of Newhausel, I asked his Majesty if he had good News; He answered me, That the Turks daily battered the place, but gained not any Ad­vantage.

The second Campagne of this The se­cond Cam­pagne be­gins with Loss to the Impe­rialists. War did not appear at its be­ginning more prosperous than the first, by reason of the un­fortunate Siege of Canisa, the taking of Fort Zerin by As­sault, Fort Ze­rin taken 1664. with a Remarkable Loss of the Besieged. How­ever the Victory obtained in Hungary on the other Side the Danube, by Count Zouches, and yet farther, that of Monte­cuculis's, at the River Raab, [Page 22] sweetn'd the End. But the known Loss of Turkish Officers and Soldiers, and amongst others of Ismael Bassa, the Sultan's Bro­ther-in-law, Death of Ismael Bas­sa. and General of the Cavalry, so much the more en­creased the Christians Joy; which cut short the Progress of the Infi­dels. By this considerable Defeat, not only the Misfortunes of the Emperor seemed to cease, but di­vers Beams of a good Fortune began to shine out : For, besides the Honour of the Victory, he had yet the Advantage of a great Booty which the Imperialists got.

The Victory was thus ob­tained, Six Thousand Turks ha­ving rashly passed the River, An Ac­count of the Battle of Raab. they were as soon set upon by the Christian Army, consisting of near Fifty Thousand Men. The time was not long in their being all cut to pieces, or thrown over, and drowned in the [Page 23] River. Yet these Wretches sold The Turk­ish Valour. their Lives at a dear Rate, and far from yielding to Discretion, they defended themselves, as much as they were able, with as much Courage as Valour; and seemed in dying to out-brave their Conquerors; and all the Dead were found with their Cymeters in their Hands; and they made Prisoner but one only Janizary that lay fainting on the Ground through the number of his Wounds, who was sent to the most Christi­an King, with many Ensigns taken from the Infidels by the French. Certainly their Brave­ry contributed very much to this Victory, and as to the Glory of the Success, if other Nations, who fought, ought to be parta­kers of the Honour, the De­cision of this Battle, which was a long time doubtful, is due only [Page 24] to their valour, and they were well recompensed in the Field; for the Officers and Soldiers en­riched themselves with the Spoils from the Dead Bodies upon the place, and the drown­ed, which they fished for. The Turks, being (for the most part) Officers, or Commanders, were either richly Armed or clad.

The Presumption of a certain Victory, had engaged the Bra­vest of the Turkish Officers to this Rashness, and without any Consideration to pass the Ri­ver, not making any Re­flection as to the Danger, or the Consequences of it. They could not imagine that a Fear so great as the German's was, could be so easily vanished; and that a People so astonished could so quickly take Courage, or dare [Page 25] to make any Resistance; so that rushing on to a Triumph, before they were assured of a Victory, they got on their best Habits, instead of arming themselves with their best Arms: There An Ac­count of the Booty. was found Silver, Furniture for Horses with Silver-gilt Saddles embroidered, Cymeters, set with Diamonds, Turbants garnished with precious Stones; and par­ticularly that of Ismael Bassa, a­dorned with a Feather, set on with a Garniture of Diamonds of great price. This Disgrace a little abated their Pride, and gave an Overture to Propositi­ons of Peace. The Turkish Ar­my already fatigued with the relieving of Canisa, and the Cavalry wanting Forage, the Canisa re­lieved, An. D. 1664. Visier was constrained to pull off the Leaves of the Woods that were nearest him, to serve instead of Hay for the Subsistence of his [Page 26] Horse. As for him, whether Bu­siness took him up, or that he was not a good Soldier, he stay­ed The Beha­vior of the Visier at this Battle. on the other side the River during the whole Battle; and seemed rather to observe as a Philosopher, than as a Warriour, the Misfortune and Rout of his Army: For he did not make the least offer, as if he were willing to relieve them, whether looking on it as a thing impossible, or chusing rather to undergo the Disgrace than the Danger.

Moreover, of what Conse­quence soever the Loss was, he did not fail gaining extreamly The Death of Ismael a great Ad­vantage to the Visier. by the Death of Ismael his Com­petitor, having no more to fear from him, who had a great Heart and Merit: That which surprized him most, was the Va­lor of the French, to see what a Slaughter they made, and what [Page 27] a Shock they gave the Vi­ctory. However he more rea­dily The Visier harkens to a Peace. lent his Ear to a Treaty of Peace, which was soon after concluded, and agreed amongst the parties. I was so much the less surprized, because I foresaw it before-hand. Having at large represented it to your Serenities by my Dispatches, that this War his Majesty was necessitated, not advised to; and therefore would be willing to accept the best Conditions of peace he could, and endeavour the Restitu­tion of Newhausel, a Frontier place, which secures not only Hungary, but covers Moravia and Silesia, and his hereditary Countreys, and is only distant from Vienna a hundred Italian Miles. The Rea­sons that induced the Emperor to a Peace.

The Reasons that led the Em­peror to this Peace so impru­dently [Page 28] and hastily, in a Time when all parts of Christendom promised the Empire more Assi­stance than ever, and the pride of the Turks so sensibly abated; and in short, when all things did appear to make for the Christi­ans; the Reasons, I say, were The weakness of the House of Austria. the Non-age of the King of Spain, and the Apprehension that the Germans had, That through his Catholick Majesty's Fault, the House of Austria re­mained feeble and troubled in Spain, either by Domestick Factions, or by the Diversion in Portugal: And too much entangled in Germany, by reason of this War, undertaken with Forces too unequal; be­sides, these Entanglements laid open the passages for the King of France, to invade the Ter­ritories of the one and the other Branch of Austria; and he might [Page 29] easily prevail over their Weak­ness; and in Spite of them, both establish and secure his Power in their Countreys. The little Mo­ney the Emperor hath, and the feeble & slow Succors of the Em­pire, very much encouraged him to this Resolution: But Foreign The dan­ger of ha­zarding a Battle. Considerations entirely deter­mined the Council of the Em­peror; for the great Force of the Turkish Arms hindered the hazarding a Battle in the Heart of Hungary; of which the ill Success would put all the States of the Empire into evident Dan­ger; besides, the natural Aversi­on between the Germans and Hungarians daily gave some new Alarm. The Hun­garians ha­tred to the Turks keeps them in Subjecti­on to the Emperor.

On the other hand, the Impe­rial Ministers were but too too justly perswaded, that the Hun­garians are not retained in their [Page 30] Duty and Obedience in respect to the Emperor, but out of ha­tred to the Turks; not for Love of their Sovereign, but Fear of their Enemies. These natu­tural preventions are the only Cautions that keep in these un­ruly Creatures, and hinder them from undergoing the Yoak: For this their giddy Frame of Spirit, is the Reason why the Germans do not desire entirely to get the Kingdom of Hungary out of its Subjection to the Ottomans, being of that Be­lief, that if this People should recover their former Liberty, and were freed from the Fear of the Turks, they would infal­libly revolt from the Empire, nor would obey them any longer; and would in the end chuse a King of their own Nati­on, as they have done hereto­fore.

[Page 31] These Imaginations are so strong, and of that weight with them, that the Austrians had much rather consent to the Loss of Newhausel, one of the Bul­warks of their hereditary Coun­treys, than insist upon the Re­stitution of that place, which being, as it were, the Center of Hungary, would encrease their Oppression and Servitude. This considerable Loss was a Comfort The Em­peror makes a Peace bla­med by all Chrysten­dom. to them, because it would be a Grief to the Hungarians, and precipitated them into a disho­nourable Peace; blamed by all the World, and done in a time when all Europe, being in peace, might send powerful Succors, and vigorously beat back these Infidels.

The Hungarians, as they are The Peace prejudici­al to the Hungari­ans. most concerned, so they were most surprized; they had con­ceived [Page 32] some hope of being able to break their Chains, and were in expectation of some sort of Relief from a General Peace a­mongst Christians. They could never imagine, that any one could acquiesce in a Treaty so disadvantageous, by which their Fetters should be fastened, and their Slavery secured. Without doubt, no one knows how e­nough to deplore their Misfor­tune : For they find themselves beset on all Hands by the Turks; for they are tormented by their continual Courses, surprized e­very Moment in their Vineyards and Villages, in such sort, that, let the peace be what it will that is made, these unfortunate Hungarians do not cease having War, being exposed to Incursi­ons, to Reprisals, and to all o­ther Hostilities; so that they are obliged to have their Arms in [Page 33] their Hands, and be always on their Guard, notwithstanding their Forces are unequal to their Enemies. They were from Day to Day destroyed, and all to no purpose against a greater Force: Also adding loss after loss, it is ve­ry Difficult to think they should long delay an entire Submission; and the rather, because they are seated between two power­ful Enemies, the Turks, that would oppress them, and the Germans, that would not defend them. And for this Reason, as well as that, they were not of themselves ca­pable of making War without an evident hazard of being ru­ined, they found themselves constrained to dissemble their Misfortune, and to wait a more favourable time for their Liber­ty, without Murmur, without Complaint, through Fear of a more insufferable Slavery. And [Page 34] altho' this might be one Reason to oblige the Germans to a peace, it was not the only one; the unfortunate Loss of Transylva­nia was a second, and not less urgent.

This Province was the first The Inva­sion of Transilva­nia by the Turks, the first Cause of this War. Subject of the War, and occa­sioned rather by the ill Conduct of the Emperor's Ministers, than by any ill Fortune of his own : For it was as it were abandoned; Business was neglected; Sixteen Musters-pay due to the Soldiers; The Officers ill used, and driven out of places, and constrained, as it were thro' Despair, to treat with Abafti.

This * Prince had presently the Consent of the Port, and Abafti e­stablished 1661. Orders to receive well the Ger­man Soldiers that fled to him for Refuge, and give them their pay due from the Emperor, and [Page 35] so take in the places; were given them in Custody, without giv­ing them wherewithal to keep them. By this means, with­out so much as drawing a Sword, the Emperor found himself despoiled of the principal places delivered to him as a pledge of Fidelity by Kemin Janos, and lost Clausemburg it self, that had been defended with so great Clausem­burg, or Claudiopo­lis taken 1662. a Reputation the last Campaign, under the Conduct of Reffano, a Venetian. There are some people that are apt to say, That Portia, out of Design, neglected the Relief of these places, think­ing to make the World believe, that the Inhabitants and Garri­sons were the only Authors of their Revolts, to remove (by such Losses where he did not seem to contribute) all Subject of Complaint and of War, that might arise concerning their pre­servation.

[Page 36] The loss of Transylvania will without doubt one day be la­mentable to all Christendom, The loss of Tranfil­vania en­dangers all Christen­dom. especially to Germany. This Province, which might pass for a powerful and vast Kingdom, is fair, abundant, and enlarged with rich and fertile Plains, sur­rounded with Hills, surmounting one another till by degrees they raise themselves to steep and in­accessible Mountains, as if Provi­dence with these strong and na­tural Ramparts, were minded to defend them from the divers Ir­ruptions of these Barbarians. It is filled with strong Castles, and Towns well peopled : It is a­bounding in Mines; fertile in strong and brave Horses, and there is nothing wanting that is necessary to the life of Man.

The Emperor hath very much contributed to the Ruin of [Page 37] this Province by his extraordi­nary Negligences, and aban­doning the generous Ragotzkie. That brave Man, tho' he was forsaken by the Emperor, and void of all Relief, continued to defend his Estates with as much Prince Ragotzki's death, May 1660. Glory as Courage: Nor had he yielded to his ill Fortune, had he been seconded by the Prin­ces, his Neighbours, concerned in the War. Notwithstanding his Despair encreased his Valor; for after he had slain one hun­dred and seventy one Men with his own Hand, he was enclosed by the Enemy, and at last kill'd Fighting. He inherited the Bra­very His Cha­racter. of his Father, who main­tained himself in this Province in spight of the Ottomans, on whom he had many Advantages, and won many signal Victories. The Turks never gave over troubling him, and would have [Page 38] forced him to resign his Princi­pality, and do Homage to the Port; but neither their Com­mands nor Forces could work against so valorous a Resistance. From hence it is that it came to pass, that the Death of Father and Son, and the taking of Wa­radin, Waradin surrender­ed to the Turks, 17 Aug. 1660. afforded so great Joy to the Infidels, who have not on­ly brought in Subjection all the Princes, his Successors, but made his Subjects Slaves, and totally dependant upon their Empire.

Varadin being the chief Key of Hungary, gives the Turks a free Entrance, and secure Access, and renders their Dominion so ab­solute, and the Province so sub­ject, that the Emperor and Hun­garians are apparently for ever excluded from the Recovery of this Country, and its Liberty.

[Page 39] The Imperial Ministers took Coloura­ble pre­tences for a Peace. great care to give plausible Mo­tives for a Peace, and did en­deavor to colour their Desires of extinguishing the Fire that was enkindled in Hungary; and by consequence their weak Re­sistance in Transylvania. They published in their Treaty, That they had maintained Abafti in the same Estate that his prede­cessors were : But these Reports were spread farther than believ­ed; and they that had the least Understanding of these Affairs, were perswaded, that notwith­standing all these Treaties, and the differences of the Provinces, this Prince should not be better used by the Port, than those of Valachia and Moldavia, who are The Con­dition of Christian Princes under the Turk. under the entire and absolute Dominion of the Turks, and he not be able to act, but as the Port would have him; and find [Page 40] himself not only deprived of his Authority, but destitute of his Forces, and not in a Capacity to take Arms, as his Predecessors had done, either to aggrandize or defend himself.

The Loss of this Province is The Loss of Transyl­vania fatal to the Christians and ad­vantagious to the Turks. so considerable, that it will be fatal one day to Germany: For the Fury of the Turks will not find any more a Defence to break their first Incursions. The Emperor will not have any thing left to oppose their Inun­dation; and his Countrey will be exposed to the first Fury of the Infidels. The Turks them­selves have gained this Advan­tage, that they can raise their Troops there, which they were forced to send back into Asia after a Campagne. Now they can begin a Campagne sooner, and retire into their Winter [Page 41] Quarters later; and by reason that their Cavalry were con­strained to wait the Growth and Maturity of Forage; and the great Distance of places hin­dered their appearing in a Bo­dy upon the Frontiers, before the beginning of August: Now they can do it in the Month of June, and so their Irruption will be so much the more destructive, as their Campagne will be the longer.

The last War hath preposses­sed the Christians with these un­happy Conjectures: For the Turks durst not have taken the Field before the Season had co­vered the Earth with necessary Forage for the Subsistence of their Cavalry, Horses of Artil­lery and Baggage; and not com­ing to a Rendezvouz till towards August, they had not time e­nough [Page 42] to make any more than one Enterprise : But now hav­ing made a Conquest of so spa­cious and fertile a Countrey, which they retain, they are in a Condition to undertake all sorts of Enterprises, almost at all times; and it is always in their power to hurt the Christi­ans, and oblige them constant­ly to be upon their Guard. Moreover, these vast and fruit­ful Fields of Hungary, so easily lost to the Ottomans, have cre­ated a Desire in them to esta­blish themselves in so good a Countrey.

In like manner the Emperor's Enemies have found themselves posted commodiously upon a Frontier, for the beginning of Sieges in good time, and so have it in their power to profit themselves of all Seasons. On [Page 43] the other hand, the Emperor depending upon the unsteady Resolutions of the several Dy­ets, and not being in a Condi­tion to receive but slow Succors, and Troops afar off, he will re­main exposed to the Mercy of his Enemies, and find a power­ful Army upon him, capable to undertake all things before that he is in a Condition to defend himself.

The Articles of Peace be­tween the Emperor and the Turks have been sufficiently handled in the last Dispatch of the Great Chancellor, who might have spared the Circumstances of Count Serini's Death, which he supposes to be violent, con­triv'd, and of a premeditated Design; whereas it was mere­ly casual, as I have written to your Serenity. For the sole [Page 44] Ardor, which he had equally for Count Se­rini's Death by a Wild Boar, 1664. the Chase, as for the War was the true and only Cause of it. His great Courage made him wilful, and stifly to maintain a Fight with a wild Boar, alrea­dy wounded, and become furi­ous by seven Wounds that it had received. The Count be­ing Rycaut's Hist. p. 176 thrown upon the Ground, and by many Strokes disabled from speaking one Word, yet gave many Marks of his Reason and Piety; often smiting his Breast, he did lift up his Eyes to Heaven, and made it appear that he died content, and a good Christian.

He was a Cavalier of great His Cha­racter. Birth, great Merit, and a sworn Enemy to the Turks: His Ha­tred to them was hereditary, and common to his Family. Your Serenity knows very well [Page 45] what his Grandfather did in Croatia, at the Siege of Zigeth, attacked by Solyman, at the Head of an Army of two Hun­dred Thousand Men. That when Provision for Mouth and War were absolutely wanting, Count Se­rini's Grandfa­ther's brave de­fence of Zigeth, 1566. and the place open on all Sides, he would never hearken to a Composition; but resolved ra­ther to perish than treat; and becoming more fierce in the Extremity he saw himself redu­ced to, he changed a generous Defence into a vigorous At­tack; for encouraging the weak, feeble and languishing Remnant of the Garrison to follow him, he furiously threw himself up­on his Enemies; and after a thousand Exploits (worthy of eternal Memory) his Vertue fell, being oppressed by meer Number; he gloriously died with his Cymeter in his Hand, [Page 46] and lost not the place but with his Life.

The Valor of the Grand-son His Cha­racter continu'd. was not less eminent, though he finished his Life with less good Fortune. A person of that Extraction and Desert; his fre­quent Attempts in great and hazardous Occasions, not spa­ring himself in the most appa­rent Dangers, well merited a more happy Destiny, and a more glorious Death. An Ambus­cade, or a Battel ought to have ended a Life so fair; and it was an unspeakable Loss, that so brave a Man as he, who had de­voted himself to the Fatigues of War, should be destroyed in the pleasures of Peace; and that a Prince so formidable to so many of the Infidels, his on­ly Enemies, should be torn in pieces by one only fierce Beast.

[Page 47] This Loss is so much the more Sereni's Name a Terror, and his Disgrace and death a Joy to the Turks. to be lamented by Christendom, be cause the very Name of this Heroe was sufficiently capable to strike a Terror into the Turks, and to repell their most hardy Attempts: Yey, the very Dis­grace of this Count Nicholas de Serini, was looked upon by the Ottomans as one of their great­est good Fortunes; but his Death caused so much Joy a­mong them, that they made Bone-fires, and discharged all the Cannons of Canisa.

The Hungarians on the other The Loss of Serini different­ly resent­ed by the Hungari­ans, and the Impe­rial Court, and why. side were in extream Grief; they perceived very well the Importance of so great a Loss; they found themselves without a Head, without Counsel, and without Protection; and were doubly afflicted to see the care­less Concern of the Cesarean [Page 48] Court for him, who rendered this Misfortune agreable to the Emperor's Ministers, which was regretted by the rest of his Sub­jects: For they looked upon him as an Obstacle to Peace, a Fomenter of War, his natural Valor an Enemy to Repose; and that his boyling Courage would never wave an Occasion to kindle a War. However it was (for I cannot dissemble to your Serenity) his Country has not only lost in his Person, a generous Defender of his E­states, but a powerful Hinder­ance against the Inundations of the Infidels▪ A little before this sad Adventure, being in De­spair by the Peace which the Emperor had concluded to so ill a purpose, and so much to his Disadvantage. Sereni's generous Offer to the Vene­tians. He himself proposed to me, That he would go a Voluntier to serve this [Page 49] Republick with Six Thousand old Soldiers, every one of them a choice Man, wherever you should have Occasion; and that he feared nothing so much as the Rust of Repose, and the De­bauchery of Idleness. In short, he wished for nothing more, than to end his Days in an Oc­casion glorious to his Memory, and profitable to Christen­dom.

Count Peter Serini succeed­ed his Brother in his Command. Count Pe­ter Serini's Character. He is a brave Soldier, and great Captain; but not looked upon as a man so great in Bravery as his Brother was.

Two Articles of this Peace, Secret Articles of Peace be­tween the Emperor and the Turk. notwithstanding they were kept very secret, were nevertheless discovered, and divulged a­mongst the Hungarians; and [Page 50] those that were men of the grea­test Interest among them, en­deavoured to penetrate into this Treaty, and did it sooner than the Germans.

The First was, That the Em­peror The first Article. might freely chastise the Insolence of the Hungarians, and reduce them by all sorts of ways to their Duty, without any Op­position from the Turks, or Hin­derance of the Resentments of the Imperial Court in punishing his Subjects.

The Second was, That the The se­cond Ar­ticle. Emperor should not oppose the Turks, as to any Attempts they should make upon Italy; but leave them a free passage thro' Friuli.

I took an extraordinary trou­ble upon me to dive into the [Page 51] truth of these things, kept with so much Industry hid, and secret by the Germans, yet as hastily published by the Hungarians. And if the first Article proved true, I shall have but little trouble to perswade the world to believe the Second. All things carried so likely a Semblance in them­selves, as well as in my Opini­on, that I shall take but little Care to illustrate, altho' it was a great deal of pain to me to be­lieve them.

The Death of Prince Portia The death of Count Portia, a great Loss to the States of Pisino. was a great Loss and Misfor­tune to the Estates of Pisino (through which the Tartars, when they had a mind, must pass towards Italy) as also to the Defence and Guard of those strait and difficult Passes : For his Authority and particular In­terest secur'd them against di­vers [Page 52] Hazards, procured them a great Number of Soldiers to put them out of all Fear, and protect­ed them against all sort of incursi­ons of their enemies. The County of Pisino, bought by the Brother of the Prince of Ausburg, since the Death of Portia, found little Support in his Successor, who had no small Share in the Coun­cils of his Imperial Majesty, tho' this new Count did do his En­deavor to divert all the Disgra­ces from his own Lands, which the Necessity and Freedom of a passage (of it self more diffi­cult than one can well imagine) might bring upon them.

The Emperor, as well as his Subjects, will first feel this Da­mage: The great Damage the Em­peror is like to sustain. For the Tartars (who make no Distinction between Friend and Foe, and whose Cruelty treats all alike, and car­ry [Page 53] Disorder, Rapine and Blood­shed along with them) might ea­sily make him sensible of the Ef­fects of their Barbarity and Vio­lence; and he knows no other way to hinder this Army from posting it self in the Bowels of his own proper Territories, without great prejudice to him­self, of the Consequence whereof your Serenity cannot be igno­rant.

The Electors, & Princes of Ger­many, The Dissa­tisfaction given the Electors by this Peace, and their Re­flections upon it. remained ill content with a Peace so infamous to the Em­pire, and advantageous to the Turk. They presently made it known, that their Dyets had been unprofitably assembled; their Assistances superfluous, and their Levies unjust for a Suc­cess so unworthy his Majesty, the Princes of the Empire, and the Forces of Christendom : That [Page 54] the Emperor would primarily be hurt by so disgraceful an Accommodation; That he had seemed already to implore, to no purpose, a Succor that he had no occasion for; That the Grand Seignior would agree to nothing, but under such hellish Conditi­ons, as should oblige the Empe­ror to give Instructions to his Minister at Constantinople, to consent to any Proposals should be made to him, without which he could not possibly resume a­ny Treaty with the Port. As The Ger­mans great Care in keeping the peace. for the Germans, they would not, in Truth, give any Cause to the Turks, to break the peace that had been concluded; but on the contrary would endea­vour to have it well rooted, and would suffer any thing in Rea­son that their Liberties would permit, provided their Enemies would also as religiously keep [Page 55] themselves within the Confines and Terms of their Treaty.

As to the Duration of this The Un­certainty of the du­ration of this peace. Peace between these two great Empires, it depends upon the Contingencies of future things, which are in the Hands of God, and of which Men know not how with any certainty to judge. Yet I shall say, That the Confines are so embarrassed, that it will be a very great won­der, if the Turks, when they are rid of the War, which they have with your Serenity, do not then begin again to fall out with the Emperor : For those two Prin­ces know not how to live long together in a good Understand­ing. The Turk will not conti­nue long in the Condition he finds himself; and every Sultan, by his Law, is obliged to sig­nalize himself by some Famous [Page 56] Conquest upon the Christians; and this very man knows not how to dispense with himself without making a War, nor can find a Country more proper, more commodious, more rich, (according to his Apprehension) than that of the Empire. More­over the Grand Seignior cannot meet with any thing more to his Advantage : For his formi­dable Armies may better sub­sist in the vast and fertile plains of the Empire, than in the star­ving Deserts of Persia.

It will be the worst News The Ve­netians peace with the Turks hin­dered by the Impe­rialists, and why. that can possibly come to Vien­na, that there is a peace conclu­ded between your Serenity and the Port, whenever it shall please God it shall be so.

[Page 57] Their Ministers are very well perswaded, That their peace will last as long as the War with your Serenity; and your Diver­sions ceasing by Sea, the Inso­lence of the Turks would begin on the Land. For this Reason it is, that the Generosity of the Senate is praised at the Imperial Court; and they wish nothing more ardently than the Conti­nuation of your War. Hence they, with Artifice, invent things to give Courage to your Serenity, to engage you to an obstinate Defence, and hinder the slackening your Fatigue and Expence: Sometimes they spread abroad a Report of an Enter­prise which they do not so much as dream of; sometimes of a Disorder among the Turks, a­gainst all Appearance of Truth, and of other such like things, all to perswade you to lengthen [Page 58] out the War, and lay aside all thoughts of peace. It is not a pure and frank Courtesie that they suffer you to raise Recruits in Germany, and make Levies of Troops for the Relief of your Empire; but true and visible Reason of State, which prevails always in the Deliberation of Princes, and is the only Rule they follow. For after all, there is none but looks upon the Misfortune of another as an Happiness to himself, when he is to receive Advantage by it; although at the same time there's no man would set Fire to his Neighbour's House for fear it should burn his own. I can say without Dread of abusing you, and assure your Serenity, that Panagiriti had private Orders to give out at Constantinople, That it was not for the Dignity of the Sultan to make peace [Page 59] with this The Imperial Minister disswades the Turk from a Peace with the Venetians. Republick, until they were disingaged by some Con­quest, that would answer the Reputation of their Arms.

All the Treaties managed by Monsieur the Grand Chancellor, are but new Engagements to a Second Expence; and the In­treagues of the Imperialists are renewed, and augmented eve­ry day; which do so much the more encrease, as they seem to be under a Mis-apprehension at the Port. For since the Rup­ture, by their Negotiations, ei­ther private or publick, they always seem easie and willing to satisfie the Ottoman Court; notwithstanding the late Advan­tages of the Cesarean Armies, the great Number of their Troops, and the Success of their Auxili­aries : For fear that your Sere­nity should prevent their peace [Page 60] by yours, and leave them for want of a Diversion, to the full and total Fury of the Turkish Forces. A peace, such as your Serenities are able to make with the Port, would prove the great­est Disgrace can happen to the House of Austria. The last Year the Grand Chancellor proposed a Treaty between your Sereni­ty and the Turks; and because it did not take Effect, the Ce­sarean Court seemed to be un­easie, and testified a great deal of Trouble and Concern at it. The Imperial Ministers at the same time that were near the Visier, were commanded by ex­press and re-iterated Orders, sent by many Couriers, to hin­der the progress of these Nego­tiations, and remonstrate to the Port, That a peace was much more advantageous, and honou­rable to the Turks with the Em­peror, [Page 61] than with your Excellen­cies; and all the Advices from Spain were all along for conclu­ding a peace, and making an Accommodation: Nay, to of­fer considerable Summs; and if things came to extremity, to buy it with their Money, if they could not obtain it by Spain ad­vises the Emperor to a peace with the Turks. their Negotiations: So far were they pressed by Spain, to make a Peace, and hinder a War.

During sometime before, and after the Rupture, there was nothing but Couriers running to and fro, going to, and coming from Constantinople, with conti­nual projects of peace. It is true enough that the Germans had sufficiently experimented, That to perswade the Turks, their Arms would do much better than their Letters; the Sword than their subtle Devices; their [Page 62] Blows than their remonstrances; a brisk and bloody War more than the most able Negotiations. In short, there were many Ar­tifices employed, before the rup­ture, to avoid this Rock and Shock of Arms; and so many Expeditions made to Constanti­nople, to sweeten their Spirits, that produced an Effect quite contrary, and augmented the pride of the Ottomans, and cre­ated in them a Misunderstand­ing.

As to the Forces of the Im­perialists, 'tis true, they did ap­pear feeble and intimidated; and more than once their Troops retired into Transylva­nia, and visibly avoided fight­ing; but when the Turks saw that the Germans were awake­ned from their Lethargy, and in a Condition and Humor of [Page 63] Defence; and did behave them­selves with so great Resolution at the Siege of Canisa; and af­ter Canisa be­sieged by Count Se­rini, May 1. and the Turks de­feated by Montecu­culis, Aug. 3. 1664. Rycaut's Hist. pag. 150, 168. so well beat them at the Battle, near the River of Raab, they began to lend an Ear to divers propositions of the Impe­rialists, to hearken voluntarily to the several Envoys from them; and their Fierceness be­ing much abated, they became more sweet and tractable in a Moment, making no longer pre­tences to Comorra or Jawarin, which before they declared they would.

I proceed now to the Cor­respondencies the Emperor holds with the Princes of Eu­rope.

The Swedes were possest with The State of the Em­peror's Affairs as to Sweden. Enmities of old against the Em­pire; but it seems have forgot [Page 64] their Bitterness and Prejudices, because the Germans (by bring­ing an unexpected Succor and Assistance to the Poles) made the Danes lose the Opportuni­ty the Civil Wars of Poland gave them. Many brave Acti­ons past on one Side and the o­ther: Denmark joyned to the Emperor to oppose the Swedish Invasion : This was one brave and glorious Action. As to the other, the Germans themselves complained, and blamed this indiscreet Generosity of the Emperor, who preferred the Relief of Poland before his own Defence, and divided his Troops in favor of that Kingdom, which if united, had not been suffici­ent to oppose the Force of the Swede or Turk.

[Page 65] However it was that Poland Poland. undertook a Guarranty against the Incursions of the Swedes, yet it fell under another Tyranny, and found it self constrained to obey a Woman, who knew how to dispose all things, even her Husband himself, under her power. This Prince was so much the more complaisant to his Wife, because of his Hopes of having Children by her. The Queen's Desire for a Successor of her own Family being too apparent, the Emperor began to oppose it; and fearing lest that Empire should fall into the Hands of the French (a Nation suspected and feared) he re­doubled his Negotiations, con­versed with his Allies, fomented the last Troubles, to make a Counterpoise to the Queen's Designs; and at present he him­self maintains Lubomirski, the [Page 66] Grand Marshal of Poland, in ill Intelligence with the Court, on purpose to oppose the Kind­ness the Queen has for her Na­tion and Family.

As to the protestant Princes Branden­burgh. of the Empire, and especially Brandenburgh, the Emperor re­lies upon him for Necessity, ra­ther than for Friendship's sake: For since that Ferdinand the Se­cond, with the formidable Ar­my of Wallestein, struck such a Fear into all Germany, the most part of the Electors of the Em­pire have remained firm to France, and had rather depend upon an uncertain Relief of Strangers, than to a natural Do­minion, which might prove too absolute; which was the sole Cause of the Confederation of the Rhine, so much against the Emperor's Mind, and has aug­mented [Page 67] extreamly the Fear and Jealousie he has of the prosperi­ty of France.

This Kingdom, since the peace, France. has employed it self in nothing but the Increase of its Trea­sures, and quietly observes, for its part, the Storms of other mens Vessels, and waits with more patience than good Will the Shipwracks of the House of Austria. So as this first Jealousie has very much contributed to the concluding a peace with the Turks.

The Court of Germany earnest­ly Spain. wishes to find out some way or other in Spain, for hindering of the War with Portugal, by telling the Catholick King, That he is by it at the Expence of the greatest part of his Revenues. The Emperor being united to [Page 68] this King by Blood, and by In­terest, has always a very strict Allyance with him; but because that Prince Portia would not owe his Favor to any thing but Fortune, he never would have any Regard to the Spaniards in his Master's Court; and profit­ing himself by the Example of the Marquess de Machera, the last Embassador of Spain to the Emperor, who had a very great Interest otherways, he hinder­ed all Freedom of their Coun­cils, and weakened them, both as to the Reasons, and the Im­portance of them.

The Imperialists are but indif­ferently The Pope. satisfied with the Pope because his Holiness has not suitably relieved the Emperor (by reason of Cardinal Carassa, his Nuntio) in his most pressing Necessities, having not laid out [Page 69] in all above eight hundred thousand Rix-dollars; a great part of which Summ was ex­acted from the Tithes of the States of Austria; so that he owes nothing to his Serenity, but the permission of levying it; and it is as it were but drawn out of his own Fund, and Blood let out of his own Veins. His Holyness has not the same Zeal for the Emperor as his Prede­cessors, especially Paul the Fifth, who, upon the like Conjuncture, maintained an Army in Germa­ny, and sacrificed the Health and Life of his Nephew, who died at Canisa.

Savoy takes part with France, Savoy. not by Choice, but Necessity: For the Neighbourhood of his Estates, takes away his Liberty of separating either as to War, or Intrigue.

[Page 70] Florence, Altho' he be Neu­ter, Florence. has a greater Kindness for the House of Austria; and his Grandeur and Ambition termi­nates in the quiet Encrease of their Correspondence.

The Duke of Modena is a Modena. French-man rather by Alliance with Cardinal Mazarine, than by Inclination; and, without doubt, would be very weakly united to France, were it not that he is so much engaged to its first Minister.

The Spaniards pay the Gar­rison Mantua. of Cazal, for Fear rather than good Will, lest the State of the Duke of Mantua's Af­fairs should oblige him, as he was wont, to return to France; and the Germans are perswaded, that he would, if the Empress, his Sister, who can do any thing [Page 71] with him, had not broke off this Intrigue, and kept this Prince firm to them.

The Quality of the Emperor Germany. not having any Revenue an­nex'd and setled upon this Dig­nity, his great and august Sta­tion carries nothing at all of profit; and all the Advantage consists in the Majesty of so mag­nificent a Title, and the Glory of so fair a Rank. Germany of it self abounds more with Provi­sions than Money, and affords the Emperor a Revenue very uncertain, and unequal, which amounts not to above six Milli­ons of Florins. His Heredita­ry Austria, &c. Estates are abundantly fer­tile, and an Army of Fourscore Thousand Men might subsist, and be provided for in his Country, without any Distur­bance, and all of them distribu­ted [Page 72] into Good Quarters in his respective Provinces, according to ancient Custom. The pow­er, notwithstanding of the Em­peror is not answerable to his Dignity, nor to so elevated a Degree.

His Majesty is about twenty The Ger­man Em­peror his further Character. five Years of Age: A Prince pious, good, and of a Sanguine Complexion; but not altoge­ther so Robust, or Watchful, as those of his Family. He is sub­ject to some Infirmities, especial­ly of his Feet. His Subjects wish he were as much a Warriour, as he is devout and religious; and that he would appear in the Head of an Ar­my against his Competitors, al­most of the same Age, the King of France, and the Sultan of Constantinople. He is an ex­cellent Church-man, and takes [Page 73] very great pleasure in Musick. He wants not Spirit or Vivaci­ty; but has a great Distrust of himself. The Cares of his E­state overcharge and press him down. Repose best pleases him; and in short, he loves his Fa­vourites better than his Affairs.

The House of Austria is re­duced to a very few Successors. He of Spain is yet very young, weak and infirm. The Arch-Duke of Inspruc is not yet mar­ried. The Emperor was promi­sed in Marriage the Eldest In­fanta of Spain; but she was af­terwards given to the King of France. Now he is amused with the Hopes of the Second, which he awaits with Impati­ence, Delay and Trouble.

[Page 74] The Empress Leonora hath The Cha­racter of the Em­press Leo­nora. gained the Esteem of all the Court. She lives with a great deal of Splendor and Generosi­ty. She knows how to per­swade the Emperor to carry himself uprightly, and careful­ly to preserve himself; which she effects with an admirable Con­duct. She diverts her self with the Conversation of Ladies, and loves people of Spirit and Viva­city. She has two Arch-Dutch­esses, one of excellent Beauty, and both of them designed for Royal Alliances. During my Stay in this Court, two Arch-Dukes, Leopold and Charles, to 1663, 1664. the general Grief of all, depart­ed this Life: The first was Uncle, and the second Brother to the Emperor. This last was a Arch-Duke Charles's Character. very good Prince, pious, brave, and extreamly obliging to those who were his Creatures. A per­son [Page 75] of excellent Morals, great Spirit, whose Wisdom surpassed his Years. Both the one and the other died of such Infirmi­ties as were unknown to the Physicians, who, by their Igno­rance, more destroyed their Constitutions, than by their Remedies relieved their Indis­positions.

Prince Portia, who a few days Prince Portia his Character. since ended his, was Major-Do­mo-Major, and primier Minister to the Emperor. He came to this high Degree by mere good Fortune, and the only and ar­dent Affection of his Master. He was the Governour of his Youth, and had the Reputati­on of a perfectly good and up­right Cavalier. I found him very well inclined to your Se­renity; but he did not appear to me to be a person fit to un­dergo [Page 76] the Charge of publick Government, and total Directi­on of Affairs. He neither knew how to deal well with his Friends, nor to do ill to his Enemies. He was uncapable of himself to take any firm Reso­lution, nor would he give any entire Belief to any of his great­est Confidents. He carried all things to Extremity; could not tell how to moderate his unreaso­nable Transports, nor to pass by, or sustain just Resentments. He was naturally idle, slow and irresolute. He tried all sorts of means to avoid the War with the Ottomans, and forgot nothing that might put an end to it after it was declared. He perceived very well, that he was not born for great Affairs, and that his Ministry was above his Port and Strength; that he was far from being able to acquit himself as [Page 77] he ought in so great a Number of Accidents as happened every day. His Memory was as un­faithful to his Thoughts as his Business : For once he forgot, and left upon his Table one of his most important Dispatches; and so exposed the most myste­rious Secrets of State to his Va­lets de Chambre, and other in­discreet persons : But tho' he was negligent in publick Af­fairs, he always minded his private Concerns, and applyed himself entirely to the Diver­tisement of his Master, and ren­dering his own Family great by an Accumulation of Honours and Riches. His posterity seem not to answer either his Spirit, or Fortune, and promise no­thing that is capable to uphold so many Accessions as they have received during his Favor. He himself, with all his Ingenuity, [Page 78] was neither feared nor loved; for he knew not how to do good or ill; neither encouraging Me­rit and Services by Rewards, nor punishing of Crimes in those that were guilty. One may say, his Soul was insensible and sloth­ful, not capable of acknow­ledging a Kindness, or resenting an Injury. In short, he aban­doned all Reins of Govern­ment, to keep the whole Em­pire in Repose and Idleness.

The Emperor has disposed of this Charge of Major-Domo-Major; but has not yet made choice of a Favorite for his plea­sures, or a Minister for his Af­fairs. If he could give himself the glorious Trouble of Reign­ing alone, it would be his own Happiness and Honor; and for the Benefit of his Subjects, who sigh at the Remembrance of his [Page 79] last Favorite, dread lest a worse should succeed him; and trem­ble afresh through Fear of be­ing exposed to the Capricio's, Interests and Covetousness of such a sort of Tyrants. The other principal Ministers of the Emperor, are, the Prince of Ausburg, who being enfla­med Prince of Ausburg's Character. with Ambition, knows no other Cure of his Malady, but an Advancement to the Rank, and Favor of Prince Portia; and looks upon no Remedies pro­per for his restless and aspiring Spirit, but the good Esteem of the Emperor, and a Promo­tion to such a Ministry. His great Qualifications make him haughty; and the more of Me­rit he can pretend unto, ren­ders him the more proud and insolent. In a word, he has very good Qualities, could he but love himself with as much [Page 80] Justice, as he hates Strangers without Reason.

Prince Lewis is the present Character of Prince Lewis. Major-Domo-Major. He has a great Vivacity of Spirit, a large Understanding, and long Ex­perience in Court Affairs. He jeers all the World, and is eter­nally mixing his Jests with the most serious Matters; so that he concludes nothing, but is al­ways hurried into divers Extra­vagancies.

Don Hanibal de Gonzago has Don Hani­bal de Gonzago▪ entered upon the Charge of first President of the Council of War. He is a Souldier, dis­creet, rational, more stout than ambitious; and knows the best of any man what Advantages the Turks have over the Chri­stians. He seems extreamly kind in his Intentions for this [Page 81] Republick, and is a Favorer of all Italians.

The Sieur Intendant of the Sieur In­tendant of the Finan­ces, or Lord Treasurer. Finances, is a Man of Estate (as becomes one in his Charge.) He was the more willing to con­sent to a Peace, as more profi­table to himself than a War : For he well knew he might have Liberty to lay up that in a Calm, which of necessity he must lay out during a Storm. Since this Accommodation he enjoys a full and quiet Abundance; and hath gained such an Interest in the Emperor, that he leaves him so much the more willingly to advantage himself, as he is as­sured that he can lose nothing. Hereby he is always sure of a party in the Court, where he knows so well how to set a va­lue upon his late Losses; that the Emperor is very well satis­fied, [Page 82] that he should make to himself a real and substantial Gain.

I had for my Secretary Mon­sieur The Au­thor's Se­cretary Paul Resio. Paul Resio, who was not wanting in his Diligence suita­ble to the Occasion, nor in his Care of writing to your Sereni­ty, as the Importance of Mat­ters required. His Exactness and Fidelity cannot be too much esteemed. In short, he has forgot nothing that concer­ned your Service, or his Employ­ment. He is not one that aims at his own Interest; for his ac­cidental Charges have been ex­traordinary; his Expences un­known and unheard of; yet such as were necessary and pro­fitable; all which undoubtedly deserve to be considered by your Serenity.

[Page 83] As for my self, Most Serene An Ac­count of the Au­thor and his Em­bassy. Prince (for I have but a little more to say) None of your Se­renities Ministers abroad, were ever put upon an Embassy more full of Trouble than that I have met with: For I found nothing but intricate Questions, Con­junctures not heard of, and Dif­ficulties almost unsurmountable. When the Emperor resolved to unite with this Republick; and your Answers, contrary to his Desire, were too long delayed, then was I looked upon with an Eye full of Disdain; and he was pleased to tell me in one Fit of his Railery, That I was only at Vienna to send joyful News to your Serenity of such a Diversion as you desired: For he imagined, that the Intenti­ons of your Serenity were mere­ly to gain Advantage by their Wars, and put them to lay the [Page 84] Foundations of that peace which you purposed to conclude. I forgot not timely to inform your Serenity of all the obscure and secret Negotiations which the Imperialists held with the Ottomans; of all the progress of their Treaties, as also the Success of their Arms, without any regard of mine, to the Ex­pence I was to be at, as is evi­dent by the frequent Couriers, and several Dispatches I sent. I had always the good Fortune to keep a Correspondence in all the Frontier places, and spared no Cost or Labour to gain the quickest, and most certain Ad­vice of all things that past. I punctually transmitted to your Serenity, the authentick Copies of the Missives of the Resident at Constantinople; and was not wanting to let him know all the distinct Particularities and Dis­coveries [Page 85] of the first projects, when they were but as yet in Idea.

Being satisfied in my own Conscience, your Serenity will permit me to flatter my self so far as to say, That I have sur­passed my self in my own pro­per Strength, having with Ad­dress eluded, or overthrown the most unhappy Conjectures; and if I have had the good For­tune to serve your Serenity ac­cording to your Desires, I have over and above satisfied my own; and cannot believe it to be in my power to frame any thing to my self that could be more sweet and glorious.

In the midst of these difficult Troubles, Heaven was pleased to afford me the continued Af­fections of the Court, and its [Page 86] Ministers, who were so much the more favourable to me, as they did believe, that I held no Correspondence with the Hun­garians, or Count Serini. I knew very well how to take my Times, and manage my Opportunities, so as to be freed of all Suspition and Jea­lousie. I have found my self surrounded with so many pres­sing Troubles, as necessarily called not only for my ut­most Philosophy; but even Constancy it self, to master and overcome. My Assign­ments The hard­ships he endured in his Em­bassy, by the Incur­sions of the Tar­tars. totally failed, and so I fell into an extream Want of all Necessaries, through my extraordinary Expences, occa­sioned by the Disorders of the War, the Dearness of Commodities, and general scar­city of all things, which al­most amounted to a Famine. [Page 87] I will not dissemble with your Serenity at all : During the Incursions of the Tartars, I was reduced to the last Ex­tremity, not knowing whom to follow in so general a Flight, nor with whom to stay in such an Universal Conster­nation : For the whole Coun­try seemed to me to be to­tally abandoned. However it was, I accommodated my self to the Juncture of Time, and Will of God, with a full Re­signation to Divine Providence, and an entire Submission to the Orders of your Serenity, having left in Germany, my Goods, my Health, and almost Life it self.

It is true, the Emperor, be­fore The Pre­sents made him by the Emperor, and Em­press. my Departure, Regaled me with a Diamond, and the Empress with a Gallantry of [Page 88] Plate. Those Presents were to me so much the more pre­tious, because I could easily observe the Court did take some part in this Liberality; and seemed, as it were, wil­ling to confirm, and approve the same by the Testimonies of their Joys.