ANIMADVERSIONS UPON A Letter and Paper, first sent to His Highness by certain Gentlemen and others in VVales: And since printed, and published to the world by some of the Subscribers.
BY ONE Whose Desire and Endeavor is, TO Preserve Peace and Safety, By removing Offence and Enmity.
Printed in the year 1656.
A Preface to the Subscribers of the Paper.
I Have formerly been ingaged in our publick Affairs, but have since been so long disingaged, as may well free me from the suspition of being a Courtier; being both offended at, and an offence to them that be in Power: I am free from all Parties that are in the Nation, and shall use my Liberty, in dealing as impartially as I can (or as my weakness will permit) 'twixt you and our present Governors, whom you oppose; if I do incline to either side, 'tis to you, as most needing Pity: 'Tis true, they are to be pitied rather than envied, yet your condition seems to me much worse than theirs every way, as much weaker and darker, in your way and spirits, as you are in outward place [...] power. I am a man so much under Temptation, Offence, Persecution and Contempt, that if there be a Party of such, I am very natural to them; and, if there be any by as in my temper to incline me to any, it is to such: I assure you, upon the review of what I have written, my Judgement smites me, for having been more gentle to you, than in Justice and in true Love I ought to be, or than your case requires I should be; and therefore shall, I doubt, in transcribing of it, be necessitated to more sharpness than I intended: But if I were not conscious to my self of a Design of Love to you in it, and that in this work I should more serve you than them, I could not proceed in it.
I have examin'd and observ'd all things of this nature (that I have met with) against this present Government, they have pass'd the private censure of my Pen, though not publish'd; and this I must say of yours and the rest, That though this present state of things be very reproveable, having much evil in it; yet none of you have come forth in Righteousness and Judgment against it, nor in a Light that is able either to Convince or Instruct; but a deal of weak and dark Accusations, from mindes uncasie and sick with Passion and Discontent, all tending to blow up a Spirit of Wrath and Violence, and so to multiply our Wounds and Maladies, not to cure them. I have hitherto been silent, thinking that those weak Passions that have looked out, would vanish quickly as smoke, and so they have: But in this Paper of yours the humors are more gross, are gather'd together, [Page]and come out in an outward Tumor, as if you intended to make a business of it; and therefore I am drawn forth in publick to Treat fairly with you, and to divert you from your course, which, I fear, is dangerous to your selves and to us all: And this I do upon a double ground;
I. First, As one that hath an Interest in the common Peace of the Nation, and in the Safety of the Honest and Religious Party; both which are lodg'd, for the present, in this Government, be it never so corrupt: This Open and Ʋnited declaring against it, with such Violence and Boldness, tends to undermine our Peace, by Raising a New War, and so to let in miserable Confusion amongst us: Your Design seems to be, To take the Power out of these mens hands into your own; which is, [...], a vain and irrational Attempt, for the Sword is already d [...] sed of, and setled, not to be removed: You may Disturb, Wa [...]e and Destroy, by opening a way for your and our Enemies, but not get it to your selves; and if you had it, you would undo us, and make your selves more miserable by your Reigning, than you can be by Suffering: God, I know, can bring Light out of Darkness, and Salvation out of Confusion; but as a Man, my Nature is much ingaged to uphold this wretched Frame of things, in which our Peace and Safety seems to lie, till God be pleas'd to finde a better way for us, rather than the whole work should run back into utter Desolation and Confusion: And therefore cannot but withstand your Spirit, in which there doth not appoar either Strength to get, or Wisdom to use Power; if you should have so much Wrath and Fury to administer, as to overthrow this Power, you might continue a time to Torment the Nation; but the same Violence and Wrath would hurry you on to such things, as would Ruine both your selves and us.
II. Secondly, I would deal with you as a Christian, and one that earnestly desire to see the least: Beam of the true Glory of that Kingdom of Christ that you profess for: True, you have the Name and Notion of it amongst you, and that too pitifully besmear'd with Darkness and Folly; but for the thing it self, you are so short of it, yea so opposite to it, that when it shall come forth in Truth and Power, you will not be able to stand before it; I am very much perswaded, that if you had any thing [Page]of a sober and real sence of your selves and it, of your own Vileness and Ʋncleanness, and of its Majesty and Purity, you would hide your selves in Shame and Self-condemnation, and not appear openly for it: And therefore I cannot, but in that little knowledge that I have of Religion, appear against your Ʋnjust and Ʋndue claim to the Kingdom of Christ: It may be you are confident you have it, and act for it, and do expect that all should bow to that broken Image of it that you have set up; whatever you now think, 'twill be at last found a great kindeness to you, to tell you, That you in your present Actings are not so much as in a way to it; but are setting up Passion, Enmity, Darkness and Wrath, not the Grace of Christ and His Kingdom.
O take no pleasure in medling with Sin and Evil in any, God knows is a grief to me to deal with it; were it not necessary for your Instruction, I could not at all take notice of: I am sorry I am not able to do you good, without discovering your weakness to you and the world; my intention is not to condemn or dishonor you, but to direct you into a better path: You are now come forth against your Brethren in the common Road of Accusation and worldly Enmity, wherein you disturb the peace of your own house, where you may live quietly; you gratifie your Enemies, and that railing, wrathful Spirit that is abroad in the world, and cannot but wound and vex your own souls: I shall onely wish you to retire into your selves and your own souls; you fight now with the Fame, Appearance and outward Shew of Sin in your Brethren; you may at home deal with the very Spirit, Body and Root of the same Unrighteousnes, where if you prevail, you may come forth to convince them and save us; whereas in that blinde way in which you are, you can do nothing, but wound, provoke, build up Wrath, harden and strengthen Sin amongst us.
As it is not my intent to condemn you so not to justifie them that you condemn; The whole world cryes out against them: I have not Love enough to wipe off all that is charg'd upon them, they must therefore patiently bear their Reproach, till God bring sorth their Righteousness; I fear they are guilty, it may be, of more than you can accuse them of; but certainly, not [Page]of all you accuse them of: Its a small thing to be judg'd of man; If they have Innocency at home, 'twill make them think so: Man judges by appearance, God searches the heart; They are upon their Tryal, and will in time shew what is in them: All that I desire for them is, That they may not be disturb'd in their Work, which is, To Protect as in Peace and Safety, till God bring forth some more excellent Glory amongst us: They are a People that profess the Name of God, and have appeal [...]d to him, and do daily; 'Tis much my minde, That they might stand against Mans violence, and that God would be pleas'd to judge their Cause himself: To his Justice and Mercy let us leave them.
Friends, Bear with me, I am offended at them with you, and at you with them, and most of all at my self: I [...] [...] stifie my self in what I do, but am in fear, lest while I [...]rpose, I may be guilty of greater Folly than either of you: As I cannot justifie my self, so can I not condemn my self as guilty of any known Evil in it; for that Fear of the Lord that makes me doubt all my Actions; makes me likewise careful to avoid Evil. What I offer to you, is the frame of my Spirit concerning publick Transactions, and the Observations that I have made upon things while I have been a Spectator; Thus far I may commend them to you, That what I administer to you (if you can receive it) will be more profitable and pleasant to you, than that Spirit in which you act: All that I desire of you is, but that you would lay aside Wrath, malice, &c. which darken the minde, and that you would with Meekness admit them to a friendly and ingenuous Consideration. If these Animadversions may but a little ease your troubled Spirits, temper and alay your Anger, 'twill be an ease to you, and a pleasure to
The LETTER and PAPER inclosed, Subscribed by certain Gentlemen and others in WALES, and sent to His Highness; viz.
A WORD FOR GOD: OR, A Testimony on Truths behalf; from several Churches, and divers hundreds of Christians in Wales (and some sew adjacent) against Wickedness in High places. With a Letter to the Lord General CROMWEL. Both, first presented to his own hands, and now published for further Information.
Suffer me a little, and I will shew thee that I have yet to speak on Gods behalf.
Fear ye not, neither be afraid: have not I told thee from that time, and have declared it? ye are then my witnesses. Is there a God besides me? Yea there is no God, I know not any.
They that make a graven image are all of them vanity, and their delectable things shall not profit; and they are their own witnesses, they see not, nor know, that they may be ashamed.
To OLIVER CROMWEL Captain General of all the Forces in England, Scotland and Ireland.
Forasmuch as you have caused great searchings of heart, and Divisions among many of Gods people, by a sudden, strange and unexpected Alteration of Government, and other Actions, to the great astonishment of those who knew your former publick Resolutions and Declarations; considering also how (contrary to foregoing Acts and Engagements) you have taken upon you a Power, by which you are utterly disenabled (and if there were in you a heart) to prosecate the good things covenanted and contended for, with so many great [Page 2]hazards, and the effusion of so much precious blood; and by reason whereof you are become justly suspected in your Ends in time past, and Actions for future, to very many of those, of whose Affections and faithful Services you have injoyed no small share; in all the difficult Passages and Enterprizes of the late War: These things considered by us (as we know they are by many Churches and Saints) and there being a deep sence upon our Spirits, of the Odium under which the Name of Christ, his Cause, People and Ways do lie, as it were buried) as also of the exceeding Contempt which the wonderful and excellent Operations of God are brought into, even those eminent Wonders which the Nations have been Spectators and Witnesses of, and wherein your hands have been partly ingaged in. We cannot (after much serious consideration, and seeking of the Lord, many of us, both together and apart) but present to your hands the ensuing Testimony, which (however you may look thereon) is no more than Necessity exacts from us for the clearing of our own souls from guilt, and discharging of our duty to God and Men. Therefore we earnestly wish you to peruse and weigh it, as in the sight of God, with a calm and Christian-like Spirit, and harden not your neck against the Truth, as you will answer it to the great Judge, before whose impartial Tribunal you (as well as we) shall be very shortly cited, to give an account of things done in the body; whether good or evil, where the true Motives and Ends of all your Actions will be evident, where no Apologie will be accepted of, for your slighting and blaspheming of the Spirit of God, nor for the hard measure you give his people, by Reproaches, Imprisonments, and other Oppressions; and, where Pride, Luxury, Lasciviousness, and Changing of Principles, and forsaking the good ways of Justice and Holiness, will not have the smalleft rag of pretence to hide them from the eyes of the Judge. Which things (whatsoever you say for your self) are (even at, present to be read in your forehead) and have produced most sad effects every where; Especially (1) in filling of the Saints hearts and faces with an inexpressible grief and shame; and (2) the stopping (at least) the strong current of their prayers, which was once for you, if not the turning thereof directly [Page 3]against you: To these we might adde, (3) the hardning of wicked men, yea the refreshing and justifying of them in their evil doings and speakings against the Gospel, Name and Spirit of our Lord Jesus Christ; And lastly, Gods signal withdrawing from you and your Designs. Oh that then you would lie down in the dust, and acknowledge your Iniquity, and return unto the Lord by unfeigned Repentance, doing your first work; and that you would make haste to do so, lest Gods fury break forth like fire upon you, and there be no quenching of it. This would rejoyce us much, as being real Well-wishers to your Souls everlasting Happiness, though we must with equal Pity and Detestation, Declare against your Designs and Way.
A WORD for GOD.
THe wise God that teacheth the fowls of Heaven to know their appointed times (who directs his peoples work in Truth) hath, we hope, Ier. 8.7. directed us (after a long time of silence and carnest seeking the Lord) to express and declare what we sinde in our consciences touching the transaction of this season; and though some may think (as we our selves have been tempted to think) That this is a time wherein the prudent should hold his peace, it being such an evil time, that men are made Offenders, yea Traytors for Words; yet considring how the Lords Remembrancers should not keep silence, Ier. 20.9. and fearing that if we should altogether hold our peace at such a time as this (as Mordecai said to Hester) Deliverance would come another way; Isa. 62.6. and we could expect no share in the inlargement of Gods people, or safety in the day of trouble: Hest. 4.14. Withal sinding how Self would prompt us (like Issachar) to see that rest is good, and outward prosperity pleasant; Gen. 49. [...]5. and how the same temptations (which we sinde and fear many of our dear Brethren . to be under) have set upon some of us, as to have mens persons in admiration because of advantage, and by good words, fair speeches and promises, to be deceived, and drawn away in simplicity, Inde. 16 especially by the example of some eminent in en (like [Page 4] Peter) insomuch that many Barnaba's are carried away with their dissimulation, Rom. 16 18. and aswel Ministers as Military men willing, to serve the King for his work and wages: 2 Sam. 15.7. However, seeing every man must give an accompt unto God for himself, we have examined what particular duty was incumbent upon us, Gal. 2.13. and how in faithfulness towards God, and meekness towards, Men, 2 Chron 4.23. we should perform the same. Moreover, considering how the Saints did formerly bear their testimony (not loving their lives unto the death) and by the blood of the Lamb and their testimony did overcome; Rom. 14.12. and how God did heretofore stir up some of his people (both in England and Scotland) to bear witness to the Truth and ways of God, Rev. 12 7. against the ways and wickedness of Men) as a Forlorn-hope, though they were in comparison but a few, Numb. 14.6, 7, 8, 9. like Joshua and Caleb, two of twelve; or li the two Witnesses, a small, yet suffcient number. Observing also, That there are present Truths, and every work being beautiful in its season, Rev. 11 3. as (in the begining of the late Wars) was the witnessing against the Book of Common Prayer, Surplice, Cross in Baptism, 2 Pet. 1 12. and other Ceremonies, (being Superstitious things imposed by the Bishops) and against Ship-Money, Monopolies, &c, (Civil things) imposed formerly by the King: All which were afterwards declared, protested and covenanted against; which Protestation and Covenant are fresh in the memories, and pressing the Consciences of some of us, even unto this day; besides the Engagement, and the several Acts of Parliament made against Monarchy or Kingly Government; All which now seem to be forgotten or neglected: And those that spake or writ in defence of such things, as the Parliament, Army, and the Godly people in the three Nations approved, asserted, and purchased at a dear rate, are now accounted Fanatick Fools, Disturbers of Civil State, and Intermedlers in things that concern them not; under which notion many suffer Imprisonment, and other tryals, as Evil-doers, from those men, who now build what they did once destroy, and justifie what they did once condemn: Aug. 1. 1650. p. 11, 12 Witness their own Writings, particularly The Declaratio of the Officers and Soldiers of the English Army (whereof the Lord Cromwel was General) The words whereof are as followeth: We are perswaded in our Consciences, That [Page 5]the late King and His Monarchy, was one of the ten Horns of the Beast spoken of, Rev. 17.13, &c. And that we were called forth by the Lord, to be instrumental to bring about that which was our continual prayer unto God, viz. The destruction of Antichrist, and the deliverance of his Church and people: And upon this single accompt we ingaged, not knowing the deep Policies of worldly States-men; and have ever since hazarded our lives in the high places of the field (where we have seen many wonders of the Lord) against all the Opposers of the work of Iesus Christ, whom we have all along seen going with us, and making our way plain before us: And having these things singly in our eye, namely, The destruction of Antichrist, The advancement of the Kingdom of Christ, The deliverance of his Church, and the establishment thereof in the use of his Ordinances, in Purity, according to his Word, and the just Civil Liberties of English mem. These, with many other expressions, both in the Declaration and several other Papers of the Army, Letters of the General, cited both in the Declaration of the Members of several Churches, and Petitions of the three Colonels, Sanders Okey & Allured besides several other Papers which might be instanced in, which we leave to all unbyassed men to consider, and compare with actions done by the sarne men since that time. But in pursuance of our duty to God, our fellow Members and Countrey-men, as we are Christians, having a right to the things of Christ, and as we are men having a right to our Native Priviledges, We do Declare our real Apprehensions and Consciences, which (to the great grief of some of us) we have so long concealed, waiting if God might by his providence alter our mindes.
I. That the Sins and present condition of this Nation holds paralel in many things with the old Israelites, after the mighty wonders of God shewed unto them in their great deliverance out of Egypt: For instance, Psal. 106.13. They and we have soon forgot God our Savior, and the great works which he did; we have not set our hearts aright, and our Spirits have not been stedfast with God, but have gone back, and dealt treacherously, Psa. 78.9.10. and turned aside like, a deceitful Bowe; and not trusting to his salvation, have provoked the Lord to anger with our invention; Ps. 106.28, 29. so that men have dominion over our bodies, and over our cattel, [Page 6]at their pleasure: [...] 37. And we are in great distress, for this is a day of trouble and of blasphemy; for the children are come to the birth, and there is not strength to bring forth.
II. That blessed Cause, and those noble Principles propounded and prosecuted by the old Parliament, and the Good, people of this Nation (in the maintaining of which God did miraculously appear) are now altogether laid aside and lost, and another Cause and Interest (quite contrary, as we conceive) espoused and maintained; for then the Advancement of Christs Kingdom, the Extirpation of Popery, and Popish Innovations, the Priviledges of Parliament, the Liberty of the Subjects, and an equal Distribution of Justice were declared and fought for; and Tyranny, Oppression, Injustice, Arbitrariness, Destroying the Priviledges of Parliaments, we declared and engaged against: But how far some men have now receded from, and acted contrarily, to the dishonor of God, Scandal of Religion, great grief of many faithful men, and the strengthning of the wicked in their principles, and justifying their practices, we leave to the consideration of all those that are sober and wise.
III. Moreover, the unadvised and unwarrantable changing of the Government, and a swearing thereunto, doth (as we judge) put a Necessity upon the chief Undertaker thereof, to overthrow the very foundation of a Commonwealth, and to maintain the things comprized in the said Instrument (whether right or wrong) And to turn the very edge and dint of his Sword against the faces and bowels of such, as should or shall declare their Consciences contrary thereunto.
IV. As a consequence and fruit of this Forbidden Tree, many of the choice Servants of God, and Faithful of the Nation (some Gentlemen, Ministers of the Gospel, Soldiers, &c.) are imprisoned, without knowing their Accusers, or having so much as was granted by the Heathens to the Apostles, or the benefit of a fair and publick trial, according to the Fundamental Laws of this Nation.
V. Under pretence of Necessity, still to continue the heavy Burthens of Taxes, Art. 27. [...] 30. Customs, Excize, &c. upon the Nation, without (yea contrary to) the consent of the People represented in Parliament, and contrary to their own Instrument.
VI. Notwithstanding all the fair pretences and promises of Reformation, yet what abominable and horrible Impieties, Injustice and Oppression, are there couched and covered under this new Form, from the head to the tail (as the Prophet saith) treading in the footsteps of their predecessors; witness the receiving of the Honors, Profits, Customs, Benefits, Tenths and First-fruits, coming in formerly to the Crown; the Exalting of Sons, Servants, Friends and Favorites (though some of them known to be wicked men) to the highest places and greatest preferments, which the good Rulers of old, as Gideon, Nehemiah, and others did not do, because of the fear of the Lord, & the bondage which was heavy upon the people. Witness also the Unreasonableness of the Army, to have so many Officers, which might easily be reduced to a lesser number, and both Officers and Soldiers, for many years to receive their pay (even in a time of Peace) when the poor Peasants or Tenants (who pay but Ten shillings Rent per Annum) do pay out of their Penury, to maintain them in their Pomp and Luxury.
VII. We cannot, without grief, mention the sad eftects of the secret Design of Hispaniola, to the loss of so many mens Lives, Expence of so much Blood and Treasure, and the indangering of this Commonwealth by Invasion, as also thereby rendring us a scorn and a snuff to all the Nations round about.
Lastly, We do Declare and publish to all from our very hearts and souls, That those of us that hand any hand in joyning with the Parliament and Army heretofore, had no other Designs against the late King or his party, save as they were Enemies to the Lord Christ, his Kingdom and people, hinderers of his work, and Oppressors of the Nation; and that it never came into our hearts to think or intend the pulling down of one Person to set up another, or one Unrighteous Power to permit another; but as we aymed (primarily) at the Glory of God, so likewise at the general good of the Nation, and particular benefit and just Liberty of every man: And it grieves us that any just cause is given them to stumble at Professors, or complain that they are deprived of their Freedom, and several ways more oppressed, than in the days of the wickedst Kings.
We do also believe in our hearts, That (though the wors;t [Page 8]things are not without Gods permission and providence) yet that this Government is not of Gods Approbation, or taken up by his counsel, or according to his Word; and therefore we do utterly disclaim having any hand or heart in it: And for the Contrivers and Undertakers thereof, we suspect and judge them to be great Transgressors therein, and so much the more, because they are Professors of Religion, & Declarers, Engagers, and Fighters against the very things they now practice: And it is most evident to us, that they thereby build again what before they did destroy; and in so doing they render Themselves, the Cause, Religion, Name and People of God, abominable to Heathens, Papists, and profane Enemies; which is a grief to our souls to consider.
We do also detest the practices of these men, in imprisoning the Saints of God for their Consciences and Testimony, and just men, who stand for Moral and just Principles, and the Freedom of the Nation and people; and their breaking of Parliaments to effect their own Designs.
We do also from our souls witness against their new Modeling of Ministers (as Antichristian) and keeping up of Parishes and Tythes (as Popish Innovations;) and we disclaim all Adherents to, owning of, or joyning with these men in their ways; and do withdraw, 2 Tim. 3. and desire all the Lords people to withdraw from these men, as those that are guilty of the Sins of the Latter days, Matth. 24. and that have left following the Lord, and that Gods people should avoid their sin, lest they partake with them in their plagues: Thus concluding our Testimony, we subscribe our Names hereunto.
- William Jones.
- John Morgan,
- John Thomas.
- Evan Jones.
- John Philips.
- Thomas Jones.
- John Beevan.
- Thomas Lewis.
- Gabriel Lewis.
- Howel Thomas.
- Thomas Philips.
- Willliam Howels.
- William Waters.
- Howel John.
- John Price.
- Meredith Philips.
- William Jenkins.
- Thomas Prosser.
- Jenkin Grissith.
- Howel Williams.
- Thomas Williams.
- Richard Howel.
- Watkin Price.
- William Powel.
- Thomas Powel.
- Lewis Williams.
- Lewis Reece.
- [Page 9] Reece John.
- Howel Reece.
- Richard John.
- Richard Price.
- John David.
- David Morgan.
- Morgan William.
- Morgan Robert.
- John William.
- Lewis David.
- Thomas Edwards.
- Reece John.
- Jenkin Jones.
- William Jones.
- Ienkin Rosser.
- Rice Rosser.
- Nicholas Griffiths.
- Lewelin Beevan.
- Iames Powel.
- Mirick Morgan.
- Evan Meredith.
- William Jones.
- Meredith Rees.
- William Edward.
- Richard Roberts.
- Lewis David.
- Morgan Iohn.
- Richard Thomas.
- Meredith William.
- Wilkin Rice.
- William watkin.
- Reece David.
- Watkin David.
- David William.
- William Philips.
- Iohn Williams.
- Henry Thomas.
- Iohn Iones.
- Iohn Farmer.
- Henry Meredith.
- Trehern Morgan.
- Richard David.
- Evan Iohn.
- Edward Evan.
- Thomas Evan.
- David Evan.
- Howel Waters.
- Ienkin Waters.
- Iohn Howel.
- Philip David.
- Rice Richard.
- Edward Matthews.
- Watkin Richard.
- Thomas Evan.
- Lewelin Ienkin.
- Ienkin William.
- Thomas William.
- Evan Lewelin,
- Iohn Lewis.
- William waters.
- Morgan David.
- Iohn David.
- David Walter.
- Reece Iones.
- Philip Iones.
- Iervice Iones.
- Edward Ienkins.
- Watkin Ienkins.
- David Thomas,
- Rice Iones.
- Evan Iohn
- David William.
- Henry Williams.
- Iohn Bedward.
- Thomas Tunman.
- Robert Tunman.
- Roger Grissith.
- Thomas Morgan.
- William Price.
- David Davies.
- David Price.
- Richard Morris.
- Iohn Evans.
- David Powel.
- Wal er Lewis.
- Richard Meredith.
- William Morris.
- Iames Haydock.
- William Bostock
- Philip Russel.
- Edward Williams.
- Iames Morgan.
- David Rutherch.
- William Bayes.
- Reece Iones.
- Richard Iames.
- William Hopkins.
- Lewis Iones.
- William Watkins.
- Richard Mils.
- Iohn Thomas.
- Iohn Smith.
- William Price.
- Vavasor Powel.
- Iohn Williams.
- Iohn Hammer.
- Morris Grissith.
- Edward Owens.
- Richard Grissith.
- Walter Davies.
- Thomas Gwin.
- Thomas Vaughan.
- Iohn Powel,
- Rees Havard.
- [Page 10] Roger Thomas.
- Thomas Lewis.
- John Watkin.
- Walter Lewis.
- William Thomas.
- William Lewis.
- Richard Vaughan.
- David Jones.
- Rice Thomas.
- Henry Thomas.
- John Williams.
- Thomas Powel.
- John David.
- John Rowbuck.
- Evan Watkin.
- Charls Lloyd.
- Hugh Thomas.
- Rosser Watkin.
- Thomas Grissith.
- Lewis Price.
- Morgan Lloyd.
- William Thomas.
- Lewis James.
- John Thomas.
- Robert Thomas.
- Howel Watkin.
- Thomas Price.
- Roger Williams.
- John Baddam.
- John Powel.
- David Roberts.
- John Pugh.
- Thomas Parry.
- Howel Williams.
- Walter Price.
- William Bevan.
- Lewis Prytherch.
- David William.
- Lewelin ap Iohn.
- Ienkin Grissith.
- Peter Chidlow.
- Arthur Chidlow.
- William Iones.
- Owen Humphrey.
- Evan Thomas.
- Samuel Brees.
- Iohn Lewis.
- William Bea [...]sley.
- Thomas Morgans.
- Iohn Symonds.
- William Beddoes.
- Morris Williams.
- Iames Williams.
- William Matthews.
- Lewis Price.
- Evan Ellis.
- Richard Tudge.
- William Fernel.
- Edward Gretholder.
- Iohn Tomkins.
- Thomas Tudge.
- Hugh Evans.
- Owen Lewis.
- Owen Iones.
- Edward Brees.
- Ralph Robothom.
- William Lewis.
- Iohn Powel.
- David Kadwalader.
- Rowland Tudge.
- David Evan.
- Iohn Tibbots.
- Samuel Williams.
- Richard Bromley.
- Richard Baxter.
- Iohn Crowther.
- Francis Mason.
- Iohn Evans.
- David Philips.
- William Evans.
- Thomas Ellis.
- Thomas Crowther.
- Thomas Fernel.
- Richard Irish.
- Henry Iones.
- William Phipps.
- William Beeket.
- Daniel Brees.
- Francis Hancock
- Edward Irish.
- Oliver David.
- William Dabellis.
- Lewis Pugh.
- Richard Rogers.
- Owen Iones.
- Edmund Rosser.
- Iohn Meredith.
- William Thomas.
- Llewelin Lewis.
- Iohn Rowland.
- Lewis Williams.
- William Lewis.
- Edward Williams,
- Howel Rees.
- Rowland Morgan.
- Philip Gyles.
- Iames Watkins.
- Iohn Iames.
- Lewis Iones.
- Michael Watkins.
- Edmund Morgan.
- Rosser Thomas.
- Iohn Rosser.
- Thomas Iohn.
- [Page 11] Iames Iohn.
- Elias Thomas.
- Iohn Howel.
- William Iohn.
- Rosser Watkin.
- Daniel Iohn.
- Thomas ap Iohn.
- Gilbert Morris.
- Matthew Prichard.
- Edward Iones.
- Owen Edward.
- David Thomas.
- I [...]hn Pugh.
- Howel Thomas.
- Reece ap David.
- Iohn Bevan.
- Thomas Lloyd.
- Kenrick Iones.
- Iames Quarrel.
- Edward Williams.
- Edward Moore.
- Iohn Roberts.
- Iohn Brown.
- Alexander Powel.
- Hugh Powel.
- Iohn Nicholas.
- Philip Williams.
- Robert Sanctley.
- Iohn Iames.
- Edward Roberts.
- Walter Thimbleton.
- Iohn Fowler.
- Hugh Prichard.
- Henry Williams.
- William Win.
- Richard Saltonstal.
- Rice Iones.
- Richard Williams.
- Philip Rogers.
- Richard Roberts.
- Thomas ap Thomas.
- Ellice ap Roger.
- David ap Edward.
- David Lloyd,
- Thomas Edwards.
- Francis Lith.
- Iames Park
- Iohn Meredith.
- Iohn Owens.
- William Iennings.
- George Ienkins.
- William Heatley.
- Iohn Lewis.
- David Iones.
- Ieffrey Parry.
- Iohn Hughes.
- Iohn Evans.
- Richard Iones.
- William Rider.
- Iohn Ratlieff.
- William Iones.
- Ralph Hopley.
- Hugh Price.
- Grissith Iones.
- Brian Sixsmith.
- Nathaniel Edwards.
- Iohn Meredith.
A POSTSCRIPT.
THis Paper had sooner come into thy hands, if the Subscribers hereof (who were willing to do nothing rashly) had not waited for further counsel and direction from God herein, than they had at the first intention of the publishing hereof; and withal it was deferred for a tim [...], h [...]ping that God might some other way convince the Person chiefly conc [...]ned in it: And seeing; God gave him time to repent, and yet he repented not, (Rev 2.21.) we have published this our Testimony. To which you might hope had many more Subscribers (who were willing to own this Paper) If conveniency and providerce had made way for it to [...] into their view: There hath been great endeavors to st [...]le it in the [...]; to that end, some of the Subscribers were threatned w [...]th imprisonment, and Orders were issued out to imprison some (whereof one was [...]cured) namely Mr. Vavasor Powel, who was taken by a company of Soldiers, from a day of Fasting and Prayer at Aberbech [...]n in Montgomery shire, where many Saints were gathered together, which c [...]used much s [...]dness, yea and much hearr-breakings to them all; and he remained for some time a prisoner upon that account.
ANIMADVERSIONS Ʋpon a LETTER and PAPER subscrib'd and sent to His Highness, by, &c.
I Intend not a captious Answer to this Letter and Paper, but a friendly Treaty with the Subscribers, and such a Treaty as may be a service of Love to all honest mindes that are offended at the present Government or Governors: My endeavor shall be, either to remove those Offences out of the way, or to inlarge mens mindes, that they may walk in a way without Offence. I shall not therefore, to carp at words, examine every particular passage of the Letter and Paper; but shall chuse out the knotty pieces which I conceive may, either in our Affairs, or in the mindes of men, he an occasion of stumbling, and shall use the best skill I have to resolve them.
The Title is, A Word for God, or A Testimony on Truths behalf, from several Churches, &c. against Wickedness in High-places: 1 The Inscription, A Word for God, did at first grieve me, I thought the name of God was misplac'd and abus'd; Wit offer'd its service, to shevv the vanity and falsity of the Title, Scripture would have confuted it and pull'd it down: But Reverence to the Name of God, and Love to you, would not accept of either of these to oppose; but chuses rather to admit of your Title, and in the simplicity of what Light I have, to Treat with you concerning it.
I will admit, that God hath a Controversie with those you testisie against, because they have sinn'd against him; they have departed from him, and he seems to forsake them; and that you in this Division, are for God, against his People and their Sins: This, I think, is the best of your case. God withholds his Grace and Presence from his people, and suffers them to wander in Darkness and Trouble, and gives this reason, Your iniquities have separated 'twixt me and you, &c. You finde this, and separate from them too, and testisie your dislike of them, and detestation of their ways, and plead for God and his justice [Page 13]against them: And this, you think, cannot but be holy, and safe, and your duty to God. Before we question this, I shall propound another Case; which, though it differ from yours, yet it may have something in it like yours, which may give light to you, or at least offer something to you, which you have not yet considered:
'Tis the Case of Elijah, 1 Kings 19. The Israelites were at that time great sinners: The man of God, so indeed he was, did oppose their sins; for the discharge of his duty, he was in danger of his life; and to save himself, is forc'd to say, and to hide himself in the wilderness, ver. 4. where he was sad to think how cross things went to his ministry: For, though God had appear'd for him against his enemies, yet they went on still, and wickedness prevail'd, which was more than he could bear; and therefore in a passion desired he might die: Being overcome, and even spent with the evil of the times and discontent, he is by an Angel refreshed, who feeds him twice, v. 5, 6, 7. and 'twas such miraculous food, that he walked forty days and forty nights in the strength of that meat, ver. 8. and so came to Horeb, the mount of God. He hath left Israel, and so by the help of Angels, being extraordinarily assisted, he arrives at Gods mount, and waits upon God there, where at first he declar'd his Covenant with his people, by giving them his righteous Law. Such a man, so assisted, in such a way; you cannot think it an injury to you, to be set by him, though you meet with a reproof there: While he was here in a Cave, the word of the Lord came to him, What dost thou here Elijah? This is not thy place, thou art not in thy work; thy Ministry is hot, thy Spirit active, but I intended it to be imploy'd in and with Israel, not against them; to keep alive that little good that is in them, not to separate from them, and destroy them.
Elijah answers, and to save himself from the reproof, says, I have been very jealous for the Lord God of Hosts: That what he had done, was for the Lord God, and that in great zeal he had left them that left the Lord, Why should he continue any longer with the children of Israel? His heart was for God, for they have forsaken thy Covenant; not onely broken their own Covenants, but thine too; Thrown down thine Altars: The Name of Christ and his Cause lies as it Were buried; They [Page 14]have killed thy Prophets and Ministers for their Testimony; and I, I onely am left: He thought there was none true, because none of his temper; and none in Israel, because none in his cave; And they seek my life, to take it away; I must leave them or dye, I can't live amongst them, ver. 10. Then God calls him forth of his private hole, his Cave, into which he was retired, and from his melancholick, jealous, narrow, fearful Spirit, where he could see nothing but himself and his own dark apprehensions, to consider God in his several ways and dispensations, ver. 11. Go forth, and stand upon the mount before the L [...]rd: And to discover to him, of what Spirit he is, shews him himself, and what things or spirits work or act before God, and yet God not in them: A great and strong wind rends the mountain, and breaks the rocks in pieces; after the wind an earthquake, more terrible then the wind; and after that a fire, more fierce than the earthquake: He expected to finde God in these, but could not; therefore of each 'tis said, God was not in the wind, nor in the earthquake, nor in the fire: He had been exercis'd in such kinde of Dispensations, which did either threaten or execute fierce wrath, but men were not converted by such violent and terrible works. At this he was troubled, and thinks that Israel, in refusing such mighty things, had for ever refus'd the Lord himself; but he was mistaken if he so thought, for God was not in these things: Neither was he himself moved by either of these, till the fourth came, which was a still small voice; He looked upon the other, but finding not God there, his very nature retired from them, being boystrous and violent: But as soon as the still small voice came, which was humane and gentle, of his own nature, heard best, and understood best within, at home in his very heart, this was one with him; and presently he wraps his face in his mantle, and goes forth, and stood in the entring in of the cave: This still small voice onely had power upon his heart, to draw it forth from it self to God. All men, good and bad, that are turn'd aside from God by any kinde of Lust or Passion, run into some secret dark Den, where they lie: Now all Legal blustring Ministry's, may for a while affect or affright, but draw not the creature out from himself, where he is lodg'd, till God sends a still small voice into his [Page 15]heart, which is the word in thy heart and mouth. This doth a little convince Elijah, That God was another thing than he for the present apprehended him; and therefore, asham'd of himselft, he wraps his face in his mantle, and yields to go forth to God; but is not yet fully convinc'd of his error. When men are strong and high in their spirits, wherein they think they are for God, 'tis hard to convince them, That their Zeal is not for God, but for their own Ministry and way, for their own Lives and Honors: When God had moved him a little nearer to himself, he falls upon him again, What doest thou here, Elijah? or, What hast thou to do here? Thou art an Israelite, one with them, of the same nature, hast sin in thee as well as they, and they righteousness as thou hast: Why doest thou separate from them, and become an Enemy to them? He stands stiffly for his way that it was Zeal for God, saying the same words that he said before, ver. 14 A consident and froward Spirit: God finding him so sixt in this angry way, as not to be instructed by the sight of God, he leads him forth into a work suitable to his minde; he was full of wrath, and therefore God imploys him in a way wherein he might give him vent: If nothing will please thee, but to plague Israel my people for their sins, Elijah shall bring it forth, but not administer it by his own hand, Go on thy way to Damascus, & anoint Hazael king of Syria: what a terrible malignant and cruel enemy to poor Israel this Hazael proved, is afterward declar'd, 2 King. 8.12. Yet his name signifies visions of God, or seeing of God; he might have his strength from the same ground that Elijah had: Seeing what God had done to Israel, and how Israel had sinn'd against God, and that seeing upon this God had forsaken Israel, from this his Sword might he whetted against Israel: And this is the first-born of Elijah his fiery Spirit, ver. 16. And Iehu shalt thou anoint to be King over Israel; a man terrible enough against Idolatry, against Ahab, Iezebel, and the Prophets of Baal; but constant to himself, so his name signifies, and so he was, though a great Zelot against the corruption in Court, and in the Prophets, and that according to the Word of the Lord; yet he had an eye to his own Honor: And this was Elijah his second Son, and doubtless there was much of self in Elijah; I have been very zealous: [Page 16]I, I onely am left, and they seek my life.
His third command was, Elisha shalt thou anoint Prophet in thy room: The meaning was this, this Spirit of Elijah was of too violent a temper; and therefore, like Iohn, it must decrease; he must give over to another, to Elisha, the salvation of God, so his name signifies: And 'tis the best of this Spirit, it spends its fierceness, and is at last, being weary of it self, willing to resign to him, whose nature is, not to destroy, but to save.
But poor Israel, that needs so many Rods, needs some Pity too, ver. 17. Him that escapeth the Sword of Hazael, shall Iehu stay; and him that escapeth the Sword of Iehu, shall Elisha slay; Slain and slain: yet at last, he that saves, slays most, slays himself, to slay Self, Death and Enmity.
Yet, saith God, ver. 18. I have left me seven thousand in Israel, the knees that have not bowed unto Baal, &c. A compleat number, a sufficient Army to carry on his work; These are reserv'd to me, kept by God in secret, whose hearts were inwardly and truly reserv'd to the Lord, so safe, that they could not depart from him.
Now in all this it appears, That this Man of God was in a dark Spirit, for the present, in a high discontent; for he thought he had been f r God, but was not: Those things wherein he had been exercis'd, he over-valued them, and his Ministry with them; for God was not in them, but in the still voice: He was much out also concerning Israel, he thought they had been utterly lost, no good lest amongst them; but was seven thousand short in his measure.
Lest you think I have misrepresented this Case of Elijah, you shall see it censured in the Gospel, Rom. 11.1. Hath G d cast away his people? God forbid: Some, that measure things by their own private and separated Spirit, think he hath; but God forbid, that there should be no more Mercy, nor Patience in God, than there is in the best of men. ver. 2. Wot ye not what the Scripture saith of Elias, how he makes intercession against Israel? saying, ver. 3. Lord, they have killed thy Prophets, digged down thy Altars, and I am left alone. He, though a Prophet, was in a great error; in stead of interceding for, he intercedes against Israel: it mindes me of a Clause in this Letter, The strong current of [Page 17]their Prayers, which was once for you, the turning thereof against you: But this is not Prophet-like, 'tis rather like the worst malignant Spirit, like the Accuser. —And observe, That such declaring against Israels sin, is plain interceding against them; 'tis indeed, to be instant and earnest for their destruction: This I desire the Subscribers to mark: And this Judgment, made upon some evil actions and outward appearance, by man darkned with passion, was very far from God, and the Election of his Grace. A humane and Legal Spirit, under a Covenant of Works, provok'd into Enmity, is the nature of this Spirit; and so Paul brings it in here, whatever it pretended to be zeal for God, yet 'twas against God himself, and against the liberty of his Election, and the Freeness of his Grace: I'll but apply the words of the Apostle, ver. 5. Even so then at this time also, &c.
It may be you will deny the Application of Elijahs Case to yours, and will not admit your Adversaries to be Israel; and I may also deny you to minister in the Holiness, Power, Truth and Evidence that Elijah ministred in: Therefore I chuse rather to wave the paralel; onely let this Case of Elijah be consider'd absolutely by it self, and it doth sufficiently evince these Conclusions:
I 'Tis very common, for humane Passion to intrude it self into Gods service, yea 'tis very ambitious of being his Attorney to speak for God; and while he seems to advance God, 'tis to prefer it self: For, who would not be on his side, where he may Spoil, Plunder, Revenge freely.
II. If God be but angry a little, he will not want some to help it forward; he needs not now the Devil, nor Egypt or Babylon to minister Wrath, he may finde enough Ministers or Prophets in Israel will sue for the imployment; specially if it be against Iob, he will sinde Religious Friends, that will handle him cruelly enough.
III. That if Man be imployed in any Ministry, wherein there seems to be any light or power, as coming from God; he is apt to magnifie it above measure, and to account of it as God himself, to expect the same Honor and Subjection that is due to the Lord, though it be but a Whiffler, one that goes before to make way for him.
IV. If this Ministry obtain not, and his way be refus'd, he is apt to be highly displeas'd, and be foolishly angry beyond all reason; though all the works of man are to vanish, and to give place to that which is perfect, yet man commonly is so angry, that he will not out-live his Ministry.
V. But foolishly adhering to his Ministry, though it be of Sin and Condemnation; when God repents of his anger, as ordinarily he doth, he over-eagerly ingaging himself, is left behinde, and so lost in it: Fleshly Zeal is of a very slight and combustible nature, and if it get into the fire of Gods anger against Sin, rarely comes off; but over-acting in it, is commonly scorch'd and burnt up by it, and so may happily get to Heaven in a fiery chariot as Elijah did, but is altogether unfit for any saving or healing work. When Mans Enmity and Passion hath gotten into Gods Name and Cause, if God should not withhold Spirit and Power from it, and render it vain, it would make mad work, destroy all but themselves; and therfore there is a necessity of turning it home upon it self, that it may hurt none but it self, which is a good and just end of it. These things well consider'd, might make men afraid to intermeddle with Divine displeasure against others Sins, in which men are ordinarily so busie, as if there were no other Religion.
But sure there is a more excellent way: When God was very angry, and justly, with Israel, Exod. 32.10. Let me alone, says he to Moses, that my wrath may wax hot against them; this was a good Spirit, to interpose, and to offer to be blotted out of the book of God, ver. 32. rather than God should destroy his people: Thus Christ doth for us all, he is willing to become a sinner with us, and there suffer the displeasure of God as the worst of sinners, rather than suffer the wrath of God to break forth upon us: If he should take part with God against sinners, what would become of you? If he be an Advocate for God and his Justice, and not for Transgressors, alas how miserable were we all! This might a little incline mens hearts, and bend them towards thoughts of Love, Pity, and interceding for others, though transgressors.
You superscribe your Letter, To Oliver Cromwel, Captain General of all the Forces of England, Scotland and Ireland: [Page 19]This Title is a fair one, and so different from that which is ordinarily given him, that it cannot escape my Animadversions; and it contains in it the head of the Quarrel, Whether Captain General of the Forces of England, Scotland and Ireland, or Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. If we could finde one the true nature and inward reason of both these, we might clear your understandings, and so in time compose the difference: I shall a little consider the Person, and then his Place or Title.
'Tis better dealing with Things than Persons, they are so nice and curious, that a man can hardly handle them without offending, especially if they be Great ones; for there is a double temptation attends one in it: 1. To Flattery, to please the Court: and 2. Of Detraction, to please the People: However, this Person the Protector, being the chief subject of the Letter and Paper, I cannot avoid speaking my Apprehensions of him; and being sensible of some ingenuity and equality of minde in it, I shall do it without Apologie.
I shall onely give you my Observation of his Original, what he was before these times, and then what share he hath had in these late publick Transactions:
I. First, this great Man is risen from a very low and an afflicted condition; one that hath suffer'd very great troubles of soul, lying a long time under sore terrors and temptations, and at the same time in a very low condition for outward things: in this School of Afflictions he was kept, till he had learned the Lesson of the Cross, till his Will was broken into Submission to the Will of God, &c. Religion that is thus laid into the soul with the hammer and fire, is ordinarily more solid, & more useful than what comes in onely by Light into the Understanding. I have had opportunity to measure (as well as I was able) most men that have appear'd in any eminency in these times, and have always observ'd his Spirit, as to the active or practical part of Religion, as through, as full, as sound, and as hearty in it as any, yea more: it may be, what I have now to say, is but my Fancy; but take it amongst other things, That the time of his extreme suffering was, when this Cause of Religion, in which we are now ingaged, was at its lowest ebb; and that, when he came forth into comfort of Spirit, and inlargement [Page 20]of estate, Religion began then to spring forth into an interest divided from the Kingdom and Nation, though it was low, yet it began to look abroad, and to seek either a new state here, or in other Regions; and so he suffer'd and rose, or sprung forth with this cause, as if he had one life with it.
II. Secondly, His maner of appearing in publike Imployment hath been visible to all: publike work seem'd to be exceeding natural to him, his soul was one with it, which made him act with more vigor than other men, and so constant and steddy to it, as not to be discouraged by difficulties, nor taken off either by offence or by opinions of other ways, as many eminent men have been, a main pillar of the strength of it in all its changes; I must be excused if I tell my thoughts of him, I am the freer in it, because they have continued with me in a long time of offence and prejudice concerning him; There hath to me appear'd in him a singular spirit of Brightness, Clearness, Largeness and Self-denial, of care for, and love to the cause of Religion and honest men, as much above other men, as Saul was higher than the people in stature of body; for which I did conclude before ever he had any Command in Chief, that if ever this Cause did succeed, he would be the Head of it: He had an honesty, an integrity, a nobleness in him, which did attract and unite honest men to him; a love and loveliness in which affections of good people did concenter, and a largeness to receive and comprehend all honest men of differing judgements, and this He did by the vertue and dignity of his Minde, long before he had the advantage of Supream Command to do it, which was a proof to me that his inward worth, not any outward accident, hath given him his preeminence.
To his great industry, faithfulness and wisdom in business, he hath been always attended with a singular blessing of Success in all his Affairs, and that constant both in the Field and Council, and often times in some great works the Word and Arm of the Lord hath been reveal'd to him; and with him (according to the maner of Gods speaking to his people in these days, by giving in to the heart some Scriptures with great power and spirit) whereby his Faith hath been strengthned to attempt great things; As he hath been often guided by the word of the Lord [Page 21]in his great Undertakings, so I do think, and have particular reason to believe, that in that which is so much offensive to men, viz. The breaking of Civil and Worldly Powers, he hath had the same Authority and Word of Command.
Consider now such a person rising from great afflictions, from whence he comes sanctified by grace, called forth into pablique action, and therein appearing in largeness, integrity and courage; assisted with the presence and blessing of God, guided and strengthned by the arm and word of the Lord, which above all sets the clearest stamp of Majesty upon a man, according to the words of Christ John 10.35. If he called them gods to whom the word of the Lord came: These things together are certainly a foundation, yea, the substance of greater and truer Honor, than these last Ages have had experience of.
Yet he hath no reason at all to be proud, nor we much reason to boast of him; for though these are excellent things, yet they have been shadowed and sullied with very great weakness, that doth much eclipse their lustre; for besides the dirt that malice cast upon him, and the pollution contracted from the nature of his work, which hath been destroying work, and so impure; besides these, I say, there is personal weakness, rash passions, sudden ingaging for, and as sudden turning from things, which shews want of fore-sight, incontinency and inconstancy of minde; some violent strains and leaps which have stretch'd conscience and credit, large promising to oblige parties and persons, and too short performance to give satisfaction, which shew a minde not standing firmly upon its own basis of truth, but carried off into looser ways of policy; And though the tottering state of things may seem to excuse it, yet certainly such actings so disproportionable to the truth and faithfulness of God, do more shake him, and with him the publique peace, than any thing in the world.
But notwithstanding these (or if not these, what ever other weakness may cleave to him) I must prefer Oliver Cromwel in querpo, with the stamp of God upon him, before Oliver Protector and all His train of Greatness; and that His naked person, with what God hath done in him, and by him, hath really more dignity & majesty upon it, than if he had with his Protectorship [Page 22]fetch'd from Westminster all the Honors and Titles of all the kings of England; and therefore I think, what ever may be fancied, the Subscribers have done him no real injury, in writing, To Oliver Cromwel.
I have done with the person, and I am glad I have done with it, I may say of my commending him, being a great person, as Paul said of his commending himself, 2 Cor. 12.11. I am become a fool in glorying, ye have compelled me: It looks foolishly and uncomely to me, and it may be to others more; but I have been compell'd to it, to testifie the truth against mens ignorance and malice.
For the Title given him, Captain General of all the Forces in England, Scotland and Ireland, I am not offended at it, for though some may think His Highness is degraded by it, from Protector to General; yet he that will look beyond that vail of discontent, that for the present covers your faces, and will look into the more inward reason of your mindes, in retaining this Title of General, will not be much troubled at it, though he be very zealous of His Highness honor: That which I think either is or should be your intent in it, is this: if you consider;
First, That the Forces and Armies in England, Scotland and Ireland, are the sole and proper interest of the godly party, being at first rais'd and since mantain'd for the safety of good people, their spirits have most freely and lively acted in them, and been the chief strength of them; so that the Forces are theirs, or rather they are vertually and truly the Forces of England, Scotland and Ireland, and that in distinction from, and opposition to all other people of the Nation; of which the honest party may say as Jacob said of Reuben, Gen. 49.3. Reuben thou art my first-born, the beginning of my strength: This military Power is the first-born, the beginning of strength that God hath given his people in the earth.
Secondly, I suppose you may consider, that this Power of the Militia you now have, or are, is as Jacob said of Reuben, The excellency of dignity, and the excellency of power. The absolutest and perfectest power in the earth, having the substance of all Government in it, it gives both reason and being of all Government, Safety, & the name also; whence all Governments are [Page 23]called Powers and the Sword in scripture: and that which makes it very suitable to this season, that having the Forces in our hands, we have our Lives and Liberties secured, and so may quietly wait for more light, and are free to dispose of our selves according to the best light and understanding that shall be brought forth amongst us; which is no small mercy, if we had hearts to improve it, to be once free from all the yokes that were upon our necks by the blinde and malignant Constitutions of the Nations, and set free to follow the best light God shall shine forth to us.
Thirdly, You have reason to consider, that as all former Powers are dissolv'd, viz. The Power of King and Parliament, by their irreconcileable Breaches and continued Wars; so this Title of Captain General of all the Forces of England, Scotland and Ireland, doth not onely extinguish the three distinct Kingdoms and their Governments, and subject them to these Forces, but lays waste the pales whereby they were formerly divided, and turns them all into one Militia, under the command of one General; for the Command of the Forces of all three Kingdoms, is both a greater Power, and of another kinde, and must needs swallow up the three particular Governments into it self, which is a large field that we are brought into: that now the General of these Forces hath an unlimited Power to enlarge his Militia, to take in all honest men if he please, and to give them what pay he judges reasonable; and in order to it, to raise what money he pleases in the three Nations, to restrain and secure what persons he suspects to be Disturbers of his Army and Command, to inflict what punishment he pleases upon his enemies, to make what Constitutions he will for the securing these Forces, and to repeal all Laws that are against their Safety and Quiet: These things are natural and essential to a General in and with his Army, which will be accounted absurd for either King or Protector of England to do: so royal and absolute Authority in the hands of an honest General intrusted for, and in fellowship with the whole Party, in a capacity distinct from the Nations, is a thing worth remembring.
Fourthly, You cannot but consider that the General hath been the chief Instrument of getting the sword into the hands [Page 24]of honest men: You cannot but remember how industrious he was to have an honest Regiment, then an honest Army, at least under honest Officers, how he sent for honest men from all parts of the Nation, and imployed and encouraged them; and this favor he shewed to honest men, as honest men without partiality; when he had gathered them together, pleaded their Cause against their enemies: You know how constantly the Work prosper'd in their hands under his Conduct, and how they have been kept in union, and in order and discipline by his Wisdom and Government; so that if the honest people of the three Nations have obtain'd an outward and visible Power in the earth, and to be above their enemies, safe and secure, the General is the immediate Patron and Father of it, it being first conceived, and since brought forth and cherish'd, principally (as by an instrument) by his Counsel and Conduct; and if he that gave life to this Body, should not uphold and preserve it, it would in all probability fall into division and confusion; therefore you have reason to challenge him to be General of all the Forces, they consisting by him, and we in and by them.
Fifthly, This his Authority is so bright and unquestionable that none can deny it, nor you, or any honest man a snare in it: This Title Captain General of all the Forces, and so of all the Armies of honest men in the three Nations; it hath been the product of Providence, after our many years wars, openly declared and seal'd to by the Lord in all parts of the three Nations; therefore if you had but united your selves to it, and taken in the interest and relation of all honest men, which is your and their due (and must be implied, though not express'd) it is then, I think, the honorablest Title in the world, a mercy beyond all we could expect, had we eyes to see it, and hearts to make a sober use of it.
I judge these very fundamental Considerations: First, The union of all honest men to the Armies as their own. Secondly, The excellency and freedom of Military power. Thirdly, That the Forces of the three Nations being united under one General, are a Power larger and greater than their former civil and divided States, and fully comprehends them in it self. [Page 25]Fourthly, That the General is the Natural Father of this power. Fifthly, And all this the workmanship of Providence, justified by Success in the face of all the world; which put together, would make a good Ground for us to unite and stand upon.
The reason why you refuse the common Title of Protector, is I suppose this, That as General he stood in a special relation to honest men, as divided from their enemies and all others in an Army, where you expect a more open, friendly and ingenious converse with him: You think he hath by being Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, levell'd this Distinction, and brought you into the common condition of the Nation, and now every man hath as much share in him as you or we: your discontent is jealousie, lest your Lord General should forsake the wife of his youth, the honest people of the Nation, his sister, his spouse, in the morning of her beauty, and commit adultery with that rotten harlot, Old worldly Power and Greatness.
And that he should seem to desert you, and that general and unlimited Power that he had with you, and you with him, and this won and worn in the face of the three Nations, and take up a limited Power, a broken clipt Title, maim'd and imperfect, and that a Mushrom, a thing that rises in a night, none knows from whence; that he should carry his and your conquering Sword, and hang it up amongst the Monuments in Westminster, and fetch out of the old Records, or the Lawyers pates, a ceremonial empty thing without spirit or vigor, and therewith wrap up and invelope himself from the converse and enjoyment of his own body and spouse: Now in this I confess, I would a little indulge your jealousie, though it be mixed with an unseemly rage, yet I hope there is love at the bottom, and a sense that His Highness hath devested himself of too much of that Greatness and Power which he had, and which is necessary to uphold us and our cause in that state into which he hath brought us: But withal let us consider it is an error that deserves pity, it may be he intended it as an act of humility, not of disloyalty, that he considered himself as a private [Page 26]person, not as a General intrusted with all the Honor won by honest men in these wars, and if he hath wasted his strength and might by it, he will quickly feel the want of it, and will be ready to entertain a loving invitation back again; and if in stead of suing a Divorce, your Letter and Paper had been a loving Challenge and Claim of your right to him, it might for ought I know have had a very excellent effect.
Meeting with these two considerable Questions in your Title, I could not but give them as serious a Consideration as I was able, in hope it may help to clear our Work for the future: I shall now hasten to your Letter.
ANIMADVERSIONS UPON ALETTER sent to His HIGHNES BY Certain GENTLEMEN and others in WALES.
IN the begining of your Letter you speak of A Sudden, Strange, and Ʋnexpected alteration of Government, &c. to the great astonishment, &c. I doubt 'tis the vapors that do arise from your own passion, that do occasion this great astonishment in you; for, let a man but with a little Reason view our late publick Transactions, and Change of Government will be no strange thing to him: From the begining of these times, we have been little but Changes; we have chang'd from three States to two, from King, Lords and Commons, to Lords and Commons; for a while they govern'd us, and then we turn'd from two to one, the Commons onely, without King and Lords: And this hath been turn'd, purg'd, dress'd, broken and patch'd up again, divers times and ways; these are great changes of Government, but a greater yet follow [...]d: When the Remnant of the old Parliament was taken away, that wherein the Authority of the King in Calling, and the Liberty of the People in Chusing, met in one Constitution; And the then General and his Council, private persons, exercise the Authority of the King, and Liberty of the People, and meerly out of their own wills create a Parliament: Now all Civil Power is changed into Military, and that triumphing in the highest Absoluteness, as if the Sword were the onely Lord of the world, the Alpha and Omega of Government; as if it gave the King his Majesty, and the People [Page 28]their Freedom, and could challenge them when it pleas'd; yet this change did not so much astonish you, for some of you were Members of this Parliament: Neither had you reason to be offended at this, because by this change, your way had an opportunity to put in its Claim to Power; this was the Vertical point. The next change was rather downward again, into an Instrument, which sets up One as Supreme, and a Parliament chosen by the People; this is not altogether so strange to England as the former: Now which of these you mean, I know not; to complain of the former change from the long Parliament to the little Parliament, is against your own Interest; and to complain of a change from a Parliament impos'd, to a Parliament chosen, is against the Interest of the People: I will not trouble you, to resolve which of these changes doth affect you most: Many are offended at the taking away the old Parliament, and that Cause you seem to undertake; whether it be really your Interest, I'll not determine: I shall onely give you and others that are unsatisfied with that act, my thoughts concerning it.
That long Parliament deserves to be mention'd with much Honor, by all Honest men in the Nation that did adhere to it; for that it had in it many sound and worthy men, and was a long time a Bulwark that kept off Slavery and Destruction from breaking in upon us, in many a hard brunt and desperate assult; yet the removing of them at that time, might be no injury to them or us:
I. That Parliament, as they then stood, was no Legal Constitution, nor had they Right to the Government, by our Laws: What Right had they to take away the Life and Office of a King, by whose Authority they were made a Parliament? Or what Right had they to take away the House of Lords, a Constitution Ancienter than themselves? When this was done, what just Power had they to constitute themselves a Commonwealth? There was no act of the people that either made them so, or gave them power to make themselves so; they had no such power inherent in themselves, neither could they ever manifest any such stamp of Majesty set upon them by God and his providence. Now, if the Parliament did assume the Government, without any Rule or Authority, and impose It and Themselves [Page 29]upon the People, and so upon the Army; what Law is broken, in pulling down that which stands not by Law?
II. That Government, such a Constitution as it had, was from the Army; the Army urg'd them to do justice upon the King, which they neither could nor durst do themselves: For, they and eveny Rational man must confess, that were it not for the Strength, Honor and Success of the Army, that which we call Parliament, Government and Commonwealth, would have been made Confederacy and Rebellion. 'Tis true, the Army did at least tolerate, and so far consent, as to submit to this Government; but I know not that they by any act did ratifie it, or ever intend to perpetuate it: And that consent was not an act of Judgment and Righteousness; for in all our Affairs hitherto we have not had so much light and clearness, as to produce any work of true Wisdom and Ʋnderstanding. But as in all other things, so in this, we are driven and thrust forward from one thing to that which is next, as the sence of Danger and the hopes of Ease lead us, in the dark, without Judgment: And so the Army set up, or admit of this Government, by a Parliament, without King and Lords, being at hand, knowing no better, finding some ease in being freed from worse Oppressors, and as a present conveniency: And if they had power to admit it, or set it up, when they found it useful; why may they not pull it down and reject it, when they felt it grievous and burthensom.
III. That which you call the Government, as it never had a Formal Constitution either from God or men (that I know of) so before it was taken down, it had quite lost the nature and spirit of Government; a dry Tree, shrunk up into a private and selfish spirit: There were good men and good things amongst them; but as the Princes of Zoan, Isa. 19. mingled with a perverse & foolish spirit, that four or five of the best of them could not agree in any one Proposition for publick good; though they were both wise & honest men, yet (they themselves know) they were absurdly and peevishly divided, in so great a confusion, that there could be no reason of expecting any more fruit from them: They were a long while a Burthen to the Nation, and the People very sensible of it; and did, by a general [Page 30]dislike and scorn of them, re-call that choice that they had made of them, and the Honor they had put upon them; and would, if the Army had not guarded them, have express'd their rejecting of them from being their Representatives, by pulling them out of the House; they were indeed full ripe; and, had not the Army done it, the rage of Women, or some such base hand would have gather [...]d them: 'Twas doubtless an Honor for them, to dye by so Noble a hand, which had given and continued life to them: I believe they were self-condemn'd, and the more ingenuous of them were sensible of an Inlargement, by their being discharg'd from their sore and unprofitable travel; onely having long injoyed their places, they linger'd and were loth to depart; and when they saw they must go, they would provide for their speedy return, and would have dyed to live again: which was the great incivility done to them, in their apprehensions, they were prevented in their propagating their likeness, and themselves also into A new Representative.
IV. The then General and Officers did not this work voluntarily, which (for ought I know) they might have done, had they had light and strength sufficient for it; but they were thrust upon it by the Soldiers and inferior Officers, which I suppose you may remember, and that your own spirit was busie and active in it, and much rejoyc'd in it when it was done, and you had indeed some more reason for it than others, for that body was very averse to your way, and to the things you would have done, yea far more averse than this present Power is: For you now to fetch your Enemies (so you counted them while they liv'd) out of their Graves, to oppose and accuse your Friends, for an act which you approv'd of, it is a strange change of your mindes: If you could come out of this mist of Discontent, and behold your present posture, how you seem to love, and plead for that which is not; which, if it were again, you would seek the destroying of it again; and how you prosecute them with hatred, which did your work for you, and are your Friends, you would be greatly astonish'd at the strange form of your own spirits (a greater wonder than Change of Governments) and you would confess, I am apt to believe, That both your Love to them, and your Enmity to these, is feigned and not real.
I must deal as nakedly as I can with you, and them, and all the world, and tell you, That I do think there was Iniquity in that action, and in all actions of that nature; for, pulling down is a dark and wrathful Ministry, and ordinarily perform'd by such a spirit as Jehu had, whose name shewed his nature, sibi constans, constant to it self, or self-seeking, though imployed by God: To destroy old worldly buildings, though very rotten, is not a work for a pure Evangelical spirit; the Vengeance administred may be righteous, but if there were not a deal of fleshly Zeal, Pride, Self love, and some bruitish Cruelty or hardiness in us, we should not be fit for such a service. Therefore I fear, before God will make use of us in any Honorable work, to build a place of Rest for himself, he will wash away the stain of Blood that sticks upon us, make us to be asham'd and loath our selves, for that Rashness, Fierceness and Violence, that have accompanied all our late Wars and Transactions: Indeed a right sight of this Evil, would make you and me, and all of us, not to condemn others, but our selves, and the state or kinde of the ministry we have been exercis d in: But for you to overlook the evil of the whole Party, and of the Parliament it self, in cutting down, by a long War and much Blood, King and Lords, two Estates superior to themselves; and to seem to be astonish'd, that an Army should gently lay aside that Parliament, which it had given life to and upheld, and in such a season, in such a maner, where no Blood spilt, no Tears shed, none made Fatherless, none Widows: This great trouble you express is some strange and new grief taken up of late, you and others did rejoyce in it. To pull down old Houses, is a dusty and thankless work; they that live in them, or are part of them, and subsist by them, will be angry at it: But that you should be cordially offended at it, who expect another Kingdom and Monarchy, for whose sake this is done; yea that did do it, and would do it again, if it were undone: Or that you should complain of that done by these, while you are endeavoring to do the same thing upon these, I can't reach the reason of this Mys [...]ry! For who sees not, that you are about to change the Government if you can, though it be by War? And therefore it is you express your fear that [Page 32]they are utterly disabled to prosecute, &c. Angry at former changes, and fear we shall have no more; that now things are bound up fast by an Oath and Instrument, that we shall go no further, you need not fear it: This Government was set up in haste, and not constituted with that Consideration and Wisdom, as to last many Ages: The Earth reels and staggers as a drunken man, 'tis not an Instrument that will keep it steddy, and the mindes of men so loose, as not to be bound by Oathes; wait with patience, another change may make room for you, before you be fit for action: Provide you Wisdom, Love, and Righteousness, our Necessities will call for them, I fear, before you will be able to administer them.
The next thing I would note to you is, You say, Justly suspected ends in time past; and in your Paper, Not knowing the deep Policies of worldly States-men: You use to acknowledge God in all these things, and that this work was carryed on with a high hand of Providence, beyond all the contrivance of men: Sure you have chang'd your station, you were within, and saw the inward Spring, Gods hand; now you are without, and look upon the outside of the Hanging, and there you see Policy; our Judgments alter as our Sight, that which is a Man while we are nigh to it in Love, removed at a distance by a little Enmity, seems to be a Beast: Love thinks no evil, sees nothing but God in all; Enmity removes God from the sight, and sets up men and deep designs.
I shall desire you to consider, 1. That Atheistical, worldly wise men use to talk at this rate, This was design'd long ago. 2. That they talk thus, because they would seem to be wise, and to understand deep Policy. 3. Though they seem to be wise, yet are become Fools; for 'tis the greatest folly, not to acknowledge God in all things. 4. That men talk what they live, and do pretend to, but can't attain it, their attributing so much to Policy, shews they are well-wishers to it, which may make us fear you will begin to tread in these steps: But alas, how much better, safer and easier is it for you, to be Children, and to ascribe things, though a [...]st us, to Gods hand? May I not say to you, as Paul to the Corinthians? 2 Cor. 11.3. I fear, lest by any means, as the Serpent beguiled Eve through his subtilty, [Page 33]so your mindes should be corrupted from the simplicity that is in Christ: You were children once, and thought as simply and childishly as I do, That neither the Protector himself, nor the wisest Heads amongst them, have the tenth part of that foresight that is required to lay such a Design; I imagine they are as weak as you and I, and other people, that know not what will be too morrow, nor have they foreseen the things that are come to pass. Now pray how came you to be so wise, as to understand these Polititians? who taught you this? I fear 'twas the Serpent, the Accuser; sure these deep reaches do but torture and vex your mindes, therefore 'tis better to be children still, and to look up to Gods hand in all things, be they good or evil: And if they are wise Statesmen, as I fear there is too much of it amongst them (but not as you imagine) let us that are standers by and overlook them, either pity them or laugh at them; for I am for either, so it be innocent and harmless.
They have by their craft pull'd down the King and his party, and set up themselves in their place; this is the plot: And by this have made their Enemies to hate them more than they did, and their Friends to hate them more than ever they hated the Cavaliers; which they cannot but expect, if they sit down in the Kings state; for who so odious, as a treacherous and apostate Brother! Thus for a little forc'd Honor, they lift up themselves publick objects of Scorn and despite to both sides: A fine policy.
They may use their Policy, but God hath a Design upon them, which hath taken effect; they are brought in a snare, catched in a net of perplexities, where they are beset with Reproach, Danger and Trouble on every side, and know not which way to go for Safety, they can neither go backwards nor forwards; Papists and Cavaliers preparing against them abroad, their old Enemies at home more and more inraged against them, their Friends and Brethren disserting and opposing of them: If their worldly Policy hath brought them into this pit, I am confident, the more they devise, the deeper they will go into Confusion, and that it must be Simplicity, Humility, and a childish Obedience to the Lord, that must bring them out. [Page 34]'Tis a fair warning to you, you are witnessing, declaring, subscribing, ingaging a party against these, as they against the King, you begin to understand the way of it; if you should undermine them, as they have done others (which I think you will not do) you would, by getting the power and place, get the confusion, perplexity and trouble they have; and that as much more, as your strength or cunning will be greater than theirs.
III. A third thing notable in your Letter, is a home Charge given the Protector; 'tis indeed a stout Accusation, both for matter and maner; of Slighting and Blaspheming the Spirit of God, Reproaching, Imprisoning and Oppressing his people; Pride, Luxury, Lasciviousness, Changing of Principles, Forsaking good ways, &c. and these to be read in his forehead; and that with a citation to appear before the great Iudge, and his impartial Tribunal: I am unwilling to say how this agrees to the Maxime of Machiavel, Calumniate [...]ly, something will stick: I had rather say to you, as our Lord to his Disciples, when they were in such a passion, Luke 9.55. Ye know not what maner of Spirit ye are of; they thought 'twas nothing but Zeal for Christ, exercis'd in a way of God in Faith, and according to a good Scripture example, Lord, wilt thou that we command fire to come down from Heaven, and consume them, as Elias, did? But Christ disowns this, though it seems to be high Religion, yet 'tis but the Spirit of the Destroyer, not of a Savior; The Son of Man is come, saith he, not to destroy mens lives, but to save them: Let me onely desire you to turn your mindes a little from your present Anger, and to consider and answer these few Questions:
Q. 1. Whether have you these things upon your own knowledge, or upon, the report of others? Have all you that have subscrib'd this Paper, heard the Protector Blaspheme the Spirit of God, and Reproach his People? &c. Or have you seen His Pride, Luxury and Lasciviousness? I may well suppose you have not.
Q. 2. You say this is your Testimony and Witness; Dare you, or can you be Witnesses of these things before any Iudge? You subscribe and publish them; but can any honest indifferent [Page 35] Iudge admit of you to be lawful Witnesses in the things you have not heard or seen?
Q. 3. Consider then, whether in this you act according to the lowest line of Truth, according to the common Justice and Honesty that is amongst men? 'Tis a great abomination, though commonly practis'd amongst Professors, rashly to receive and give credit to evil and false Reports of them they hate, or that are of an opposite party, and that too in a way of Religion; which if examin'd, will be judg'd, by the common Light of Nature to be, not onely Ungodly, but Unreasonable.
Q. 4. Whether do you think, that the great Iudge will judge according to that appearance, wherein you now behold the Protector and his actions? which is not so good as by the sight of the Eye, and by the hearing of the Ear, but by others seeing and hearing.
Q. 5. Whether, though you are now admitted to be Witnesses against the Protector, as innocent persons, in the judgments of your selves and your own party (it may be to none but your selves) yet when he and you (now two parties) shall stand before the impartial Tribunal of the great Iudge, whether then you will be able to lift up your heads to accuse him, and will not rather be found as guilty as he, and to stand in need of the same mercy with him?
Q. 6. 'Tis true, God will judge the Protector, for any rash and unseemly word or act, against any persons or things that do but pretend to God; and for every motion and expression of Pride, Falshood, or vain Pleasures: But do you not think that this Eye of God will pierce through this Mist of Calumny that is upon him? Through this thick clay of worldly Greatness, with which he is now dawb'd over and oppress'd; and through the vail of Flesh, which makes him walk unevenly; and search his Heart, whether it be Obedient and Upright, or true to God and his work, or false in it, and seek to set up himself? God will certainly prove and try him, the secret spirit of his minde, what it is in his work; and when he hath done that, do you not think he will search deeper than his Spirit in his work, which may be weak and mixt, and at last judge him according to the seed of Election, the seed of Christ [Page 36]and his Righteousness in him? And then let me ask you, whether God will not so judge you? Look through your vail of Duties, Profession and Ordinances; and try your Heart, with what Spirit of Love, Obedience and Truth you are in your work; and whether will you stand to this judgment? Or rather that God should judge you according to Grace, to the Name and Nature of Christ, written upon you and in you? Sure the great Iudge will thus judge us at last, by his great judgment or last judgment, not by the outward Conversation nor inward Intention, but finally by his eternal Election, according to the Book of Life.
When you have consider'd these Questions, let me desire you to reade the thoughts of my heart concerning the particulars of your Charge; which thoughts are not upon knowledge of Fact, but what account my Experience and Reason gives me of such things: For if I do meet with such Reports as these, as sometimes I do, and swallow them down without trying of them, and do bring them out again in Discourse; I finde they do pollute my soul, and that it is a very naughty Spirit that made me either Receive or Report them: But when I have the exercise of any kinde of Judgment concerning them, I finde cause to reject them; the grief that I have receiv'd by them, makes me more expert in trying of them.
Slighting and Blaspheming the Spirit of God; I suppose some men bring to the Protector, things in the Name of the Spirit, that he judges weak and foolish Fancies, those he slights; others bring him things that he judges Ʋngodly, and that, as they think, from the Spirit, these he blasphemes or speaks evil of: And this he may do in Passion and fleshly hardness, not in tenderness to him that utters them, who being grieved in his spirit, says the Spirit is slighted: There is Blasphemy in one man against another, wherein both may pretend to the Spirit, and this is too common: There is Blasphemy against the Son of Man; I know not that any amongst us are guilty of this Blasphemy, because I see none come forth in the power and purity of his Spirit; and if they do, Christ saith, It shall be forgiven them. But for Blasphemy against the Spirit, in that sence wherein Christ expresses it, I dare not think any [Page 37]man guilty of it, because the Spirit it self in his own majesty doth not (to my sence) appear, but vail'd with humane weaknes.
Reproaching and Imprisoning his people: We commonly call our selves and our party, Gods people; but that you are so, excluding them, or that they are so, excluding you, no third party or person can admit: And for Reproaches, you are even with them if not beforehand; and, I doubt, would be in Imprisoning also, if you had power. The conclusion that I make is this, Some of Gods people may for their weakness deserve, and others in their weakness may inflict, Reproach and Imprisonment upon Brethren.
Pride, Luxury, Lasciviousness: I suppose you intend onely his high living, though your words seem to charge his person with very foul abominations; I am no Courtier, and therefore know not what his Conversation is in private: But in the times of my acquaintance with him, I did not observe any such temper in him; and in Reason, Age and multitude of Business, if not Vertue, should keep him from such Sensuality now: I have heard also some that have been his Servants, near to him, and strict observers of him, report, That his frequent Praying Fasting and Watching, with other conscientious and strict Observances, shew'd him inclin'd rather to turn Quaker than to loosness.
His way of living, I confess, I have sometimes grudged at, as too Kingly, and not proportionable, either to his late condition; or to the present condition of his Brethren; or to his own affairs, being in such want of Money: But upon further examination of this Censure, I do finde, that such as you and I are, living at distance from such Greatness, our Mindes and Breedings being as mean as our Conditions, and our Spirits narrow and rigid, being outcasts also from this present Glory, are troubled with a little Envie; and so not at all fit to judge of it. I finde others that have known what Greatness is, of n [...]bler and freer mindes, and live nearer to it, say, That there is nothing but what hath been ordinary, amongst noble Persons; not the tenth of what Expence hath formerly been, and no more than is necessary for the Honor of the Nation: This I am sure, 'tis a mean and low Spirit this, that doth at once envie and over value uch Greatness; Solomon, that lived at another rate than the Protector, [Page 38]gives us a true accompt of such mens conditions, Eccles. 5.11. When goods increase, they are increased that eat them; and what good is there to the owners thereof, saving the beholding them with their eyes?
Changing of Principles: Your way of Writing, shews you as unable to judge or Principles as I am; our mindes are so short and distemper'd by passion, that we cannot give a Rational accompt of the series of Actions: If any cross our wills and opinions, we are so much disturb'd at the sence of the present evil done to us, that we cannot consider the good that such persons have done, or now do for us; All former things are forgotten, and we are nothing but Anger, and think them nothing but Mischief or Wickedness.
And when we are inraged, we let fly at mens Principles, being not satisfied to rebuke mens Actions, Opinions and Works, but would be aveng'd of their Principles too; as if we would kill them at very heart, pull them up by the roots, and leave them in an incurcable condition, Rotten in their Principles. Mens Actions are crooked and various, Mens Opinions or Understandings, weak and uncertain; Affections change as the wind; yea we may see the Heart waver and stagger, sometimes Evil, sometimes Good carries it away: But how far goes Man in the trying of these things? Can he search the Heart, to know what it is? But Principles lie deeper than the Heart, and are indeed Christ, who is the Principle, and Begining of all things, who, though Heart fail, and Flesh fail, yet he abides the root of all.
'Tis worth considering, whether the Serpent may not, in directing the blindeness of Man to charge all the weakness of their Brethren upon Principles, intend to grieve and wound Christ himself: I do but propound it to consider, because this kinde of Uncharitableness is common, most men thinking they do'nt charge home, nor speak to the purpose, if they do'nt reach mens Principles, which indeed are safe enough from all mens Enmity. But alas, what a pitiful thing it is for us, because by our expressing of our selves in words or actions, in this mist of Confusion, we justle one against another, and offend one another, our impatience presently rises high, and we [Page 39]quarrel with the Principle; and would indeed (if we durst) be angry at God, that he leads not all men the same way with us.
For the Protector, we do see plainly there is in him various Thoughts and Counsels, sometimes he looks this way, sometimes that way, tossed about into several stations and postures of Affairs; but of the Principles that move these things, what they are, and how they work, I know not, nor dare judge.
Forsaking the good ways of Justice and Holiness: His way is in the wilderness, and 'tis crooked; and hath not our course been so from the begining, reeling and staggering this way and that way? And this shews, there is Ʋnjustice and Ʋnholiness amongst us, which cannot be excus'd, but must be bewail'd: But whether our late turns, which have been from your, mine, and many mens judgments, have been a forsaking the good ways of Justice and Holiness, I know not: In the way of Justice and Holiness, perfectly, I fear, we never yet were; we may have mistaken it now, but may, I hope, gain by mistake, and be led into it by a way we know not.
For your confident affirming to the Protector, That these things are even at present to be read in his forehead; and, your citing him to answer it before the great Judge, &c. 'Tis such a high strain of Confidence, that I am not able to deal with it: You write as if you never intended to question your selves, or be question'd by any other: But I beseech you consider, if there should be found under these high Expressions, a Spirit of Enmity and Uncharitableness. If you should present before the Lord, the common dirt of Report, which you gather up in the streets of the World, and with it your own blinde Passions and Discontents; what cause of sorrow and shame will there be, for mingling such prophane stuff, and such highly holy things together? I'll tell you what I think, That you will repent of this business if you live, and that long before you shall come nigh the impartial Tribunal of God; and not onely repent of this Spirit, but of your great confidence in it. Blessed is the man that feareth always; had you fear'd more, you would have been more happy: My Soul trembles at it, not daring to come, or to think that you should come to the Altar, much less [Page 40]to the impartial Tribunal of God; with such a Spirit.
There is much of this Trade abroad in the world, men make it their work to take up Reports against them they are disaffected to, and dress them up with Religion, Scripture, a shew of Zeal for God, and then cry them abroad, either in Pulpits or in private Discourse, ordinarily mingled with either a bitter curse, or a taunt and scorn: So that it is a very great part of the Religion abroad, to defame their Adversaries, and this with great pleasure and a shew of Godliness.
I do desire that you and others would seriously weigh these Considerations upon Exod. 23.1, 2, 3. Thou shalt not raise, or as in Marg. receive a false Report: Put not thine hand with the wicked, to be an unrighteous witness. 2. Thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil; neither shalt thou speak in a cause, to decline after many to wrest judgment. 3. Neither shalt thou countenance a poor man in his cause.
Let us consider what Reports are; generally, They are the eccho or reflection that mens persons and actions make upon Empty, Malicious and Proud mindes:
I. Empty and hollow mindes make a Report or noise; The solid Christian, his voice is not heard in the streets, his work is inward, at home upon his own soul, and his conversation is in heaven, with the glorious works of Christ;: But the formal Hypocrite is a Busie body, exercis'd in the base and vile things of other mens iniquities, or in the Report of them, which are vain and impure things, like himself.
II. Reports are brought forth by Malice; did men love, they would cover iniquity: Charity thinketh no evil, rejoyceth not in iniquity, 1 Cor. 13.5, 6. If a man did either love God or his Brother, he would abominate evil, not take it into his thoughts, nor rejoyce to hear or speak of iniquity, because iniquity is an enemy both to God and to his Brother. But Malice, which is the height of sin and wickedness, makes a man love sin, and delight in it, because it serves him to pull down them that he hates: So that he joyns himself to Sin, and is Co [...]federate with it, because it doth mischief to his Adversaries; and therefore it is, that though he seem to dislike it, yet he gives it the advantage of his gifts, his Zeal and Language to inlarge and advance it.
Malice is a very base thing, but this kinde of malice is the worst: A noble enemy trusts to the righteousness, truth and justice of his own Cause, and being satisfied with that, can wait with patience till God bring forth his righteousness; but scorns to defile himself, by making use either of the sins of his Adversaries, or the lying reports of the world, to help his Cause, or hurt his Enemies.
III. Pride raises Reports; for were a soul truly sensible of his own and others miserable captivity in this world, and under this body of death, he would not take pleasure in speaking of other mens evil actions, or the fame of them, but his soul would be bow'd down into secret mourning for the body and root of Sin and Death in himself and others.
'Tis indeed a cruel kinde of prido, either to make men sinners if they are not, or to make them worse than they are; or if they be indeed fallen, to trample upon them, and insult over them by bitter and publique Accusations; or for men to exalt their own seeming Religion and Righteousness, by that which is an offence to God, and a wound to his name, and their brethrens souls.
II. We see what is the root of reports, whence they come: Let us consider in the next place that the Text calls them false reports: They are generally so, they can't be true that are the children of such parents, as Hypocrisie, Malice and Pride: Man is a lye, he is so vain a thing, that he can hardly be true in the best temper; he is a false and broken glass, that gives very imperfect representations of things: Put a straight stick into the water, and it will seem crooked, especially if the water be moved with the wind, so are the mindes of men naturally as water; and at this time water agitated by several winds of Passions, Fa [...]ions, Discontents, Jealousies, Prejudices and Enmities, so that 'tis impossible to meet with a right representation of any man, or his actions in the world: All sorts of men, good and bad, have been abused by reports, I have observ'd it from the beginning of these times, we never could have a just and true accompt of our Enemies, but very bad men have been made much worse by reports; if I finde a man delighting to censure them he dis-affects, though it be mingled with a demure look [Page 42]and Scripture language, yet if it come onely as news, behinde mens backs, to stir up rage against their Enemies, I conclude 'tis false, either totally or in part, a thing not done, or not done with that minde as is reported, or in that maner: And if any will trouble himself to examine such a report to the bottom, I do not doubt but he will finde it so; but for my part, if I finde him out of his way; in publike, when it should be in private, and behinde the back, when it should be to the persons face; or if I finde him angry and biting, or idle jeering and quibling, I conclude him a Vagabond, and count it more safe and easie to shut the door upon him; for if I do but give him a nights lodging, he leaves the sting wherewith he wounded anothers name in my spirit, to my great pain; and this I often finde by experience.
III. Therefore a third observation have I lean'd from the Text, and experience not to receive such false reports; The Receiver is guilty as well as the Reporter: He that loveth and maketh a lye, Rev.22.15. they are thrust out together; for he that loves, entertains and rejoyces in a lye, is of the same nature with him that made it; 'tis no excuse therefore, I heard it, and I heard it of many honest men: A lye is a base, void, foul thing, which a heart that loves truth may discern and reject, what ever tongue brings it; but hereby men are cheated, if a friend bring it, and it be against an Enemy, we think we shall do it wrong to question or suspect it, whereas we may justly suspect every man; Man and Lye being so much allied: Parties are never free from malice, nor malice free from lyes, and therefore men had need take heed what they receive in these days.
A second Branch of this Observation is, By receiving men raise a false report, it may be from a disturb'd passionate tongue into a more serious minde, and from common idle talk, into devout and religious Considerations, and from them into Pulpits, into praying and preaching, and at last 'tis rais'd, as in this Letter, to the impartial Tribunal of God; so that which at first is either nothing or some humane frailty, it may be some rash word or action from a temptation, is made a great wickedness, for which the person and his way or work is condemn'd, and Religion, Scripture and the Name of God brought in to [Page 43]execute it: What follows in this Scripture, I would have the Subscribers and all discontented people consider, Put not thy hand with the wicked to be an unrighteous witness. The same things that you in this Letter and Paper testifie against our Governors, the common people of the Nation which you judge wicked and profane, do exclaim against them: Change of Government, destroying the Foundations of a Commonwealth, pulling down others to set up themselves, Taxes upon pretence of necessity; These things are charged upon them by your and their Enemies; which if you had consider [...]d, you would not have put your hands to the Paper, neither will you any longer joyn with your wicked Enemies, to destroy your Friends. Verse 2. Thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil, &c. All forts of people almost are against the present Power, Cavaliers, Presbyterians. Levellers, Anabaptists, reproaches are so general, and come so thick, upon us in all places, that 'tis a kinde of a crime not to comply: A man can hardly keep the liberty of his own judgement; to think or hope well of the present Government without the censure of being a Courtier: to dislike Government is counted a vertue: 'Tis true, some of your Exceptions (and the weakest of them) are proper to you and your party, but the most and the strongest are Vox populi: Therefore your witness doth either follow or lead a multitude to do evil; which, if it doth not condemn your Cause, it renders it foully suspitious.
Verse 3. Neither shalt thou countenance a poor man in his cause. This discovers a subtile temptation which draws men into the snare of injustice, while they seem to exercise mercy; there is a shew of righteousness in Suffering, which is very attractive to poverty, and move the Affection, if not the Judgement to their Cause, be it right or wrong: Good men were lately low, and evil men high; people are apt to think 'tis so still, and that Greatness is oppression; and all suffering, righteousness: I doubt many are seduced by this in these times, wherein there is so much of blind affection, and so little of judgement: 'Tis surely good to be caution'd against the confidence of the wicked, the strength of the multitude, and the insinuations of the poor.
'Tis not amiss to read and consider what follows, If thou meet thine enemies ox or ass going astray, &c. If thou see the ass of him that hateth thee, lying under his burthen, &c. Here you have not an ox or ass going astray, and lying under a burthen, but men, your friends: The Text tells you your duty, if you be able to perform it, 'tis to bring back that which is gone astray, and to help that which lyeth under its burthen.
These are the chief Things express'd in your Letter, which (as I conceive) do offend your minde; some generals that run through both your Letter and the Paper inclosed, we may consider hereafter. Your spirit comes forth more fully in the Paper, which is the substance of your Testimony; where we have the fairest opportunity of serving of you, by removing those stumbling-blocks that offend you; therefore I shall hasten to give you my thoughts of it.
ANIMADVERSIONS ƲPON A PAPER inclosed in a LETTER, and sent to His Highness from some Gentlemen and others in Wales.
IN this Paper there is a Preface to the Articles, and the Articles themselves: In the Preface you do as you do in your Letter, shew us your Commission which yon have, after a long time, earnest seeking of the Lord, what we finde in our consciences: and afterward, in faithfulness towards God, and meekness towards men, perform what duty is incumbent upon us: and at last, in pursuance of our duty to God, our fellowmembers, as Christians, as men, &c.
In these things I suppose you put much confidence, and think that none that are religious will oppose a Work that comes into the field, in the name of Duty & Conscience, accompanied with Prayer and Scriptures, &c. I deny not that these things are amongst you, and in a great measure, but I would advise you not to build too much upon them, for these Reasons:
I. First, Because, if you will look abroad, you cannot but see, what with great grief; of heart I have observ'd, That in and with these things, viz. The kingdom of Christ, Glory of God, much seeking of God, Conscience, Duty, &c. in some, where there seems to be as much purity, sincerity and uprightness as in your selves, I may say, more light, evidence and power; yet I say such vile things have come forth in them and with them, which you your selves would abhor, and which they themselves that brought them forth have sadly repented of; do but therefore allow of a little suspition of your selves, and consider, that some while they honestly and heartily (for ought either themselves or others know) seek after Christ, they are led into unreasonable and absurd things, contrary to the light of Nature and Religion, and to the hurt of themselves and mankinde; and why may not you in your religious Zeal and Duties, be carried into things contrary to the Law of [Page 46] Love, and destructive to your selves and the publick peace.
II. Secondly, Because you come forth, not against a people that are prophane, but such as are exercised in the same things that you are, a people that pray; that wait and seek for God and his Light to guide them, as highly professing and practising religious Duties as your selves, and are in that wherein you oppose them in their duty to God and men, and for ought that you or I can judge, with as much sincerity as you, and such as have shined in the life of godliness equal to you, if not beyond you, so that 'tis but praying against praying, duty against duty, conscience against conscience, and sincerity against sincerity; therefore if you do indeed honor these things as part of the Grace and Kingdom of Christ, consider you do with Christ oppose Christ, you sight against your own life and strength: Is it not then far more honorable and Christian-like, to suffer the greatest loss of worldly Liberties and Priviledges, of Parliaments and Governments, and to pay Taxes, Tithes and all that can be laid upon us, or that you contend against, rather than to war Christ against Christ, duty against duty, prayer against prayer.
III. Thirdly, Because this Quarrel hath been fought already in duty and consicience to God, with prayer and seeking of the Lord, in defence of the kingdom of Christ, and his Way and Worship, against a people who in obedience to their King, maintain'd the Legal Rights and customary Worship of the Nation; and judgement given in the case, not onely for you, but for all the honest people of the Nation which ingaged for this cause; they therefore that will not rest in the sentence of God, but make another Quarrel about the same thing (wherein indeed there is none) will I think suffer as contentions in a high degree; setting the way and people of Christ, against the way and people of Christ; 'tis therefore but reason that good men and good things should now live peaceably together, or if there be a difference, that we do not arm our selves as the outwardly-religious against the outwardly prophane; not with Declarations, Accusations, nor with outward weapons, no nor with praying and preaching in enmity, and against one another, as formely we did against the Cavaliers; but with the spirit [Page 47]of God, which is a spirit of love and light, with more inward weapons that will pierce to the dividing of soul and spirit.
IV. Fourthly, Because the things that you profess, and that we have spoken of, had their time and their work in publick, in which they appear'd in power and majesty against their enemies; but alas how much are they now polluted with folly, madness, gross error, vanity, wrath and violence, as if the Abomination of Desolation were in the holy place! 'Tis too visible in others, and visible enough in your Paper, where there is (it grieves me to say it) falshood, wrath, deceit, and blowing the fire of War amongst brethren, which is abominable to humble and gracious spirits, yea, to nature and reason, and tends directly to lay us desolate, without safety or protection; therefore what ever you think of the glory of your Cause, as you have drest it up, I must in faithfulness tell you my sense of it, (which I believe will be the sense of all rational men) I had rather ingage for the honest principles of Necessity, Safety, publick Peace, civil Government, though under many defects and corruptions, than for the highest things that you profess, so as you now profess them; and though this may appear to you prophane, yet I know there is nothing more prophane nor more likely to extirpate all Religion, and to set Atheism on the throne, than for honest and religious people to war upon one another.
Therefore Friends, before you go any further, be perswaded to come forth of that private spirit in which you are, and with a little charity look abroad, and you will finde the Sun doth not shine onely into your window: That the law of God is wondrous broad, and spreads it self over, and into other mens consciences as well as yours, though with some difference, as the subject is dispos'd to receive it; and that others are as true and obedient to that word which is differently dispenc'd to them, as you are to what is manifest to you; and you cannot but in reason conclude, that those that you oppose are bound in duty to God and man, to keep the peace against all opposers whatsoever: and if you are not sunk into, and cover'd over with your own Religion as some are, their spirits being inferior to the Religion they profess, and so are master'd by [Page 48]it, and not suffered to behold any thing but the glory of it, if it be not so with you, you may see the same things in which you now come forth, in those you oppose, and that own'd and testified to by Gods providence, in giving them a compleat victory over their enemies; there the same things that you now plead, have after long-sufferings and sore trials, attain'd more than we lookt for, and indeed as much as the world can afford, liberty, and power to secure it: why then should not you rather, quietly enjoy and improve together that great Mercy obtain'd by your and their praying and earnest seeking of God, rather than begin a new and strange Contention 'twixt prayer and prayer, zeal and zeal; for this strife, if it should go on, would be most black and unchristian, and doth threaten the utter defacing of the honor Religion hath gotten in the earth, a miserable overthrowing of that liberty and safety we have, and the rooting out of Religion it self.
II. Secondly, Having shew'd us your Commission, from Conscience, Duty and Faithfulness to God, &c. In the next place you in stead of propounding your Grievances, or manifesting when the Difference began, and wherein it now consists, or desiring satisfaction as brethren, you hasten to declare an irreconcilable Enmity in the highest nature, and chuse your ground to fight upon, which is no worse than heaven, for which you quote Rev. 12.7. in the margin, And there was war in heaven, Michael and his angels fought against the Dragon, and the Dragon fought and his angels; and being ingaged in the same quarrel upon the same ground, you expect the same success; considering, say you, they loved not their lives unto death, and by the blood of the Lamb and their testimony did overcome: Thus have you leap'd into heaven, and entred your selves soldiers under Michael with his angels: I am unwilling to think or say how unlike you are to the Lamb the Captain, or to such fellow-soldiers; I confess you are gotten out of my reach, I tremble to deal with men that will but say they are members of that Army, therefore if you intend to secure your Cause and selves by this high advance, you have your end; as to me, I shall not dispute it with you, you may stay there till the sense of your passions and weakness [Page 49]help you to understand the Revelations and your selves better.
But for the other Regiments that you are associated to, and speak of, that were stir'd up in England and Scotland to bear witness, &c. against the Book of Common-prayer, Surplice, &c. and against Ship-money, Monopolies, &c. I may be a little bolder, being things within my own knowledge and sphere: If I should be too free with them, you would not be offended; if I should be too plain with you, they would not be offended, because you are (how ever listed here together) at a great distance in your opinions and affections.
In sum, you put your selves in the place of Micha [...]l and his angels, and the Protector and them that joyn with him, in the place of the Dragon and his angels; you are the heirs of the Saints, and of the honest old Puritan-party, the witnesses, and they succeed the King▪ and his party, Egypt, Babylon, Antichrist, &c. and by this devise,
First, you clothe your selves with heaven, purity, truth, and Christ his Cause, a blessed state, unerring and undoubtedly successful! and them with wickedness, falshood, idolatry, a state of certain destruction.
II. Secondly, You conclude the cause hath been heard, you have given in your witness, they are condemn'd, there's nothing left but execution; you may now fall on without any question, they will as surely fall before you as the Dragon fell before Michael, or as the Kings- party fell before the Parliament-party.
III. Thirdly, This is your posture, an irreconcileable Enmity declar'd, no possibility of repenting in them or you, no way in the world left for healing or agreement, but desparately bound to fight it out; for this difference is not 'twixt brethren, nor between Israel back-slidden, and Israel abiding stedfast, nor between the seed of the bond-woman and the seed of the free-woman, nor between true Christians and hypocrites, nor between men enlightned and men yet in darkness unconvinc'd, for all these may live in civil peace together, upon the same earth, but a strife 'twixt Michael and the Dragon: 'twixt obstinate and reprobated sinners, and blessed elected [Page 50]saints, where one party must be saved in heaven, and the other must to hell.
IV. And fourthly, this onely upon a similitude, and that made onely in enmity (which uses to put the highest stamp of wickedness upon enemies, and assume any glory to it self, that he may by it be an excellent Destroyer) This made comparison, and the consequent wrath, is without any real difference, either in your spirits or work; for this I may affirm, that in the habits or qualities of your mindes to God, or in the work of God upon you, or your work for God, you differ not; that is (setting aside knaves and hypocrites on both sides, which I believe stir up enmity, & make the difference 'tween you) they are not Babylon, nor you Zion; they not the seed of the serpent, and you of Christ, nor the contrary. We intend not to meddle with the great Judgement of God, but with your present standing, in which no indifferent man can have any shew of reason, to judge one party wicked the other godly, or that it is the work and design of one to set up Christ, the other to set up Antichrist; but both of you are brethren, children of the same Father, servants of the same Lord, of the same repentance and faith, exercised in the same duties, with the same spirit, laboring to advance the same Religion and Liberty in the Nation, onely being in darkness and under offence, you understand not wherein you either agree or differ, but the difference is onely in circumstances of tune, and maner of doing things, and in outward condition; some have more, some less of the fallen parties honor and riches, some are habited with outward greatness, others have their lot in lowness and sufferings, some disguised with the outward palace of the king, others disguised with the prison of old sufferers, these with some petty differences in temper and natural disposition, some sudden and hot, others heavier and cooler, some simpler, others wiser; these little things have set up the standard of defiance: And besides these, I know no real difference between you and them, except it be this late act of an Instrument, &c. which is but one act, and that a sudden one, not set up or maintain'd in opposition to any more excellent thing, onely made and used as a prudential thing to uphold a Government in the Nation, [Page 53]which you likewise would have upheld, though you dislike their way and maner of doing it; but be perswaded to consider where you are, and what you have done; you have blown up a deadly enmity 'twixt your selves and your friends meerly upon outward circumstances, or a false figure and shadow of difference: 'Tis a fire that burns fiercely, and seems to be implacable, but the fewel of it is very slight matter, or rather immaterial speculations: when I consider how much you are one, and how little you differ, how strongly and necessarily you are bound up in one Life, Religion and Safety, and how airy and childish your strife is; You will excuse me, if I be a little merry with your notional quarrel, these mistaken fancies may put you into a fret, make you scold a little, but I hope there will be never a broken pate in the cause.
'Tis not at all a natural but a made and forc'd business, there being no material ground of a quarrel, therefore though discontent and trouble put you upon it rashly, yet me thinks you should not run so much hazard, with so much labor and pains to maintain a meer notion and shadow of difference; if they against whom you appear have but a little patience, and do nothing against you, you must needs be weary of the quarrel and the cause quickly: finding the foundation of the business so inconsiderable, I am almost inclin'd to leave it off; but because, though it be little in it self, yet 'tis much to you, & you seem to be serious in it, I shall endeavor what I can, to give you a better understanding of them and your selves.
Now because this particular that we are upon, viz. That our present Governors are in the place of, and Successors to the King and his party, and that you and other unsatisfied people are in the place of, or are the honest and godly party, I shall take a little pains to shew the falacy of this conceit, which doth abuse many.
To clear this, let us search for, if we can finde it, what was the real difference 'twixt the Cavalier and the Puritan, and so what was the root of the Quarrel 'twixt King and Parliament, and then see whether the same Quarrel be carried on 'twixt the Subscribers and our present Governors.
In this controversie 'twixt the Religious and the Royal [Page 52]party, there was first an inward Cause or Root of Division; and secondly there were many Disputes and Questions, which were the effects of that Division: The first was less observ'd, but more effectual; the second made a greater noise, more outward, as if the Quarrel had been onely about these things which were indeed but the effects of division of hearts.
These outward things about which the Parliament and Parliamentary people were exercis'd, were the Prerogative of the King, and Priviledges of Parliament, the Laws of the Land, the power of raising Money, Monopolies, Ship-money, &c. the power of the Militia; and in sum, where the Supream Power was, whether in the King as Head, or in the Parliament the Representative of the People, the Body? concerning these things you may observe:
I. First, They were but the outside of the Quarrel, wherein the more worldly mindes were exercised, and very remote from the inward Spring of difference which lay deeper, as we shall see anon.
II. Secondly, In these things (if I do not much mistake) the King had the better Cause, more justified by the ancient Laws of the Land, for though he had been guilty of some mal [...]-administration of Government, yet he offered very large satisfaction; neither were the Errors of his Government of so a high a nature, as to deserve to be prosecuted by so violent a war, to Deposing and Death: Some Princes I believe have done the same or worse things in Government, and never question'd for them; but there was more at the bottom: and it may be observ'd, that while the war was in the hands of men who onely minded these outward things, the King prosper'd exceedingly, and rose from a very low condition to have far the greatest power; for those men that contended for worldly power, did lust after, and unjustly challenge from the King those Royal Prerogatives that our Laws had long given to the Crown, and for their lusting fell in the wilderness.
III. Thirdly, These outward things of Law and Priviledge, being but the clothing of the Work, are worn out, and we are for the present (in such respects) in a worse condition than [Page 53]formerly, Power more arbitrary, Taxes more heavy, Priviledges of Parliament more violated, Laws of less authority; and if we could have fore-seen what effects War and change of Government would procure, we might in reason expect it; therefore they whose spirits are ingaged in these outward and worldly priviledges and freedom onely or mostly, have a very hard bargain of it, and must needs be very much offended, if their hearts do not value Religion, and the Liberties of it at a high rate, and have a charitable opinion of it, that it will when it may attain some quiet and security, bring forth the peoples liberties in more righteousness and largeness than they have yet appear'd in.
These Considerations premis'd concerning the outward part of the Quarrel 'twixt the two parties, let us now consider where the Original Division lay, and whence it was that their spirits stood at such a distance one from another.
I. First, The honest or religious party, were by a work of God upon them, changed in their mindes, and were born into another spirit by the word of God, converting and turning their hearts by Repentance and Faith towards God: this life coming from God, depended upon him, subjected it self to him, would be ruled by him, and not by man; the other party had no knowledge of this life, but hated it, scorn'd it, dealt cruelly with it, would not suffer this childe to breathe its own breath in prayer, nor to speak its own language in preaching, nor to eat its own food, or alow it its own growth; as inhumanely cruel to it, as Egypt was to Israel, being strangely jealous of it, as if it was the heir, and would in time get power to call them to accompt for all their wickedness, they did bend the strength of the Government against it, and not onely so, but devised new stratagems to suppress it: We will not dispute whether this life of godliness was in flesh or in spirit, 'twas doubtless much in flesh, but not without spirit, but it was real, and such as did denominate us to be the people and children of God, to be the seed of Israel, as the enmity of the other party denominated them to be Egypt and Babylon, and to be of Antichrist; so that here were two kindes of spirit or mindes, one of God, another of the world, one seeming to spring from [Page 54]the old stock of Abraham, and of Christ and the Apostles; the other seeming to spring out of the world, out of the earth: and the first took in all the godly party, hardly a man left out, the other took in the chief of men maliciously bent against godliness: Now if you my friends, that have subscribed this Paper, will but reflect upon your selves, and look with the same eye upon your brethren, you cannot think that there is in your selves a work of grace or godliness, that is not in them you oppose, or that there is in them any such hatred to that grace of God, as was in the Kings party; but you must conclude, that though they are a bone started aside one way, you a bone started aside another way, yet you are members of the same body.
II. Secondly, As these two parties, the Religious and Royal party differ'd in the original and kinde of their spirits, so did they in the law and rule of their spirits; the one were subject to Christ and his Law in the worship of God, and did see that he had given them Laws in his Word, far differing from those which were practis'd and commanded in the Nation, the other did stiffly adhere to the Religion of their fore-fathers as it was established by law, and would not admit of any other, but cruelly persecuted it, denying men to offer to God such sacrifices as he required of them, and which they judged their duty to serve him in; now pray consider, whether the case be so now 'twixt you and your brethren whom you oppose, whether are you denied to perform any duty of worship to God, that his word leads you to? nay, do not they do the same things with you? or do you bring forth any rule or law of Christ in Religion that they oppose; for civil things and Government, I think you don't pretend to any law instituted by Christ. The notions and motions of your spirits may in some circumstantial things clash, but you agree in your rule as to Religion, and to follow the same law and rule of Christ in all things, so far as it is reveal'd to you and them: freedom for your Consciences to serve the Lord in as much holiness and purity as you can, you have as much as you can desire; if there bea deviation from the rule in civil things, 'tis not in enmity to any rule, no law of that nature coming forth that pretends to be from God.
It may be of good use both for you the Subscribers, and for the Protector and our Governors, seriously to consider the inward spirit and root of difference 'twixt us and our enemies, and by it we may know where the marrow and strength of our cause lies: 'Tis true, these things of godliness wrought in the heart, and conscientious following the Rule and Law of Christ, did not at first appear openly in Parliament or Army, and accordingly they thrived, but when they whose hearts were ingaged in these things came into action, and the King had to do nakedly with such spirits, he fell before them, and was trampled under foot as dirt; and it must needs be so, a people that have the least stamp or mark of God, and his work and spirit upon them, and ingaged to serve him, cannot but with its weight and authority press down the fleshly arm and power of man as nothing: I would propound it as a caution to both sides:
First to our Governors, that they will in all their affairs attend the motion and growth of this spirit of godliness, and not to ingage in Designs upon principles of worldly policy, be they never so specious, but rather to sit still, and to attend the cherishing and increasing of the life of godliness, than to move in publick actions till this life leads them forth; and then, not out of prejudice or offence at the weakness and scruples of godly men to lay them aside, and to commit their business to worldly men, though never so wise and gallant men, but to lay the stress of all affairs upon this spirit, which is doubtless the steddiest and truest to the works of God.
Secondly to the Subscribers and others, I would desire you to keep close to the first principles of real inward godliness, and that you sink your spirits more into Fundamentals, and not to suffer your mindes to be elevated into high strains, forms and notions of things, nor to be carried away with those who never travel'd in the way of godliness, and are either ignorant or unmindeful of the Power and substance of Religion, which is your danger in your present business; for many such we have that flutter about, and talk of Christ and his kingdom, that never were season'd with the principles of true Religion, and are clouds without rain, wells without water; [Page 56]and while they profess for an outward and glorious Reformation, oppose and quarrel with the truth of godliness, and tall of outward freedom, while they are servants to Pride, Passion, Envy and such like corruptions.
But upon a little more searching into the inward nature of things, you will finde your Quarrel very ill bottom'd upon the former War; for you and your brethren whom you now oppose, are as much one in the state and rule of your spirits, as ever you and they differ'd from the Cavalier.
And now let rue desire you to compare our present Governors, in their standing and actings with the old royal party, and you will see a great dissimilitude 'twixt them; and then compare your selves, in your present actings with the honest old Puritan party in their motions towards the War, and you will finde as wide a difference.
I. Those of the King and his party grew out of an old stock and root of Worldly Greatness, where they had continued many Ages, unmoveably fixed in a State of outward pomp, far above, and opposite to the life and light of Religion, where being settled in Peace and Power, they had many opportunities and offers of the Light of Reformation, but they would not be healed; but being rich, and living at ease and pleasure, were haughty, scorn'd all reproof being lifted up upon the highest glory of the world, were beyond the reach of the instruction of the poor people, who knew the truth, and so were hardned against the Light, bending all the force of Government against that Light that did spring forth; so that godly People were so far from any hopes of doing any good upon them, that they might not live in the Nation without defiling their Consciences, but were forced to fly into all parts of the world for a being; now if these poor people being thus provoked by the brutish and un-natural cruelty of the State, denying their innocent and peaceable spirits, the common freedom of nature, of life and being, if they did when they were call'd forth to it, rise up against them, how justifiable it was?
But on the other side, you know the original of our present Governors, that they are of late sprung from a low and mean condition wherein they serv'd the Lord, and came forth [Page 57]with your selves from the same bondage, through the same dangers, by the same zeal, courage, praying, fasting, &c. They never yet attain'd any settled and quiet State of Government, but are still strugling for life, and in perpetual danger of being over-turn'd by the malice of their and your enemies, who are still laboring by secret plots, to do what they could not by outward force: They are very far from ease and pleasure, their work being full of difficulty, and mens mindes and tongues bent against them: A persecuted people, malign'd, envied, reproach'd, push'd and lifted at by all sorts of people at home and abroad, under the scourge of evil tongues, under the rod of dangers and fears, so closely follow'd with the cross, that they have not opportunity to do good, nor to harden in evil▪ They have gone as far as they have light to go, and profess they wait for more light; they seem to have an ear open to instruction, and not onely to give access to their brethren to counsel them, but to invite them to it: And if they were not of themselves dispos'd to hearken to the voice of Wisdom, yet the miserable uneasiness, unsafety, and trouble of their way, should (me thinks) incline them to receive any rational Proposals: Its possible there is more wisdom in the Nation than is yet amongst them, and they may be guilty of not seeking it out, but I (that have been a looker on) have not observ'd any wisdom come forth in publick, that I could judge worthy to be a guide to them: And whereas the former Powers did design against the liberty and safety of your selves and other honest men; these do conscientiously, and I believe in obedience to God, study your and others safety and liberty; Now considering they are brethren of the same root with your selves, their toyl and labor, their difficulties, dangers and darkness, their sufferings and reproaches for performing their duties, in preserving your liberties, it appears to me to be as unjust, unnatural, and ingrateful for you to rise up against them, uncal'd forth, as 'twas just and natural for us (being cal'd forth to it) to appear against the King and his party.
Let me now represent to you the spirit of the old honest Puritan, if you duly consider it, it had much worth in it; springing up from many great and long-sufferings, bonds, banishment, [Page 58]shame, death, persecutions of all sorts, which he endured with much meekness and long-suffering, never attempting any thing against the Government, but pray'd for it honestly, labor'd to preserve it: the sufferings of that party for many years at home and abroad, did amount to a very great sum, yet they never stir'd till they were call'd forth by the great Council of the Nation, a visible Power; and then how solid, sober, obedient and peaceable they were in their motion, faithfully praying for their enemies, and seeking not their destruction but their repentance, aiming at nothing of Power to themselves, onely liberty and safety in serving the Lord; carried on to this present state of things blindlyand simply, not designing the ruine of the King and his Power, but urged to it by necessity for their safety; for they did shew a willingness to comply with the King, and to save him, but could not finde him in the least natural to them, but all his Treaties and Concessions were not voluntary but forc'd, which was sufficiently manifest; And then he would in time, and as he had opportunity, have return'd to his own natural course with more violence than before, which would have made the latter end to that poor people far worse than the beginning; so far as this was naked and simple, it will justifie that party, and the honesty and peaceableness of their spirits, that they sought the preservation of their enemies to the last.
But how different from this Copy are you in your present actings? your rise is not from sufferings, but from success and heights of Confidence, being flesh'd with victory, not having a deep spring of simplicity and obedience, but a design laid upon outward observation of the Advantages of War, and having place and Greatness in your eye if you prevail, and accordingly your motions are rash, heady, fiery, fierce, I may say, seeking War and Blood, and directly aiming at the destruction of your brethren: therefore bear with me for the present, you will, it may be, thank me hereafter: I must tell you what I really think, you come not near your pattern; for that spirit whose place you contend for was, though low and dark, yet solid, true, just, advancing from a great depth; after providence; in strength and integrity, and so endured much, waiting [Page 59]for its season to come forth, and then attain'd more than in ever expected or sought for; but yours in your present motion, which I believe is not yours neither, but a strange spirit of discontent, is flashy, slight, full of rage, and may, as smoke, offend and darken, but will quickly vanish.
This is one of the chief Grounds of the Quarrel begun, and therefore I have taken the more pains to examine it; I hope when you and others finde it a deceitful Ground, you will retreat from it, and not engage upon such false shadows of things against true friends.
There is one thing more that doth offend you, and 'tis hinted here and there in your Paper, That the present publick Transactions have, been covenanted and protested against: You urge the Engagement and Acts of Parliament made against Monarchy, and particularly quote the words of the Declaration of the Officers and Soldiers of the English Army, Aug. 1. 1650. page 11, 12. We are perswaded in our consciences, that the late King and his Monarchy was one of the ten horns of the beast, spoken of Rev. 17.13, &c.
I know not well how to help you over this block: 'tis sad to me, to think how we have trifled with Oaths all along, swearing for every thing, and almost against every thing in the Nation; covenanting for King, and engaging directly against him: If the Land do not mourn, I wish it did in true repentance for these things, and that we did earnestly seek unto the Lord for a way out of the bonds that are upon our necks by sinful and rash Oaths.
In the interim, I cannot see that you do justly urge these things against your brethren:
I. Because our great evil in this thing, is; we have sworn rashly, not in Righteousness and Judgement, but in a heat and fit upon politick grounds for worldly advantages: 'twas a sin to make them, & 'tis a sin to break them, which is greatest I wil not determine; bur this I am sure of, that you and all of us are guilty, and therefore 'tis not ingenuous to charge another for that which we are guilty of, without accusing our selves also.
II. Secondly, We may be asham'd to remember any of them, but if one, why not all? why not the Covenant, Protestations, [Page 60]and at last the Oath of Allegiance? for in all, the name of God was called upon: There is an oath for the King and his Posterity, an Engagement and Declaration against him: 'twill be of little use to enquire, whether an Oath required by a settled Government, and voluntarily sworn to, for an Ordinance of God, instituted in plain Scriptures both of old and new Testament (for so Kingly Government is) I say, whether such an Oath? Or an Engagement injoyn'd by a broken Power, or a Declaration of an Army, that never challenged any lawful Power, against an institution, upon an interpretation of a dark prophesie of the Revelation, whether of these two be most binding? 'Twill help you and us little to resolve it.
III. Thirdly, This is most considerable how far the letter of Oaths binde? which may be in some doubtful, in others contradictory; and how far the equity and spirit of them binde? and then to enquire what is the pith and substance of all our Protestations and Covenants? which when sifted out, let them have their just and righteous consideration: And then 'twere good to consider which of them this present Government be against, whether it be not against those Oaths and Covenants made for the Right of the King; and if so, how came we to be acquitted from those former Oathes? or whether it be against the Engagements made against Monarchy? it seems to me to be another thing set up besides, rather than against that Engagement, being of another nature from that which we engaged against, as we shall see hereafter; But alas, these Questions do not heal nor help us, onely they may serve as dust to put in our mouthes to silence us, that we upbraid not, nor accuse one another.
We have taken notice of the chief things in the Preface of your Paper, we shall now proceed to consider the Articles of Accusation themselves, which speak out plainly what it is that troubles you.
YOur first Witness or Article is against Apostasie, which you express in a Parallel 'twixt this Nation and the old Israelites in their deliverance out of Egypt, saying, They and we have soon forgot God our Savior, &c. We have not set our hearts right, &c. but have gone back and deals treacherously, and turn'd aside like a deceitful bowe, &c. have provoked the Lord to anger by our inventions.
This first is more honest and ingenuous than any thing that follows it; There is a serious truth in it, and 'tis soberly and humbly exprest, if you do indeed mean what you have written; For you say, WE have soon forgo [...]ten God, &c. WE have not, &c. If you are true in this WE, you have taken your share of the guilt and shame with your brethren, and the whole Nation, and have own'd a union with them in this head sin or root-sin of Back sliding, which is but just; if it was a slip, 'twas an honest and a loving one, be perswaded to own it, and to number your selves with us sinners, and to bear your part of guilt and punishment also if it comes: Sin is general, so will Judgement be, 'tis therefore safer for you to lie down under Self-condemnation, and either trust to mercy, or seek to avert calamity, than to justifie your selves as innocent persons and witnesses.
I take no pleasure in speaking of it, but I fear what you write is too true, that there is a general Apostasie amongst us; it may be they that are in great place, and so liable to great temptations, are more guilty than others, or else their guilt is more manifest; but sure there is a general declining in the visible Professors of Religion, and, as you say, Our hearts have not been right, nor our spirits stedfast to God, but we have turn'd aside like a deceitful bowe: 'Tis most manifest in these particulars:
I. First, We are in Religion divided into several opinions, forms, names, words and ways of worshipping God, in which we walk in enmity to our brethren of different judgements, which shews we have turn'd aside from God, who is one, and his name one, whose Law is exceeding large, who is love: he saves all, comprehends all under his wings: And that which is purely of God and his word, 'tis sweet, easie and delightful to [Page 62]all that are godly; but that which leads men into divided paths, and into opposition, whereby we grieve, afflict and offend godly ones, there is in all those things some inventions of our own, something of carnal reason: Therefore in all divisions that are amongst us, how ever we commend our own way as pure, and would impose it upon others, and not admit him to a share of the salvation that God hath wrought for all his people that denies it, yet there is in every one mixtures of our own, which while we zealously prosecute, we turn aside from God, and his law of Love.
II. Secondly, We do as Israel, abound in performances, religious exercises, in new moons, solemn assemblies, where we offer rivers of oyl, the beasts of a thousand mountains, expressions, enlargements, notions, scriptures, duties; yet Israel departed from God, and turn'd aside into themselves in these things: therefore are they call'd theirs own ways, and not that which God delighted in, Isa. 66.3, 4. Alas, how grosly are our preachings, prayings, assemblings, churchings, polluted with pride, vain glory, worldly ends? is it not apparent that we deal treacherously with God, while we seem to exalt his kingdom, we do indeed seek our own honor and advantage, and the exaltation of our own gifts, party and ministery? For when we ingage the strength and might of our hearts in these things, and neglect to serve the Lord with our souls, in a soul humbling and soul-cleansing work, wherein the power of godlinese lies; and when by these things we life up our selves above others, and as Lords over others, do we not as a deceitful bowe? while we seem to shoot at Gods enemy, we shoot at our own enemies, and while we seem to aim at his honor, aim at our own.
III. Thirdly, We once were meek and lowly, contented with mean things in the world, so we might but enjoy Christ in his own Ordinances; Now how we imploy our Gifts, our Light, our Zeal, our Way, to get uppermost, Diotrephes-like, to have the preeminence: what contending for dominion, envying, plotting, laboring either to maintain or got Greatness and Power? imploying our light and gifts to pull down and destroy, not to save, and that which would destroy, would rise it self and get into place: If there be amongst us these three, or any [Page 63]of them, there is departing from God; enmity, self or pride, the constant companions of Apostacy.
If we have departed from God, and the majesty and largeness of his salvation, into destroying enmity, into perverse self, into tyrannical pride, 'tis no wonder you complain that 'tis a day of rebuke, of trouble and blasphemy: And what kinde of blasphemy, not from Rabshakeh sent from the King of Assyria, but from prophets and ministers which say they are sent from God, and should bring tidings of peace? this must needs be rebuke both to them that administer it, and to them against whom 'tis administred; it must needs be pitiful and sad work to blaspheme or speak evil of our brethren that profess the Name of the Lord, when every word wounds our friends, and the Name of God, it must also wound our selves: when if what we say be true, 'tis woful: and sad, when the best of it is, that what is said is false, and a mistaken passion.
You say further in the words of Hezek [...]ah, The children are come to the birth, and there is not strength to bring forth: Did you say it with his spirit and faith, you would do as he did, rend not your own clothes, nor others honors, but your hearts, and put on sackcloth and mourn before the Lord: Did you believe that the children were come to the birth, that deliverance were near, you would not be so angry; or did you travel with childe your selves, you would retire into the chambers of your own Souls, and not be quarreling in the streets, or stirring up people to strife and contention: Or did you think our Governors, or any with them were in travel, and wanted strength to bring forth, you would not by contention weaken them as you do.
Let it be suppos'd then, there is indeed a great turning aside from God our Savior, &c. into enmity, self and pride, what can you think to be the way to recover us? Will the pulling down a Protector and his party, with Accusations, Wrath and Violence, and setting up your selves or any other party in a way of Parliament? Will this bring us back to God in love, self denial, humility and true holiness? We cannot believe that you think it will, but that you must think with us, that love, instruction and forgiveness, administred in the grace and spirit of Christ, to melt and break mens hearts; these are the proper Remedies [Page 64]to recover a back-sliding people. Now I have gloss'd upon the sense of the Subscribers, I shall give you a more naked account of my own thoughts concerning this thing in these Animadversions.
I. First, We are escaped from an outward Egypt, but are still in that great City Which is spiri [...]ually called Sodom and Egypt, Rev. 11.8. We and our consciences are free from men, but our souls and consciences are in bondage to darkness, to fleshly lusts, to wrath, pride and self love; while we were under the power of outward enemies these durst not look forth, but being now free from fear of others, our own naughtiness begins to appear.
II. Secondly, These noisom lusts of envy, evil surmises, pride and self-exaltation, are of the same kinde and spirit with that tyranny that men exercis'd over us; which being in and amongst our selves, do pierce and wound us more than when they were over us in others.
III. Thirdly, We have gotten a greater outward liberty and dominion, than we have wisdom and strength of grace to manage, which is a dangerous evil, to be over loaded with greatness, prosperity and honor, more than is proportionable to our spirits: 'Twas a wise desire of Agur, Neither poverty nor riches, but food convenie it for me. A little grace that shin'd clearly in a mean condition, may be smother'd and choak'd with worldly Greatness: when I see how little of the majesty of the spirit of God there is, and how carnal mens mindes are, I fear we rose too soon, and are come forth into Power before we are fit for it, or it fit for us; and if it be so, we may fear we shall lie down aga [...]n in our old Egyptian graves, or a worse hell, till by some sharp suffering our spirits be more refin'd: we do hang over a dangerous pit of confusion and wrath, by a meer thred of Gods good providence, therefore it concerns all, especially our Governors, to be very humble, very meek and patient, tender and subject to what light shall come forth from God; for if God should be provoked but to cut this thred, or to take off his hand from protecting of us, we are like to be the most miserable, dishonorable and abominated people in the earth.
IV. Fourthly, Our corruptions which before lay hid, and in [Page 65]this time of freedom break forth, are more than we expected, are noisom and foul, offensive to our selves and visible to others, and they come in as a flood upon us in all places, in all things, in outward and inward things, in civil and Church affairs so much, that we know not how to resist them; neither is there visibly appearing in any sort of people a remedy for these evils, or a spirit able to deal with the huge Armies of Lusts, that overspread Religion, and men professing godliness: This is a great disappointment, we looked for Peace, Righteousness, Truth and Glory to flourish, but behold, Folly, Enmity, Distraction, Iniquity and Shame covers our faces: This doth vex and grieve mens hearts, and every man complains of this and that, and most with the Subscribers, fall upon them that are in power, because they do not cure these maladies, and lead us into a better state; generally it causes wrath, bitterness and rage against these evils in others, not in our selves; not considering who it is that says, Isaiah 43.28. I have profaned the Princes of the sanctuary, and have given Jacob to the curse, and Israel to reproaches; not that the reason of this great displeasure of God lies at home in every mans heart, if they did consider this is a divine hand, and the ground of it is in our selves, and in the very state in which we are, being much in the flesh and carnal, we should at least be still and silent, and not increase our evils by open and shameful Quarrels, but rather heal and hide them by Love and Repentance.
V. Fifthly, We in the outward things, as matters of Government, are yet intangled in the maners and customs of Egypt, and ignorant of the Judgements and Statutes of the Lord, or of our own land; for a way or form of Government of our own that is proper for a godly people, we have not yet discover'd to us; therefore every one lays hold of some broken pieces of Egypt. The Instrument patches up one and a Council, and the Old Law and Parliament, the Subscribers seem to be for a Parliament onely; But all these things about which we contend, are parts of the Old Babel, and the Subscribers themselves as much in it as any, as we may see hereafter: Now these things must needs vex our spirits, having not yet found out a way suitable and sit for us: Though few know what we ayl, [Page 66]or what will cure us, onely our feet are in the stocks, and our mindes uneasie and unsatisfied, we kick and spurn against those that are next us.
But if the Subscribers or any others do think, that it is the design of the Protector Himself, or Himself and Council, to carry us back again into Egypt, into a Land of tyranny and oppression, or persecution, and to make himself and posterity Lords over us there, I will not perswade your charity to think otherwise: There is it may be so great a breach, and we have conceiv'd such dismal apprehensions one of another, that there is no talking of love: But we may suppose that we have not quite lost our reason, though we have our faith and love, do then but use your reason, and you cannot think that the Protector can be so weak as to attempt such a design, or so strong as to effect it, if he should aim at it.
For if he would carry us back to Egypt, his way were to heal Egypt, and to restore the old malignants, as the proper Supporters of Royalty and Greatness, and instruments of suppressing us and our principles of Liberty: One while all the cry of jealousie was, He favor'd Malignants, that Malignants got up again; but His late acts against them take away this doubt, and tell us the breach 'twixt them and him can never be heal'd; neither can we in reason think that ever they should trust him, or he them; For though they do love outward pomp, and tyranny, and persecution, the companions of it, yet they could not but hate it in him, who is, as they think, a Destroyer and Persecutor of them and their way, neither can he expect any thing from them but all the revenge an inraged enemy can plot or act; therefore if he looks back to Egypt, he meets with a Red sea, which lately devour'd Pharaoh and his host, the same sea of blood waits to receive him if he return.
If his way to Egypt be block'd up, so that he must resolve to cleave to Israel, as his onely hopes; Can he think then that Israel will turn Egyptians? Or do we think that he can debauch the honest party, so as to blot out of their souls all principles of Religion and Liberty, and to make them slaves to his lusts of Pride and Tyranny? Can he think to lull asleep all those lively awakenings of Courage and Zeal for Liberty, which move so [Page 65]highly amongst us, or to perswade that Day of Light that hath overspread mens mindes (as to outward Freedom) to retire again, and to lie down in darkness, that he might tyrannize over us unseen and unfelt: can he or you think, that besides Dissenters, that hate the appearance and shew of Tyranny, there are not thousands that abhor to bear the Yoke of Slavery from any, much less from him a Brother? and if they did not see and feel, or hope for (at least) an honesty and uprightness in him, would both desert and oppose him? If he should meet with some few weak hearted Mungrels that would flatter his Greatness, and fall before it; yet should he but discover a Heart to depart from principles of Liberty to Tyranny, not onely Passion and Discontent, but the very heart, life, and spirit of Truth and Honesty in the whole party would with scorn reject him: Therefore be is ingaged and hedg'd in, that if he should have a lust after Ambition, he knows not which way to have it, or how to compass it, without apparent ruine to his very standing and being, which is upon the Foundation of honest men and honest things; take him off from that bottom, he is the nakedest poorest wretch in the world, and the most subject to scorn and contempt; and this so evident, that he cannot but see it.
Neither can I think it hardly possible for the Protector and they that joyn with him, knowingly and wilfully to desert that Religion and Cause, that hath been laid into their hearts by a deep work upon their Souls long before these times, in which they have been bred, born, and form'd by a continual work of God upon them; for which they have often adventured their Lives, Names, Estates, and all that they had: A Cause and Work that is as natural to them as their lives; yea, now their very life and being, they having been brought forth with it, to what they are, having no other hopes of subsistance in the earth, but in it and with it. They may stagger and wander in much darkness, shortness and insufficiency, they may have passions and temptations; but that they should of a sudden, raze out of their souls all impressions made by God upon them, and the deep ingagements of their spirits to this work, and in a sit forsake all and espouse another interest, cannot without much prejudice be received.
Or should I conclude mans heart so deceitful and false as to do this, yet I must then doubt, that the very Religion, and the state in which we are, (when the eminentest and strongest pillars fail) is not what we have thought it, but that it likewise will corrupt and turn to rottenness, and all these appearings of Light and operations of God, will be utterly lost in Apostasie, and that we shall run back into Darkness and Profaneness, or Confusion; I confess, I cannot in reason admit the one, without sad apprehensions of the other.
But then I consider also that this Work begun amongst us, is not so much carried on by an inward Spring of Grace, but upon the Wheels of Providence; drawing or driving men on into ways and paths, that their own light neither did nor could direct them into; and therefore it depends not upon the stedfastness and truth of mens spirits, they having the least share in it: but they and the Work have been carried on upon Engines of Providence, so far beyond mens knowledge, that if their hearts should fail, they know not which way to go back; they are caught in such a net, and so involved in and with the Work, that they must live and die in it, and cannot think how or where to live out of it: which might help to ease us of the pain of jealousie which troubles us, and unite all our hearts and spirits to do the utmost we can, to maintain what we have got; for we are gone too far to retreat, we must think of going forward, but backward we cannot go.
Your second Witness or Article begins thus: That blessed Cause, and those noble Principles propounded and prosecuted by the old Parliament, &c. are now wholly laid aside, &c. and another quite contrary espoused, &c. I confess, I cannot but wonder why you should bless the old Parliament, except it be to ourse our new Government: and why you should bless them and ourse these, I do as much wonder, when I know they were much more opposite to your way than these are. Neither did the old Parliament ever propound or prosecute, the destroying of Parishes, taking away Tythes, or overthrowing of Ministers, which are your Cause now against the present Government, as you express in the close of your Paper; sure these men are apter for such Work than the old Parliament: And why you [Page 67]should so magnifie any thing that is past, as to call it Blessed, I know not; I confess, I never yet saw any thing in agitation that could make all parties happy and blessed: surely nothing is truly blessed, but that wherein all good men may finde rest. It may be you plate much of you happiness in a Parliament, for in this Article you plead for the Priviledges of Parliaments; if you do not, many others do think it the onely Cure of our Distemper: and therefore I shall freely give you my thoughts of Parliaments:
A Parliament is a Constitution in which there is some Reason and Equity, and of late it hath been very benign to Liberty and Religion; for which we may remember it with Honor: but I fear it hath been made an Idol by many of us, and exalted above its place, for which, it hath been miserably blasted and curs'd, render'd a vain and unprofitable thing, subjected to scorn and contempt, having lost its Union, Majesty and Wisdom. The Considerations that I have long had concerning a Parliament, are these:
I. First, A Parliament is a Body, whereof the King is the head; and therefore 'twas called his Parliament, because form'd and call'd by him at his own pleasure, for his own ends; and 'twas his Interest, which he much pleaded for in the beginning of these times, a Free Parliament; for, had they been Free in their Debates and Votes, he and all his had been undoubtedly safe: For the Parliament did zealously and heartily intend the advancing of him, and making him a great Prince, and ingaged and protested to it; however they were afterward forc'd from their own Protestations, but not by any natural motion of their own, but by an over-powering hand. A Parliament is the Interest of the King, and a King as much the Interest of a Parliament.
II. Secondly, A Parliament is a wordly earthly Constitution, consisting of worldly Matter, Gentlemen of Estates, and chosen by People, in the capacity onely of possessing so much Land; without any respect at all had in Electors or Elected, to any Character of Grace or Anointing: and therefore 'tis the Interest of the World, not of the Saints; a part of the fourth Monarchy, not of the fifth; the strength of the Kingdoms of [Page 68] this world, not of the Kingdom of Christ; form'd by custom in the Darkness and Enmity of the world, not in the Light and Wisdom of Christ.
III. Thirdly, The Parliament had it had its Priviledges, viz. Freedom for all its Members to Debate and Vote, would never have removed any thing of King, Lords or Bishops; they had all stood to this day, had not the Parliament been forc'd by the People. We may talk of Priviledges of Parliament, but, alas, who doth not see that we did make bold with their Priviledges, by driving some out, and driving some on beyond their reason, to what we and the People affected; and this so grosly, that though it might be a shame to do it, 'tis more a shame to deny it; or to seem now to plead for the standing of Parliaments and Priviledges, when common sense or ingenuity will tell us, we have forc'd and violated them at our pleasures from the beginning.
IV. Fourthly, We cannot in reason expect a Free Parliament at this time, because the People are not fit to have a free choice of Members, or at least not fit in the sence of the Subscribers; for, generally the spirit of the Nation at this time is complaining of Sects and Divisions in Religion, and jealous that the Anabaptist will get the upper hand, and pull down both Magistracy and Ministry; therefore we cannot but think, give them Freedom to chuse, they would pitch upon sober wisemen, that should stop this inundation of Innovations in Church and State: Therefore you cannot have a Free Parliament, except you admit the People to a Free Choice, which is the foundation of a Free Parliament, which indeed, neither the Subscribers, nor any rational honest man can admit; for the greater number of the People of the Nation are either Malignant and opposing Reformation, or lately offended at it, or Neutral, and sottishly mindless of any thing but their profit; all these must be concluded unfit to be the root of that power that must carry on the great Work begun, and secure honest men and honest things: And should we restrain the Election to honest men, (for which there is no Law) yet they also are for the present unfit for choice, being divided into Sects and Parties, and so not competent judges of mens ability to govern, but will over value [Page 69]their Friends, and undervalue their Enemies; chuse an unworthy man, because of our own party; and refuse a worthy man, because opposite to us: so that the Foundation of a Parliament would be laid (though chosen by the best men) not onely in bitter strife and enmity, but in unrighteousness and partiality; and what fruit can we expect, but jangling and cavelling, from the root of blinde and unjust Contention? But, alas, a Free Choice is out of use amongst us, for the custom hath been, either to awe the People out of their choice by greatness, or to cheat them of it by canvasing and importunities; and so either some great men, or busie factious men, have made Parliament-men in most places: and the People in whom we would place the original power, over our Lives, Liberties and Religion, are such fools or beasts, as to be thus driven in their Election. If we should have a Parliament at this time, I should fear it would be like that Beast spoken of, Rev. 13. 1, 2. which did rise out of the sea; so the People or Nation is at this time, a multitude of confused Tongues, Languages and Voices, carried this way and that way by the breath and spirits of men. And the Beast was like a leopard, full of spots of several and different colours, and of a monstrous shape; the lower parts the feet as a bear; the upper parts, the mouth as a lion: such would a Parliament be; They might roar as lions, speak high things, big words, some of them; others be fierce and cruel as a bear; but yet a beast, not of wisdom, meekness, or love, to heal our Distractions: for the fury and wrathful spirits of the People can blow up no better a Representative, than a fierce and raging Parliament.
And should this Parliament assemble and sit, and assume the Royal power into their hands, will the Dragon (if I may alude to the Army) give them his Power, his Seat, and his great Authority? An Army we have and must have, and 'tis now Supreme; can we then think, that they that have the Sword in their hands, be they the Subscribers or any other, will be so time, as to suffer themselves to be voted Traitors by such a Lions mouth, and to be laid hold on by such a Bears paws, and not remove them? For there is no Parliament that can meet, if they have the courage to own their Priviledges, but must condemn, not onely the late Acts; but the very Power and Being [Page 70]of the Army, as it now stands: And whether there be men to be found upon the earth that will suffer this, when they have the Sword, and so power to prevent it, and to fave their heads, all may judge; and therefore a Free Parliament, as it is not possible to be had, so 'tis not rational to think, that they should freely sit and vote under a superior and different Power; for if they are not a beast, the Sword will make them one, and drive them which way it please.
Let us now consider what hath been said, That a Parliament is the proper Body of the King its Head; that it is a worldly and dark Constitution, the Interest of the Nation, not of the Saints: and what it hath formerly done to establish our Bondage, how little it would have done towards a Reformation, had they had their Freedom and Priviledges; and what an irrational and bruitish thing it must needs be, if chosen by the People in their present condition, and sitting under another power in possession. And we must conclude, That a Parliament is not a seasonable remedy; and the Subscribers also, if they consider it, must confess, a Parliament is as Egyptian or Babylonish as a King. It hath been my minde a long time, I shall desire my Countrey men to bear with me if I offend, That a Government, wherein there is the least designation of Providence, yea, if it be but the product of success, if it have in it any thing of Love or Ʋnion, or the least spark or spirit of Honesty and Justice, I should prefer it at this time much before a Parliament of England; where I fear there will be little but violent storms of Contention.
'Tis true, the Parliament hath been a nursing Mother to good people, and was kinde to her nursling, while it was a nursling and a childe; the more, because she was fallen out with her husband the King, and so expected to have some help from her childe against him: I doubt her love was not natural, but as a nurse and hireling, for her own advantage; if she had ever thought it should have been wean'd and taken from her, she would not have been so kinde to it. But her breasts hath been long dry, and she grew froward and imperious, and therefore 'twas but time for the childe when it grew to be a man, to leave sucking, and to shift for it self. If godly and honest men [Page 71]were a Body knit and joynted together, they need not fear standing upon their own legs, and being wean'd from Parliaments; neither have we any reason to return to her, being in a womanish rage and distraction, for her loss of that absolute Power she lately had, and unjustly took upon her. But if these Subscribers and other New-lighted Men have a minde to be Children again, and to go to School to their Tutors and Governors, a Parliament, let them but lay down the Sword, and if Madam Nurse do not whip them back into Uniformity, to their old Baptism and Ministry, and at least to the Directory and Orthodox Catechism, let them never trust an unknown Friend more.
Before I leave this Article, I have a little serious advice to commend to you my friends the Subscribers; I observe when you come to sum up your blessed Cause, you strangely jumble together heterogeneous matter of the Kingdom of Christ, the Priviledges of Parliaments, the Liberty of the Subjects; and elsewhere, A right to our Native Priviledges, and the just Liberty of every man. In confounding these things without giving them their place and order, you seem to me to be either extremely ignorant of your Cause, the Kingdom of Christ, or else in opposition to this present Power, have departed very much from it, in mingling such old worldly things with it; which are old Terms, but surely have no place in this new Kingdom.
For, make the Kingdom of Christ what you will, it consists either in the person or spirit of Christ, as the anointed of God; or in the Saints, being partakers of the same anointing: Now for you to place the power onely in a Parliament, whose original is in the choice of an ignorant, carnal, and divided people; of members like themselves, without mentioning Christ, or his Designation and Ordination to govern, or the anointing and grace of his Spirit in his Saints; you do in this wave the Interest of Christ and your own Cause, I fear, because you would oppose these Governors, who have a shadow of some such thing, viz. the appointment of Providence, and some of them a spirit of wisdom, largeness and righteousness, to govern. What ever these are, it is not your Interest to give the Common people of the Nation, that are malignant, or neutral [Page 72]and indifferent, or offended at you, equal priviledge with the Saints.
For the Liberty of the Subject; what is it more than to be under the Government of our Soveraign Lord the King, and to hold our Lands of him, or some mean Lord, under such Suits and Service ? or to governed by his Laws and Ministers, Civil and Ecclesiastical? What Liberty else had we? and what is this to the heirs of the Kingdom of Christ, where the Saints shall reign as Kings? Or would you gratifie the Common people, in pleading the Liberty of every man, what will be their portion when Christ reigns? Will it not be, think you, at best to bow to the soles of the feet of the Saints? 'Tis true, there is a large righteousness in Christs Kingdom, and he will distribute Justice to every man, but not in the way wherein this hath been, and is now spoken of by you; but in first advancing his Saints, and in making others their servants.
And what are our Native Priviledges? Is it not, to be born in our own Parish, to be Christned by our own Minister, to go to our own Parish-Church to Divine Service, to follow our Trades and Callings, while the King secur'd our Estates by his Laws, and our Religion by his Bishops and Canons? Alas, we were born in Egpyt, in the house of Bondage; me thinks you are very much intangled with the Customs and Maners of Egypt, when you talk at this rate, and very ignorant of what you profess the Kingdom of Christ, and the Dignity of the Saints; or else you do out of discontent, throw your selves back into the common state of the Nation, being angry with your Brethren.
I am of this opinion, that there is a peculiar Friviledge and Right of Power or Government due to honest men, that have with the jeopardy of their lives, rescued themselves from Slavery; which is their due, not by a Natural birth, as Men; nor by a Spiritual birth, as Christians; but by a birth of Providence (if I may so call it) whereby they are brought forth into a Distinct, Outward, and Military Body, and intrusted with the power of the Sword, and so of the Nation: That Government that deryed these poor people the common Freedom of Life and Being, is totally dissolved; their Enemies overthrown, and [Page 73]they that were the Tail, made the Head; indowed with the most absolute Power. 'Tis a thing that the Protector hath seem'd a long time to design, and that good people have talked of, That Honest men should onely have place and power; and yet now we have it, we either minde it not, or know not which way to settle it: I do heartily wish, that we understood what a Prize we have in our hand, and had light and judgement, either to keep it justly, or to resign it wisely.
Your third Article is this, The unadvised and unwarrantable changing of Government, and swearing thereunto, &c. This is the chief of your witness, The great offence taken against the Protector, and indeed the chief difference 'twixt you and him; the very substance of your Paper, other things being either appurtenances and flourishes, or petty inconsiderable things, brought in to make number and weight: but here is the stress of the business, and the chief ground of your quarrel, now you come to the point; 'tis an unadvised and unwarrantable act, and, swearing thereunto: You differ not in Principle, or in your Spirits, or in Work and Ends, onely the Protector hath rashly and unadvisedly clap'd up a Government, which you cannot warrant to be sound and good; or a private thing, that hath no publick Warranty; neither the consent of the People, nor of the Honest party. I must confess, to form a standing Government for three Nations so unadvisedly, upon such slight and sudden Council; and to have no more Law, Authority, or Reason from men, nor any thing from Heaven to warrant it; and then as rashly by Oath to engage to it, and so to involve himself in it, as to render himself uncapeable of better Counsels, and a better way if it should appear, is not a thing justified by that light either of Religion or Reason that I understand: And therefore, though I can submit, either to a forc'd and impos'd, or an undue Authority or Government, (for I think all the Governments now in the world are no better) yet if I may speak my minde freely, 'tis this; To huddle up a business of so vast a concernment, as the Government of three Nations, in a corner, in such haste, upon so slender advice, without a Commission either from God or men, and to binde it by an Oath, is unjustifiable, and doth require repentance in them that did it.
But, though I do agree with the Subscribers, That this act is unadvised and unwarrantable, yet it is upon a different ground; for they say, That change of Government and swearing thereunto doth put a necessity upon the chief Ʋndertaker thereof, to overthrow the very Foundation of a Commonwealth; this is as they judge. Now I judge, that one great reason why that Government and Instrument was set up and sworn to, was to uphold the Foundation of the old Commonwealth: and this they did, as I suppose, in some kinde of opposition to the Fifth Monarchy men; who, as these men judged, would have led them by their unsetled principles into a notion or cloud of a New Kingdom, from the very Foundations of an old Commomwealth; and to avoid this danger, they took the materials that were next, old Laws and Parliaments, and a new Protector and Council, which are all Fundamentals of Government, and so patch'd up the business in haste and fear, lest they should lose all their footing in a Commonwealth.
Now here I think was their error, That they did re-build what was really pull'd down, and maintain what God had destroyed; and set themselves and that Power that God had given them, upon a rotten Foundation, which is dark and unclean, full of wrath and curse; which hath put a necessity upon the chief Ʋndertaker, to uphold an old ruin'd House, and all the Breaches, Confusions, perplexed Suits and Quarrels, Enmities and Miseries occasioned by our late Civil Wars and Distractions; the weight of which must needs be so heavy, that he cannot but now feel that he did unadvisedly in taking up the burthen of it.
The Reasons why I thus judge, are, First, The ancient Form of this Kingdom or Commonwealth, and the Government thereof, is certainly dissolv'd; and the heart or life of its Union broken, by that irreconcileable breach 'twixt the Head and Body, the King and his Parliament, or People, A Kingdom so divided cannot stand; in its most essential or integral parts, by a continued War, which could never be compos'd, but in the utter destruction of one party. The Union betwixt these two principal parts being broken, there necessarily follow'd, by degrees, a dissolution and mouldering away of all the other parts; [Page 75]so that at last, there is not one stone left upon another, no one piece of the old Building whole: If there be any thing standing, 'tis not in its place, nor upon its own Basis, but upheld by force unduly, and to serve another Power, so miserably broken and sunk, like a milstone cast into the sea, so that none knows where her parts are, or which way to re-unite them. All things are set at such a distance and enmity, in judgement, principles and affections, and things gone so far into Oathes and new Engagements; so many new Ways and Forms set up one upon another, and the old so confounded, that they that have the power to do it, cannot move one step rationally cowards a recovering the old frame.
The ancient Government being irrecoverably lost, and the Kingdom divided into two Armies, and the Kings Army subdued and wholly vanquished; you will easily conclude in what a condition the Conquerors are; which is this, A General of a gallant conquering Army; commanding all the Forces in three Kingdoms; in excellent order and discipline; soundly joynted and knit together in love and affection; confirmed by long experience, in great service, with great success; that could never be divided by policy, nor shaken by force or difficulties; a religious, praying, believing, as well as a fighting Army; having the royal stamp of such a constant success, as made them famous and terrible to the world.
Within this Army lay the hearts and affections of all the Honest people of the Nation, having plac'd all their Safety, Liberty, and Lives in it; did heartily engage their Prayers, Purses, and Persons with them, as their onely strength against their Enemies.
In this Army, and the Honest people in it, and with it, was said all our Priviledges, our Peace and Freedom, together with the Honor of the Nation, and all the good things that had been pray'd for, spoken of, and expected in Reformation; and as secure as the Sword and Honest hearts could keep them, preserv'd and safely lodg'd within the strength of an Host: or Army encamping about them: an Army being a Government as ancient, as natural, as honorable, as rational, and as just, as any other kinde of Government; I may say more, and for us [Page 76]at this time, most vigorous, united, absolute, and safe.
This Army, with these People, under their General, having undoubted right to the Sword, which none would or could question; the Malignants felt the power and truth of it, being overcome by it; the Honest party have their Lives and Liberties secured by it: there was the truest sence and reason of the Nation for their standing; and the same sence and reason for convenient pay, according to ways and methods accustom'd and beaten out for them.
This Army and People had an absolute Freedom (with consent and in right judgement) to do what they would, and to dispose themselves into what state their reason should direct them. For as the opposite Army, had it prevail'd, the King had been free to have settled himself upon what terms he and his party could have agreed upon, and none could resist: so this party, for ought I know, were as free to chuse their own way and ground, to secure themselves and their Liberties, according to the best justice and wisdom they have.
In this case, what might a General door not do? or what might be his work, having such an opportunity? so free, none to oppose; all laid level and flat before him; His Forces mighty, his Commission bright and clear, his people and friends united to him, full of vigor and life, fresh as the morning; though dappled with some spots of Division, troubled with some mists of Fancies, and some youthful extravagant Conceits. But me thinks here was an excellent ground to stay a while upon, and to spend some time in cherishing the life and power of Godliness; in strengthning of Amity and Union; in waiting upon, and incouraging the growth of Light, till it had dispers'd those morning mists, which did darken the face of things, in humbling our souls, confessing our sins and unworthiness, and in seeking a way of the Lord. If we had spent some time in searching the records of Scripture, in reading and examining what was in the hearts of Gods hidden and holy ones, in enquiring what God might speak in all the Saints, or any one poor Saint; here might we have dwelt in our tents, and with much ease kept the peace, and rejoyced together in our liberty and safety; and taken a full time to consider and [Page 77]advise, where we were, what our rights were, what might be the design of God in these great Revolutions? and to what purpose God had brought forth his people into this outward condition, distinct from other people, and put such characters of grace upon them; in heaping, so many victories upon them in answer to their prayers: and seeing he had bestow'd those favors upon them sever'd from others, owning them rather. than others, to be his own people: whether these distinguishing Mercies did not instruct us to reserve our selves in a distinct state, wherein we might, even in outward things, walk according to Religion and Godliness, and not mingle our selves again with the world in its profane courses and customs; or to have staid here, at least, to know whether God had any more work for us to do, or any further favor to bestow upon us. And lastly, not to stir from this ground, till we were carried on and lead forth by the same Providence, by the same light and general consent of honest hearts, that carried us on in all our work, and brought us hither. And that truly had been but just and due to the Lord, That he that had the guiding of us in our troubles, and had delivered us, by answering of us, in calling upon his name together, should have been attended upon in the same publick way, and had the dispose of us and our deliverance in the same way of direction, by his Word and Spirit, in the hearts of his own people, by which they were gotten.
But now when we had gotten our Freedom, not to attend the moving of the same stream of Light and Providence, of a united and general seeking the Lord, in a free and open way; but for the then General to step into a private way, by a private spirit, of a sudden; it may be, not willing to bear the burthen of so great a trust, or to bear the censure of setting up himself in so absolute and arbitrary a Power, &c. or, it may be, a modest distrust of himself, or a doubt of the spirits of his Army; or, whether it was a passion and offence taken against some opinions and ways of Honest people, or an opinion of and inclination to the old English Government; or an ignorance of, and present mindlesness of his own standing, and the foundation of his life and power, I know not: but evil there was in it, I fear. Let it be unadvised or ill advised, I doubt 'twas the [Page 78]counsel of some who had too great a power with him, either some wile States man, ignorant of the inward life and spirit of our work; or I most suspect some Lawyers, who wanted a great Name to begin their Writs, and uphold their Forms of Law. What ever was in it, to change a Commission for an Instrument, to blot out that Royal stamp set upon him by divine Providence, and to assume another from private hands; and to have the Coyn both adulterated and clipt, his Power mingled with others of a baser sort, & much diminished, 'twas unadvised.
To extinguish an honorable and natural relation to a good People, full of life and love to him, ingaged together by suffering, experience, and mercies, and to accept of a relation to the whole body of the Nation, full of filth and rottenness, unnatural to him, yea, hating and rejecting of him; who, to heal their Breaches and to recover their Losses, are as the Horseleach, that cries, Give, give; and being as unsatisfied as the Grave or as the barren Womb, that never sayes, 'Tis enough; they rage and fret against him, because he doth no more for them: to Head such a Body was unadvised.
To leave a standing that was large and free, where he might have breathed out his heart amongst his Brethren in righteous honest ways; and walked upright in the full stature of what Light and Religion he had; and to go into the noisom and filthy Forms of the world, where his spirit is bowed down to old Laws and Customs, that have been always acted by a spirit of cunning, formality and falshood, exceeding improper for a spirit of Simplicity, Truth and Nakedness; an outward pomp and state that us'd to be kept up and fill'd with flattery and deceit; the maners of Egypt, and where are Lice, Frogs and Sores, &c. the plagues of Egypt, and certainly uneasie for an honest heart: this was unadvised.
And to change a Power that was his own, inherent in himself, form'd and begotten by Providence, free and large; in which he might have done all honorable and just things: to change this for a borrow'd one, and that from we know not who; and this, not onely limited and lessen'd, but manacled and fetter'd by an Instrument, Laws, Parliaments, be they good or bad, wise or foolish: this was unadvised.
And for him, who was as a natural Head and Father to the honest people in their Military state, to go and impose himself upon the whole Nation, undesired, unchosen: 'twas unwarrantable.
And he being the Right of the Honest party, who were brought forth by him to this state, and he brought forth by their Prayers, Hearts and Courage, to what he was; for him to go and dispose of himself, without their consent, in a thing of so great concernment, it could not but be an offence to their spirits: and was unwarrantable.
And to bring all their Labors and Adventures, all their expence of Blood and Treasure, all the Victories and Success, that were one common Stock and Treasury, to expend them, and dispose them to a final issue and settlement, without their knowledge and consent; and that those things that were won by the Sword, should be presently worn by the Robe; and that were gotten by the Faith, Prayer, Spirits, and Lives of Honest hearts, should be presently spent upon Law and Policy: 'tis unwarrantable.
'Tis true, he might have given the Charter of the Laws, the common Protection that he did to the Charter of London, or to the Charters of the Ʋniversities, being necessary to preserve Property 'twixt man and man, 'twas but just and rational to uphold them as subordinate to him in their present work, for the administration of Justice; but to incorporate with them, to swear to them, to become subject to them, they being so great strangers and enemies to him and us in that way in which we now are: was both unadvised and unwarrantable.
Now we are declaring our judgements, let us speak our thoughts of the Swearing to this Instrument. I think, with the Subscribers, 'twas unadvised and unwarrantable, but not of such dangerous consequence as they imagine: I would not encourage men in breaking Oathes, though rashly made, 'twere to adde sin to sin; but yet Ile tell you my thou [...]hts, that this Oath is likely to follow the former Protestations and Covenants, being much of the same nature; for if the matter or subject of an Oath cease and die, the Oath also ceases. A woman is bound to her husband no longer than he lives; therefore, [Page 80]if we Swear to dying and perishing things, their death doth discharge us. Besides, the People to whom the Protector hath sworn, will not accept of him nor his Government, but have refus'd him in open Parliament, and why he should be bound to them that will not ingage with him, I know no reason. It was not intended that this new Obligation should dissolve the former Standing and Relation; that being more natural and substantial, this New one, but a circumstance and form, and an addition to the other: Therefore let him wear it as a garment, for ornament or state, as long as 'twill last, 'twill wear out as a vestment, when the life and body, his Military power will endure. He may therefore essay it, as David did Sauls armor, but when he feels it burthensom, he'l say, He can't skill of it, and cast it off: These withs and new cords will not binde Samson next time danger is upon him, I imagine he will break them in pieces, and leave his new Subjects that refuse him, for his old Friends that love him; or else keep them in a state of subjection as Servants, and these in a state of favor as Brethren; them as a Concubine, and these as a Wife.
Thus do your thoughts and my thoughts freely pass their judgements upon the Protector and his Actions; what pretty chequer-work our thoughts make! how we do ring the changes? we agree and we differ, and it matters not much whether we agree or differ. You say and I say, this Instrument and Oath was unadvised and unwarrantable; you judge, That it necessitates the Protector to destroy the Foundation of a Commonwealth: I judge, That it necessitates him to uphold the Foundation of an old decay'd Commonwealth. You think his new government will destroy the Foundation of a Conmonwealth: he thinks your new Monarchy will destroy the Foundation of a Commonwealth. It may be, I think, both parties would do it, and would not do it; that both of you would uphold the old, and you would have a new, but know not well how to do either.
These are our thoughts shot at rovers; it may be they hit, it may be they miss the mark. Indeed the thoughts of man are very vain things, and know very little of that divine Wisdom that moves and carries on the spirits of men in these great [Page 81]revolutions: and therefore, neither you nor I shall be so foolish, I hope, as to insist upon them, or make much account of them, it's enough we have freedom to give them vent. If they may do any good, so? If they be vain, let them die and perish? But for us to think, a State bound to steer their course by our judgements, is a little too much; if they should, contrary judgements would keep them in perpetual instability: therefore, Governors, as they should not refuse any light, so they should not be swayed by opinions and parties, for interest, but follow faithfully, steddily and uprightly, righteousness and truth, as it manifests it self to their own souls.
Now, we have taken the liberty of expressing our thoughts, which are various and uncertain, let us consider, if there be not something more serious and certain to be our guide in point of Government; a more sure Word of Prophecy or Scripture, to which, we should do well to take heed: and in that sure Word we shall finde these two things, in Rom. 13.1. The Powers that be, are ordained of God. The Emperors of Rome, that then were the powers, had usurp'd the ancient Rights of the Senate and People of Rome; and Nero, then Emperor, was a notorious beast: he got this power by his mothers poysoning the former Emperor, and kept it, by his poysoning the son, the true heir; and yet, this power that then was in being, was ordained of God: The word signifies an ordering or disposing things in their place, and that by Institution or Command. Be the powers good or bad, he that knows how to manage ill things to good ends, in wisdom orders them, and commands obedience to them: whence follow these Observations,
I. First, That God doth himself wisely order and dispose of power; it being his own, he gives it to whom he pleases, pulls down one, and sets up another, as he hath use of them.
II. Secondly, He can and doth ordain power, according to his minde, in wisdom and purity, through and by, not onely unadvised and unwarrantable but wicked and abominable means, and to wicked persons.
III. Thirdly, Christians should look through the mist of weakness, yea, through the thickest vail of wickedness, to the brightness of Gods hand, in setting up of power; and ought willingly [Page 82]to acknowledge the excellency of one, though clouded with the darkness of the other.
And then I would enquire, whether this present dispose of power, wherein it seems to be turn'd aside, or turn'd back, into wordly ways and forms; or to make a halt in them, and not to go forward into the Kingdom of Christ, be not in great wisdom? The Reasons of the Question are:
I. First, I question, whether, that Saints, as Saints, are fit to Govern? and am satisfied, That they that offer at it, are in no wise prepar'd for it; having neither the wisdom, nor power, nor the love and righteousness, that will fit them to govern in Christs name and way: and therefore, in love to them, I do dread the miserable consequences and miscarriages of such a power in such hands.
II. Secondly, I doubt, whether the World be ripe for such a dispensation of power, if we had it; for such a dispensation, when it comes, will make a separation 'twixt the Pretious and the Vile, in persons and things: and that spirit that pretends to such a dispensation, doth intend such a thing: but yet, not judging by the nature of things, but by the outward likeness or unlikeness of things and persons to it self, would thrust down violently all those persons that differ'd from them, and those things that were offensive to them, and as unreasonably exalt those that did agree with them; and this, the very nature of that dispensation which they profess, would lead them to. Now, while things are thus indigested, as they are, and mix'd, there is some notable good, and great usefulness in many things and persons, which, we have great reason to think, their present standing to be in darkness and evil; many good men and things likewise, lie scatter'd abroad in various forms, and mix'd with many evils: and therefore, for men, being in present passion and offence, and in great weakness and darkness, to undertake to judge and separate all these, what monstrous errors must needs follow? Therefore I enquire, whether, while things are in this confusion, a way and spirit of Government, suitable to it, and that hath something of Religion, something of worldly Policy, be not best? And, whether those that are more spiritual in their designs, and in the eagerness of their spirits, to [Page 83]such a way, be not in mercy laid aside, till they and the matter be riper and fitter? And whether such have not reason to be content, that the World should be thrash'd a while longer with the violence and hardness of its own ways of government, till it be fit to be fann'd, and, till he come whose fan is in his hand, rather than to torture their spirits and the world too, with that which they can't possibly effect, nor the world bear.
The Apostle gives one reason more of subjection to the powers that be, ver. 4. He is the minister of God to thee for good: The safety of thy person and family, the peace of the countrey, the liberty of thy religion, the enjoyment of thy goods, are administred from God to thee by them; therefore, subject for conscience sake, to Gods wise ordination, who knows what Governments are fit for a people; and to Gods mercy, that conveys so great blessings by that means.
This we cannot be insensible of, that we do by this Government enjoy great quiet, peace, and security, in our Religion, Relations, and Estates, to our selves, and to the Nation, being not molested by any at home, nor by dangers abroad; we may therefore observe, That personal weakness, in attaining a Power, makes that Government, to him that hath it, harder, but to the people, easier. I think 'tis so with us, that though the Protector, by this unadvised and unwarrantable change of Government, hath brought a heavy burthen of cares, dangers, and sore travel upon himself, yet I know not, but that the people are both eased, as to burthens at home, and secur'd from dangers abroad, by it. This very consideration, That we reap the quiet fruit of his hazards and toil, doth affect my heart with a very great desire of giving him all the ease and relief that I am able; for let men fancy what they will, so great and general a Liberty for the Honest party, guilty of so many distasteful and offensive Infirmities, with so great Divisions and Distractions, and their Enemies, so many and malicious, is to me a wonderful mercy; and is purchas'd for us, by the chief instrument of it, with perilous difficulties, and abilities stretch'd to the utmost.
I fear, that out of an officious desire of removing and avoiding [Page 84]offence on both sides, I have been more large and intent, than the nature of the subject doth require; and therefore am resolv'd, the principal things being already discours'd, lightly to pass over what follows, onely with some short Observations.
The fourth Article contains the same thing, with part of the former, and begins thus; As a consequence and fruit of this forbidden tree, many of the choice servants of God, &c. are imprison'd, without knowing their accusers, &c. or a fair and publick trial, according to the Fundamental Laws the Land.
I. First, Government is indeed a Forbidden tree; it will not subject it self to be question'd by any, its work and authority being above private and captious reasonings.
II. Secondly, Our Government, is in the substance and life of it, Military, and the Sword is active and vigilant, like that which the Cherubin had, which turn'd every way; therefore, which way soever danger comes, be it from Friends or Foes, it turns its edge against their faces, as you complain in your former Article, and is as hard as 'tis quick, it spares none to preserve a publick Peace: This Sword is not borne in vain, but is a revenger, to execute wrath upon them that do evil, Rom. 13.4.
III. Thirdly, This tree of life, the Kingdom of Christ, is fenc'd with a flaming Sword, you cannot press into this Paradise or Kingdom, by such force as you use; you cannot take it from others by violence, it is indeed within you; and you must bring forth the fruit of it, by your lips, for others, and there onely 'tis to be tasted.
IV. Fourthly, Military Government, as ours is, knows no form of Law; or, at least, will not submit it self to the Law, though it may require private Differences to subject to it, yet is it self above Law.
V. Fifthly, I doubt the trial of such Gentlemen, &c. according to the Fundamental Laws, would not be to them a fuir trial, but a foul one, for it could not but cut them off, as the Law now, stands; and therefore, the Protector chuses a fair imprisonment, rather than a bloody trial, not willing to trust their lives in the hand of the Law, a Judge and a Jury; which to me is a testimony, that his Government, is not onely [Page 85]in this, but in all things else, more fatherly to you, than the Laws for which you plead.
Give me but leave to tell you the frequent thoughts of a spectator upon these transactions; they are these:
Animad. I. That in the truest love of my heart, to them that are imprison'd, yea, in the same love I have to my self, I have thought, that while their spirits are thus acted, 'tis better for them to be in a Prison, than upon the Throne; to be under Restraint than in Action.
Animad. II. That our Governors had much the better of the Prisoners, in meekness, moderation, and long-suffering, from what I have observ'd: In their desires of agreement, slowness to wrath, tenderness in inflicting restraint, seeking of peace after they were restrain'd; as if they would not touch a hair of their heads, onely binde their hands from doing mischief.
Animad. III. That the Prisoners were more fierce, and did more injury to our Governors, than our Governors to them, so that our Goevrnors are indeed the sufferers; for how small a thing is a gentle outward restraint? But tongues are swords, and when sharpned with Zeal, furbush'd with Scriptures, Praying, Preaching, they cut deep into Name and Spirit; for publick persons to be sentenc'd and condemn'd in the name of God, in publick Assemblies, as thieves, oppressors, perjur'd persons, hypocrites, apostates: If it be but in passion and discontent, 'tis a cross; but if there be any thing of the truth or righteousness of Man in it, or the displeasure of God, 't would be a sore crucifying to any private person, and must be much more, to persons in authority, Government and publick Safety suffering with them.
There is an Objection in your former Article, which is a branch of this subject: They are imprison'd, say you, for declaring their Consciences; concerning which, I shall barely propound these Questions:
Quest. I. Whether there be in any of these wordly things, an act of pure Conscience? Or whether the subject matter, being outward things, as Government, Power, &c. Conscience be not at least mix'd with Interest, Faction and Passion.
Quest. II. Whether there be not reason to judge, (according [Page 86]to the rate that Conscience now goes at) that the Protector is bound to keep Peace, and prevent a War; by the law of Conscience to preserve other mens lives, as well as by the law of Nature to save his own.
Quest. III. Suppose one Conscience hath a minde to keep Peace, another hath a minde to make War, which of these should we, that are indifferent people, count the best Conscience?
Quest. IV. If in matters of publick Concernment, the Consciences of publick persons and private persons justle; which of them do you think should take place?
Quest. V. If two Consciences cross each other in their motions, whether that which hath most light and strength, and is most pure, should not yield to that which is darker and weaker.
Quest. VI. Whether then the Subscribers, who profess Conscience onely, and stand in the single right of Conscience, ought not to yield to the Conscience of Governors, cumber'd with reason of State, publick Affairs?
I dare not engage too far in this point of Conscience, nor be too serious in it, therefore have I thus slightly pass'd it over.
The fifth Article says, Ʋnder pretence of Necessity, still to continue the heavy burthens of Taxes, Customs, Excise, &c.
Animad. I. An Army is necessary, till there be a Government establish'd, by the declar'd consent of the People, and that voluntary.
Animad. II. 'Tis probable, such an establish'd Government, were it never so firmly united, yet would not, as the state of Affairs are at this time, be without a standing Army, though well im prov'd and reduc'd.
Animad. III. 'Tis the original and great Quarrel twixt us and the King, who should have the Militia; and we have prevail'd, and got the Sword into honest mens hands; he that designs the overthrow of the Army, gives the whole Cause back to the Cavalier, and opens a way for him to return to his power and malice: 'twas force, not law or reason, which subdued him, and it must be force, not law or reason, that still subjects him.
Animad. IV. He that propounds a Power to stand now [Page 87]without an Army, requires from another, what he would not do himself; he doth but declare against the Sword, that he might get it into his hands: and this is the meaning, I think, of this Paper, to tell us of Peace, to perswade others to lay down the Sword, that they may take it up.
Animad. V. An Army is as necessary to preserve the Subscribers, as any sort of people, they being as much obnoxious to the malignity and rage of the people, as any others; and would first feel the wane of a Guard.
Animad. VI. If an Army be necessary, Pay is necessary; and so, Taxes, Customs, &c.
But indeed, 'Tis not Saint-like to complain of Taxes, or to resist them. 'Tis the cry of the Malignant, and of the poor Neuter, Taxes, Excize, &c. and they may be pitied; for alas, they lose their Religion, and yet pay for our Liberty, to maintain that which is grievous to them: but we that once would have given half of our Estates, for half that Freedom that we now enjoy for our souls, in the things of God; now to complain, shews, either no love, the freedom of our souls, less, or our money, more.
I think, 'tis visible, that our Governors impose no more than is necessary, and that they strain and stretch things to the utmost, being unwilling to exceed the lowest rate of Taxes; and that they really pinch themselves to save the people.
The sixth Article says, Notwithstanding the fair pretences and promises of Reformation, yet what abominable and horrible Impieties, Injustice, and Oppression, &c.
I could wish you did but see, how ill it becomes Saints to bestow their Rhethorick upon Sin, to set it forth in its bravery; and how ill it becomes Sin, to wear such gay clothes of high language from your mouthes? And how sin is cherish'd, in being led forth into open view, by the hand of her best friend, Enmity, and enmity 'twixt brethren; and that you knew, that the pure and good spirit of love that covers sin, that buries it in inward sorrow, or in Christ his grave, or draws forth grace and mercy to wash it away, that's the spirit, that is sins onely enemy.
These great Epithites and Strains being misplac'd, I doubt, [Page 88]they are also unjust; passionate and affected speech of others evils, are commonly inordinate and injurious. The particulars are:
I. First, Receiving the Honors, Profits, Customs, Benefits, &c. coming in formerly to the Crown: If this be abominable and horrible, its very common: I believe, there is scarce a Gentleman of the Subscribers, or any other person of quality, but receives, either Honor or Profit, that formerly belong'd to the Crown: For, both the Honor and Profits, are shar'd generally amongst all sorts, Fee-farm Rents, and other Lands, the Honor and Power of all Committees over the people, to sequester, to levy money, to dispose livings, are of the Crown.
II. Secondly, Tenths and First-fruits: 'Tis the continuing things in name, Jewish, but now in their use, Moral and Christian, as subservient to mercy, in relieving hundreds of poor families: And these upheld, not in opposition to light, nor in a superstitious love to the things, but, because they yet know not, nor do you instruct them, how to take them away without great injury to many people, that have no other livelihood in the earth. Love is the royal law, the fulfilling of the law; it may, and must, rule all things, yea, both Law and Gospel too; it makes that lawful, which were otherwise unlawful; and that unlawful, (if against love) which were other wise lawful: And therefore, a man may be a Pharisee in contending against Tythes, as well as in a rigid observance of them, if he either omit or oppose the weightier matters of the law, judgement and mercy; such a spirit seems to carry you in this zeal, to sacrifice Tythes and First-fruits, without either judgement, to shew how it may be done in justice and righteousness, and without mercy, in considering the poor Ministers that live onely upon them.
III. Thirdly, The next branch of abominable and horrible Impieties, is, The exalting of Sons, Servants, Friends, &c. (though some of them known to be wicked men) to the highest places, &c. What Servants or Friends are preferr'd, that are suspected to be wicked, I know not, being no Courtier, but for Sons, they stand higher, and are obvious to most mens knowledge or observation: I dare not say, neither do I know that any of them are wicked; they are yong men, and may have [Page 89]weakness; but wickedness is a malicious opposing of good▪ and practising evil.
But would you consider the Protectors family, as an object of greater Envy, and subjected to more danger and malice than others are, may they not deserve a little more favor than ordinary? and what great matters have they? The eldest son is a Justice of Peace in the Countrey, the second son commands the Forces in Ireland, wherein there may be some favor shew'd to him, being an Imployment possibly beyond his years and experience; I doubt this is the Offence, and the rather, because the fame goes he inclines to a differing party: For his sons by marriage, The Deputy of Ireland is a friend to the Subscribers, and may help to ballance some kindness that goes another way: For the Master of the Horse, if he do but perform that part of a righteous man, to regard the life of his beast, you will not judge him a wicked man, nor unworthy of his Preferment; But if the Protector should be an indulgent father, and erre in an excess of natural affection in preferring his children, it may finde a better name than abominable and horrible impieties: For Gideon and Nehemiah, 'Tis not said expresly, that I know, in Scripture, what they did for their children; but there was as a good man, and as good a Governor, Samuel, who had but two sons, and he made them Judges in Israel, and yet very ill men, that were covetous, took bribes, perverted judgement, 1 Sam 8.3. and yet he was not thus upbraided.
IV. Fourthly, The last particular of these horrible and abominable Impieties, is so many Officers in the Army, and both Officers and Soldiers to receive their pay in a time of peace, &c. What number of Officers, what their Pay is, and how they spend it, I do not know, being a stranger to all these things, onely I would advise you of a mistake to call this a time of peace; for though the Enemy be not in the field, he is in the house. The enemy is broken and scatter'd, but you can't say, he is not: if he were not, we are enemies one to another: there is war in every mans heart, tongue, and would be in the hands, if they were not bound by an Army; There is nothing at all done in the Nation towards a civil or religious Peace or Accord, nothing declar'd wherein we agree either in Church or State.
This very Paper of yours cannot but be interpreted War: for so great a number of people (a little Welsh Army) to declare against the present Power, to disswade the people from their obedience, to endeavor to set up another, and that upon fighting principles, is undoubtedly War; therefore if you would have the Army reduc'd, study to be quiet, and to follow your private occasions, for these insurrecting practises to disturb the people, and molest the present Government, do necessitate and establish the sword amongst us; and therefore we that do desire Peace, and an Ease of our Burthens, have cause to complain of the unquietness of your spirits, and of all that go fretting and rayling about to raise up strife and War.
The seventh Testimony mentions the sad effects of the secret Design of Hispaniola, &c. I am not able to judge absolutely of the good or evil of this Work; but this I know, 'tis not safe to judge by the Success, especially at first; for we our selves succeeded but ill in the beginning of these wars; I fear you do but take advantage of our loss, to express your enmity: for if we are not mistaken in you, you are for war with all the world, and therefore can't be against the Design, though you grieve for the Success; and 'twere well if you don't mis-call the Affection, and say 'tis Grief fox the Loss, when 'tis anger or enmity at the persons, and then you do not grieve, but rejoyce at the evil that befals your brethren.
What ever the nature of the Design be, or what ever the Success may be, this I have observ'd, that this Quarrel with Spain, and about the West-Indies, hath been long in the hearts of many honest people, and that the well-affected of England have had a greater antipathy to this proud, cruel, and most antichristian Nation, the Spaniard, than to any Nation in Europe: Though the Design was laid in private, yet the publick Declaration shews a true English and Protestant spirit, rather to ingage in war than to submit to the Inquisition, and the usurp'd Tyranny over the West-Indies: I confess I much desire and love a General Agreement of Godly men in publick and great Affairs; but if there be the spirit, reason and justice of the good party, I cannot but alow it, though it want the vote and outward suffrage.
Your last Witness is various, consisting of divers parts, I confess I do not well understand all things in it: First you testifie for your selves, with what hearts you joyn'd with the Parliament and Army against the King and his Party, that you had no other design, save as they were enemies to our Lord Christ, &c. I know your spirits are at a very great distance and enmity against the King and his Party, and therefore cannot think you intend to bespeak their good thoughts of you: yet your declaring onely against the enmity, not against Office or Person, and your care of the general good of the Nation, particular benefit and just liberty of every man, and your grief that any just cause is given them to stumble, &c. or complain that they are deprived of their freedom, and several ways oppressed, &c. These Expressions make me doubt that you intend some subtile glances of favor to that Party, which doth minde me of an observation that I have made upon my own and others spirits: That if any through Offence at the great Weakness or Miscarriage of the honest party, do separate from them, and oppose them, they are, though unwillingly and unwittingly, carried into the spirit of the Malignants; we may hate their way, and to confederate with their persons or actions, yet our spirits may be tainted. The Nation is cleft into these two great Parties, the Royal and the Reforming party; or the Kings party and the Army party; and he that by discontent goes far from the one, will be carried off to the other before he is aware: there is a kinde of necessity, if the affections do ingage, 'twill be with one of these two: Enmity strangely transforms the minde, and leads it into things exceeding contrary to it self, and its own interest, to things destructive to Friends, Relations and a mans own Life; therefore if malice prevail, 'twill make very honest men malignants presently; and hence it was that Elijah in a fit of anger became an enemy to Israel, and interceded against them, Romans 11.2. as we have formerly observ'd.
You say, That it never came into your hearts to think or intend the pulling down of one person to set up another, or one unrighteous Power to promote another: If you did (as you say) joyn against the King onely as an enemy to Christ, his kingdom [Page 92]and people, then you might design (and for ought I know justly) the pulling down of one that was an enemy, and setting up another that was a friend to the kingdom and people of Christ; But this I doubt is not your intention (however this clause came in against the King, save as an enemy) for it follows, nor one unrighteous Power to promote another; by which, and other things in your Paper, you seem to make Government by one, or Monarchy, to be an unrighteous Power.
Because you seem to me to be either dark or various, in this Article, I shall freely give you my Animadversions, if they may be of use to you, I shall be glad.
I. First, Power in one as supream, is not unrighteous, because in one: That which is most agreeable to rule, is most righteous: Government by one as head, is most agreeable to the highest rule, the kingdom of Christ, which is a Monarchy, to the rule of Scriptures, to Nature, to Reason, to the Laws and Customs of Nations: And Power in the hands of one as supream, with the assistance of a double Council; one more superior of the principal and honorable Worthies, and another more large of the wisest and justest of the people, is I think the best Constitution, and according to a divine patern; therefore if either Heavenly things, Scripture, Nature, Reason or Custom be a Rule, Monarchy is more righteous than Oligarchy or Democracy.
II. Secondly, If the kinde of Government be admitted, let us come nearer and see whether this person have right to be this One supream, or to be Protector; for this Person is chiefly concern'd in your Paper, as you say in your Postscript, which puts us again upon the consideration of the Person, you have an accompt of him in 19, 20, and 21 pages, which is more it may be than will be judged fit for me to write, either by him or you: I am very sensible that I write as Paul saith, 2 Cor. 11. Not after the Lord, but as it were foolishly, not in that wisdom that becomes one that professes the Lord, but foolishly, and knowing it to be weak, yet can't avoid it, the foolishness of mens ignorance and malice necessitating and bowing me to it.
The common right of Succession, according to law, the Protector [Page 93]hath not: if this be rule, the Kings power was righteous, this unrighteous.
The Right of the Protector to be supream, is not in relation to the people of the Nation in general, except it be by conquest: If you look upon him in this large consideration, his Power seems to be forc'd, there being no Law or Consent of the People to make him so; but the honest party are indeed the foundation of his Power: For they, and those that have adher'd to this Cause, have by these Revolutions gotten the Power into their hands, not as Saints, but as the effect of Providence, arising out of the Nature, Reason and Necessity of things as they now are.
I shall barely assert this, and not now stand to prove it, or to give the reason of it, supposing the Subscribers and others ready enough to receive it, and resolv'd to keep it; neither do I see how honest men can resign this Advantage they have, without giving up themselves and all they have, to their Enemies rage: If we have a right to be superior to others, the Protector hath a very natural right to be our Chief, standing upon our shoulders, and hath, I think, as good a Title to be Supream over this people, as any Gentleman in Wales or others, have to be a Committee man, Justice of the Peace, Captain, or to enjoy any Lands, or Revenues gotten by the sword: He that denies him to be what he is, may as well deny the whole party all the Advantage they have gotten by the war: I think we ought to consider the honest party, as a distinct people from and above others, and then his right to be their head, stands upon those two grounds express'd by the Israelites to David, 2 Sam. 5.1, 2.
I. First, Behold, we are thy bone and thy flesh, thou art natural to us, and we to thee, of the same kinde of life, spirit and heart, the same bone and strength of Faith, Zeal, Power and Godliness: Of the same flesh, the same sense of good and evil, the same affections to God and Religion, the same gifts, the same interest, the same liberty for the same conscience, the same peace, the same enemies, loved and hated by the same, onely He more eminently.
II. Secondly, Also in times past, thou wast he that leddest out and broughtest in Israel: Thou hast deserv'd to head us, [Page 94]for thou hast had the Command of us, and hast led us forth upon Designs wisely, and brought us back with safety and victory, therefore thou shalt be Captain over Israel.
I shall onely let you see now the difference between the person pull'd down, and this one set up, or the Righteousness and Mercy of this Power above that: That person was not onely a stranger to us, but an enemy: This is according to rule, Deut. 17.15. From among thy brethren shalt thou set a King over thee: And according to promise Jer. 30.21. Their nobles shall be of themselves, and their Governor shall proceed from the midst them: And secondly, the other had the right of birth from an ill root: but this of merit and worth.
III. Thirdly, That is a righteous Power which fulfils its end, and administers that good to the people that is appointed by God, and that good that is both general or publick, and visible to all: Now the end and use of this Power that is evident even to nature and common reason, is to administer Safety and Peace to this Nation, and especially to honest people; and this the Protector doth do, and is excellently furnished with Abilities for that purpose: First in the might, vigor, vigilancy and courage of his spirit in resisting and suppressing the most industrious and unwearied Attempts of our old Enemies: Secondly, in a wise and large comprehending and moderating the Divisions and Factions amongst our selves, if his spirit should despond or flag in the first, or narrow and shrink into any one party, and turn enemy to any others, 'twere a plain gap open'd for ruine to come in upon us: I must be so foolish as to tell you my thoughts, when I have consider'd the desperate malice of his and our enemies, the cross and violent winds that move mens mindes, the continual tempests of the peoples rage, I have judged him the fittest man in the earth to govern us in this Scene of Action, and that Power was most rightly and duely plac'd in him: Let him have all the advantages of an Army, of civil Honor and Title of Protector, let him be alowed, all his weakness, his heights and heats, his policy and compliance, if he keeps the Ship from sinking, he deserves the honor of a good and right Pilate: Several persons and parties have different apprehensions of the work of this [Page 95] Power, that it is to, set up the kingdom of Christ, after our way, says the Presbyterian; after our way, says the Subscribers; to advance our way, say the Independents; to encourage godly spiritual men, say another sort; to give absolute liberty, say others; but these are but private opinions in things, and notions that are disputable and remote from Government, urg'd by Faction and Partiality, dangerous shelves and rocks; but to preserve us in Peace and Safety from violence, blood and confusion, is a work unquestionably evident in the Light of God, of Nature, of Religion, of Humanity; and so far as he doth this, he fulfils the end of power at this time.
Now observe the difference 'twixt that which was pull'd down, and this set up: That had Names and Titles, By the Grace of God, Defender of the Faith, &c. but either void and empty things, or fill'd with contrary and opposite qualities; either living to ease and worldly pomp, or else in enmity to the grace of God and true Faith: this is unrighteous, to have Power, and not to fulfil it; but in this Power we have stuff, substance & ability to perform the work of Power, which is, to protect us.
IV. Fourthly, There is yet a fourth and higher sense wherein a Power may be said to be righteous (i.e.) with the righteousnesness of God or Christ, which is proper onely to Christ and his kingdom, whose Scepter is a righteous Scepter: who is that King that shall reign in Righteousness, and whose Princes shall rule in judgement, Isa. 32.1. and the work of Righteousness shall be Peace, &c. ver. 17. Now if this be your witness, that this Power is not thus righteous, we are of the same minde, and so I suppose is he that hath the Power: so we admit your witness true, but not in judgement, being against a thing not in question nor challeng'd; for alas, what is there amongst us that looks like the Majesty, Beauty, Judgement, Peace and Glory of such a Kingdom? We are poor dark creatures, pudling in the dirt and rubbish of a broken world, onely striving for a being and subsistence, with the best humane diligence, wisdom and honesty we have; but if this be the intent of your testimony;
I. Why may not we testifie more largely of persons, Churches and Ministry, that there is none righteous, no not one, all [Page 96]have sinned and come short of this glory; neither Ruler nor People righteous with this righteousness, no Church nor its Rulers, no family nor its ruler, no person in his own soul, and the Government of it, is thus righteous; but iniquity, deceit, vanity, impurity, injustice defiles us all, in all things.
II. Whether a Testimony against the Subscribers be not more just; that they pretend to and profess for this righteous kingdom, as if they had it amongst them, and would or could set it up, if they had power, whereas they are as weak, as dark, as sinful as other men.
But here lies I think a great mistake amongst us, and that which much troubles us, We had high looks, expected great matters, while we have onely look'd at the promises and prophecies, and what is contain'd in them, but have not humbly and soberly consider'd our own present state, which is indeed miserably corrupt and wretched; This hath raised expectations of greater Matters than it pleases God to do for us, or I fear will do till we return into our selves, and are more sensible of our own great insufficiency for such things that we dream of; being disappointed, we vex and free against Governors, expecting they should be Gods to us, when we ought indeed to put our mouthes in the dust, and confess we have all sinned, and come short of that glory which we have profess'd.
It is not meet to say this kingdom is far from us, though there be a truth in it, as Christ tells them that looked that the kingdom of God should immediately appear, Luke 19.11. that he was to go into a far countrey, &c. But this however I may say: We we far from the kingdom of God, being in darkness, enmity, in sin, guilt & wrath, and administring little else one to another.
And therefore this desire and hopes of great Glory, Honor and Dominion to be dispenced to us, and the wrath that is amongst us for want of it, is I judge, a lusting after a fleshly kingdom and glory, and that to our selves and our own party; whereas the kingdom of Christ will save all the Saints and the earth too; and it rises from a vain pride of our selves, and some excellency we think to be in our gifts & ministries, without a sense of that deep and inward corruption that is within; Therefore before this kingdom come that you speak of, I expect [Page 97]a more pure Ministry, like that of Iohn Baptist, That will make crocked things straight; rough things, plain; and exalt the valleys, bring down every mountain; that all flesh may see the salvation of God. This Ministry will level these high thoughts of yours; and therefore, in stead of quarrelling for a Kingdom, know you are but Servants, and be willing to travel and work with your brethren, in that mean and low state in which they are, for peace and safety.
Let me desire you to consider a serious word of reproof to you: You are gotten a step higher than your Brethren in notions, are exercis'd with the thoughts of a future and more excellent state of things, and busie your heads and mindes in pleasing speculations about Christs Kingdom. First, I fear, this is a very imperfect, if not a false view, of the Kingdom of Christ; because, this Kingdom is within, enjoy'd and possess'd before 'tis seen, or seen by its own light when we do enjoy it. Secondly, If it be a true sight or view that you have, you do abuse that light. First, by applying the rule of God & Christ to man, by measuring the creature with the law of the Creator, or requiring that of poor man, which is the proper work of Christ himself. Secondly, You by this light or knowledge, administer nothing of the thing it self, which is Love, Peace, Righteousness, but your own passion, Wrath and Contention. Thirdly, You, as the Pharisees, sit in Moses chair, get into the highest seat and places of Scripture, of everlasting Righteousness; and by that light, binde heavy burthens upon others, but touch them not with one of your fingers; live not the least branch of that righteous and glorious Kingdom in your souls, families, or any of your conversations. Fourthly, if you had Power, and so opportunity, to shew how little you have of the Spirit of this righteous Kingdom, you would be the most pitiful creatures that I know in the earth; the most deceiv'd, and so the most unhappy, because deceiv'd in the greatest thing, and in that which is your and our happiness.
You are now ending your witness; We suppose you have spoken all the ill that you knew, and all that you could rake up against them; and he that will speak all the ill he can, will speak more than is true. Now you have done witnessing, you proceed to judge: You say, We suspect and judge them to be [Page 98]great transgressers therein: At last, all mounts but to suspicion, no evidence or demonstration; and you suspect, witness, and judge your selves; you might leave the judgement to another; and suspect and judge, 'tis a judgement upon suspicion. I would not quibble upon words, if I did not think you did the tiling: That all this that you have writ, is but a suspicion and a rash judgement, drawn up in private, in your own dark and suspicious thoughts, wherein you evidence nothing; and therefore, I do think, you might have left out Witness and Testimony in your Paper: And my Reasons are,
I. First, A true spiritual witness convinces of sin; now, I think, this will not convince them, because, it doth not me, who am a stander by, and ready to receive a Testimony against them. Your Paper renders them to me rather better than worse, and your selves rather worse than better: I did really think your Spirits had been more pure and simple in opposing them, than now they do appear.
II. Secondly, A true witness convinces of righteousness, as well as of sin: I finde nothing here, either of their righteousness or Christs righteousness, brought forth, to blot out or forgive their sin.
III Thirdly, The two Witnesses spoken of in Scripture, which you think are your patern, are Olive-trees, and empty the golden oyl out of themselves; they pour forth light and healing love; now, I finde not any drop of this oyl here, either to enlighten them to come to God out of their sins, nor love or grate to heal or strengthen them, but a bare dry accusation of sin, and threatning of judgement.
IV. Fourthly, Those Witnesses stand before the Lord of the whole earth, and declare what they see in him; which is undeniable truth: but you testifie what you hear abroad, and what is in the mouthes of the most profane people; therefore, I confess, I would have you have higher thoughts of Saints-witnessing, than to name such a Paper by it.
After some other particulars, which I will not meddle with, you do Disclaim all adherence to, Owning of, or Joyning with these Men in these ways.
You may separate from them in some particular ways, but, I think, you are really one with them in their hearts and spirits: [Page 99]There is the same Good in them that is in you, and the same Evil in you that is in them: One in Nature and Grace, one in Cause and Quarrel, one in Religion, Liberty and Safety; and therefore disclaim, and utterly disclaim: but, brawling makes not a separation 'twixt brethren, nor every scolding a divorce 'twixt husband and wife; me thinks your Ʋnion appears in your Disclaiming of them. For,
I. First, If you were not one with them, you would not be so much concern'd in their miscarriage, not so much asham'd and grieved, as you express, for their evils; 'tis your feeling either the same or the like evils in your selves, that doth wound and prick your hearts.
II. Secondly, You likewise finde and feel the same Good in them that is in your selves, under their sins and sufferings which troubles you; if you did not, you would retire privately, and suffer them to sink and perish in their own ways.
III. Thirdly, There is much jealousie in your mindes; this jealousie arises from a secret union. You are within, sensible of some very good thing in the Protector, to which you have a right; and being jealous that his heart is not with you, nor for your way, you are inraged against him: yea, were you not sensible of a good spirit in him, and that much allied to you, I am perswaded, you neither would nor durst be so bold with him, as you are in your Paper. For if you thought him of a right Royal stamp, one that consulted onely how to maintain his Greatness by force and policy, or, that his Judgement were but as hard to you as some Presbyterians, you would not thus provoke him; but would rather study how to deserve and preserve your present Liberties, by a quiet and sober use of them, than to adventure the loss of them, by offending of him. You know the Sword is in a Brothers hands, which are tyed up by love and conscience, and that makes you so bold with him and his Power.
IV. Fourthly, You here seem to disown and disclaim them; Alas, if your spirit were another from them, you might retire without noise: But you are by Interest, and by the frame of your Spirits engaged to the same kinde of publick Work; and therefore you may, as men that are angry, talk much more than you intend, and in a heat tumble out your [Page 100]passions, which differ much from your dispositions; for, I think, you neither can nor will leave them, nor the Work: for this contest, is not at all a division of Enemies, but an offence of Brethren; not in the main substance of your business, but in some remote things; which, either more sight and experience, or else the necessity of interest and safety, will overcome.
Before you go, you would have some good company with you, and therefore, you desire all the Lords people to withdraw from them. If you have not a very good company to follow you, you will, I hope, be so good natur'd as to abide with them, or stay for them, till they come to your light; for you are not so melancholick as cholerick, nor have you so good a Cause & Conscience (in your present contests) as to live alone with it.
But tell us whither you would have us to withdraw; whether into our own souls, to minde a more inward and spiritual work, or into our families, callings and congregations, to attend the worship of God in a private way, and to leave Government and outward National work, to them that are ingaged in it. But, I fear, you rather invite us into Wales to joyn with you there, or to raise a party here in England to begin another War: and if this be your minde, I shall onely in telling you, why the Lords people cannot joyn with you, take my leave of you.
I. First, We were urg'd and prick'd on to the former War by a necessity of a being; for the spirit of the King and Bishops were such, that we could not live (with a Liberty of our Consciences) under their Government: Now having obtain'd this, though it be with great expence of Blood and Treasure, yea, of many of our outward Rights and Liberties, yet we had rather sit down quietly in this Freedom, with safety, than hazard this and all we have left us, by a New War.
II. Secondly, War is a violent and desperate medicine, to be applied onely in case of necessity upon incurable Enemies, whose spirits are set at such a distance from, and enmity to the light of Godliness it self, that they are beyond the reach of conviction; such beasts are fit for the sword, who never felt nor knew any power but outward force; But for brethren that have been and are enlightned, and become subject to the leadings of conscience, though they be fallen into a temptation [Page 101]and snare: the remedy for such is not carnal but spiritual, and that is Light to be administred with patience and long-suffering to the conscience, and that too, so long as there is any spark of life, or any sence at all of the fear of the Lord left in them; being by it, capable of reproof and instruction, they should be attended upon with suteable means, in love and mercy. If all means of this kinde should prove ineffectual, and that they should go on to sin wilfully, after they have received the knowledge of the truth, yet an outward Sword would be improper, they being prepar'd and reserv'd for a greater punishment; a certain fearful looking for of judgement and fiery indignation, Heb. 10.26, 27.
But I believe, you cannot think that our Governors are gone so far back into obstinate and wilful Wickedness; for those things about which you differ, are disputable things, and remote from Godliness, propounded and prosecuted with much carnal zeal, and offensive weakness: And therefore it cannot be interpreted Wilful Ignorance, not to be convinc'd, but Weakness: And alas, do not we see they are in a continual hurry, tossed with dangers, striving all they can for life, which occasions passions that darken the minde? Their spirits must needs be disturbed and distempered with a multitude of worldly perplexing Cares, and therefore 'tis no wonder they take in or give forth no more light, or that their spirits and way is dark and misty: From a State so sick as ours is, so dangerously shaken, cannot be expected any acts of cleer Judgment, nor any progress in the work of Reformation. And now, while their Enemies are plotting Mischief, and watching for Advantage, and all they can do is little enough to preserve our Safety; for us, in this season, to impose our own Opinions upon them, and to withdraw from them, and threaten them with Division and War for not following them, is very unseasonable and unbrotherly, and weakens their hands that should be strengthned for our Defence.
Thirdly, We do see, that in all reason a New War amongst our selves, would open a way for the common Enemy to destroy both parties; 'tis well if all united can subsist against them: But our Divisions are their great hope, and the life of their Cause, the onely thing that supports their spirits, and [Page 102]hardens them in opposition. You complain in your Paper, That they are offended, and that stumbling-blocks are laid in their way: But its evident, That nothing keeps them at such a distance from us and conviction, as our differences amongst our selves, which gives them hopes of recovering all; and those hopes uphold pride and enmity. Therefore, to war upon our Brethren, were to take their work out of their hands, and to betray that remnant that is left us, to the sword first, & then to their malice.
Fourthly, We are indeed weary of War, and do finde that it is at best but a sad carnal thing: For, though this War was undertaken with some Honesty and Simplicity, against a Malignant and Oppressing Enemy, yet we see no cause of glorying or boasting of it; for we finde, the Sword is a devouring thing, it wastes Treasure, impoverishes a Nation, and loads it with Taxes: We complain of Taxes, 'tis not the fault of Governors, but the nature of the Sword is such, it hath a great Mouth, and must be fed or worse, and to begin New War, would multiply Taxes, as we multiply Armies and Forces.
War devours our Priviledges, Rights and Freedoms; 'tis Iron that breaks all into pieces, 'tis rough and hard, and will tear down Councils, Laws, Governments, Property and Freedom: 'Tis not the men that use it, but the nature of the Sword and its ministry, is to tread down all things before it; and those that are exercis'd in it, must either obey its commands, and follow its rules, or else the Sword it self will go from them, or be taken from them, and be imploy'd against them: This the Sword hath done amongst us; and they that draw it again, will certainly waste what is left us of Right and Property, and leave us quite destitute.
War wastes the peace and quiet of mens mindes, and fills them with Fury: For, Every battel of the Warrior is with confused noise, and garments rolled in blood, Isa. 9.5. Blood strangely stains the nature of man, makes him bruitish, uncivil, unsubject to Law and Authority, and fills the mindes of men with sounds, and voices of Confusion and Division, of Fire and of Wrath; which makes men tumultuous, proud, cruel and imperious: Men, after a War, are an unquiet Sea, apt to be moved upon every discontent to War again: And this Blood rouls and tumbles in your Fancies, that you know not [Page 103]how to settle to a quiet life, but long to be in action again.
Although there was a Righteousness and Justice in our late War against our Enemies, yet it was not so pure a work, but if we look back upon it, we may see cause of Repentance; both from the nature of the work, and from the subject upon whom it was administred. War, when it is a Dispensation from God, yet it is a very low one, 'tis Sensual, Earthly and Devilish; if not in it self, yet the corruptions of man mingling it self with it, make it so; which, though it condemn not the Sword absolutely, yet it may make the ministry unpleasing to a humane and Gospel-spirit: The subject upon which 'twas administred, was mixt; there was a Legal Right the King and Bishops had: There was in some a Legal humane Honesty and Innocency, with much Ingenuity, natural Piety and Conscience; which when we consider, we cannot be without some relenting towards them, and repenting of that Violence and Wrath wherewith we prosecuted them. So that we are more ready to repent of War against Enemies, than to begin one upon Friends: Our spirits, our light we hope rises higher, into Meekness, Love and Moderation; so that though we condemn not former works, yet there may be a more excellent way: And, if it were to do again, considering all things, we should be cooler than we were, and not so hasty to War.
Therefore it would become us all, to wash our souls in Sorrow and Repentance, to wipe away the spots and defilements of War, and the guilt of Blood, of Violence and Wrath. It would be an excellent thing in our Governors, to begin and Order a Ʋniversal Humiliation for the Evils of the late War; To offer up publick Peace-offerings, and to beg pardon of the Lord, and peace in our spirits and consciences, that he that creates Peace, would be pleased to give it to us, first within, and then without: This, I think, would be the onely foundation of Peace, the onely way to soften our mindes to others, and others to us, and to cleanse us from inward rancor, and from guilt, which makes men wrathful, contentious & unquiet.
Fifthly, While the Sword is necessary for our Defence, as we yet conceive it is, we think it in the best hands, and best setled where it is; Because it is by Providence dispos'd to them in the ordinary course of War, the generality of them having [Page 104]carryed on the work from the begining, therefore they have a Right to their Power and Command: And we judge it wisely disposed by Providence into such hands, who are large in their spirits, to comprehend and to take into Imployment and Love, all sorts of Honest men: Whereby, the Sword is more easie, the work more secure, and greater hopes of Peace. Whereas if we should joyn with you, to get the Sword into your hands, the Sword will be the Sword still, and in mens hands of narrower spirits, which would make it more dangerous and more cruel: So that we must deal plainly with you, if we attempt a New War, we shall but fight away that little of Money, that little of Right and Freedom, that little of Love and Peace that is left; and fight our selves into new Troubles, new Sins and new Defilements of our Brethrens Bloods, which will be Blood of a deep dye; and at last have no fruit but this, To be in worse hands than we are: who, though they seem to have more Light, yet we are sure have less Love, and so most unfit to Command the Sword.
You have therefore no hope to draw us into your Design, if it be war; let us then perswade you to withdraw from it, and from those that would seduce you into it: 'Tis my earnest request to you, that you would wait at Ierusalem in a holy and humble serving of the Lord, till you have power from on high, and then if our Governors do not prevent you, by bringing forth some better fruit, you wil be able with wisdom and power to convince and restore them, or to carry on the work of the Lord upon your selves and others, in spirit and judgment: And leave these men to the Lord, who wil either lead them out of these present mists, if they humbly and sincerely attend upon him, or if they be unfaithful to him, he to whom they have appeal'd, and whose servants they are, will judge righteous Judgment upon them.
THE POST-SCRIPT.
YOur Postscript is very reproveable, but not administring to me any material thing wherein I might really serve you, I chuse rather to wave is than to trouble you and my self with it: My intent and endeavor hath been, not to wound, but to heal your spirits, and if I have lanc'd, it hath been onely to let out that corruption, which I know, must needs be painful to you; for 'tis some of that corrupt matter within, not the evils of others without, that is the true reason of your great Trouble and Discontent.