TO omit William the Conquerors own persidiousness and false dealing, in confounding, obfuscating and altering the Laws and Customs of this Realm, (which were those just and good old Laws of Ed. the Con­fessor) after he had solemnly See Dan. Hist. fo. 31, & 33. & fo. 36. he grants them by Chr. sworn to maintain and keep them, and of his whole progeny successively; especially of King Iohn, who was of Dr Barnards mind, that proud prela­tical Priest, now justly Prisoner in the Fleet, that See the arti­cles exhibited against him this Parliament, 1642. when he was Curate of Burntwood Weal in Essex under Dr Baker wisht the King had ten thousand Turks to assist him against the Parlia­ment.) I will come to instance certain late and fresh exam­ples of Princes and great men, their perjury, perfidiousness, and false dealing with the common people in point of publique trust and liberty; that so all the world may see, as in a glass, the incertainty and instability of building and depending on such mens Oaths, Vows, Promises, Contracts, and Ar­ticles.

Old Christianus, the late King of Denmark, endeavoring in the beginning of these dire Wars between the King and Parlia­ment, to send over a ship with Arms and Ammunition for the supply of his Nephew our now King, had the said Ship and all therein taken at sea, and made prize for the Parliament: the which old Christianus resents so ill, as that he purposeth, for this just fact of the Parliaments, to seize on the next ships and goods the Merchant-Adventurers of London should send into those parts; the which the provident Company foreseeing and fearing, sent over Commissioners to know the Kings mind, Whether they might safely trade as formerly without having their Ships or goods seized? He answered, It would be time enough to resolve them when their ships came. But they press to be assu­red before-hand, otherwise their ships should not come; where­upon he promiseth free Trade, and giveth an assurance under his hand and seal. Yet nevertheless so soon as the Merchants ships came, he caused one of them, and all the goods therein to be ceased at Luxstadt, and enforced the Merchants to redeem it with 40000 l.

The Prince of Wales promised the States of Holland, upon his honor and Princely word, that he would not stop Merchants ships at sea, nor any way impede Merchandizing and Traffique, if that they would give him leave to accommodate the revolted Ships, and loose from Gory Harbor to assist his Father, (or to this effect:) How truly he kept his Promise and Princely [...]ord and valued his own Honor, let all men judg, and the Merchants testifie. As the old Cock crows, saith the proverb, so doth the young. Why shall I stand to remember (those worthy of no remembrance) the perjured perfidious Earls of Bedford and Holland, with many more of like tallness and statute, both of this Kingdom and of Scotland. Truly I have observed, That our Nobles and Grandees have generally, of late years, had no more regard to their Oaths and Honors, then I have to my old slippers, or a thing of nought: Yet these must be termed honorable and honored. The old rule is, Virtus est unica No­bilitas. But this is obsolete and like an old Almanack quite out of date. Thus much for the Prerogative branches and sprigs. Now to the root, CHARLES REX.

Did he not, in his first expedition into the North against the Scots, upon the Bishops quarrel, conclude and assign Conditi­tions, or Articles of Peace with them, and nevertheless so soon as he returned, disclaimed the Agreement, and declared against it, and crused the Papers containing it to be burnt by the hands of the common Hangman, as if it had been inforced or surrep­titiously got from him; and contrary to his Agreement, raise Forces and march with an Army against them? Are these things already forgotten? Did he not openly swear upon the holy Evangelists, and solemnly promise, at his Coronation, to keep all the Laws and rightful Customs of this Land, and to uphold and defend the same? How he hath fulfilled this Oath and Promise, in the behalf of our Laws and Liberties, I will not determine; Let his own Party (if they can speak truth) be Judges.

In Iune 1642. He professeth and declareth before God, and the world, that he intended not to make War against the Parliament, book D [...]c. 1 part, pa. 356. Yet in August following he sets up his Standard at Nottingham, proclaims open War against them, and all those Rebels and Traytors that adhere unto them, or that do any ways ayd and assist them.

At Stamford 1641. He makes a Proclamation, strictly com­manding all Officers of Justice to put the Laws in execution against all Papists and Popish Recusants, book Decl. pa. 19. And afterwards he generally entertains all the Papists in the King­dom, the most inveterate and implacable Enemies of this Church and State, and secures and protects them in his Garri­sons, giving to some of them the chiefest places of trust and command in his Armies, as to the And was not this a dishonor to all the Prote­stant party that was with him? Lord Leven his General, Sir Arthur Ashton, the Earl of Glamorgan, Cum multis aliis, &c. And at Oxford 1642. even before his face he did tolerate Mass to be publickly said and used in Merton Colledg Chappel, whither all, that would, might freely resort; and who durst except or contradict? And whereas he avows that he is grieved at his very soul for the calamity of his good Subiects in Ireland (I fear he meant the bloody Rebels, for so he calls them, as you shall hear afterwards) and therefore was resolved to go in person to chastise those wicked and detestable Rebels: See his [Page 6]Message, book Decl. pa. 133. Yet did he, after order of restraint by both Houses of Parliament, give Warrant under his hand for passing several notorious Irish Papists into Ireland, who joyned with the Rebels, and became chief Commanders in their Armies. And whereas he seemeth, by his passionate ex­pressions, so vehemently to abhor that odious Rebellion, as that he would joyn with his Parliament to execute the utmost ex­emplary vengeance on all that should be discovered to have a hand in it, See his Declar. in book Decl. fol. 106. He not only deteined the Ear of Leicester from going thither from the Par­liament, as Lord Deputy chosen by them, with clothes and supplies, for the Protestants assistance; but also seized all the said clothes and supplies to clothe his new-levyed ragged Ro­mish Soldiers: And afterwards not only remaund the Forces that the Parliament had sent into Ireland to subdue the Rebels and so expoted the remainder of the unmassacred Protestants to destruction; but also made Peace with the Rebels (those blessed Creatures) and called them over to assist him to destroy the Parliament and people of England, terming them (as I have said) his good Catholique Subjests: And who were more in favor & countenance with him at Oxford, then the L. Dils [...]n and the L. Taff, two Cardinal Irish Papists? and the L. Taff since a chief General of the Rebels against the poor deserted Protestants▪ but no more, lest I turn your stomacks. For who and where is he that can enumerate all his lyes, falshoods, and fallacies, or dilate his clandestine practices, and continued Series of conspi­racies and treacheries, from time to time, throughout his reign, against this Nation? What, have we ever gotten, by him or his Country, any thing but trouble, beggery, slaxery and ruine? And yet we must idolize his person, and dote upon a deceitful (now most happily violated) union. I will only here relate, what, I well remember, Iustus Lypsius, that exact Observator, and grand Politician of his time, denotes in his Epistle to the Bishop of Croia, of his Majesties late Father King Iames. viz. Elizabetha (saith he) Anglorum Regina abjit; Cui succedit Iacobus, Scotorum Rex, summus simulandi, & dissimulandi Ar­tifex. Such a Father such a Son. But when the Fox preacheth, let the Geese beware.

These things seriously pondered, with multitudes of other occurrences (too many here to demonstrate) of like nature and consequene, together with his impenitency, the virulency and indefatigability in destructive plots and conspiracies of his party and adherents, and their insatiable desires and sedulous endea­vors, per fas & nefas, of ruine and revenge upon the Parliament and all their friends, may surely serve for sufficient cautions to a­voyd the snares of a Treaty, (Anguis latet sub herba,) and not to lose that by feigned words, which we have redeemed and delivered our selves from, wich the expence of so much trea­sure and blood, by our swords. What faith or truth can there be expected from him, who hath all his life-time manifested himself an Enemy to God and good men, honored and favored none but persons unworthy and wicked, men of corrupt prin­ciples and destructive councels, haters of the Laws, and cater­pillars to the Common-wealth? And is his mind and affection changed? I wish they were, then there were hopes. But it is too apparent (pretend he what he will, and did ever any pre­tend alway more fairly, and intend, (as all his Acts do testifie) more falsly?) that he is, as he always was, and that his mind and affections are not changed. For hath he not lately shew­ed more sorrow and discontent of spirit for the just execution of two of his party, blood-thirty men, firebrands of the King­dom, (Lucas and Lisle,) who were principal Authors and In­struments of the misery and ruine of hundreds in Colchester that never offended, then for the sea of innocent blood, which he hath not only occasioned, but commanded and encouraged to be shed both in England, Scotland, and Ireland? I will not here mention his primary design against the Isle of Ree to the o­verthrow of Rochel, and all the Protestant interest in France, not his sending a Fleet to Cales to dishonor the English, and shew the Spaniard where we could hurt him, nor his private Letters to the Pope, and many negotiations and transactions with Rome and Spain; to what end, the true Protestant party in all the three Kingdoms have wofully found.

King Edward the second of this Land, a Prince more weak, then wicked; and far inferior in evil to King Charls, (for he is more wicked then weak, and so much the more dangerou [...], and [Page 8]the less to be trusted, by how much he is the more impowered with abilities) was See Dan. Hist. at the end of the life & reign of Ed. the 2. deposed by the then Parliament, for far less mischief and enormities by a tenth, then this our King hath committed. And nevertheless when that mortifying Message of the Parliaments rejection of him from being any longer King, and of their election of his Son to reign in his stead, was told him by some of the Commissioners sent for that purpose from the Parliament unto him at Killing worth Castle in War­wick-shire, where he was kept Prisoner, he expressed that un­feigned sorrow for his misgovernment, the which this obstinate obdurate Prince never did; confessing how he had been misguided (the common excuse of wilful Princes) and done many things whereof he now repented, (but this man is so far from repenting of the abundance of blood he hath spilt, and manifold evils he hath done, that he hath lately given countenance and consent to the spilling of more blood, and still persists in his destructive plots and practises,) the which was he to govern again he would become a new man, (did this man ever promise any such thing?) and was most sorrowful to have so much offended the State (this is rather sorrowful that he hath not utterly destroyed the State, and cannot avenge himselfe of them) as it should thus utterly re­ject him. But yet he gave them thanks that they were so gracious unto him as to elect his eldest son: the which was Ed. the third, who indeed was then young. And I b leeve this example up­on the Father, did the Son emin [...]nt good all his life. For of all the Princ [...]s that ev [...]r I read of, of the race of the Conquerer that enjoyed this Crown, he was one that was most observant of the Laws and Libe [...]t [...]es of his Nation, and reigned long both fortunately and righteously and so dyed bo [...]h h [...]nored and be­loved: And it is observable, this K. Ed. the 3. when he came to years, did Justice on those who murthered his Father; but our K. that now is, would never so much as d nit the Duke of Buckingham, the manifest murtherer of his Father, to b [...] questi­oned. Mal [...] Omen. But to the point and the argumentative part of this subject.

The King and his Court Sycophants did always say and af­firm, that as he was a successor to the Conqueror, he held his Crown by the sword, and that whatsoever Charter, Law, or [Page 9]Statute he passed either for confirmation or augmentation of a­ny immunity or benefit to his people, it was ex mera gratia, of his meer grace and favor, and not as his duty, or our due; yea, his clawback, helbred Clergy taught publikely in their pulpits, that both our persons and estates were at his Majesties dispose, and that he might take whatsoever he pleased: Well; grant that his tenure of the Crown was by the sword, and so ours by his meer will and favor, as he and some of his creatures have vainly conceived, and impudently asserted. And true it is, that the Conqueror may by the right of Conquest change the Laws and Customs of any Nation, and impose what Laws and Cu­stoms he pleaseth: yet then by the same Law and right of Con­quest, we having conquered the Conqueror, have not only put the Crown aagain upon our own heads, got the scepter into our own hands, and (to use Mr mr. Ja. Howel is in that trea­tise quite beside the cushion; he should have first rightly stated the case, but sure he was either a cup too low, or a cup too high, for he loves to steep his brains in sack, and then he turns antick. Ja. Howels own phrase, in his late printed simple peece of flattery, called, The Instruments of a King,) put the sword to our own sides; but have now power also to dispose of, and to impose upon the King as we please, and to speak plainly, (though in Court language) it is of our meer grace and favor, if that the Parliament do suffer him to reign upon any terms or conditions whatsoever. He put us out of protection, disolved the Government, and disobliged us of our allegeance and obedience to him, the day that he set up his standard in defiance of the Nation: And, as I have been credi­bly enformed, he hath often said, (and his obstinacy and obtu­macy to the last declares evidently he was so resolved,) that he would win it by the sword or lose all; the which in the effect is only thus much, that he would either rule us by power as slaves, or lose all his three Kingdoms. And seeing that by Gods just hand it is come upon him according to his wish or pur­pose: That he hath not only forfeited all by way of equity and justice, but also lost all by way of war and force: Why should he have any thing? let it be given to one that is more worthy: At least, why do we treat (or rather intreat) for our own? Why do we stand to word it, for that which we have so dearly and difficultly won and purchased, and is now irre­vocably in our own hands and commands, with him, that would never treat or parl with any purpose of peace, or good to this Kingdom, while he was able to hold up a sword against us? Did he not alway baffle and abuse us upon all treaties, and use [Page 10]them only for the more inabling him to the prosecution and atchievement of his tyrannous destructive purposes? And are not his intentions palpably discovered to be the same at this in­stant? Read and consider the Letters that have of late been written by some of his Agents, and intercepted.

Let him but get in his hand, and he will soon have in his head, and then how easily will follow his whole body, with that tail of scorpions which will soon sting us to death. Al­though as Edward the second, he should repent, confess and pro­mise amendment, (the which I know his gracious Majesty hath so much grace as to scorn,) let not us trust him: What will not a dissembling Synon feign and do to accumplish the ruin of Troy, when all the power of Greece could not do it? He that cannot act the Lyon must act the Fox. The old Maxime is in policy; Trust not a reconciled enemy, that is, one so seem­ing to be, least Ioah like, he smite thee under the fifth rib, when thou neither fearest nor suspectest.

If a potent man had a long time kept mine inheritance from me, and would hearken to no reason or perswasion, nor be in­duced to stand to any referrence or abistrament, but put me to sore trouble, hazard and charges, by Law to recover it: and that after I had so recovered it, and he could no longer hold it, he should offer to treat with me about it, and desire to have it re­ferred: Wouldst thou not account me a fool if I should con­descend? What need I then to treat what or how much I should have or enjoy of that, and in what manner, which I have wholly recovered as mine own, and is wholly and solely in mine own power and command? Was not this tacitly, and by consent to grant him still a right where he hath none? Again;

If a thief upon the way should by force take thy purse and therewith escape, and afterwards thou meetest him, and by force recoverest thy purse, and takest him captive; wouldst thou now stand to dispute the cause with him, whether thou shouldst have all, or only part of thy money, or refer it to be debated, whether it was thine or his? sure no. For it followeth not, that because another hath stolen my cloak, or taken it away fraudu­lently, or by force, and worn it, that therefore he is the true own­er of it. Again;

If a Tenant wilfully forfeit his lease, (be his Farm never so good, and his priviledges never so great,) and the Lord make [Page 11]a re-entry, may not the Lord then, if he will, justly let this Farm to another; or if he will be so favorable, because he that forfei­ted was an ancient Tenant, as to let him repossess it, may he not, if he will, increase his rent, diminish his priviledges, and impose upon him stricter terms and conditions then before? He may without doubt, and none can justly censure or condemn him.

If the King must raign, (yet it is meet we should first see a change of spirit in him, or else we do but beat down a Tyrant, and raise him up again,) let us propound our own Laws, pre­scribe to him strict limits and boundaries, and let him take his Crown, as of favor from the people, on a new agreement and stipulation, and be thereunto publikely, solemnly sworn, and not treat with him on old terms, and lame, broken Propositi­ons, and grant him a right where he hath none. No, let us deal plainly and positively: This you shall do, these things you shall subcribe, and according to these Laws you shall rule, if you wil govern or enjoy your Crown; if not, your destruction is of your self; we will turn to another. For let him grant the Pro­positions fully and totally. We are all in eminent hazard: For he is retaining his old poyson & his Queen, whose spirit is like her mothers, a Member of the Church of Rome, and her prin­ciples inconsistent with the Religion, Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom; wil by their Jesuited Agents, and Machiavilian In­struments, so insinuate & deceive the people, that within a short time the Parliament, if not the very next after this, shall be com­pact of such Members, his friends and favorers, and this Parlia­ments now enemies and opponants, that all which his Majesty shall now grant and enact shall be reversed and made null, and so we shall be fitted with a Colchester Bull. And where are we then? What course shall we take? Stand and cry, what shall we do? Post est occasio calva. Let us therefore beware in time, least we repent when it is too late: And what need the Parlia­ment, their friends and Armies in this case, either a deceitful Pardon, or a stinking Act of Oblivion. To crave or receive either, in my judgment, is but to cry peccavi, and render that their cause inj [...]st, which his Majesty himself hath justified and ac­knowledged to be just. Let them rather demand an Act of Iu­stification and perpetual Commemoration: Let a Pardon or Act of Oblivion, in this case, rather pass for his Majesty, and his ad­herents, who are herein the only offendants and transgressors a­gainst [Page 12]the fundamental Laws and peace of the Kingdom. And this mercy (I conceive to be) more then they do demerrit: To me it is a Paradox, that we should upon the rules and princi­ples of right Reason, and of the Law of Nature, be enforced to take up arms for self-defence, and the preservation of our lives, wives, children, estates, and (which is more precious and valu­able then all) our native liberties, against a tyranous, destructive, blood-thi [...]sty enemy; and then after we have subdued him, to seek or accept an act of Inde [...]pnity, or Pardon from him, or any one. My reason is surprized: I understand it not; Is not this in the eyes of all judicious men to rejustifie the King in this case, and all his proceedings, and condemn our selves? I would have the Parliament seriously to consider, whether the King, if he had conquered and prevailed by the sword, would after­wards admitted us to treat for our estates and liberties? Then it only remains to do unto him as he would have done unto us. He was dividing the skin before he had caught the Bear: For he gave divers of the Parliaments friends estates a way to some of his ruff [...]n Cavaliers before he had made a Conquest; by which it is easie to conclude how he would have dealt with us for the whole, if God (as bless [...]d be his name he hath not, and I hope never will,) had delivered us up into his hands.

And now I will only mind the Parliament of a wise saying and observation of their own concerning the King, when in their fears he had given them as strong assurance of security, as any mor [...]al could device or expect; and nevertheless at that very instant had he thoughts of d [...]ssipating and destroying them, and to them, all Parliaments, and our liberties. See book, Deels. pag. 101. 102. But it is not words, saith the Parliament, that can secure us in these our humble Desires; we cannot but too well and sorrowfully remember what gracious Messages we had from you this Summer, when with your privity, the bringing up of the Army, that is, the Army which was then in the North, was in agitation: We cannot but with like affections recal to our minds, how not two days before you gave directions for the above-named accusation, (that is, the Accusation which then was a­gainst the five Members,) and your own coming to Commons House, that House received from your Majesty a gracious Mes­sage, that you would always have as much care of their priviled­ges, as of your own Prerogative, and of the safety of them persons [Page 13]as of your own children. What could be said more (especially from a Prince) to assure? (Nor was the Lyon then half so provoked and inraged,) yet what then destruction was at that time more intended? Are these notorious dissembled treache­ries, so soon out of mind and remembrance? Let it never be said in future ages, that this Parliament of England were at the first wise and sagacious, and afterwards became stupid, blind and foolish.

Besides this true example of our wings own making; behold another since, even of yesterday, of a brothers of his, the perfi­dious King of Spain, with the people of Naples; who after he had granted whatsoever they demanded, together with a gene­ral pardon, (a thing much insisted on at this time) and obliged himself by solemn oath, and receiving of the Host, or holy Sa­crament, and all other Religious Ceremonies (as in all Popish Kingdoms are generally used in such cases,) for the true perfor­mance: Did notwithstanding so soon as he had by these means recovered the chief Holds, and regained his power, put multi­tudes of the principal men of Naples, that had been most active and zealous for the people, and publike liberties, to death; and at present exerciseth more cruelty and violence upon them then ever before. But let the Spaniard know, for all his great (as he supposeth) policy, that nil violentum, est perpetuum; and this very action shall be his ruin: And in the mean time he de­serves to be branded for a Caitif, and one denying his God to the worlds end.

And have not we (notwithstanding all these known Presi­dents, the abominable wickedness and perfideousness of Prin­ces and great men, and of the little faith, credence and confi­dence that is to be given to them,) a company of Members of both Houses of Parliament, and of scotified London, as wicked and perfidious as any; who contrary to their trusts and duties, Oaths and Declarations, and the manifold Bonds of gratitude, that are upon them from the people, have privately complotted and conspired, and are willing and ready, studious, diligent and active, even at this instant, (if they can accomplish it,) and that under the notion of this Treaty, to fell us and our poste­rities, our lives, estates and liberties, to the will of a merciless ir­reconcilable Tyrant, and his adherents, so that they can but se­cure their own trayterous heads, and the vast sums which they [Page 14]have purloined and stolen from the Kingdom: I wish we had no such creatures; but if there be a Sun in the firmament, there are such both in Parliament and City; and we shall never be at peace, nor prosper, until these Achans be brought forth unto justice. Albeit so desperately are they wicked, that having through insatiable converousness and ambition, for want of con­science and the fear of God to restrain them, contracted to themselves the guilt of publike shame and death; they had ra­ther see the whole Nation laid in ashes, and turned into an A­celdama, or shackled for ever in fetters of iron, then to have themselves made publike examples, and rendered (according to their just demerits) a scorn and an abhorring to succeeding generations. For it is with them as with a thief beset, who had rather kill, or be killed, then be taken. Happily I could name some of them, but it is needless, for they are already discovered; only I will assure them, that it shall be with them as it was with the Dove, which Noah sent out of the Ark; so double and dangerous shall they find the King and his friends in all their ways and Councels, and the present state of things, as that they shall not find whereon to rest their feet: And let them re­member, and have always in mind how the King of Spain hath lately dealt with the Prince He cut off their heads as traytors, and confiscated their estates. De Ognate, and others of Na­ples; who receiving his rewards, and confiding in his written Grants and promises, did basely and treacherously comply and condiscend to re-admit his Viceroy, to the ruin of the people. A just guerdon for such abhorred falsifyers of their trust, and de­testable Traytors to their Country. But what need I go so far; did not Rich. 2. in his time, contrary to his faith, solemn pro­mise and engagement, cause the Duke of Glocester to be basely murihered at Callis; the Earl of Arundel to be as basely be­headed, and the Earl of War wick [which 3 had acted for the Publique, and strongly opposed his tyrannous courses,] albeit he granted him his life, to be kept prisoner all his days in the Tower of London? See the English Chronicle. And now give me leave only to relate one particle of a Spanish Chronicle, 1. Vol. of the life and death of Charls the 5 K. of Spain, written by Fa­ther Prudent Sandival. and I will conclude, and leave all▪ I have here rudely penned, to the application and serious consideration of all judicious & unbiassed judgments.

In the yeer 1519. in the Reign of turbulent Charles, the fifth King of Spain, there was a Parliament called in that Kingdome, [Page 15]which acted in the beginning [as this of England did] for Liber­ty; whereupon Charles their King raised War against them, and they, for the defence of themselves, and the peoples rights and liberties, raised several Armies, and by force of Arms visi­bly subdued the King, as we have really done ours, and rescued the Kingdom from all Prerogative Tyranny. This Spanish Par­liament did at the first make such special Ordinances for the good of the Publique, as their very enemies stiled them holy and reli­gious: And, saith the Chronicle, had they been duly executed, Spain had been the most glorious Kingdom in the world, and the said King Charles, had appeared a most cruel and tyrannical Prince, if he had not confirmed them.

But (saith the Chronicle) That Parliament spoiled all, when the Wars were ended, by falling into ambition, covetousness, and faction, betraying and selling one another, and sharing the Kingdoms treasure amongst them: And so notwithstanding all their famous Acts in the beginning (they not keeping and ob­serving them, themselves, but looking after private ends) did thereby lose the affections of the people, destroyed themselves, and betrayed their 3 victorious Beware Lord Fairfnx, &c. Generals: viz. the Earl of Salvatora, the Bishop of Samoora, and Don Iohn of Padillia, with 70 of their best Look about you, ye that are honest men in both Houses. Parliament men into the hands of their conquered King; who did forthwith put them all to death: And that Parliament (saith the Author) was the last in that Kingdom that acted for the Peoples Freedoms; ever since hath the whole Nation layen under inextricable bondage, tyranny, and oppression. And doth not this seem to be written for our admonition and instruction? Foelix quem faciunt aliena peri­cula cautum.

Lastly, What benefit can we the Commons of England re­ceive by this Treaty, in case all be granted that is required; while the name of the Norman Conquest, and so many several shameful badges thereof, (as multiplicity of Laws, and they in Pedlers French, or the Norman language, super-abundant vexa­tious Courts, and Officers, strange slavish tenures, fealties, and services,) such as this Nation never before knew, do still conti­nue? And that still, after so much bloodshed, and expence of treasure, about the Militia of the Land, in whom it is original­ly, whether in the King or People? it must be granted and [Page 16]continued, to be in the King, and in his power and dispose, at his will and pleasure (as he hath already done) to cut our throats. Grant him this, and grant him all. Grant him but this to remain (according to his request) unquestionably in the Crown, and his Negative Vote also; and grant him to be a Ty­rant per statutum imperpetuum, both him and his (for indeed they would be so likewise) from generation to generation. And for us now to accord, that after so many years (were the twenty years an hundred] he or his should have the Militia again in their own hands and dispose, is but, as if a man that had by a a long and strong contest recovered his inheritance from one that had a long time illegally and injustly held it from him should notwithstanding for quietness-sake [as fools often say] agree to accept of a lease of it, for certain years, and still to grant the title to be in his adversary, and after the expiration of those years for ever to exclude himself and his. And this his Majesty plainly shews, in propounding to lease the Bishops Lands, and not to sell them, to the end that the propriety of them may still continue in the Bishops. If we have a right in the Militia for years, why not for ever? But it is undeniable, that at this time it is absolutely and wholy (where it was in origine) in us (the People) and in our power and dispose: and why should we give, or grant it, be it but for a moment, to another? In a word to grant the Kings desire in this, would be like the hewing down Nebuchadnezzars mighty Tree, and cutting off the branches and leaves thereof: yet leaving the stump of the roots thereof in the earth with bands of iron and brass. No, let us up with root and all; that there may be more remembranca of Prerogative, Ty­ronny, and Norman Bondage amongst us.

Note, that while the K. pretends a Treaty for Peace, He in­tends and countenanceth a War against us. What else mean his Sons and Confederates their preparations? If any say, It is not by his Command: I answer, Why doth he not prohibit or countermand it? Qui non prohibet, cum potest, jubet?