IT is not to be expected by any wise, or considerate person, to finde an exact Logical series, or Mathe­matical Demonstration in Publike or Political Trans­actions; In which, as there are commonly many un­known difficulties to be waded through, so there are multitudes of emergencies (not possible to be be foreseen) dayly breaking forth, which give cause, as of altering mens thoughts, so of changing, and shifting the Medi­ums, by which they should have been at first effected. Nor can it be imagined, That the absolute order of Nature should be strictly kept in these affairs, which only Prudence, and Providence Govern.

The want of such like considerations as these, hath been a great rea­son of the discontents, and disaffections of the most spirits, concerning the management of the great concernment of this Nation. Some have looked more after Modum, then Rem, the circumstance, then the acti­on; rather how things are done, then what is done, thinking nothing well done, but what they have either been predominant instruments in themselves, or else could Analitically resolve, according to the rule of their own prejudiced apprehensions. It is to be acknowledged, That of late (through the Apostacy of some, and the Indifferency of others, and the change of many spirits by cunning, yet Malignant influences) our affaires in this Nation, for the external, and circumstantial acting of them, have not gone one so smoothly, or takingly unto every spirit; present necessity, absolute conveniency, and providence (which especi­ally hath had a supremacy over them) putting us on many suddain o­vertures, and to leap over many lesser things (which some think con­siderable) yea, hath forc'd us to do much at once, and to hasten on to these works, which at another time, and in some other cases, would have admitted many steps and degrees, in the attaining of them. Though it's no great disadvantage to a work, if it be done throughly, that it's done suddainly, and expeditiously; yea, many times, more time and cost is spent in a Ceremony, then by diligent prosecution of advantages, would be to attain the thing it self. As in great mens houses, the paint and the hangings, cost more then the house it self. But besides, the nature of some affairs call for a doing them now or never; and men being remote from the Actors, and so unacquainted with the present grounds, and reasons on which they are acted, storm at that, which they themselves in the same case, and on the same principles, would be most forward to attempt; not considering (until it come to their own cases) That where men have to deal with humors, as well as per­sons, with Forces, and Fictions, with general, and particular, Subor­dinate, Divided, and Sub-divided Interests, some special liberty must be given, to act according to present overtures, and some occult reasons pre-supposed, which every eye cannot, nor may not look into.

These things premised; He that with a sober, and untainted judge­ment, considers the late Transactions of the Parliament, and Army, with the King, Their own members, and the changing of the former Go­vernment, into a Common-wealth, hath more reason to be astonished at what is done, then be discontented at the way, and manner of do­ing them; no man being able to imagine, That by any means what e­ver [Page 5] we should have been able to attain to the condition we are now in, and especially not so suddenly, and with so much advantage, to free our selves from such a yoke, that neither our fathers nor we were able to bear; and certainly had not there bin something divine in it, (which men care not to observe) and had not the finger of the Almighty wrought it for us, we had been far from so much as a hope of recovery, and ere this day had been reduced to a worse bondage then ever England yet saw : And if we will consider what straits and extremities they have been often put unto, by the falseness of some, and the folly of others, what varieties of difficulties they have been encompassed about with, through the malice of the common enemy, and the imprudence of their own friends, and subtle designs of many pretented Patriots, we shall see cause enough to wonder where we are come, and by what a miracu­lous strain of providence they have been carryed on to this happy change: And however things may be represented in the Glasses of Malignant and humorous Spirits, yet if men will make use of a plain Optique, and not look through their PASSI­ONS or ENGAGEMENTS, they will see no such Disproportion between the first PRINCIPLE of this WAR, and the present actings of things, especially (considering how we have been led into them) though the first Instruments could not see the ultimate end at so great a distance of time, and through so many mountains of difficulties that lay in their way: God himself also is (who loves to non-plus the best of men) by his providence acting his own designs, beyond the first motions and intentions of men.

As the first beginnings of all things are usually fair and modest, so were they among us in the beginning of this War; and though our first principle was fundamental, and large enough, when we took up Arms, viz. The Liberties of this Nation, from that Tyrannical Power which was exercised by the late King, and for the setting up a free Court of Justice in the Nation, in order to which, care was taken to put the power of the Militia in the best hands we could find, yet the hopes we then had of a sudden effecting it, and that by the first means we could use, and the controversie being suddenly to be debated, and honest men not so well acquainted with their own priviledges, nor the ground of the quarrel, the Parliament was constrained to express great respects to the King, and to state the difference very tenderly, and put all the weight of miscarriages on his Councel, salving as much as they could his honour, yea made many Engagements for advancing of his [Page 6] Grandure and Majesty, which was carefully kept and observed, as ho­nestly intended, until that the necessity of affairs grew on, and the King took advantage by all respects to harden his own heart, and had quite changed his own condition from what it was when these Engagements were made; yea, almost all the principles and spirits of men, both in Parliament, City and Country, being altered, by the subtle Insinuations of the King and his Agents, and not only a first but second War levyed by the Kings Commission against the Parliament, more dangerous then the former, though miraculously past over: It was now time to take the advantage of providence, and make use of that honest power yet left to prosecute our first principles to the best end, and go through with that which we did but dally with before; and seeing that the King was the only cause of the first and second War, and of corrupt­ing all interests and spirits which ever came nigh him, and that his evil Councel (on whom all was formerly laid) was sequestred from him, and yet the same things and worse done by him, could imagine no other Expedient to preserve the Nation, but by removing the prime cause of their misery; and seeing the disease was grown desperate to apply a remedy proportionable. That if any thing have been acted, that seems Heterodox to our first Intentions and Engagements, it hath been but to follow the King, who frustrated all our hopes, and grew to be so dan­gerous and implacable an Enemy, that he left us no other remedy but his death to give us any hope of recovery. And now you see that we are like to attain our End, Liberty and Justice, though we could not at first see the way how, and it's brought about by other mediums then we first intended it; neither is any disparagement to us, that our Liber­ties are procured by such a Royal Sacrifice. But it is in vain to repeat; Those which stumble so much at that unparaleld, and most glorious act of Justice done on the late King, may be desired to consider, what way else was left us to preserve the honest party of this Nation, yea the whole Nation besides; and to prefer the life of our grand Enemy before the good of a Nation, is foolish pity indeed: for that our Liberty and his life were grown to be incompetible, and inconsistent, is most demon­strative, seeing he was not so much as sensible of any miscarriages, nor repented of a drop of blood shed so plentifully by his Commission, but grew so hardned, that he would rather dye, then consent to these abso­lute and just grounds of Liberty and Safety that the Parliament so often sent him, in order to his advancement, and the security of the Kingdom. What ever had been done besides, would have been but [Page 7] the skinning over the wound while it did inwardly fester and gangrene, and have given our Enemies advantage to undo us by our own re­spects, which they could not by their open hostility and force.

But I am sorry I have detained the Reader so long from a ready com­pliance with this present Government, by repeating the miseries of the old: But it's good sometimes to look back, that we may see what Mercies we enjoy at present. For my part, I cannot but think that Scaffold sacred, and no other Sacrifice could have been so expiatory before God, or men, for that Blood which hath been shed in this Na­tion, then His who was the onely cause of it; And yet I cannot blame those that think him to be above Law, should judg him to be above punishment: And though, unto some tender spirits, it may seem hard, and of ill consequence, yet, upon second thoughts, they will see it necessary, and just, and the fruits answerable, if our new discontexts, as well as former pity, and indulgence, do not frustrate it: And cer­tainly our Ancestors, were they alive, would admire their Childrens fortunes and happiness, who have had the opportunity to act that, which they thought (but durst not speak) would be their greatest Mercy, viz. To cast off that usurped Government, which they felt the Tyranny and Oppression of so many years, without hope of Remedy. But if any thing of Conscience should be in that, your dissent and non­acting may satisfie you, and their acting against them, who held their Judgments well informed, and acted accordingly in that great and impartial work of Justice: Let us therefore forget these things which are impossible to be helped, and fall on to those things which are pos­sible, and necessary; and labor to be as conscientious in avoyding ways of making new Divisions, as we are in remembering former Miscar­riages: We are now (through providence) on a new Foundation, and have time to consider our own good, and want nothing to make us the happiest Nation under the Sun, but the blessing of the Gospel, which yet we have, (and are like to have it shine in greater splendor,) and a hearty and free compliance with the Government now set up, by all honest and ingenuous men, who mean to share in the fruits of Truth and Peace together.

And truly Prudence and Reason, that teacheth men to make ver­tues of necessities, may well make men ingenuous in improving advan­tages and conveniences. I know there are many sorts of men to be delt with in this paranatick: Some who can onely be perswaded by force and violence, as Malignants and debauched spirits; and we can onely [Page 8] secure their persons, hardly ever gain their consents, they have drank so deeply of that cup of delusion: Yet the remembrance of their former Compositions may possibly aw them, and scrue them into obedience. I have better matter to deal withal in this Discourse, viz. with honest hearts, which are either miscarryed through deceitful pretences, or dis­contented through mistaken apprehensions, or have been at least dis­heartened through want of observance of Gods actings in these affairs, and so sit at too great a distance from compliance with this present Go­vernment: For it's most true, that as many men get their own ends through pretence of Religion, so others weakly look on Religion through the disguizes of cunning Politicians, which they converse with­all. And it hath been a great misery to our Cause, That honest men have, either in the actings of things, consul [...]ed too much with flesh and blood, or suffered themselves to be abused by the specious insinuations of those men, who have had no reserve of honor and respect, but what they could get by such stratagems. I dare not undertake to plead for any person, or party, or to justifie men in any thing; I am now pleading for a common good, by a convenient Government, (though I know no reason why men should dis-affect good things out of any prejudice to parties and persons). I can love Gold, though in the Oar, and prize Diamonds, though unfiled and unset: But to the thing. It is not onely to be wished and desired, but that which all honest men (who love the Interest of England, and desire to see but any comfortable issue of these late sad Distractions) should be engaged in, unanimously to close in with the present Overtures, and promote, by all means and faith­fulness, the Government set up by the Parliament, and laying aside all particular animosities, and waving lesser differences, pass an Act of Obli­vion for all former miscarriages, whether real or supposed, and take the advantage of advancing our good by the present opportunity, having cause to fear, that if we neglect this, we shall never enjoy the like ad­vantage for Truth and Liberty.

And least men might pretend Conscience or Reason to countenance their dis-affection to this Government of a Commonwealth, I shall hum­bly entreat honest men to consider, That there is no such supernatural stamp, or Jus Divinum, set on Monarchical Government, which should engage mens hearts unto it so peculiarly, more then on any other, excepting onely such a State which hath not form and order in it. What ever mens affections may be to one Government more then ano­ther, I know not, but there is no Divine Character of respect more on [Page 9] one then other; But God, who is a God of Order, hath ordained Go­vernments, and delights to see his Creatures made happy by them, and therefore hath left them to choose what they think may be most fit for that end, and to call it by what name they please; and that Govern­ment which is in one place called, [...], an Ordinance of God, is in another called, [...], a creature, or institution of man, the power it self being from God, the distinction and personal admi­nistration from man; and if it were not so, no Government but one could be lawful, or to be obeyed by any people as an Ordinance of God: And by consequence, if Monarchy have this impression onely from Heaven no Government but that is to be accounted lawful, or obedi­ence to it from any spiritual rule but force and necessity, which not any that hath his veins never so full of royal blood will maintain. Those that take the divinity of Regal power from its similitude and likeness it hath unto God and his Supremacy, and oneness in the Government of the World, plead rather for the Turkish, or Russian Monarchy, then for Englands, they holding for a more exact likeness to God (in their sence) ruling all by their own wills independently from any; whereas onely that Government hath Gods heart in it specially which is founded in Righteousness, and propagated by Justice, and doth most bless a Na­tion with Truth and Peace But if men will refer the judgment of Mo­narchy to what God says of it when it was first mentioned to him by his own People, as desirous to be under it, it's most observable (though I would not make it an argument) That no distinct Order of Govern­ment had ever such a signal blur, and stamp of dislike from God, as Mo­narchy, nor did ever any people receive a publique check from Heaven for choosing any Government, but King-ship; and it stands on re­cord to this day, that God was displeased but at the motion of the chil­dren of Israel to have a King, as the Heathens, they being not content with the wisdom of God, who chose another Government for them, as better, and more fit for honest and godly men, he gave them a King, but in wrath. And if God were so displeased with them, but for ask­ing a King after the manner of the Heathens, which King God himself should have a vote in the choyce of, how will he be with us, who will have a King which God hath rejected.

But though many good hearts may think the jus divinum to be alike, yet they may finde many Obligations to Kingly Government in Eng­land which are sacred, and may lie on their Consciences as an impedi­ment to a full closing with this Government, which they may in [Page 10] Reason be convinced is fit and necessary.

I confess there is nothing of more reverence in the eyes of any serious spirit then solemn Oaths and Covenants, whereby men are obliged to God as well as men, and have their Consciences to answer as well as Reason: Yet there may be too scruplous a Conscience, and many times Conscience is made too great a pretence and covert for inward malig­nity, and dislike of things themselves. Yet what ever pretence men may make of their Obligation by Oath to another Government, such Oaths cannot be binding now, when not onely the persons, but the Govern­ment it self is removed; the very Commands of God, which are affir­mative, binde not ad semper to all times and particular movements; and I hope no godly man thinks any other Covenant to be everlasting, but the Covenant of Grace. We all grant, that no Oath bindes me when I am dead, neither can any Oath binde me to dead persons, or things not in being; and what ever Oaths men have taken, relating to the person of the late King, or that Government, cannot be in force, but must needs be out of date, and unobliging, when the person is dead, and the Government it self necessarily altered; especially when the matter a­bout which the Oath made is civil and changeable, and made not ab­solutely, but conditionally, as the late Covenant was, we binding our selves to preserve his Majesties person, &c. in the Preservation of Re­ligion and Liberty, which we have found absolutely contrary, and in­consistent together. And let me say, it were to be wished, that this tenderness of Conscience were in some of the scruplers about this Go­vernment; formerly, when the Covenant and Ecclesiastical Govern­ment was first urged, the matters of which were sacred, as well as the Oath it self, and yet nothing would then serve, but force and violence, banishment, with many such threats, to those that would not sub­mit to it, the matter and manner of which belonged properly to Con­science, and was controverted by the best and ablest men, and yet a rational dissent by one side entred, and the thing it self hardly deter­minable in some points: But I am for union, and may not open old sores: It's well the Cause is changed, and the Tryal come about to others, that they may know what Conscience means Yet it's still to be desired, that men would consider, what sin against any mans Conscience it can be, to joyn in with a Government, which is not onely most lawful in it self, but most necessary at present? or how they can in Conscience (without some other Reason) maintain their engagements to a non-entity? or how they can discharge their Conscience from one sin, by [Page 11] doing another? or make an atonement for present disobedience to an Ordinance of God, (as every Government in it self is) by former pre­tended Obligation to that which they have not at present, or, it may be, never shall have opportunity to perform.

I know the Parliament will have regard to tender Consciences, and lay nothing which may be a burthen on them: But it will be very sad and ominous, that all mens malignity and state-distempers should have such a plausible disguize as Conscience; or that necessary and civil af­fairs, which are but reductively and secondarily belonging to Consci­ence, should be simple, and absolutely destroyed by such a plea, which is common to one as well as another. But I doubt not but that the justness and honest fruits of this Government will end at mens hearts to it, as their former Engagements, or rather dis-affections, have made men consciencious against it.

And now seeing that there is no more divinity in one Government more then another, and former Obligations dye with the things them­selves, that our Consciences (rightly informed) cannot be bound by them, let us consider our conveniencies, and reflect on Kingly power in this Nation, and the sad fruits and effects of it, especially of late, and we shall see little reason of being so endeared to it, much less to dote on it as we do. How nigh were all our Liberties to give up the ghost under it? What bloody and cruel attempts have there been made by it on the Souls, Estates, and persons of many thousands in England and Ireland, but onely to please the will or lust of one Tyrant? We have felt too much of this, and I need not repeat; These have been the na­tural off-springs of that Government, not onely here, but in all Na­tions, no people living in peace under it, but those which are quietly content either with no Liberty, or but with onely the shadow or name of it; I may affirm it by all Histories universally, That Royalty and Liberty have never heartily embraced each other, or have shined toge­ther in the same splendor or beauty, but one hath either quite extin­guished, or eclipsed the others glory.

God himself (who best knew the nature of all Governments, and fore-saw their effects) makes Monarchy and Tyranny very neer of kin, and as soon as ever Israel would have a King, tells them what they must necessarily expect, as inseparable adjuncts or effects of it, (2 Sam. 8. 11. 12, 13.) This shall be the manner of the King which shall reign over you, he will take your sons and appoint them for himself, for his Charets, and Horsemen, and some shall run before his Charets; with [Page 12] many other expressions of like nature, all the fruits of Tyranny which can be imagined, and all this inseparably annexed to it, by the foresight of God himself. Yea, Liberty and Monarchy have been ever so In­competible, That in the best Histories of that Government, they have been not only distinguished, but opposed; especially, those that look over the Roman Histories (who had experience of both) will find, when Kingly Power began to flourish, LIBERTY decayed, and so è contra. Tacitus Annal. 1. Ʋrbem Romam ab initio Reges ha­buere, Libertatem & Consulatum, L. Brutus instituit. The Ro­mans had first KINGS, but L. Brutus brought in Liberty, and the Consulship: So Livy Lib. 45. Non in Regno Populam Roma­num, sed in Libertate esse; and the same Author Lib. 1. Regem vo­lebant Libertatis dulcedine nondum experta: None love Kingly Government, or can desire to be under it, but those that never tast­ed the sweets of Liberty. And shall we now strive to joyn those two together in our expectations, which (I had almost said) God, and Nature have divided, I am sure all Nations have had experience of inconsistency of? Have we ventured so hard, for to gain our Liber­ties, and shall not we now take the advantage of procuring them? Or do we think that slavery is any whit the more amiable, because it hath the name of Royalty annexed to it? If we be not yet sensible of our condition, we may hereafter; when some have got their wills, we shall have our eyes opened, though it be but to see our misery, when past re­covery.

Aristocracy hath many more curbs, and bridles on it to restrain it from Exorbitancy, then can be set on Monarchy, and is so less capa­ble of doing mischief to a Nation then the other. The distance of their place, the remoteness of Princes from vulgar sight, the many screens they have between them and the people, and that great reverence they get by their retiredness from ordinary converse, give them unavoidable advantages of doing that more secretly, and effectually, and with less guilt, then can be imagined to be done by a Publique State, who are more open to the view of the world, and are but themselves in power, quam ain bene se gesserint.

We have seen of late, how hard it hath been but to make the people think the King could offend, or was liable to any guilt, or charge, laying all on his Councel, while he was the Malignant Genius that led them; and yet being so much out of sight, so far off from Popular view, went free for a long time from any positive charge, and had gone to [Page 13] this day as an Innocent one, and one uncapable of Spot, or blame, had not God stirred up such a spirit of courage and Justice in that rem­nant of faithful Patriots, who have Anatomiz'd his wicked, and Ty­rannical practises before all the world, and done sutable justice on him for it; And yet the old Maxims, received by Custome, and invented by his Parasites, and Favourites, (That the King can do no wrong, That he is accountable to none but God for his Actions) lie in the brest of most men, as Orthodox Law, and Gospel, and will be soon embraced again, and reprinted in a larger Character, if ever the same power be set up again, though never so contrary to Reason, or Liberty; yea, the late King himself sealed the confirmation of them with his own Blood, and therefore would not plead, or answer any thing to the High Court of Justice, not so much because he thought the Authority of it to be il­legal, as that he thought himself above the judgment of any Authority on earth; and would have doubtless refused to have answered to Lords and Commons, though in a full house, and in one Judicature, if they should have laid such a Charge against him; for in his former De­clarations, he was so far from owning their Authority, That he pro­claimed both Houses (when in their full power and grandure) Traytors and Rebels, because they sate without his presence; and yet we have thought ours but a limited, and bounded Monarchy.

And what hopes we can have of Kingly power in this Nation, which is founded on such principles, and propagated on the same terms, let wise and honest men judge.

Besides, when we have most solemnly considered Monarchy in its real use and end, it will be found to be in effect but an Aristocracy, though far more dangerous and mischievous; The same things are done, as to the good of the Publique, by States and Councels, which are done by Kings and Councels together; and either the King must rule by his own will, and then he is a profest Tyrant, or else by Counsel of his Par­liament, and Publique Senators, and then it's the Councel that rules the Kingdom, who can do it as well, and with less hazard, without him; As being free from the Temptations of Majesty, and the Court­ship of Royal favours, whereby the best of men (ere they were aware) have been corrupted, and the wisest Counsellors suborned to act suta­ble to the Regal interest, contrary to the good of the Common-wealth; whereas, while they act in a Parity among themselves, as their judge­ments are most free from being acted by Superior influences, so their Debates, and Results, must needs be of more common and publique [Page 14] concernment, they themselves, having an equal share in that good, which is done unto the whole.

That if we do but cast up our accounts right, we shall find that Kings are but meer chargeable Ceremonies, or Ciphers, of little use but to con­tract humors, and promote personal designs destructive to the being, and well-being of Common-wealths; for they neither are executioners of justice themselves, nay, scarce (many times) Counsellors, nor do any special or publique work; and yet for meer custom and formalities sake, we must have one man adored, having a supreme power invested in him, and be maintained in the greatest State, and Glory, meerly to sit still and have the best, and wisest, and most faithful, and gallant instru­ments bow down, and rejoyce, but to kiss his hand. If any King hath ever yet been more then ordinarily active, or instrumental, it hath been to prosecute some design which would advance his Supremacy more Independently against the Publique Good, as the late King was in his Wars against this Nation.

And what ever other Nations may experiment, if we have found any good by Monarchy in this Nation, it is, that it hath made us (I hope) know what Liberty and Law is, and to prize them the more; Quae liber­tas ut laetior esset proximi Regis superbia saceret, Which Liberty we should esteem more, had we but one tryal of the next KINGS Raign.

And as there is nothing more vertually, and really in Monarchical then what is in Aristocratical Government, and nothing to be expe­cted by the one, but what may be done by the other with less fear of danger, and without such costly formality: So Aristocracy, (or this Government of a Common-wealth the Parliament have set up) is the most even, and just Government, that any men have yet come to the knowledge of, it being a middle State between Popular Anar­chy, and Prerogative Tyranny, whereby men are freed from the neces­sary exorbitancies of both, and seated securely in a uniform and equal condition free from all extreams, in which the people are best represented, and by which the Laws and dispatches of Justice, and other affairs have a quicker and easier passage, with less noise, & Tumult, then if they should run down from the high mountains of Prerogative and Majesty, in the dispensations of which, you have little cognisance of justice, or reason, but of grace, and favor; Kings and Princes seldom granting any thing, though never so just, but it's ever as from grace, so with an expecta­tion of something from the people to advance their Prerogative, the [Page 15] doing of which may be a greater loss, and hazard, then the former grant could be of concernment to them.

But in this other Government, as justice runs more smoothly, and clearer, and is not painted with Royal colours, so the people have a more immediate way to the redress of all their grievanc [...]s, and are not forc'd as to clime too high, so not to go to far about, or through so ma­ny mercenary Favourites, or rooms of State, or be scar'd with the suddain beams of supposed Majesty, but come to their own Represen­tatives that themselves have chosen, and who may be in the same condition, and are to be tryed by the same Laws themselves, which they for the present judge others by. And it's observable, These few Nati­ons which have once got the opportunity (which some have ventured hard for with little success) of casting off Kingly Power, have natural­ly, and out of choice, fallen into this Government, as the middle, and best, and that which was most safe, and sutable to Liberty and Justice; and how these Nations which have been under it have flourished, I could mention (if it were needful) in multitudes of testimonies; And not to go so far back unto the Roman State, that little time it enjoyed it; Let us view these little spots of Land in Europe that live under this Government, how do they lift up their heads in strength, and wealth, above all their neighbours, to name no more but the Netherlands, and Venice; The first, even on a suddain, even by it's Wars against Mo­narchy, enriching of it self beyond many Kingdoms of ten times a lar­ger continent; and the other defending it self, yea, annoying one of the greatest Empires under the Sun. And there is no reason why Eng­land should not flourish under it much more, who hath a more Natu­ral defence of it self, then other places have, and more reason, and ad­vantage of setting it up, then any other people have yet had; and doubt­less the Climate, and Air, is not incompetible to it. Had other Nati­ons but the Liberty to speak, and the Freedom to choose as we have, we should soon hear which way the Vote would go.

But let it be found out (as a Phoenix) That some Nations have had Liberty and Justice under the Raign of some Kings, which were of singular tempers and vertues; or, it may be, had not time enough, or opportunity, both to plot and act designs together; yet when Govern­ment shal come to be hereditary, & Regal Power advanced by successi­on, there must needs be unknown mischiefs propagated together with it: And all mens liberties are cast away on a peradventure at the best; for be he young or old, wise or unwise, vertuous or vicious, talis, qualis, [Page 16] he must be entrusted with all the Liberties (it may be, of many Nati­ons,) and a necessity of bondage and misery, without remedy, succes­sively entailed on men and their posterity: All liberty of dissent or choice (which is the birth right of rational and free-men) being utterly denyed to them, and destroyed by a titular plea of succession to that which, it may be, the person is neither fit for the mannagement of, being a child, or weak, or worthy of, through vice, or ill conversation.

And however other Nations may, out of hidden secrets of State, think Monarchy best for them, and be willing to venture at succession, yet to us it would not be only inconvenient, but mischievous; Having justly cut off the Fathers head for a wicked and ill Goverment, to en­throne the Son, who was engaged in the same quarrel, and hath enter­tained the same principles, with an addition of more malice and re­venge; and what were it but to give that power to undo us, which we (through the providence of God) have happily deprived his Father of? For as we had no hopes of the late King, but were in continual danger of taking advantages by us; so we cannot have any probable expectation from his Son, who was engaged Body and Soul in his Fa­thers Interest, and trained up from his cradle in blood, who, besides his Youth, (and so his unfitness to manage the Affairs of such a State,) hath a double portion of his Fathers Spirit of Pride and Tyranny on him, be­sides his Mothers blessing, and is the perfect and natural Heir to his Fa­thers Quarrel and Design, as to his Crown and Dignity.

But the great thing to be wondred at, is, That any which love Pres­byterial Government should dote on Monarchy, especially after the Raign of such a person, and stand out against this Government which the Parliament have now set up. Aristocracy in Church, and Mo­narchy in State, do not run so paralel in the expressions, what ever they may do in the sence. Kingly Government hath never been yet very propitious, or benign to Presbytery; the most favour it hath got in any Kingdom, is but to have a Toleration, as in France, and in this Nation; it's hardly a probationer: but Episcopacy hath been that ancient Govern­ment, which hath been bred up with Monarchy, and hath of late been its greatest Darling, to maintain which, much of the Royal Interest hath been engaged; the late King making one of the grounds of his War to be the taking away of that Government, which he thought to be so fundamental and sacred, that all Religion was wrapt up in it, and to confirm his love unto it, dyed with a Bishop in his arms. And such inseparable union is between Monarchy and Episcopacy, that King [Page 17] James himself, as soon as ever he came out of Scotland into England, (and found himself to be a King) made this State Maxime, No Bishop no King, which is to this day unrepealed, and by experience confirmed, for they have both dyed together as Twins in the bosom of each other; and if we do but look a little back, we shall find, that Presbyterial Govern­ment never thrived well, no not in Scotland, (the most fertile soil, and na­tural climate wherein it flourisheth most) until the King was removed at such a distance; and yet what attempts have both King James and Charls made, but to overthrow it in Scotland, as being most unsuitable to Kingly Government? and they have little cause to think, that their Charls the Second will forget his Grand-fathers and Fathers Le­gacy.

And now we have begun to mention Scotland, it may be some may bring in them as a president to us, (as formerly to the Church, so now to the State,) who, notwithstanding all their inconveniencies, which they have found by Monarchy, yet have thought fit to continue it, and that in the right line of Succession: It's well known, the Scots love the Name, but care little for the Company or Power of a King; Neither is it much to be admired, that they should proclaim King whom they never intend shall rule over them; for they well know how to make use of the Name, though they mean not to subject to the Power: The Scots are not a Nation of as much state and riches as o­ther Kingdoms, but of as much design as any, and they well fore-see, that whose King soever he be, England must maintain him, and bear the greatest burthen, while they enjoy his small Revenue in Scotland, and get places and pensions from him in England, so that he must be their King, but our Tyrant: All that understand the Affairs of Scot­land, know, that were it not for the name of the King, the factions of their Nobility and Gentry are so great, that Peace could never be kept among themselves, and yet if they had a King really among them, it would impoverish both Gentry and Nobility, who must contribute to maintain him, who in England by pensions and places hath set up them. But I would not too much open the nakedness of that Nation, but wish them much good with their King, and his hideous train of Malignants, which must necessarily follow him where ever he himself is entertained with any respect or honor: Onely they should have given him title to their own Nation, and have left our Parliament to have chosen for us, who are come to sufficient years of discretion, and have learnt to understand both their King and them; but it seems it would [Page 18] profit them little to have him King of Scotland, if he were not also of Great Britain. It is for us to consult our own concernments, and not trouble our selves with examples: If we chance to differ from other States, it's because they have not the same advantages, nor we the same causes and grounds of following them. All that is proposed by the Par­liament, is, to reduce us into a Commonwealth, and if the name do not offend, I know not why should the thing.

And as to that reverent plea of the Antiquity of Monarchy in this Nation, we may answer with grief, it hath been too long; and we have had time enough to try and feel the sad effects of it; and Kingship may very well, after so long a personal reign and advancement of it self, give way to a Commonwealth, that the Nation may get some good, and enjoy some Liberty, after their long servitude to it. Antiquity is an argument for nothing but truth and goodness, else error and usurpation will plead its gray hairs, and make a demonstration of its divinity with the best advantage.

And wheras many wise men object the danger of changes in States and Governments, & the unknown consequences which may follow, it's con­fest, and therefore the Parliament hath took time and deliberation, and tryed all expedients; and made the best essays for security of the Nation without it; But that change cannot be dangerous, where the continu­ation of a former Government, in such persons, hath proved, and is, in­evitably mischievous, as it is in our cause; and yet we have not chan­ged our Laws, or the Fundamentals of the former Government, but onely the persons and mal-administrators of it; that it's but a change of persons and names, which have acted, and are like to act to our de­struction, and so hinder mischief from running in a blood: And if we will with seriousness and observance look about us, we may discern a bright Star of Providence leading us directly to it, and a harmony of wonders and mercies accompanying it, and blessing on the Parliaments proceedings in it, that men which shal oppose it, may wel be said to fight against the very arm of the Almighty, and slight many a glorious work which God hath done by weak and ordinary instruments. And where­as many men nourish their discontents against it, by the present distem­pers they finde in the Nation, and are apt to think, and be made beleeve, That our condition is worse then it was in the time of the late King, by reason of Taxes and Oppressions; They should consider the cause may be in themselves, who give no better ground of security to the Parli­ament of an honest and faithful compliance, but by their new discon­tents [Page 19] keep up our fears, which makes them keep up an Army: and had they been wise men who thus object, they would have considered, that we are not onely framing a new Government, but changing the old, and that we are not in in Republica Platonis, but in face Ro­muli.

It's easie to frame an Idea of a new Government, and as easie to live under it in peace, had we all one minde; but not so easie (without much cost) to alter an old one, where so many parties are engaged and dis-affected, and so much rubbish to be removed. Were we to begin the world again, and to choose for our selves, having hearts, we should not need Swords, and then An AGREEMENT of the PEOPLE (though not according to the Levellers Anarchical model) might be a Foundation of PEACE; but as it is with us, Men must be awed with Swords, as children are with rods, until they have learnt Reason, and come to be sensible of their own good, and learn to distinguish between what is done for present necessity to prevent farther misery, and what is done in times of Peace, by absolute Prerogative and Tyranny. Me thinks to see what is done, and how hopeful affairs look, should be enough to swallow up the present sence of pressures, and allay the mur­murings of mens spirits, whereby these oppressions are like to be con­tinued and made heavier; And though it cannot be denied but the keeping up of the Army is a burthen, yet, it is so necessary, That it's an absolute preservative against more intollerable oppressions, that would not only burthen us, but utterly undoe us. And if we all expect ease, let us contribute to the procuring of it; if it seem hard by our purses, let us go a neerer, and cheaper way by our compliances, and the intire union of our hearts and affections in these waies which are lawful and necessary, for were it not for our Classical discontents, and secret dislikes which we nourish against persons, and things, all these Taxes and Impositions would soon be removed; and we may well bear a little of the trouble, who are causes or instruments to create it; And truly for us who have had such experiences of the sad and doleful effects of Monarchical Government, it were almost worth the hazarding the peace of one Generation, but to make an experiment of another Government, and spend our time in War (if it must be so) to procure peace for our Posterity, as our Ancestors have done in slavery, but to keep theirs.

I can only wish, That all honest men would reflect on their condi­tion, and what a perfect Dilemma is upon them, which cannot be a­voided, [Page 20] that either they must espouse the old quarrel they first fought against, and incorporate with that Generation of Malignants which we have profest against, and God hath appeared against, and so reco­ver their lost hopes, or else joyn in with the Parliament and Army in this present Government, and diligently prosecute the remainders of Peace and Liberty, which we are in so promising a way to obtain. How much better is it to joyn in with our friends, though they have acted a little faster, or somewhat beyond our model (seeing a surer foun­dation is laid, though it be somewhat deep) then to give encourage­ment to our common enemy to destroy both themselves and us toge­ther; and if we cannot meet in every line of the Circumference, yet, it's safe to meet in the Centre.

I can but speak for my self, Quem fugiam scio, I know whom to a­void: Two sorts of men which are the utmost extremes, The old Malignants, and the new Levellers; This last was begotten in the same womb, only there was a mixture of seeds in the conception, and is de­signed as a reserve to effect that which malignancy could not do; they both have one end, the destruction of this Government, though the pretences and ways of acting it are different; we have yet sayled safe between these two rocks, and may (if we have hearts) prevent the mischiefes of both, and see Liberty exactly stated, and justly restrained with the Golden reynes of Justice, Sobri­ety, and limited by Religion and Conscience, and Justice sitting on the Throne, poysed with Tru [...]h, whose fresh and Cristal streams shall glyde sweet­ly, and insensibly, yea, run by every mans dore to refresh all his injoyments. Wheras while we grate on the distempers of the times, and repine at former actings through inconsideration of our present opportunity, and ignorance of the designs that are upon us under specious pretences, not making im­provement of what is before us, we shall ere we are aware, either be reduced back to Prerogative Tyranny, and be a thousand times in worse bondage then we were, or run into Levelling Confusion; The Parliament and Army have done their endeavor, if men wil be miserable, and suffer themselves to be de­ceived, they must blame none but themselves, if they be miserable. God will go on with his work, and finish it in righteousness, and will prepare hiding places for those which have faithfully opposed the common Enemies of Religion and Liberty, while these men, who to please their own discontents, or to gra­tifie Malignant instruments, are contented to sell away their birth right for a mess of pottage, and sacrifice their dear bought advantages on their own hu­mours.

I would onely add this as my prayer and desire for any honest, zealous, abu­sed hearts, That they may never feel that misery, which, by their distance and secret differences, they may bring on this Nation, which is in so fair and hope­ful a condition of enjoying that happiness, which all the Kingdoms, round a­bout us, will envy us for, if our own unreasonable distempers do not hinder.

—Et sic liberavi animam meam.