CHAP. I. Of Physicians in generall.

SEeing then, as wee have said in the Preface, the number of Physicians is so Great, we must explaine in the first place, who may lawfully practise Phy­sick properly so called: for Physitians that are created in the Universities doe practise, as also their servants, Ministers, Many sorts of Physi­cians. Mountibanks, Runnagate Quacksal­vers, and women who are said to meddle in Surgery; of every one of which Some­thing is to be said in order.

Hippocrates would have a Physitian to [Page 2]be an honest, diligent, and ingenious man, and in his Booke de Arte, he would have him to bee instructed from his childhood in a fit and convenient place, and a lover of paines. Galen in a pecu­liar book saith, that he ought to be a Philosopher; and Hippocrates saies, that a [...]. Physician which is a Philosopher, is God-like. Aristotle saith, that in a Geo­metrician, the knowledge of another Science which is diverse from Geome­try is not to be desired: And so it may be said of a Physician, onely the exqui­site knowledge of his owne Art is to be expected. [...] From whence a manifold Errour of the people doth arise. First, That they call him a learned Physician, and a great Scholler, who can perhaps speak Latine, or understand a little Greeke, but not him that is well expe­rienced in his own Art; and this is it which some thinke is sufficient to fit a man to sustaine the person of a Physi­cian (As of late I knew one, who in that he professed himselfe to be a Physician, (although he was but lightly tinctured with the knowledge of Physick) yet was accounted so for a little smattering that he had in the Latine tongue). But [Page 3]there is a great difference betwixt these; for well said Celsus chiefe of the Latine Physicians, that Diseases are not cured with Eloquence. For although the knowledge of the Tongues (in the com­passe whereof the greater part of the Vulgar doth comprehend all Learning) doth make way for the understanding of all the Arts, yet they are not acqui­red without new labour, care, and in­dustry. Therefore let the people from henceforth, think him a learned Physi­cian, not that knowes a little Greeke and Latine, or some other Science be­sides Physick, but who being well in­structed in the Rules of Physick, and well read in Galen and Hippocrates, understands throughly the Diagnostick, Prognostick, and Therapeutick parts of Physick; for he that is either wholly ignorant of these things, or understands them but meanely and in part, can scarcely be accounted a good Physi­cian. But who is he that shall judge of these things? For they are not a few, who having gotten some fame a­mong the people, and become renow­ned with a certaine name of Learning, which never read Galen and Hippocrates, [Page 4]do study very little, no not when they are most at leasure, and follow some new Writers scarce worth the reading. But because there are also very many good diligent Physicians, learned, and laborious, we will adde no more. Well therefore writes Aeschylus the Poet; [...] He that knowes profitable things, not he that knowes many things, is wise.

CHAP. II. Of Doctors of Physick.

GAlen makes two sorts of ignorant Physicians, one of them which are meere Empyricks, the other of them that would have a name of knowledge, and yet are but meanly furnished there­with. Of this sort are very many, who, that they may acquire to themselves a better credit, for some small matter get the honours of Universities, which they call Degrees, and yet returne home not awhit better learned than when they went up. Doctores non doctio­res rede­unt. Now the approbations of U­niversities have been wisely ordained by our Ancestours, being indeed both pro­per and necessary, yet concerning them diligent heed is to be taken. But now adayes great is the neglect herein; for [Page 5]on many, although but of meane lear­ning, the Degree of Doctour is confer­red, insomuch as from some Universi­ties, they returne Doctours, but little learned, fit for nothing lesse than to teach or practise Physick. And there are few Universities into which that a­buse hath not crept; Therefore in Itlay and France the degree of Doctour pro­cures not much respect, nor is it per­mitted to any, although Doctour, to practise Physick in their famous Cities, who hath not been first approved by the Magistrates of the Citie, being exa­mined by Physicians, of whom also per­haps some are not Doctours. In like manner, he that is Doctour in one Uni­versitie, cannot practise in another, un­lesse therein also he take his Degree. The same also was well and wisely ordained at London, that no Doctour of the Uni­versitie should exercise his Art there, be­fore that after new examination he be approved by the Colledge of Physicians. For in many Universities, although Physick be diligently taught in their publique Lectures, yet in conferring those Degrees they are too carelesse, de­nying them to few or none. Therefore [Page 6]it were an excellent thing, It is most honoura­ble to take degrees at home. if it were permitted to no man to take those de­grees and honours out of his own Coun­try, that he might have his own Coun­trymen, among whom afterwards he in­tends to exercise his Art, to be witnesses of his learning, as they doe in France. Andreas Laurentius that famous Interpre­ter of Anatomie, when by the Kings roy­all Writ he had obtained the office of the Physick-Lecturer at Monspelier, yet could not be admitted, untill he had a­gaine commenced, first Batchelour of Physick, then Licentiate, afterwards Doctour, and had so often kept his Acts againe in Physick, as was requisite ac­cording to the Statutes of the Univer­sitie. In like manner at Burdeaux where I was educated, it was not permitted Iulius Caesar Scaliger a man so learned and skilfull, to reside, because he would not be examined by the Physicians of that Citie. He would not, not because he disliked that order of that Citie, which is also observed throughout all France, but because he would not expose his fame to every mean question of a young Physician; concerning which thing there were mutuall Letters dispatched [Page 7]betwixt him and Manialdus, a very lear­ned Physician of Burdeaux, which also Manialdus his sonne, the ancientest Phy­sician of that City had lately in custody. These are the things, which because ma­ny do not take notice of, they so easily give credit to every one that professes himself to be a Doctour. To a learn­ed man indeed these degrees doe adde honour, yet they conferre no learning. For he that to day is no Doctour, but shall be to morrow, is not wont of such a sudden to become for that cause more learned, nor if he abstain from that de­gree, will he be more unlearned than a a Doctour. As therefore I do not speak against the constitutions of the Uni­versities, but rather reverence them, yet so many abuses can no man approve. For many mongrell-Physicians, igno­rant of this art, or at best but meanly skilled therein, having bought the ti­tle of Doctour in forrain Universities, or perhaps but feigning that they have bought it, and so become proud of that counterfeit honour, return home that they may bee cram'd with the bloud and wealth of their Countrymen. But for the most part it is to be obser­ved, [Page 8]that greater danger hangs over the sick by those practitioners in Phy­sick, which have but little knowledg therein, then from that know nothing at all. For they become audacious, talka­tive, outbrave and resist their betters, and brag that they either excell them, or at least equallize them. I have ob­served in some, this evill custome, that whatsoever a Physician shall speak well, they contradict, that they may get to themselves some fame, out of the ruine of another mans name.

CHAP. III. Of the servants of Physicians, and of Apo­thecaries that practise Physick.

THis is an ordinary Errour, that they that have been Physicians servants, although meer ignorant fellows, Physitians servants, and Apo­the caries far short of the abi­lities re­quisite to make them Phy­sicians. after the death of their Master, or ma­ny times before, address themselves to the practise of Physick; of whom I have known many, and they are also thought by the people to have some knowledg, because for many years they have ser­ved a Physician, have written down his prescriptions, which they call Bills and Receits, and have observed the suc­cesse.

The same may be said of some Apo­thecaries, whom some Physician hath long imployed; but all this is not suf­ficient to make a Physician, nor can the Medicinall art be so easily learned. For Hippocrates, What is requisite to make a Physician. in him that desires to be a Physician, besides a prompt wit, requireth instruction from his child­hood, a fit place for his studies, la­bour, discipline, convenient time, and other things which these men want; as if to follow a Physician were suffici­ent to learn Physick, or as if those Physicians whom they serve, were more excellent than others, who have com­mended their learning and experience in their writings, to posterity. Not that I think it absurd for a poor pain­full Scholler to serve a Physician, and to learn from him what he can, but that it is too much saucinesse, for such fellows and drudges adventurously and malapertly to imitate their Masters; for seeing that no man is such an exact Physician, to whom many things are not wanting to that perfection which should be requisite for a Physician, how can these fellows so easily become Phy­sicians. [Page 10]And yet they as well as others are much extolled by the people.

CHAP. IV Of Ministers that practise Physick.

AMong men of Ecclesiasticall order, that have dedicated themselves wholly to God, and the Churches com­modity, there are many that do seri­ously, and greedily, and with much gain to themselves, undertake the cure not of souls only, but of bodies like­wise, and strive to their utmost to get patients to themselves for the healing of their bodily diseases, even in such places where there is store of Physici­ans. I know this is disliked by many Physicians, especially by them that gape all for gain; but seeing that ma­ny Physicians of lighter note do scarce patiently brook others better then themselves, it is no wonder if they ap­proue not that order of religious men. But this is no new thing, for Marsilius Ficinus, that great interpreter of Plato, was both Physician and Priest, and proves it to be lawfull, because to the holy Priest all the offices of charity doe belong. Wherefore he that to the [Page 11]Priesthood joynes Physick, procures that a sound mind may be lodged in a in a sound body. But if in a Minister the knowledg not only of Theology, but of other sciences also be requisite, why shall Physick be excepted? How many of them are there, that are full well ver­sed in the knotty questions of the Law, why not also in Physick? But some will object [...], who is sufficient for these things? The study and pra­ctise of Physick requires the whole man. For the Medicinall art seems to be so cumbersome, difficult, and long, that it cannot be throughly learned of any man, but it requires and exacts the whole man. Wherefore the Divine feems to be blame worthy, who leaving and neglecting the nobler sci­ence, to which he hath given up his name, and hath gotten to himself a character never to be blotted out, doth addict himself to another, so slippery, so hard, so unconstant: for it must of necessity follow, that a sufficient know­ledg of another art must be wanting to him. But they have many things to ob­ject, whereby they can defend that sin­gular charity, forsooth, towards their neighbours. And first, the curing and preventing of diseases is not contrary nor opposite to the study of Divinity, [Page 12]and to the preaching of Gods Word; for even the Apostles and promitive Christians did heale diseases, and also preach. Now, though that kinde of curing was miraculous, yet from thence we may gather, that the curing of dis­eases in it self, and its own nature, is not oppugnant to the Ecclesiasticall of­fice, but doth well and friendly agree therewith. If it be lawfull therefore to atchieve the end, it is likewise lawfull to use the means that tend to that end, and such are remedies which God hath created to this use. But perhaps some will say, that curing of diseases in re­spect of the thing it self, doth not op­pugne the office of Divines, but only because it doth suppose the knowledg of another Science, to which together with Theology, it is not easie to give diligence. But they may answer, all mens wits are not alike, and the gifts of God to every one are not the same: Some perhaps are so prompt of wit, a­ble of memory, and such lovers of pains, that they can imploy their minds in both arts with very much profit. Yea, at this day there are but few, that to the study of Divinity have not added some other Science, to which their Ge­nius [Page 13]doth most encline. Some are con­versant in the study of Mathematicks, or of Astrologie, or of the Lawes, or the like, nor doth any man blame them for it. That the knowledge of both these Arts is possible, the example of some Physicians themselves doth mani­fest, of whom many study but little, and yet in regard that they are taken for Physicians, they desire to be prefer­red before any painfull Divine, but for what reason it is unknown. For if a Minister do employ that time in the stu­dy of physick, which a mongrel physician doth shamefully spend, either in doing nothing, or in ill doing, or in playnig, as many doe; what should hinder him to become a skilfull Physician? Nor is it a new thing that some Physicians also are delighted with the study of Theologie, and verily I see no reason, why in this our age, where abuse hath corrupted al­most every thing, that some Divines may not be more learned than some Medicine mongers, seeing that many Physicians (or at least, such as would be accounted so) doe so little bend them­selves to the study of Physick, that it is an easie thing with a light labour, to know more in Physick than they know. [Page 14] Volaterranus reports, that Trusianus (who was called more than a Commentatour) whose admirable and most ingenious Comment upon the Art of Galen, is ex­tant, was made Monke of the order of the Carthusians. If therefore any paine­full and ingenious Divine hath adquired so much knowledge of Physick, that he is able to make use of it, why shall he not practise with a good Conscience? It is therefore to be left to their consci­ence, whether they doe well understand this Science or no, let them looke to that.

Benedictus Arrias Montanus, as Arceus relates, taught Surgery in Spains, but few like Arrias Montanus doth this coun­try bring forth. Neither hitherto hath it been my hap to see any Minister (and I have known many) practising Physick, that understood it well, yea that knew scarce the Tithe (that I may say no worse) of those things which are needfull for a Physician to know. Not pro­bable that Divines should bee able Phy­sicians. Therefore (al­though the knowledge of both these Arts is possible, yet that seldome hap­pens; for the practise of Physick doth wholly turne away the minde from the study of Divinitie, and the study of Divinitie (in them that preach especial­ly) [Page 15]doth interrupt the practise of Phy­sick; therefore it is very probable, that Physick cannot, with a safe conscience be exercised by any Divine who hath the cure of soules. Nor doe the cited ex­amples move me a whit. As for Marsi­lius Ficinus, he was a man more wittie than learned in Physick, a busie man, nor doth his bookes of Physick argue a­ny depth of knowledge in that art, and he busies himselfe more about trifles, and dreames of the Platonists, than a­bout serious matters. And as for Trusta­nus, he grew weary of practising Phy­sick, and therefore relinquished it utter­ly, and put on a Monks hood. So like­wise Arrias Montanus left Surgery, and medled no more with it. And the order of the Decree is cleare in this point in divers places. In generall it forbids Ecclesiasticall persons all nego­tiations, especially for lucre sake, which withdraw them from their sacred fun­ctions. The De­crees of the Church concerning Ministers that med­dle in Physick. They that in the Church of God are preferred to the order of Clerkes, let them in no case be diverted from divine admi­nistration, nor let them be distracted with cares and Secular affaires, but let them serve day and night in heavenly and spiri­tuall matters. And a little after it gives [Page 16]the reason. Because no man warring for God doth entangle himselfe also in Secular affaires. And in another place. Let the Laickes who have more leasure doe these workes one for another. But in particular concerning Physick in another place, speaking of the malice of Satan, &c. Namely thence it is, that transforming him­selfe after his wonted manner into an An­gell of light, under pretence of consulting for the feeble bodies of their brethren, and of managing their Church businesse more faithfully, he perswades some regular per­sons to read the Lawes, and to weigh out Physicall confections, and so drawes them out of their Cloysters. Therefore lest by occasion of their knowledge therein, Spiri­tuall men be aga ne involved in mundane affaires, Wee make a decree, that no man after a Vow of Religion, and religious pro­fession made in some place, be permitted to go forth to read Physick, or the humane Lawes: but if they shall goe forth, and re­turne not to their cloyster within the space of two moneths, that they be avoyded of all men as excommunicate persons, &c. Where it teacheth that religious persons under pretence of Charitie and Pietie ought not to meddle in Physick, & that it doth proceed from the Devill, the Arch ene­my [Page 17]of Mankind, if at any time religious persons employ their studies in Physick. But more cleare is the Councell of Yours related in the same place. Cap. 10. Against re­ligious persons going out of their cloysters to heare Law or Physick Lectures; Alexan­der our Predecessour made a Decree formerly in the Councell of Tours, that except they return to their Cloyster within the space of two moneths, they should be avoyded of all men as excommunicate persons, and in no case he heard, if they would plead: And being returned, that they be the lowest of all the brethren in the Assemblies, at the Table, and in the Convocation house, and unlesse by the mercy of the Apostolicall chaire, to lose all hope of preferment. But because some of these, through the different opi­nions of some men, were excused, and found indulgence: We willing that for the future they doe ipso facto incurre the sen­tence of Excommunication, do straitly charg and command, to the end, that as well by the Diocesants, and in their Consistories, as by the Bishops in whose Diocesses they study, such excommunicate persons be publiquely pronounced lyable to the aforesayd penalties. And because we desire that the study of Di­vinitie may be enlarged, that the place of its Pavilion being dilated, it may be fur­ther [Page 18]propagated, that the Catholick Faith may be environed with an impregnable wall of warriours, which may be able to resist those that oppose it, We will and command, that this be extended to all Archdeacons, Dea­cons, Provosts, singing men, and others that have Ecclesiasticall livings, moreover Parish-priests (unlesse they desist within, the time limited) and that in the name sub­scribed it be firmly observed. And in the ninth Chapter it is forbidden, that any Subdeacon, Deacon, or Priest, exercise any part of Surgery, which concernes burning or incision, which notwithstan­ding is the easiest part of Surgery, as to let blood, &c. But if these easie things be forbidden, without doubt it much rather comprehends harder matters. But our Ministers that practise Physick more adventurously than is fitting, intruding it upon the people under covert of counterfeit Piety, will perhaps, but lightly esteem of the censure of the old Church; wherefore I leave them to the judgement of GOD, to whom one day they must be accountable for all their words and works.

Chap. V. Of Women that meddle in Physick and Surgery.

HAving taken upon me to point out some Errours of the people, or at least the common Errours of many, I have willingly favoured Church-men (as much as I could possibly) so I re­solve also concerning Women. For it is not a thing of such consequence, nor ought any Physician of note, or Sur­geon to think worse of Women, which are borne for the care and service of men, if they doe their whole endeavour for the good of Mankinde; for they know how to make a bed well, boyle pottage, cullices, barley broth, make Almond milke, and they know many remedies for sundry diseases. But they especially are busied about Surgery, and that part chiefly which concernes the cure of Tumours and Ulcers: Not­withstanding the cure of Ulcers and Wounds doth require very much art; The cure of Ulcers and Tu­mours re­quire much ar [...]. as first all their differences must bee known, to wit, whether it be a simple Wound, or corroding, contused, with putrefaction of the bone, corrupt, can­crous, fistulous, &c. Then the variety [Page 20]of remedies and circumstances in cu­ring, makes the art to be fallacious, un­certaine and conjecturall. All which things, seeing they cannot be known but by a skilfull Physician, women ought not so rashly and adventurously to in­termeddle with them. Againe, they usually take their remedies out of Eng­lish bookes, or else make use of such as are communicated to them by others, and then they think they have rare re­medies for all diseases. But Galen in his bookes of Method, The neces­sity of the altering of remedies makes the art more difficult. teaches that remedies are to bee altered according to the person, place, part affected, and other circumstances; for in some a deterging Medicine will draw unto suppuration, as Frankincense; in others the same re­medy will generate flesh, and Galen gives an example of a Surgeon, who in an Ul­cer where hee saw great putrefaction, did daily apply a strong deterger, viz. Verdigrease, and the oftner he did so, by so much the more did the putrefa­ction encrease, because the remedy was stronger than the disease. The same malady in different parts re­quires a different cure. The same Ulcer in the Legge doth require a diffe­rent remedy from that in the breast, or another part, because of the diverse na­ture of the parts. If therefore they un­derstand [Page 21]well all the differences and causes of ulcers, as also a right method, and a right use of suppurating, deter­ging, flesh-generating, and cicatrizing medicines, and the reason of varying them according to the nature of the parts, ages, temperaments, and other circumstances, I will easily believe that they may be able to exercise this Art. But seeing that these things cannot bee attained unto without much labour and study, I can scarce be brought to be­lieve that they are able to understand, or performe what they promise. But because a Physician ought to be but lit­tle solicitous, who, and how many they be that practise Physick, we will say no more of Women, it sufficeth that wee have manifested their errours to the people: Therefore we will speake a lit­tle concerning others.

CHAP. VI. Of Mountibanks.

THere is another sort of men sprung up for a mocking-stock of art, which call themselves Empyricks, the English and Italians call them Mounti­banks; the French Chartalans, or Cere­tans; one of which called England his [Page 22]best Nurse. And it is a wonderfull thing that many should be so wary in the choise of Physicians, that if a Physician settle in some place, they dare not of a long time commit themselves unto him, and yet they presently trust themselves to a Mountibank, that comes to stay but afew weeks, & (as I have often observed) men of the meanest rank, that plead po­verty to Physicians, can finde money enough to give to these Mountibanks.

First of all it is to be noted, 1 that in o­ther parts of the World they are men of no esteem; Mounti­banks not capable of honour in forraine Countries. and although they grow rich, yet they are not capable of any ho­nour in the Common-wealth; but if they travail the Country here, they are accounted in great honour, and are sometimes equallized with Physicians, and are taken for a certain sort of Phy­sicians. Secondly, it is to be noted, that though they call themselvs Empyricks, 2 yet they are not. Empy­ricks in former times were learned men. For the Empyricks in times past were very learned and skil­full men, whom Galen in one place ac­knowledgeth to have been his Masters, and they understood very well, not on­ly the remedies, but also the rules of Physick, the diagnostick and progno­stick signes of diseases, and they fol­lowed [Page 23]a certain method, or rather an order in curing, but did not search out the causes of diseases, nor the reason of the rules of Physick. It sufficed them that these things were observed of old, either of the Ancients, or of themselves. If we had such Empyricks, they might be very well endured: For even Physi­cians do not disdain Empyrie (the dog­maticall part of Physick comprehending it.) But they have moreover added hereunto the reason, and knowledge of causes, not that they may absolutely cure, but that they may more certain­ly cure. Mounti­banks are sar from the learn­ing of the ancient Empiricks But our Mountibanks now a dayes doe shew forth their tricks upon the Stage, and far are they from being Empyricks, for they know nothing but 3 or 4 remedies. If they had remedies for the Leprosie, Gowt, quartane A­gue, and other such grievous diseases, seeing the successe, we would commend their experiments. But not any one of them, in Italy, France, and England, have more then three sorts of remedies; that is, the Antidote against poysons; the Balsame for wounds; and the Oyntment for burnings, They sell the com­mon re­medies at a dear rate. to which sometimes they adde a perfumed ball; and the common purging remedies which they buy at [Page 24]home of the Apothecaries, do they sell at a very high rate. Something I intend to speak touching these remedies, with this proviso, that I exempt from their rank those manuall Operatists, that cut for the Stone, whom Hippocrates calls [...], as also such as couch the Cata­ract, and those that cut for the Bup­ture, for they are lawfull Artificers, al­though also some of the Mountibanks that wander about England, dare like­wise to attempt the same.

CHAP. VII. Of the Mountibanks Antidote.

THeir principall and most highly extolled remedy is against poy­sons, of which they promise wonders. But first we will demonstrate the un­profitablenesse; secondly the abuse; and thirdly the facility of that remedy.

The unprofitablenesse consists in this, The Mounti­banks An­tidote is of little or no use. that of all the diseases which happen to mans body, those that proceed from poyson, either applyed outwardly, or taken inwardly, are most rare with us; therefore there is no great need of that remedy; but if they had medicines for the more ordinary diseases, as the le­prosie, and the gowt, they might be en­dured. [Page 25]Besides there is no part of Phy­sick, which doth more abound with remedies, then that which treats of poysons. For if any man read the books of them that have gathered to­gether the descriptions of remedies, what a number, and variety of them shall he finde, in Wekerus, Andernacus, and others that have set forth whole treatises concerning poysons. More­over there is no remedy that can resist all poysons: Yea, I dare be bold to say, that a draught of Cowes milk can doe more against Arfenick and Sublimate, which are the most formidable poysons to us, than all the Antidotes of the Mountibanks. There are also many things much better then theirs to bee had in Apothecaries Shops, as that an­cient, and in all ages well approved Tri­acle of Andromachus, as also the Mithri­date of Damocrates, and Matthiolus his Antidote, which containes in it almost all the Simples which serve for this pur­pose. Againe, it is an easie thing for any Physician that knowes the matter of Physick, and the art of compounding medicaments, presently to prescribe such things. For first it is to be noted, that these medicaments are not taken [Page 26]out of those things that doe resist all sorts of poysons; for neither but­ter, nor milk, nor oyle, or other things which resist Arsenick, and Corrosives, are ingredients in their Antidote, but they are selected out of the medicinall matter of Cordials; to wit, they would only have the heart to be defended a­gainst the malignity of the drugge, and not the violence of the drugge it selfe to be repressed. As some learned Phy­sicians write, that the poyson of the plague is of such a nature, that its proper Antidote is not yet found out. There­fore whatsoever things are prescribed a­gainst the pestilentiall venome, they doe only corroborate the heart against the force of the morbificall cause. Hence the deceitfulnesse of the Mountibanks Antidote may be observed, and that it is not universall, as they report. Any man may conjecture the same by the price; for how can they defray the ex­pences of their companions, and of their journeyes, which are many times very chargeable, if the Antidote were of any price, A way to try the vertue of the Anti­dote. which (as I have often observed) with the oyntment and balsame, they sell but for twelve pence. That the ef­ficacie of it may be proved (for here is [Page 27]a very grosse deceit, in that they doe u­sually fore-arme themselves with the Antidotes of the Shops against the vi­olence of the poyson) this caution should be observed. Let a dog be kept a whole night without meat and drink, and let neither milk, nor any fat thing, which may abate the strength of the poyson, be given him in the morning, but give him some Arsenick, and after he hath taken it, let him have as much of the Antidote as the Mountibank pleases, and so the efficacie of the re­medy shall be sufficiently proved. The same may be said concerning men, for they make experiment of the poyson upon themselves, and take it in the presence of the people. If they will take the poyson with the fore-named cautions, having seen the effect, wee will commend the remedy. But they shew themselves upon the Stage for the most part after noon, after meat, and after the use of fat things, and such as doe asswage the force of it, as milk, and perhaps of Antidotes. For meat, especially that which is fat, and milk, doe strengthen the stomack, and weak­en the poyson; therefore it is no won­der if they doe then take it more bold­ly, [Page 28]which soon after they vomit forth at home, and so all comes to nothing.

There is another experiment of theirs, which the people doe very much admire, The Mountibank will apply a Viper to his breast, A deceit in their applicatiō of the viper. about the left pap, and taking the Antidote will feele no harm. At this the people stand ama­zed, the very naming of it is wonder­full. But here is a manifold deceit. For First, 1 as Matthiolus saith, these fellowes have sundry wayes to tame their vipers and serpents. 2 Secondly, the vipers in England, in respect of the temperature of the aire, are not so venemous as they are in hot Countries. Therefore Galen gives strict charge, that in the compo­sition of triacle the vipers be not ta­ken in the height of Summer, which with them is excessively hot, for then are they most full of venome; but with us the vipers are lesse venemous by much, whose height of summer is not e­quivalent to the spring-time of the Ita­lians. 3 Thirdly, the people is deceived in thinking that the force of the Venome is sooner communicated to the heart, if the venemous creature be applyed to the breast, because of the nearenesse of the heart. But that is false; for the ve­nome [Page 29]is carried by the Veines and Arte­ries, as appeares in that all the blood of them that have been bitten by a Viper doth turne into a pale greennesse. And seeing that the veines in the papps, are so very slender, and doe not come unto the heart, but with a great many long windings, I affirme, and it is more pro­bable, that if the Viper be applyed to the feet, which are farthest remote from the heart, it will sooner infect the heart, than if to the paps, but soonest of all if it be applyed to the armes. Cleopatra applyed the viper to her arme. And now the story of Cleopatra comes to my minde. Petrus Victorius blames the Painters, that paint Cleopatra applying the Aspe to her paps, seeing it is manifest out of Plutarch in the life of Antonius, and out of Plinie likewise, that she ap­plyed it to her arme. Zonaras relates that there appeared no signe of death upon her, save two blew spots on her arme. Caesar also in her statue which he carryed in triumph, applyed the Aspe to her arme. For in the armes there are great Veines and Arteries, which doe quickly and in a straight way convey the venome to the heart, whereas in the paps the vessels are slender, which by sundry circumvolutions onely do lead [Page 30]to the heart. And therefore in Saint Paul the miracle was so much the grea­ter, in that he felt no harme from the Viper, which layd hold on his hand; for if it had assailed him on his breast, he had had respite enough to take some Antidote, which on his hand he could not doe.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Balsame and Ointment of the Mountibankes.

THey seeme also to doe wonders in curing wounds by the help of their Balsame. They cure onely greene wounds with their ointment. Where it is to be noted, that they cure onely simple wounds, for which union alone is sufficient without a future, therefore in old Wounds their Balsame is nothing worth. But this cure is not very hard; for oftentimes onely binding up doth suffice for the cure of such simple and green wounds, Nature it selfe, by the meanes of the blood, as with the Balsame uniting the divided parts. Besides, there are many remedies of that nature to be found in Authours, whereof two excellent ones are prescri­bed by Riolanus. The very same also is described by Fabritius ab Aquapenden­te, as may be seen in his workes, and is [Page 31]extant in the last print of London Phar­macopoëa. That the people may know that there is nothing admirable in those remedies of theirs, nothing that Physi­cians and Surgeons cannot doe much better.

They have likewise an Ointment for burnings, Their oyntment for burns. for the most part made of Po­matum, or butter washt in Vinegar, with the salt of Leade. Their de­ceit in washing with fla­ming oyle or leade. But because some of them proceed so farre, that they wash their hands in boyling Oyle, or melted Leade, something must be sayd of that likewise, lest the people thinke that these things be unknown to Physicians. Albertus Magnus hath sundry wayes of doing it. First he takes Fish glew, and A­lome, of each a like quantity, let them bee powred (saith he) upon Wine-Vineger, and annoint any thing with this oyntment, and it shall not be burned with fire. Secondly, take Lime quenched with the water of beanes, and a little Mandrake, and Marsh-Mallowes, mixe them well, and annoint thy hand, and let it dry, it is of that ver­tue, that a man may touch fire therewith, and not be hurt. Thirdly, take the juice of Marshmallow, the white of an Egge, the seed of Fleabane, Lime, and the juice of a Radid, mixe them with the white of the [Page 32]Egge, and with this confection annoint thy hand, and the fire shall not hurt thee, not though thou shouldest kindle naturall brim­stone upon thy hand. Cardanus reports, that if one wash his hands in his owne u­rine, the fire shall not hurt him. There are many other things, which by their clammy and cold substance doe shedde all over the hands, that Leade, or Oyle, or any hot thing cannot make an impres­sion thereon, but it presently slides off; otherwise if it should abide on, it would without doubt burne at length. Let us adde to this the authority of Andreas Laurentius that famous Physician. They that touch live coales (saith he) without hurt, doe first annoint their hands with cer­taine Juices, wherewith they defend them­selves from the fire for a little space. In the white of an Egge (sayes Plinie) there is such force that wood besmeared therewith cannot be burned; and wood annointed with Alome remaines unconquered of the fire; an experiment of which did Archelaus a Captain of Mithridates make in a woodden Towre against Sylla, which in vaine he en­deavoured to set on fire. The clammy juices of Marshmallow, common Mallow, Purselane, and Mercury, prevaile against the sire: And therefore Albertus writes, if [Page 33]one anoint his hands with the juyce of Marsh Mallow, the white of an egge, and dlume dissolved in vineger, he may handle fire without hurt. If one wash his hands in quick silver, quenched in vineger, with the white of an egge, he cannot be hurt by the fire. Their deceit in drinking of poyson. They that drinke poyson in the sight and presence of the common people, do first as it were parget the inward tunicles of the stomack with oyle and butter, or else use preservatives against poyson; thus doe these Impostors blinde the eyes of the igno­rant. Thus Laurentius. But because these Mountibanks doe sell their reme­dies at a low rate, and they seldome or never come into use, though they be bought, and do not hurt Physicians, we will say no more of them.

CHAP. IX. Of them that call themselves professors of Paracelsus his Art.

THis makes me call to minde, that I have seene at London the Tables of some that professe the Paracelsian art, and they make promise of great mat­ters, which they have learned by tra­vailing, when notwithstanding an in­dustrious man may fish out more at home by the diligent reading of books. [Page 34]But these men do cloak their wiles with Paracelsus his name, whose books perhaps they never read, much lesse (which I verily believe) understood; for truly never any man was an absolute follower of Paracelsus. At length the matter is come to this, that these men either are, or would bee accounted Chymists. Therefore in few words I will lay open the difference betweene a Paracelsian and a Chymist. The diffe­rence be­twixt a Paracelsi­an and a Chymist.

Chynerstry is not an art of its owne kinde, but meerly a preparation of me­dieaments, and therefore in proper speaking belongs to that part of Phy­sick called Pharmacie, and so ought not to be treated of but in Pharmacie. Chymistry before Paracelsus It was not at first invented by Paracelsus, but was practised many ages before him, by Raimundus Lullius, Villanovanus, and many others, whose many excellent Chymicall remedies, waters, quintes­sences, distilled Balsames, and the like we have, who notwithstanding that, did professe the same art with the Ga­lenists, Therefore Physicians doe not dislike that chymicall preparation of of remedies, although under that title doe Iurk many deceits, and almost all Impostors with this cloak doe hide and [Page 35]cover all their knaveries. And the Pa­celsian Sect, although it doth more fre­quently use chymicall remedies, yet doth it not reject such as are prepared after the vulgar way, which is called Galens forme, as may be seen in many places in Paracelsus, and in his counsels, wherein he often makes use of remedies not chymically prepared; yea some­times he uses them without any manner of preparation; only mixed diversly one with another. So as concerning this part of physick, which belongs to the preparation of medicines, Paracelsus seems not to have affected one more then the other. Neverthelesse he endea­vors to overturn Galens method of phy­sick, and brings in a new Physiologie of his own: he tels many strange things of the beginnings of things, and mans ge­neration, produces new causes of disea­ses, which is his Pathologie, Paracelsus a conjurer and a new method of curing, in which he spares neither spirits, nor words, nor conju­ring tricks, for he teaches that diseases ought to be cured by any art whatsoe­ver, whether by the help of Devils, or of naturall meanes; whether the reme­dies be chymically prepared or no. For indeed Paracelsus was a Magician, as ap­peares [Page 36]in many of his workes. But in re­gard that art is long and hard to be un­derstood, they shall scarce perswade me that they are Paracelsians. As for those things which Petrus Severinus, Danus, Quercetanus, and others have written of this art, they are not of Paracelsus, but the meere figments of foolish men. But enough of them.

CHAP. X. That a Physician ought to be skilfull in Surgery.

I Know not how it comes to passe, that men doe more easily give credit to a Surgeon practising Physick, than to a Physician professing Surgery. For in many places Surgeons are wont to arro­gate to themselves the function and of­fice of Physicians. A physi­cian ought to bee knowing in surgery That a Physician ought to bee skilfull in Surgery, I shall easily shew. But first this is to bee di­stinguished as it is in it selfe, from what it is become by the use, or rather abuse of this age. There are three parts of the curing part of physick: One is that which cureth by Diet; the second by Medicines; the third is that which cu­res by the hand: They are called Diet, Pharmaeie, and Surgery. All disea­ses [Page 37]for the most part have need of these three. In a burning Feavor, which by generall consent belongs to Physicians, the chiefest remedy is letting of blood, yet this belongs to Surgery. The same may be sayd of other diseases. In Tu­mours praeternaturall, and Ulcers which are thought to belong to Surgeons, Pur­ging, and the manner of Diet, without which they cannot be cured, doe con­cerne Pharmacie and Dyet, and so do be­long to the Physician, not to the Sur­geon. There is almost no disease in­ward or outward, which doth not re­quire the Surgeons art, and the physi­cians also. Surgery is a part of physick. Here I speak according to the opinion of the Vulgar, who distin­guish physick from surgery, when in­deed surgery is a part of physick. What­soever is done by the hand is Chyrur­gicall, therefore in proper speaking on­ly manuall operations doe make a Sur­geon. And so it was of old; but now adaies it is farre otherwise. For now Surgery doth challenge unto it selfe five kindes of diseases; to wit, Tumours be­sides Nature, Wounds, Ulcers, Dislo­cations, and Fractures; whereof the three first in proper right belong to a physicall consideration, and in them a [Page 38]formall method of curing is very conspi­cuous. Therefore Galen beginnes his Method of healing with the cures of Ul­cers, and ends it in the cure of Tu­mours. And although in times past surgeons were different from physicians, yet they did never vindicate to them­selves these parts of physick. That they doe belong to a physicall notion it will appeare, if we consider, that these dis­eases doe not onely happen to the ex­ternall, but to the internall parts like­wise. Tumours besides Nature of all sorts, may be in the internall parts, the Frensie is a phlegman or erysipelas of the Braine, the Plurisie is a phlegman or erysipelas of the Membrane that co­vereth the Ribbes; as also the Liver and Spleene may be troubled with a phleg­man, erysipelas, or a schyrrous Tu­mour. In like manner Ulcers of all sorts doe happen in all the internall parts of the body, among which notable is that in the breast, which we call the Con­sumption. They that have written Tractates of Surgery, doe treate of Ul­cers and Tumours, without the deter­mination of any part. Now if a physi­cian know not the generall way of cu­ring Ulcers and Tumours, nor their dif­ferences, [Page 39]causes, signes, and progno­sticks, how shall he be able to cure those that arise in the inward parts. It is needfull then that he know those things. But if he know them, & that better many times than the Surgeon himselfe, Not im­proper for a physici­an to practise surgery. in respect of his learning, which now a daies is not desired in a Surgeon, why shall he not practise Surgery, after the same man­ner that he doth physick, to wit, by prescribing, not by applying remedies? Hence is it, that whosoever have writ­ten any thing of Surgery worthy of praise, from Hippocrates his time unto this our age, have been alwaies physici­ans, except a few late writers, who have presented nothing to us, but what wee had before. Yea a physician had need to be skillfull in that part which concernes chyrurgicall operations, because with­out the advise of a physician, the Surge­on himselfe ought not to meddle with those Chyrurgicall operations, as is usu­ally observed in many countries beyond the seas. And in some countries no man doth practise Surgery, but he that is doctour of physick, which is a very good and laudable custome.

CHAP. XI. Whether a Physician may make up his own Medicines, or no.

FUrthermore, a physician ought espe­cially to be skilfull in * Pharmacie, The art of curing by medicines which consists in choice, preparation, and composition of simple Medica­ments. For now adayes many of our A­pothecaries are to seeke in this point, being altogether ignorant of the opera­tions that belong thereunto, and yet are so bold, that they dare practise phy­sick, because when they have ser­ved their Apprentiship, perhaps under a Master ignorant enough too, they thinke well of themselves, and if they have reserved some of the physicians Bills, they use them too boldly. But some thinke it a thing unbeseeming the dignitie of a physician, to prepare his Medicines, and that Apothecaries were therefore ordained by publique authority, that they might ease physi­cians of that labour. This custome hath been in force ever since * Galens time. 7. de med. secundum locos, cap. 3. And Horace in his Satyres makes men­tion of Pamphilus an Apothecary. [...] ejusdem. The same * Galen doth distinguish a physician [Page 41]from Herbarists, such as let blood, those that make or sell sweet ointments, and others whom hee calls a physicians ser­vants. Neverthelesse that in times past physicians have compounded their owne Medicines, the history of Philip, King Alexanders physician, doth suffi­ciently manifest. Galen himselfe made a Triacle: Pachius an * Hiera. A purging medicine. Hora­tius Augenius doth highly commend that physician which makes up his own Medicaments. Plantius in the life of Fernel reports, that that great physician was wont with his own hands to com­pound his Remedies. Therefore, I thinke times and places are to bee di­stinguished; for Galen did not com­pound at Rome, because there were there Workmen for that purpose, one­ly at Pergamus hee did. For whereas at first of old physicians did performe both themselves; at length for the multitude of patients, they left that care to their servants, as now adaies Apothecaries doe commit it to their servants, and Apprentices, and so by little and little it became a profes­sion of its owne kinde. Yet no­thing hinders, but physicians, when they please, may prepare their own remedies. [Page 42]And that it is not unbeseeming a phy­sician, Physicians may make up their owne me­dicines. not only the forenamed exam­ples, but even reason it selfe doth illu­strate. For remedies doe cure without a physician, but not a physician without remedies; therefore the nature of re­medies is more excellent then the phy­sician: wherefore it is no disgrace for the physician, who is only a Minister of nature, to prepare and compound them. But because something must be yielded to place and custome, which hath dif­ferenced Apothecaries from physicians, the Physician will have nothing for sale, but he may compound some speciall me­dicines for himselfe, the rest are to be committed to the care of the honest and diligent Apothecary.

CHAP. XII. Of them that are thought to have some secrets.

NOw because nothing is perfect in every respect, it may so fall out, that common remedies, and they per­haps ridiculous ones, may be extolled by many for great secrets, which they will reveale to no man, and wisely done too, because they have nothing that is wor­thy [Page 43]the name of a secret. Therefore let us say something of these secrets, for they that professe themselves to have them, may easily obtrude them upon the peo­ple, and if any man should lay claime to a common remedy, knowne to all, as proper to himselfe, he shall scarce be convicted of a lye. 1 Therefore in the first place it is to be considered, 3 things necessary to the curing of diseases. that there is necessary unto a cure, the know­ledg of the disease, the method of heal­ing, and the use of indications, without which no remedy can be applyed. For remedies are the finger of God, but as a sword in the hand of a mad man, they are good indeed to him that uses them aright, but dangerous, being administred by him that neither knowes well the disease, nor the method of curing. 2 Se­condly, the diseases being found out, the physician ought to know the matter of remedies, and the method of compoun­ding, that he may answer the Indicati­ons. If he know well these 4 things, the disease, the method of curing, the matter of remedies, and manner of com­pounding, he needs not these secrets, for he is able to prescribe as good re­medies, yea perhaps better then those secrets are, which are so highly boasted [Page 44]of. I have read a story of Gapivaccius, in the Epistles of Scholtius, who being intreated by the Germanes to commu­nicate his secrets, answered very well, read my practise, and you shall finde my secrets; in which book there is no secret, no hidden thing at all. I re­member I have heard Varandaeus, the Kings professour in the Universitie of Monspelier, The best remedies are such as are no secrets. say, that those remedies are the best which are no secrets, but best knowne, as being confirmed with more certain experience, and he said truly. But let us now pry into the nature of secrets: they are either simple, or com­pounded. I confesse indeed all the ver­tues of simples are not yet perfectly known, as yet many lye hid. If there­fore any man hath found out by expe­rience the vertue of some simple medi­cament, What is properly to be cal­led a secret not yet known, that increase of art is to be commended, and deserves to be called a secret; as he that first found out the vomiting vertue of An­timony; he that invented the compoun­ding, and found out the efficacie of gunpowder; he that first brought Jalap into use, had secrets greatly to be com­mended; such as these, if any man have, he is worthy of commendation, and I [Page 45]think no other secrets are to be admit­ted. For those that are compounded of the ordinary matter of simples, as usually they are, albeit a physician doe keep them to himself, and desire not that they be known, yet they are not to be called secrets, for any learned and skilfull physician can at his plea­sure make the like of present materials. And therefore I have observed that no man is more unhappy than those phy­sicians, that note their medicines out of books; and many ignorant fellows we see doe cunningly conceale their remedies, lest if they should become known to other physicians, they should be laughed at. Hence it appeares how much many, both men and women here in England are beguiled, where all do busie themselves in gathering receits, (as they call them) when oftentimes those remedies are of no worth at all, and did at the first come from some physician, who himselfe had nothing that was secret. And what though they be good, yet they are not, nor ought to be called secrets. For as good, yea and farre better remedies can a learned and skilfull physician provide out of the matter of physick diversly temper­ed, [Page 18]as different words are made out of the letters diversly joyned. I once met with a man that had a receit of a purge, which (as he said) a very learned phy­sician lately dead had given him, which I perusing, I could not hold from laugh­ter at the foolishnesse of the composi­tion; he made it up for his Wife, but all in vaine. I perswaded him to give it to the Apothecary, and that he should give her but the third part, wherewith shee was sufficiently and abundantly purged. And I knew a Gentleman that accounted Electuarium Lenitivum to be a great secret, who told me hee paid twenty pound for the receit. Others I know, who have the pils of amber, aqua mirabilis, and many other such reme­dies, which are to be had in every Apothecaries Shop, and yet they ac­count them as great secrets. So I have knowne others keep for precious se­crets, the descriptions of Diet drinks, which many times they believe to be more efficacious, then those that are prescribed by physicians, although the matter is far otherwise.

CHAP. XIII. Of Physicians that are thought to be lucky and fortunate.

Many of them that practise physick, although sometimes they are not thought to be so learned, yet they are esteemed by the people to be fortunate and lucky. Indeed some of them are very fortunate, to heape together so great riches, by an art which they doe not well understand. But they are un­fortunate that trust to them; for by art, and not by fortune, are diseases cu­red; forasmuch as to the cure of dis­cases, there ought to precede a certain understanding and fore-knowledge of them, and their Symptomes; how can it be, that he that is but lightly tin­ctured with the knowledge of them, can ever performe a good cure, but that after the manner of the They were a sort of people who were wont to fightblind­folded. Andabatae, he wrestles with diseases. It may so fall out, that he may meet with diseases very easie to be cured, which nature it selfe is able to overcome without the help of physick; of which, if a Physici­an be but a spectator, they will be cu­red, and then he is a fortunate physi­cian to whom such a thing doth happen. [Page 48]It may fall uut also that he may be sent for in the declination of the disease, or after the principall remedies have been administred by another more able. Aristotle calls fortune an accidentall cause of those things that are done. Now diseases are cured by a due ad­ministration of remedies, which due administration doth not depend upon fortune, but on the learning and judg­ment of the physician. Tis a right admini­stration of remedies, not fortune that cures diseases. Otherwise, he that useth a remedy, and hath not a sufficient knowledge of the Art, un­doubtedly he aimes like a blinde man at a mark, which if he hit, it is meerly hap-hazard; from whence it comes to passe many times, that such men, by their unskilfull application of reme­dies, make diseases, otherwise easie to be cured, to become a great deal worse. Hippocrates sayes well; Lib. de locis in ho­mine. If the remedies of diseases be certaine, what need is there of fortune, otherwise as well remedies, as those that are no remedies, being exhibi­ted with fortune, will doe good. But some man will say, that which we call fortune, is none other then the pro­vidence of God, which directs the Phy­sicians remedies, though he be not ve­ry learned, to the health of man. But [Page 49]that is not enough; for though all things depend upon Gods blessing, and are to be expected from thence, yet he doth not use to worke immediately, but by the use of remedies. For the most high from Heaven hath created physick; and he saith, that an honest, learned, and faithfull Physician is to be honoured. So that it is not usuall with him to give a blessing to naughty remedies, ignorantly, and unseasonably admini­stred. But on the contrary, if any phy­sician, whether a good man, or bad, know well the nature of remedies and diseases, Gods cove­nant with nature. and administer every thing discreetly, that is, in due place, time, order, and according to the rules of art, a happy event is to be hoped for, and God is wont to blesse such meanes, in regard of the covenant which he hath made with nature. Otherwise, al­though one should mis-apply remedies, if yet a happy successe were to be expe­cted, what a miracle would it be, if bad meanes, which naturally cannot attain to the end propounded, besides the or­der ordained by God in nature, by his immediate benediction, should notwith­standing be directed to the right aime? Although God can doe this when hee [Page 46]pleases, yet he is not wont to worke such miracles, or but very seldome, to his owne greater glory. Therefore wee conclude, that fortune is rather estee­med so in the opinion of the common people, and so it doth often happen, or else because the diseases in their owne nature tend unto health, though per­haps somtimes at the first view they may seeme dangerous; and such men are wont sometimes to say, that diseases are a great deale worse then they are, that the cure may procure to themselves a greater name, or if death ensue, it may be also knowne, that they foresaw it, and that the report may be, that the sick dyed not by the default of the Physici­an, but through the greatnesse of the disease. Besides they often times pre­scribe many unprofitable remedies for the curing of a very light disease, as if it were an exceeding dangerous one, to the great hurt of the patient, who often­times might better endure the disease then the remedie.

CHAP. XIIII Of Physicians which are thought to be men of experience.

THere are some, who though they be not esteemed so learned, yet be­cause they have been a long time practi­tioners in this art, are thought to have gained a great deale of experience, and therfore the people doe sometimes more freely give credit to them then to others, yea though they be but surgeons, or A­pothecaries. Experience indeed is very commendable, and exceeding conveni­nient for all that practise physick. Without learning experience hard to be gotten. Ne­verthelesse unlesse a man be learned and juditious, it is a very hard thing to ac­quire it. In so much as it is an ordinary thing to see men, that have practised physick a good space of time, to have notwithstanding no certaine experience of any thing. Now experience is nothing else then the remembrance and observa­tion of that which is often wont to happen after the same manner. Thus have the vertues of Medicaments beene found out, as onely experience teacheth that Agarick purges fleame, and Rubarb choler. But this not sufficient for the dis­charge of a cure; for besides this, expe­rience [Page 52]is imployed about the nature and signes of diseases, and order of curing. And therefore experience alone without learning and reason is uncertaine, and meerely conjecturall. For he that knowes that Rubarbe purges choler, is notwith­standing ignorant when, to whom, and in what disease it is profitable, except he be a learned and skilfull Physitian. And therefore Hippocrates said well, that it is a dangerous thing to make an experi­ment, in respect of the noblenesse of the subject, to wit, mans body. All that write of the matter of Physick, doe teach that Frankincense doth generate flesh; but Galen sayes, that in respect of the na­ture of the parts, the vertues thereof are diverse, that in one part it drawes unto suppuration, in another it is mundifying. The same Galen writes, that a certaine Empyrick had a mundifying plaister, which he applyed to an ulcer, and when every day the ulcer became more and more putred, he alwaies used a stronger, and so the ulcer became alwaies worse and worse; now seeing hee did not un­derstand the reason of this, but onely knew the force of the remedie, it was no wonder, if he was frustrate of his end. Therefore men should not trust to those [Page 53]Physitians, which being ill practised from the beginning, are onely busie a­bout remedies, neglecting the other parts of Physick; and it is sure enough such can never be experienced men, seeing that the experience of a Physician must be extended not onely to the remedies, but to all other things which concerne the right administration of them. It is also certaine, that a learned and well grounded Physician, when he doth ad­dresse himselfe to the exercise of his art, will get more experience in one yeare, then any unlearned fellow in a whole age. Which that the people may the bet­ter know, to wit, that experience can­not be gained but by a skilfull and lear­ned man: let them consider, Experi­ence got­ten two waies. that it is gotten two manner of wayes, either by history, when we give credit to other mens experience, following those things which they have proved, Ones owne sight and view. and this ex­perience any man may acquire by stu­die: or by * autopsie, when by our ob­servation, wee get a certaine knowledge of things. Many things re­quisite to the gaining of experi­ence. The former without this hath noe certainty in it. Now that we may gaine experience, many conditions are requisite.

First, 1 the same thing ought to be ob­served [Page 54]not in one man onely, but in ma­ny; for one Swallow makes no Summer, as we said before of Frankincense, which is not sarcoticall in all, but according to the diversitie of parts and tempera­ments hath sundry vertues.

Secondly, 2 those things that be in act must be distinguished from those that be in power such, as also those things which act by themselves, from those that act by accident onely.

Thirdly, 3 the application of the remedy ought to be made in a certaine or deter­minate individuall of some species, be­cause what is poyson to one, may bee meat to another, and therefore because I speake here of experience which is made in mans body, I suppose remedies to be applyed to it alone. Therefore they should first be applied to a tempe­rate, then to an intemperate, then to a sick man: so that hee that makes an experiment, ought to know the consti­tution.

Fourthly, 4 in the sick partie the disease ought to be considered, whether it bee simple, or compound, for experience must be made in a simple affect, not in compound, and therefore an exact knowledge of diseases also is necessary. [Page 55]For if there should be a Fever, with an obstruction of the bowels, and it bee cured by medicaments, it is not yet manifest whether they were hot or cold, whether they cured the obstruction or the Feaver first.

Fiftly, the Medicament whose vertues we would experience, 5 is to be exhibited alone; for by composition the vertue is altered. Spirit of Vitrioll is excee­ding hot, which neverthelesse we use to coole hot Feavers, but mixed with o­ther things; hence it comes to passe that they that note compound remedies out of other mens bookes, attaine to no experience at all.

Sixthly, in remedies these things ought to be considered, substance, 6 quan­titie, qualitie, age, the place of birth, the goodnesse of the remedy, and the time of using it; for all these things doe alter the vertue of Medicaments. From all which it doth appeare, that certain experience cannot be acquired, but by a learned, skilfull, and judicious man.

CHAP. XV. Of many that peepe into Ʋrines, handle pulses, and prescribe purges.

HAving already spoken of divers sorts of men that practise physick, it will not be amisse to point out the errour common to them all; for they observe the beating of the Arteries, peepe into Urines, and prescribe purges. Yea silly women doe it. And who is able to refraine from laughter, when he sees women feele the pulse. Where it is to be noted, that such observatours take notice onely of one difference of the pulse, to wit, the swiftnesse and slow­nesse; but there are many differen­ces of the pulse necessarily to be consi­dered by a physician, simple, compound, absolute, relative, in one only pulsation, & in many. All which if they were con­sidered according to Galens minde, & the Ancients, they would be more than two thousand differences. But by us, who have rejected many superfluous things, there remaine more than an hundred to be observed. Nor is it sufficient to know the differences onely; for besides the causes of every one of them are necessary to be known, that the judge­ment [Page 57]touching diseases may be infalli­ble. Againe, the manner of knowing them is difficult; for every difference hath its peculiar manner of knowing it, which if one be ignorant of, he will ne­ver finde out the pulse. If many should heare onely the names of the pulses, they would of their own accord abstain from touching the Arteries, for like Ma­gicall termes they are able to affright the ignorant, as Pulsus arythmos, ecrythmos, pararythmos, mejouros in unâ vel pluribus pulsationibus, caprisans, imparcitatus, ae­qualis inaequaliter, equaliter inequalis, and many other differences there are, in this place needlesse to bee rehearsed, out of which wee take the knowledge, and prognosticks of diseases. The same may be said of Urines, of which there are many differences, simple, com­pounds in colour, consistence, contents, and their causes are likewise to bee known, but things that are so difficult, can scarce be dealt withall by an igno­rant man, or by a woman. Besides they are wont to administer Cathartick and purging Remedies. Now they must know it is a very easie thing to loose the belly; for many both simples and com­pounds doe it, but he alone is able to [Page 58]doe it according to the rules of art, that is a good Artist. For purges are for the most part troublesome to Nature, and for that cause ought never to be admi­nistred but with great heed and discre­tion. Moreover they are much mista­ken, that without making any diffe­rence, if their bellies be but abundant­ly loosed, doe applaud it, while they consider not the remedy by which it is done. The same likewise is to be said of other remedies, whereof great store may every where be found. Not the plenty of remedies, but the manner of using them makes a Physician; which doth suppose a Physician to be exercised in knowing diseases, and that he is skil­full in the nature of bodies and method of curing, which thing very many of these cannot promise of themselves, nor others of them. Would God also some whom the Universities have approved, fell not into the same Errour, and did not at a venture collect their remedies out of foolish bookes. I doe not here dislike the reading of many bookes, which set out unto us the wits of mo­dern writers, and of those curious Ar­tists, especially that have committed their observations unto writing. But [Page 59]I leave all to the judgement of the lear­ned Physician, I chase from the hives the sluggish drones, and doe here treat onely of some mongrell Physicians, which by mens deaths make their ex­periments, and would indeed imitate good and skilfull physicians, but cannot attain to them.

CHAP. XVI. Of them that promise an easie cure of the French Pox.

THe last Chapter of this booke we will dedicate to that disease, which they, who are most troubled and vexed therewith, doe alwaies give to o­thers; we will call it by the common name of the French Pox. A most filthy disease, accompanyed with sundry and horrible symptomes, concerning which divers tractates of learned Physicians are extant, wherein they seeke out the time, casie and ready way of curing the disease. But a certaine sort of men are crept up, who gives out that to be most easie, which hitherto hath seemed very difficult to all Physicians, and in their Tables they professe themselves to have a kinde of method, whereby within ten or twelve daies (they say) they are able [Page 60]to root out this disease, although inve­terate, nor doe they strickly observe a­ny manner of diet, but leave the sick to himselfe alone, this is indeed an easie, and pleasant way of curing. But how is it that Physicians now adaies are thought unable to cure this disease, but it is beleeved to be the proper office of Surgeons and Mountibankes, when not­withstanding the right way of curing this disease hath proceeded from physi­cians, and requires a great deale of in­dustry, as well about sudorificks, as ointments, suffumigations, and other preservatives against the poyson of the disease. The curing of which although I denie not but it may be performed by skilfull and learned Surgeons, yet many unskilfull men in that art, perhaps a­gainst their wills, and ignorantly bring many evils upon the sick. Yea I am sure I know some, who being supposed to be infected with this pest, have been disquieted and tormented with many Medicines, who notwithstanding never had contracted any such disease; for though the knowledge of the disease be not so difficult, yet I certainly know, that many pains of the joints, head, and other parts, have been taken for the [Page 61]French pox by some unskilfull fellowes, but it was a grosse mistake. And here all men are to be admonished, that first they beware of Whores, and then that they beware of such coseners. This dis­ease not easily cured. For this disease is not so easily cured, and being left sticking to the body some while, it doth so debilitate and corrupt the bow­els, that it breeds other incurable dis­eases, as the A sort of leprie. Elephantiasis. I deny not but the cure of this disease in the be­ginning is easie enough, yet such as re­quires the care of the Physician, the o­bedience and patience of the sick, and heedfull diligence to be had in his dyet. Surely it must needs be a very light dis­ease which any one can cure in so short a time, without regarding any course of living, with liberall and jocund feasting, walking abroad, and using other such recreations of the minde. It requires a strict regiment. Neverthe­lesse the remedies that are convenient for this disease doe not promiscuously admit or what course of living men please; for it may perhaps be such as doth resist the remedies and abate their vertue. Againe, as in other diseases, the diversitie of temperaments is to be regarded, so also in this, and there­fore a strict choice of remedies is to [Page 62]be made, which things if any man do not consider and weigh, it is no won­der, if he undoe many sick persons. Wherefore he that is troubled with this disease, Cautions so such as are [...]ll of the [...]rench pox. lethim not trust himself but to a Physician that is a skilfull Artist, unlesse he desire to lose both his labour, and his money too, which many times men both promise, and bestow more freely on those knaves, then on a learned and faithfull Physician. But enough of this, for it is not my purpose in this book, to handle the manner of curing this, or any other disease, but only to shew to the people their Errours, that they may have alwayes recourse to a Physician if they be sick. Although oftentimes greater danger is like to happen by the physi­cian, then by the disease, and men pre­sently give credit to every one that pro­fesses himself to be a Physician. I who write these things, for my owne part, reckon not neither who, nor how ma­ny they be, that practise physick, whe­ther learned or unlearned, even as it is with them that be sick, if they doe but consult with some Physician in name only, they care not what he be, if he can but stammer out a little Latine, and [Page 63]they falsly stile him Doctour of Physick, though he be ignorant of the very prin­ciples of physick, and never read Galen, or Hippocrates.

CHAP. I. Of the deceitfull judgment of Ʋrines.

NOw is the most common Er­rour to bee refuted, which first gave occasion to this Treatise: for hee is scarce thought worthy to be a Physician, who cannot by Urines judge of diseases, and their circumstances, which Errour even Physicians doe too patiently foster. It was of old very ordinary with the Ara­bian sect, and it was a common custome also in France, in the times of Valescus, and Gordonius. Plantius in the life of Fernel, relates, that that most excellent physician was wont to look into urines [Page 65]that were brought from abroad unto him, which abuse not withstanding he ap­proves not, but reprehends them, which like Southsayers doe prophesie many things of the absent sick party, Pisse-pro­phets. by only looking upon the urine. That there was very great fraud therein, the bookes which Gordonius, and others have set forth concerning the cautions of urines doe plainly shew, wherein a Physician is taught how he may deceive the peo­ple, as also take heed to himself of their subtilties. Yea to this day among the Germanes this custome is in force, even whether the Physicians will or no, of whom many doe speak sharply against it, Heurnius, Foresins, Sennertus, and o­thers, but most excellently Fuchsius in the beginning of his chapter of urines, he calls Physicians that peep into u­rines, asses, cheaters, pisse-drinkers, un­worthy with whom good men should contend, seeing they more esteeme of the gain they get by urine, then of truth it selfe. But now a dayes in France and Italy, the Physicians have quite aban­doned this foolish custome of divining by urine. First, urine is the whey of those humours which are in the veines: Now the humours are causes of very [Page 66]many diseases, and therefore urine will shew what humours are there. But dis­eases are not in the veines, they are all in the substance of the parts. Vrine shews not diseases, but their causes. They will not therefore indicate the diseases, but the causes of them only. But from the same cause there are many dis­eases: The burning fever, frenzie, jaundice, every sort of erysipelas, and herpes, proceeds from choler. If a ve­ry cholerick urine be brought, can the pisse-prophet tell which of these disea­ses doth trouble the patient, perhaps he will conjecture that choler is pre­dominant. 2 Secondly, as in diverse diseases, Vrine va­ries every day. and sick parties (as we have already said) the same urine may ap­peare; so in one and the same sick man it is various, and changes every day, that if to day a sick mans urine bee brought to a physician, and againe to morrow, unlesse by some other way he know the disease, he shall scarce judg it to be the urine of the same disease. Yea the water is of one sort in the be­ginning of the paroxisme, of another in the increase, and of another in the height. 3 Thirdly, the same water may appear in contrary diseases, The same urine [...]n contr [...]ry diseases. even though they depend on contrary and altogether [Page 67]different causes. As for example, let the pisse-prophet resolve me. If a white and clear water be brought, is he well or sick that made the water? A man in health having drunk much wine, or beer and ale, may make such urine as is dayly seen. A sick man may labour of a very violent burning fever with the frensie, Diabetes is when whatsoe­ver is drunke is pissed out again even as it was drunk. choller being carried up to his head, he may be troubled with the Di­abetes, or the obstruction of the bowels, or liver, or with the weakness of the sto­mack, or the stone, or some other disea­ses; but which of these diseases will he suppose it to be? Will he judge the frenzie to be of a cold distemper? More­over a bilious urine may be made in phlegmatick diseases, through the ob­struction of the passage, by which cho­ler is carried to the intestines. Fourth­ly, diseases whose cause is not contained in the veines, cannot be knowne by the urine, for many diseases do not so much as alter the urine. Such are externall diseases, luxations, roughnesse, or smoothnesse of the parts, yea, the quar­tane ague it self, which is an inward dis­ease, although it be an effect of the me­lancholy humour, yet it holds forth no signes of it in urine, neither in the fit, nor [Page 68]out of the fitt. Gilbertus an English man in his praxis, in the chapter of the quar­tane ague, and Richardus a very learned man, as Arculanus reports in his Com­mentaries upon the first section of the fourth cannon of Avicenne, the second tractate chap. 65. did ingenuously pro­fesse, that by urines they could never know the quartane feaver, not the e­pilepsie, nor a woman to be with child. O that in our times Physi­cians were so ingenuous and free. These are the words of Arculanus, that learned Physician, in whose time this custome of divining by waters was very rife. I doe not believe (saith he) that a quar­tane fever can be knowne by the water alone, because of the great agreement of the quartan with the quotidian in urine; and especially in the beginning. Of which opinion chiefly was Gilbertus an English man in the first booke of his praxis, in the chapter of the quartane, reproving some ignorant hab­bling fellowes, that professe themselves to know all sicknesses by urine, as many Physi­cians in Lombardie even at this day, moc­kers of men, who (as they say) by urine know all diseases, even the putrid feaver, who neverthelesse when they are present, and consider all the signes, yet know but very lit­tle; [Page 69]For as master Richard the most learned and experienced of all the learned saith, (looking upon these pratlers, and boasters of their judgment in urine, that in their much speaking are eloquent, but in reason slender and mute, in his most excel­lent treatise of urines, whose singular lear­ning to be compared with none, in many things he saith he followed, he blames them in these words.) Some prating (saith he) and arrogant fellowes doe exceede beyond all due bounds, and interlace learning with rules invented by their owne authoritie; But I call God to witnesse, that neither by care, nor art I could finde by urine alone a certaine knowledge of a womans concepti­on nor of the epilepsie, nor of a quartane fea­ver, for it is but a deceitfull and equivocall messenger. Which things indeed doe ve­ry much agree with our times. I have of­ten seene that opinion, which by the u­rine the Physician had declared, to have beene changed, when he saw the sicke partie: and which is more, many simple fellowes that impudently meddle with Physick, being called to the patient, by whose urine they had before fully ex­plained the disease, not onely to have changed their opinion, but to become lesse able to judge at al of the disease, al­though [Page 70]they had both the Patient and his urine before their faces. 5 Fiftly the urine is altered by meates, drinks, exer­cises, aire sleepe, washing, and divers o­ther causes, and so makes the judgment to be but conjecturall; therefore Avi­cenne after six houres, others after two houres would not have an urine looked into. How grosly then doe they erre, that rashly judge of urines that be brought to them many miles. Hence it comes to passe that many that are noe Physicians, but meerly made to cheat the people, doe promise more then good Physicians are able to performe. Nor can I except even ministers that practise Physick, who of all men should be most holy.

Sixthly * Galen sayes well, 6 that in u­rine there are noe signes that doe cer­tainly portend the frenzy, 2. proch. text 2. or the affects of the head, for it onely signifyes (saith he) the distempers of the liver, kidneys and bladder, but there be other signes and symptomes of the diseases of the braine. Yet Actuarius saith, that the dis­eases of the liver, braine, necke, breast, yea and of his joynts also may be discer­ned by urine; and Hippocrates writes that when a mans urine is like to the u­rine [Page 71]of a beast, it shewes a paine in the head. In like manner the excrements of the whole body have recourse (as Phy­sicians say) to the belly and the u­rine, by which it may be changed; thus thinne fleame falling from the head makes a frothy urine, 4 aphot. 73. and Hippocrates thinkes that the grievous frettings and gripings of the gutts and hypochondres may be resolved by urine. But this be­longs onely to prognostickes, for the ve­ry gripings themselves cannot be knowne by the urine, & much lesse their solution. But the most witty Argenterius did deservedly laugh at Actuarius, for endeavouring to point out in urine the signes of diseases in the braine, the breast and the joynts. For though the excrements of the whole body may be evacuated by the urine, yet that hap­pens not alwaies, for many parts al­though grievously affected doe not alter the urine at all. Moreover the excre­ments are but the causes of diseases, and not diseases themselves. As for that which may be said of the headach, and the frenzy, Galen answers it: Text 4 Sect 1. proch. * where he saith, that the signes of the frenzy are either those that are alwayes in the phreneticke, and in them onely; or [Page 72]which are alwaies in them, but not in them onely; or which are neither al­waies in them, nor in them onely; but sometimes are apparent, and sometimes not, and happen from other causes. From whence it is manifest (saith hee) that neither in urine, nor in dejections of the belly, nor in spittle, nor in vomits are there any signes of the Frenzy: Neither doe troubled Urines, nor such as have any elevation aloft, nor frothy Urines alwaies betoken the aforesaid affects, but doe likewise proceed from other causes, and if at any time they declare any of these, they doe it with other signes; for the aforesaid affects may bee without such Urines. From whence it may bee concluded, that those signes which doe not alwaies ac­company a disease, nor yet folely, cannot indicate any disease, but such are urines. For Galen teaches, that they by chance may betoken a frensie, because they id­dicate a windy blood, but not by them­selves and properly. Therefore (saith he in the afore cited place) what hath been said of Urines, makes nothing to a judgement of the Frensie, yet they doe conduce to the discerning whether the sick bee in any great danger or no. [Page 73]And therefore in all diseases it is not amisse to consider the Urine, that the danger may be discerned. Galen teaches in many places, that the excrements are signes of the parts affected, and of the disease; as that the dejections are signs of the belly; the spirtle of the breast; snot of the brain; and the urine of the liver and veines; to wit, that they are signes of the concoction which is made in those parts, but seldome of the dis­eases themselves. Therefore Urine can­not shew forth all diseases; as for ex­ample the Plurisie is known by a paine of the side, a Feaver, a hard Pulse, diffi­cultie of breathing, and cough, with­out the urine and spittle; for if these come likewise, they shew the cause and prognosticks of the disease already known by other signes. For though the Plurisie and Frensie cannot be knowne by urine, yet if the urine appear very much changed, it is an ill signe; for it hetokens a distemperature not onely of the vitall and animall, but of the natu­rall parts also: And when many parts are out of frame, the sick lies in so much the more danger. Moreover, some­times the Urine shewes whether the dis­ease be joyned with a Feaver or no, for [Page 47] Galen teaches, that in the affects of the belly, 2. De Cris. cap. 7. if they be without a Feaver, on­ly the excrements of the belly are to be looked into, but if with a Feaver, then the urine likewise, not that wee may know the disease it selfe, but that we may the better judge, what will be the issue of the disease already known.

CHAP. II. That the sexe, and being with childe cannot be discerned by Ʋrine, whereof a certaine story.

THey that bring Urines to Physici­ans, doe often aske them, whether it be a mans or womans water, and whe­ther the woman be with childe or no. It is admirable to see how cunningly some in this case deale with the people, But that neither the sex nor graviditie can bee discerned, I will demonstrate. For although the Urine of a young man and an old man, of a man and a wo­man, be different each from other, yet that is onely in colour and consistence, which seeing they may bee changed by divers other causes, it will not properly shew, whether it be a mans or a womans; for a cholerick woman after exercise, and the use of hot meats, will make [Page 75]higher coloured urine than a flegmatick man. Moreover, she which hath a Fea­ver, or some other disease, without doubt changes her urine according to the nature of the disease. How shall he therefore that lookes into an urine di­scerne the Sex, when he knowes not the temperature of them that made the u­rine. Therefore if a healthfull man be compared with a healthfull woman, a cholerick man with a cholerick woman, and a sick man with a sick woman, and no externall thing happen, which may change the urine, perhaps the womans urine may be in some respect discerned from the mans, but otherwhiles not at all, when oftentimes it is unknown from whence the urine is brought to the Physician. And so it is to be under­stood, which some Physicians write con­cerning the difference betwixt a mans water and a womans; for because men are said to be hotter, and are given to exercises, they make thinner urine, and higher coloured, with fewer contents, but women because colder, make whi­ter urine, with a larger sediment. A whitish colour (saith Fernel) is a signe not onely of cruditie, but of the Sex likewise. But even the hottest man may make [Page 76]such urine, by reason of the causes that change urine. Therefore in this there is no certainty, and it is too much rash­nesse to pronounce any such thing by urine.

Concerning women with childe, A woman cannot be known to be with child by urine. it is a greater doubt, and it is ordinary with women for this cause alone to send their waters to a Physician. Avicenne teaches to know it by a sediment like unto car­ded cotten, and by some other markes. But seeing experience shewes the con­trary, he is deservedly to be rejected. It is not necessary for every urine of a woman to have a sediment, but that on­ly which is well concocted.

First, 1 Hippocrates who hath exactly searched out all the signes of concep­tion, never made mention of urines.

Secondly, 2 the urine is not changed by the graviditie it selfe, but onely by the suppression of the flowers, which as cannot be denied, may alter the urine, by the reflux of blood and excrements into the veines. But that same change of urine may appeare as well in Maids by the stopping of their flowers, yea in all diseases that arise from the like sup­pression, as also in the obstructions of other internall parts. Thus urine will [Page 77]manifest here no proper or peculiar thing. Wee see urines sometimes of a low colour, as happens frequently in obstructions, sometimes very high co­loured, sometimes like to the health­full, when the woman with childe is in health, sometimes thinne, sometimes thick, such as may likewise be seen in other affects. But if the woman bee sick, the urine is so changed by the vio­lence of the disease, that all the signes of being with childe, if there bee any, are obliterate.

Thirdly, 3 that the knowledge of gravi­ditie is not so easie, Hippocrates himself shewes, who after he had reckoned up many probable signes of it, as if those were not certaine, he betakes himselfe to some Empyricall signes. Aphor. 41. lib. 5. If you would know (saith he) whether a woman hath conceived or no, give her some water mixed with honey to drinke when shee goes to sleep, if shee feeleth gripings of her belly, shee hath conceived, if not, she hath not. And in his booke of the Barren, he saith, Stampe Honey and Anise well together, dis­solve it in water, give it her, let her sleep, if she feele gripings about her navell, shee is with childe, but if not, she is not. So that hence it may appeare, how hard a [Page 78]thing it is to know if a woman be with childe before the stirring of the infant, when besides many other signes, Hippo­crates hath recourse to such Empyricall signes. How foolish then are they that professe themselves to be able, so easi­ly to divine that by urines. Avenzo­ar, a Physician of principall note among the Arabians, reports, that he was de­ceived in his own wife, although hee had seen her urine, and had other signs whereby he could know a woman to be with childe, if the knowledg there­of were so easie. Saxonia relates, that he was judged by Physicians to be a * mole, Or false conception and that his mother did take many medicines to destroy the concep­tion, which yet did not prevail. And to this opinion do all the modern Phy­sicians assent, who have written of the diseases of women.

Hither is to be added a certain fable, A merry story. which hath been related to me as a sto­ry by men of good note; and this is it: A certain maid did carry her Mistresses urine to a Physician, and having by chance spilled it, not knowing now what to doe, she catched the urine of a Cow, which at that time by good hap staled, and carryed it to the Physician: [Page 79]he gave answer, that the patient did eat too many sallets. Indeed the Phy­sician was worthy to be commended for his skill, who could divine that. I say this is a fable, because I have heard the same in divers places of sundry Phy­sicians; as also because it is alwayes ascribed to some Physician that is dead, the like to whom is no man living. And its true indeed, no man this day is li­ving, or ever was, that could certainly know a beasts urine from a mans. If the urine be like to that of beasts that are accustomed to the yoke, Aphor. 70. l [...]b. 4. paine of the head is either present, or will ensue, saith Hippo­crates; noting, that a man may make urine like in colour, and consistence, to that of beasts. Therefore hitherto it hath been doubted, in what respects a mans urine might be discerned from o­ther liquors. I know there are some rules and marks prescribed by Avicenne and others, whereby they may be di­scerned from each other, but they are all false and uncertain. And nothing is more easie then to deceive a Physi­cian, though wary, by shewing him him other liquours and urines. But if a man may make urine like to that of beasts, how can a Physician, not know­ing [Page 80]from whence it comes, discerne one from the other.

CHAP. III. The Solution of the arguments that seeme to favour looking into Ʋrines.

SOme that too much approve Ouro­scopie, or looking into Urines, do use the authority and arguments of Hercules Saxonia, a very learned Physician here­tofore among the Italians, who desired to patronize a little Ouroscopie. For he would have not only the causes of dis­eases, but also their Idea's, magni­tude, and states to be known by urine, not in generall only, but also in particu­lar, whose opinion we will briefly lay down.

First, 1(saith he) urines shew disea­ses in distemperature, without matter, and with matter. A hot distemper without matter, is either universall, or of a determinate part, and this is some­times without a fever, sometimes with a fever. An hot universall distemper doe these urines shew, to wit, red­dish, saffron colour, greene, black, fatty; atomous, branny, or scaly sediments, and sharp urines. Never­thelesse these doe not shew a distem­per without matter, but with matter, [Page 81]for urine hath not these colours but by the mixture of humours; hence in a diary fever Galen writes, that the urine is made somewhat reddish through the mixture of choler. Moreover, 1. ad Glauc. cap. 2. & 3. method. cap. 2. & 10. de cri­sib cap 12. these doe only betoken a hot distemper in ge­nerall, not any particular sort of it; for a hot distemper may be Synochus, a burning fever, or a tertian; it may al­so be a phlegman, or erysipelas of some part. The same Galen doth aver, that a hot distemperature of the parts may be discerned by the very same urines: what therefore can the Diviner say, if urines doe only shew a disease in generall, and not in particular, how will he know by the urine rather the heat of the reines, then of the liver, or of the whole body?

Secondly, 2 he objects that urine is as it were the whey of the humours, which are distributed into the substance of the parts, so that when the whey is severed, it carries with it the excrements of those parts, and thereupon it may shew their affects. But I answer, the alteration of the whey is so diverse, that it cannot be discerned, what part especially hath altered it. Again, the excrements of many of the parts are the same, and un­lesse [Page 82]of the contents the urine be extra­ordinary, as matter, dregs, or the sub­stance of some parts, the whey will shew nothing in particular, or yet when these are apparent, except there be o­ther signes, can we scarce know whence they come, unlesse out of the bladder it selfe, as bran doth argue an affected bladder.

Thirdly, 3 he teaches in my judgment a very vaine thing, to wit, how the whey of the liver may be differenced from that of the veins, as if the liver had any whey proper to it self, or as if the whey of the veines be not first di­gested in the liver. Now this he teach­es to know by the quantity, and sub­stance, because the whey of the veins is more in quantity, and thicker in sub­stance, then the whey of the liver, which is false, for the quantity of the whey is from the moyst matter, which is taken in, which first passes to the liver, before it come to the veines; but if the urine be more in quantity then the drink that was drunk, it is necessary that some o­ther thing must be mixed therewith.

Fourthly, 4 he sayes that Galen would have the urine looked into in a plurisie, and the diseases of the lungs. But we [Page 83]said before, that in such diseases, Vrine notes the event of the disease, and not the disease it selfe. urines serve not for discerning of the diseases, but for the fore-knowledg of the event. The same may be said of a cold distem­per, which in generall we grant may be discerned by urine, but never in par­ticular; for in Diabetes, in the begin­nings of fits; in an ill habit of the body, dropsie, lethargie, and other diseases, although urines may be crude, yet they doe not shew the affects of these parts more then others. Therefore he is mi­staken, when he sayes that a cold womb may be discerned by urine, because in respect of its vicinity, the distempera­ture of it is imparted to the urine. Notwithstanding, why shall a crude u­rine rather shew the wombe than the liver? Againe, if the urine distill into the bladder high coloured by some hot cause, the wombe, although cold, shall not bereave it of the colour, which it hath from the mixture of the choler, and although the wombe being somewhat hot, may give some colour to the Urine, yet being cold it cannot take away the colour, which it hath contracted some other way.

Fifthly, he saith, 5 that the humours may flow from all the parts in the bladder, [Page 84]and therefore the Urine will shew the severall diseases of them. I answer.

First, 1 the secondary humours doe not return unlesse there be a melting of the whole body.

Secondly, 2 the humours once departed out of the vessels, doe seldome returne againe into the vessels, but are pur­ged out through the habit of the body.

Object. But saith he, there is the same matter of sweat and urine, and the matter of sweat is without the veines. Therefore when through want of sweating the urine is increased, the whey returnes into the veines.

Sol. I answer; it is false; for the mat­ter of sweat is onely without the veins, when we doe actually sweat, but not when we are about to sweat. But no man sweats of his own accord, unlesse he be not well. Againe, although the humours doe returne into the veines, yet they will not shew the peculiar af­fects of the parts; as if a matterie u­rine flow out, it will indeed manifest that matter is purged out, but whether it flowes from the breast, or from some other part, not the urine, but other signes of the affected part will shew.

Lastly, he uses the authoritie of Avi­ [...]enne, who writes that urines which have in them a thick and clammy wa­ter, are signes of the paine of the joynts, which notwithstanding is false, for a thick humour may proceede from some other cause; but enough of this.

CHAP. IV A Breaking of urine. troubled urine in diseases is not al­waies a good signe.

NOthing is more ordinary, then to heare the people hoping well of the sicke, when they see the urine which is pissed out bright and cleare, It is often­times an il signe. afterward to be troubled; which notwithstanding is not alwaies true, but rather on the contrary it may be an ill signe; where it is to be noted, that urines are either pissed cleare, and continue so; or they are pissed cleare, and are afterwards troubled; or they are pissed troubled, and remaine so, or else afterwards be­come cleare, either being set to the fire, or by laying downe some thick sub­stance, which settles in the bottome; of the causes of which urines much may be said, which appertaine not to this place. The best urine is that which is meane in colour and consistence, Best urine. what recedes [Page 86]from this is evill. Therefore if it be thin­ner then right, it betokens crudity. But that which is pissed cleare, A trou­bled urine betokens a disease coming on in those that are well. and is after­wards troubled, in them that are in health notes some danger of a disease, because it indicates a crude humour which nature sets upon to concoct it, therefore it is pissed cleare, but the heat and spirit being lost, it is troubled, for heat makes all things equall. In the sick it shewes an increase of the disease. But in the sicke it betokens an increase of the dis­ease, especially if the substance, quanti­tie, colour, and other signes be naught; now if in them that be in health such u­rine notes feare of a disease, how shall it shew concoction in the sicke? When any healthfull man falls into a disease, his u­rine doth not necessarily become thin­ner then right, and then againe thicker, and troubled, but it is rather troubled from the begining, and shewes a future disease. Therefore a troubled urine is never good, for from a thinne urine to a meane, which is according to nature, the passage is not made by a troubled, for the thinne comes neerer to a meane, then to a thick urine. If therefore a yel­low and thinne urine become yellow and thick, and troubled, it betokens not concoction but danger, because of the [Page 87]increase of corrupt matter, as Montamus well observes. Therefore they are to be condemned, that account thick and and troubled urine a good signe, because the obstructions seeme to be opened, and the humour that breeds the disease to be evacuated. This happens indeed some­times in the stone, in criticall evacuati­ons and by vertue of medicament. They be­token crudity. But when such waters are made without a diminution of the disease, they ar­gue a crude and stubborne disease, and heat, and cruditie of humours, for all concoction makes cleare urines. But they are the worst of all, which are pissed out troubled, and continue so, because of the very great agitation of the humours in the veines, and the great conflict that nature hath with the disease, and as Hip­pocrates observes, they foretell the head­ach, frenzy, convulsion, death; 7. Epidem. Polyphan­tus with such an urine was distracted in his mind, and dyed in a convulsion.

CHAP. V. That the consumption cannot be knowne by the urine.

IT is a familiar thing also with many, when they bring their waters to Phy­sicians, to aske them, whether they [Page 88]thinke the sick party is in a consumption or no. In which particular they erre two manner of wayes.

1 First in that they doe not distinguish the true consumption from other disea­ses, but call every wasting of the body, by what cause soever it comes, a con­sumption, as we shall treat more at large in the following chapter.

Secondly, 2 because neither the ulcer of the lungs, nor the hecticke, [...] which are properly consumptions, can be known by by urine. Nor have Galen and Hippocrates taken any signe of these diseases from u­rine: the reason is, because no proper nor unseparable signe of a consumption can be drawne either from the sub­stance, colour, or contents, because urine is the whey of the humours that are con­tained in the veines, therefore upon the diversitie of humours the change of of urine doth depend. But in them that have the consumption, the lungs especi­ally are affected, and the whole body in hecticks, and not the humours. Wee have said already, that the diseases of the lungs are discerned by spittle not by u­rine, and though it be good to looke in­to urine, yet it helps not to the know­ledge of the disease, but onely to the [Page 89]prognostication of the danger that is like to ensue, for if it appeare to be naught, it increases the danger; But the Arabians said that these urines are fat and oyly, whom also many of our late writers doe follow, although they doe not agree among themselves; yet for the most part they grant that in the beginning of a hectick, nothing certaine can be knowne by urines, but in processe of time when the fatty humidity is consumed, such urines doe appeare as we have already said. But Alexander Trallianus makes noe mention of fatty urines, but thinne and fiery, and crude, for in regard that con­coction is made by the solid parts, if they be distempered, the urine cannot be well concocted, but be thinne, fiery and crude, as in a hot and dry distemper. Ne­verthelesse from thence it cannot be concluded, that a Physician not seeing the sick can by urines know a hecticke feaver, for such urines appeare in other affects, and may happen through divers causes, and therefore except other cau­ses doe concurre they note no certaintie. The same may be said of oyly urines, of which much might be spoken, seeing that there is a diverse acception of this word with Galen and other Physicians. But in [Page 90]this place those urines are meant, which have fat swimming aloft, which Hippo­crates will have to be a bad signe. 2. progn. tex. 35 If fat like to spiders webs float aloft, it is to be disliked, for it betokens melting. Yet it doth not from thence follow that these urines doe shew the consumption, for such urines are oftentimes seen in them that be in health, 4. de sani­tat. tuendâ. as Galen observe. For seeing that grease and fatnesse are made of blood well concocted, it is noe won­der if some portion thereof swimme a­bove the urine, as is usually found in coole broths. Moreover it may come to passe by much lying upon the backe, the fat of the kidneyes growing hot there­with; and these two cases are very ordi­nary, and there are few that cannot ob­serve such urine in themselves: But those that come from causes preternaturall, doe appeare in malignant and burning feavers, which we call melting or wast­ing. syntecticke fea­vers, seldome in a consumption and hecticke, in which no such melting doth appeare, but the humours are wasted by an insensible transpiration. 10. meth. cap. ult. Hence Galen puts this difference betwixt syntecticke & hecticke feavers, that in these what is wasted is resolved in forme of a vapour, but in them it flowes downe into the [Page 91]belly, for the heat of a hectick is but very little and gentle, so as the sick do scarce perceive themselves to be in a feaver. Therefore neither Galen, nor Hippocra­tes; nor the ancient Physicians who ob­served these urines, did ever attribute them to hecticks, but to burning and pestilentiall Feavers onely. But if any fatnesse do flow out with the urine in hecticks, it argues that another Feaver is joyned with the hectick, to wit a malignant or burning Feaver; which case is exceeding dangerous. I have now, while I write this, a hec­tick in cure, in whom such urine never appeared, which I have often observed in others that are not sick at all. And although we should grant that such u­rines appeare in those that be in a Con­sumption, yet because they may also proceed from other causes, how can the Physician, that onely lookes upon the urine, and perhaps knows not the party himselfe, certainly finde out the disease. But as we have said enough of the de­ceitfull judgement of Urines, I will on­ly adde thus much, that it was wisely prohibited by the Colledge of Physi­cians at London, that any Physician pro­fesse that counterfeit divination. These [Page 92]are the words of that order. It is a ridiculous and foolish thing by looking into Ʋrines alone, Judging by urine a ridiculous custome. to goe about after the man­nor of Witches and Conjurers, to divine any thing as certaine and solid, either of the kinde and nature of diseases, or of the state and condition of the sick; Wee admonish therefore all Physicians, that they behave themselves for the future in this particular much more warily, than hath been wont heretofore to be practised by many. And for this cause we forbid all that practise physick, that they preseribe any thing in Physick for those idiots and silly women, that carry about the urinals of the sick, except they either first know well, or see the sick party himself, or at least be plainely, fully, and sufficiently informed by them that aske their counsell, of the whole disease wherewith the sick doth labour, and of the severall circumstances thereof: For by this meanes we shall both better maine­tain the dignitie of the Physician, and also more fitly and skilfully bethink our selves of those remedies, which shall be most profita­ble for one that is in danger.

CHAP. VI. Of the Consumption.

BEcause in this Country the Consum­ption is an evill so ordinary and tremblable, we will speak something thereof, seeing of many it is not well understood, Every pi­ning of the body not a consump­tion. for the people under that name doth comprehend every pining a­way of the body. It is therefore to bee noted, that if wee retaine the generall signification of the word, there is almost no disease, which a Consumption may not succeed. But indeed the people doe erre when they speak of the Con­sumption, as of a disease different from others: For it is not a disease, but an accident following many other diseases, especially if they be long. For seeing that the substance of our bodies doth daily decay, unlesse it be repaired with food; if the strength of naturall heat, and of the parts ordained for concocti­on be impaired by diseases, the body cannot be well nourished, and therefore necessarily the bulke thereof doth pine away. So that such Consumption doth happen. 1

First, from externall causes, Severall causes of a consump­tion. as a hot aire, want, cares, troubles, watchings, [Page 94]too much evacuation, and other empty­ing causes.

Secondly, 2 it happens through a decay by reason of age, in the Marasmus of old age; for naturall heat is weakened in old men, and radicall moysture is spent; the losse whereof is irrecove­rable.

Thirdly, 3 leannesse of body is naturall to some, as in hot and dry bodies, which are easily made lean, by causes that are of a dissolving faculty, and such bodies live longer than grosse bodies. They that are grosse by nature, 2 Aph. 44. doe sooner die than they that be slender. Which is to be un­derstood of them that are very grosse, whose veines are small, and blood little.

Fourthly, 4 it followes burning Fea­vers, which doe by their heat wast their alimentary humours, and the substance of the body. Hippocrates writes: They that die of a burning Feaver, Lib. 1. de morbis. doe all die through drinesse; the extremities of the body, as the hands and the feet, are first dryed up, and then the dryer parts. And some Authours report that all the blood hath been consumed, Cap. 2. lib. ad Gla [...]. as * Argenterius writes of Mutius Medices Captain of the Castle of Pisa, in whose dead body not [Page 95]one droppe of blood was found. And though the sick dye not, yet it is usuall for the body to consume away in a vio­lent feaver, whereupon it is called a hot and dry passion, and therefore Hippocra­tes prescribes a moystning diet, in the sixteenth Aphorisme of his first book, that it may hinder that drying which the feaver causes. Hither also ought to be referred those feavers which are melting feavers.

Fifthly, 5 it may follow the affects of the spleen, and tumours of the same: Febres syntectica. Hippo­crates in his booke de locis in homine, and * Galen, and * Averrhoes, doe affirme, Gol. 2. de facul. nat. cap. ult. Averrh. 4. Colliget. 56. that when the spleen growes the whole body decayes, therefore the Emperour did compare the spleen to the Kings exche­ques, for as the Kings exchequer sucks up the wealth of the people; so doth the spleen the substance of the body. The same might be said concerning the liver, and other the inward parts, whose evill affects doe consume the body. The drop­sie The wa­try dropsy. ascites or The tympany or windy dropsy. tympanites doth often succeed a hard spleen, in which maladie it is usuall to see the belly swolne, when not withstanding the upper parts doe very much pine away, through penury of good blood, and it doth [Page 96]much resemble a consumption, thus I have seene dropsick persons whom the people have thought to be in a con­sumption; and indeed one disease doth easily bring in another, for as we have said, the pining and wasting of the body is not a disease of its owne kind, but an accident proceeding from very many, both externall and internall causes. Therefore every wasting of the body ought not to be called a consumption. But coming closer to the businesse we affirme,

Sixthly, 6 that a consumption is pro­perly taken for a hecticke feaver, Hecticke feaver is a consump­tion pro­perly. in which the substance of the body is wast­ed by little and little, and insensibly, for in this feaver the heat at the first ap­proach seemes to be milde and gentle, af­terward it is sharpe and biting; the sick perceives neither a feaver nor any other malady, and yet he feeles his strength de­cay by little and little. 7

Seventhly that word (consumption) doth agree with A dis­ease when the sto­macke receives meat, and yet the body is not nouri­shed. Atrophia, which like­wise is the consequent of many diseases, and in generall also by Atrophie, any wasting of the body may be understood. But now properly it is, when the body pines away neither for want of foode, [Page 97]nor by immoderate evacuation, nor by reason of any other evident causes, nor by an acute disease, nor by a hecticke feaver, nor by the ulcer of the lungs, but when softly and by degrees the body is not nourished, though it take foode; ei­ther because the nourishment is badly attracted, or badly retained, or badly concocted, or lastly, the superfluities of of it not well expelled, The causes of an Atrophie. although many that have written of Atrophie, have pro­duced all the causes of leannesse in the body.

Eighthly, and lastly, 8 by the name of Consumption most properly ought to be understood Phthisis, Phthisis is most properly called a consump­tion hard to be cur'd. which is an ulcer of the lungs, consuming the substance of the body with a gentle continuall fea­ver. It is a disease much to be bewailed and hard to be cured, yea perhaps im­possible, for three causes alledged by Galen.

1 First because an ulcer is cured by the voiding out of the matter; now it is voided out by coughing, and the ul­cer is made larger through a cough.

Secondly, 2 because the vertue of reme­dies reaches scarce to the lungs, but be­ing much weakned, for their vertue pe­rishes in the stomach, liver, hollow veine, and other passages.

Thirdly, because to the cure of an Ulcer there is need of rest, but it is ne­cessary that the lungs do alwayes move. Adde also, that to the ulcer there is joy­ned a fever, which requires cooling and moystning, but the ulcer drying reme­dies, for the cure of every ulcer is dry­ing. Besides it is to be noted, that this disease is contagious, as * Hipp. 3. Epid. Hippocrates, Gal 1 de diff feb. cap. 2. Galen, and other Authors have ob­served, and that augments the danger. Now, that the people may not be too much deceived, they must know that this disease is not so much to be feared in children and old men; Old men and chil­dren not subject to the con­sumption of the lungs. for according to the rule of Hippocrates, in the ninth Aphorisme of his fifth book; The con­sumption of the lungs is especially in those ages, which are from eighteen to five and thirty; and in his third book, the 29 ^th Aphorisme, Spitting of bloud, and Con­sumptions doe happen to young men: for seeing that young men have abundance of hot and bilious bloud, and at that age the body grows but little, it comes passe, that both by the plenty and heat of the bloud, and by salt fleagm arising from choler, the vessels are corroded and broken, as also by their immode­rate exercises, and other defaults in diet. [Page 99]But they do seldome happen to children or old men; to them, because of their gentle and vaporous heat, unlesse the naturall conformation of the body do incline to this disease, or the contagion of another, that hath the ulcer of the lungs, doe hasten the maladie: and to these, because in an old mans body there is but a little quantity of humours and heat. Therefore Celsus erred, who tran­slating this Aphorisme into Latine, cor­ruptly placed the 12 ^th for the 18 ^th, as Mercurialis observes. Avicenne in an error. Avicenne likewise was mistaken, who would have old men especially to be subject to the ulcer of the lungs, except it be understood of the Marasmus of old age, (which in a manner happens to all by reason of old age) but not of the ulcer of the lungs. For although incurable catarhes, and di­stillations of rheum happen to old men, yet the humour is not so sharp, that it can exulcerate the lungs. Therefore he that hath not contracted this evill in his youth, in old age, by reason of his proper temperament needs not to fear it; although I deny not but it may happen some other way, as by the plurifie, in­flammation of the lungs, corrupt mat­ter betweene the breast and the lungs, [Page 100]and other diseases, but not by reason of the proper constitution of old men. Which things I thought good to adde, that if at any time some of the people aske a Physician, whether the party be in a consumption or no, he may know how to distinguish of the divers accep­tions of a Consumption, and need not feare the principall kinde thereof in old men and children. I know, Cornelius Celsus, among the severall sorts of con­sumptions, reckons the Cachexie, in which the habit of the body doth ra­ther swell than fall; and I believe, if we look unto the nature of the thing, it is true; yet because to the sight it rather appeares contrary, I was for that cause willing to omit this signification. If I had added here the causes of all these diseases, the signes diagnostick and prognostick, and manner of curing, which once I was determined to do, the book had grown into too great a volume; nor doe I think that to be needfull, for it is my purpose only to demonstrate the Errours of the people, and not to teach Physick: the people may for that ad­vise with learned and honest Physicians. Let us now hasten to other things.

CHAP. VII. Of the Plague, whether it be in­fections or no.

SOme men are so froward, Stoicall, and obstinate, as that they go about to take away from the plague all conta­gion and infection. Others, although they doe admit of it, yet they think it an impious thing for a Christian to fear the evill, or to fly from it. Touching the former sort, experience shewes, and the authority of great men doth confirme, that the plague is contagious. No plague if no con­tagion. Yea, that is no true plague which wants contagion.; for though some diseases doe kill like the pestilence, yet they are not the pestilence, if they be not con­tagious, but malignant and pestilenti­all diseases without a plague. The scab, or itch, otherwise a very light dis­ease, the skall, leprosie, madnesse, the ul­cer of the Lungs, the Ophthalmie, or inflammation of the eyes, and the french pox doe infect those that are neere, why not also the plague? And unlesse it be contagious, it could not be conveyed from one City to another, which of­ten happens, without any precedent fault of the aire. Indeed Galen, Hippo­crates, [Page 102]and the Ancients, made no ma­nifest mention of contagion. Yet Thu­cidides affirmes, that that plague which he described, was most contagious, and therefore he perswades unto an early flight, and a late returne, of which counsell Galen being mindfull, with­drew himselfe from Rome; and in his 1. book de differ. feb. 2. he observes, that it is not safe to converse with those that be infected. For seeing that whether wee will or no, wee must inspire aire, there is no way to escape it, but by re­moving far from them into some place where the best aire is, and by late re­turning. It matters not therefore what Petrus Salius, a Physician otherwise ve­ry learned, alledges to prove that there is not alwayes contagion in the pesti­lence.

First, 1 that Hippocrates, Galen, and the Ancients, neither made any mention of it, nor feared it.

Secondly, 2 that the Turks, and other Nations think it to be an impious thing to avoid the company of them that are infected therewith.

Thirdly, 3 because many that converse among them that bee sick of it, are not infected. That Galen and Thucidides [Page 103]knew the contagion of it, it is evident by what hathe been already said. But yet we must confesse, that they did not so exactly search out the nature and manner of it. Aristotle in his problemes hath said something of it, but very ob­scurely. Galen also spoke a little of it, 1. de differ. feb. but darkly and covertly. The Anci­ents knew not all things, they have left many things to be added by them that come after; many things to bee changed; many things to be more clear­ly explained. Nor ought the Turkes example to move us, Foelices errore suo, quot ille malorum Maximus haud urget lethi metus they are happy in their owne errour, whom that greatest of e­vils, the feare of death, doth not molest. Therefore so often as the pestilence strayes among them, it rages so cruel­ly, that sometimes in one City it de­stroyes an hundred thousand men. Nor is that which followes of more power to perswade, that we see many men a­live, who without harme have con­versed with infected persons, who with­out doubt had perished, if there had been any force of contagion in it. But yet if so many thousands of men, whom this communicated disease hath swept away, and the families that have been wholly abolished, should returne from [Page 104]death againe, they would easily refute the opinion of a few survivours. To set on an action 3 things are required; the dominion of the agent over the pati­ent; the preparation of the patient; and a convenient space of time, for no­thing acts in an instant. To the domi­nion of the agent, not only the opera­tive vertue of it, but also a due quan­tity is required, for even deadly poysons doe little in a small quantity; a spark of fire burnes but little. The prepara­tion of the patint is either manifest, or occult, Marsi are a people of Italy, so called from Marsus Circes son. Psilli are a people of Libia, whose bo­dies are venime to serpents. from an inbred propriety of na­ture. Hence the * Marsi, and * Psilli were not hurt of serpents, and Pyrrhus his finger was not burnt by fire. And hence it is also that some even in a most raging plague, remain free from all hurt, and some are infected upon the least oc­casion. By the same occult quality it happens, that what is poyson to one is wholsome, a remedy, yea and sometimes meat to another. Seeing therfore that the natures of bodies are unlike, & very dif­ferent, thence it is that some are over­come, and infected presently, but others not without much difficulty. For no cause can act without a disposition of the patient, otherwise all that dwell to­gether [Page 105]under the same Sunne, Lib. de flat. should be alike sick of Feavers, or otherwise alike affected. Hippocrates saith, one body differs from another, one nature from a­nother, and one temperament from ano­ther. And for that cause the same things are not profitable or hurtfull to all. To this concurres also a moderate diet, a healthfull body, voyd of corrupt hu­mours, of free transpiration, tempe­rate, dry, rather than moyst, Lib. 7. cap. 50. cold rather than hot. Therefore Plinie hath obser­ved, that old men are not so soon infe­cted with the Plague as young men, be­cause of the coldnesse of their bodies, and especially if they use a moderate diet, and exercise.

CHAP. VIII. Whether it be lawfull to fly in the time of Plague, or no.

THe second was, whether it be law­full to fly, The Turks fear not the plague and withdraw a mans selfe out of danger, although the Plague be defined to be contagious. The Turks, as Prosper Alpinus relates in his first book of Egyptian remedies, doe not regard the Pestilence, because they thinke that God hath destinated to every one his manner of death, so as he that must perish in warre, cannot be killed with [Page 106]the Plague, of which opinion are some Christians also. It is the office of Di­vines to enquire more diligently into that, whether it be lawfull for a Magi­strate, or a Master of a Family, or Chil­dren, and such as be bound to others by a naturall or civill right, to fly, and in what cases. I will only adde thus much, that holy men seeme to have feared death, because never any man hated his own flesh: for both Elias, and Moses fled; Abraham chused rather to expose his wives Chastitie to hazard, than his own life. Yea and it is lawfull to avoyd all dangers. Though GOD send a Famine for the punishment of our sinnes, yet it is lawfull, yea it is necessary to shunne it; for he is guilty of his owne destru­ction, who doth thrust himself into pre­sent danger. Who will not shunne the raging enemy, who will not avoyd fla­ming fire, who is he that in swimming, if he can will not save himselfe from present drowning? Ought no man with clothes and fire to drive away cold, be­cause it is a punishment of God, or be­ing wounded or sick entreat the help of the Physician? God promises long life as a blessing; it shall therefore be law­full by any meanes to preserve it from [Page 107]eminent danger. The end of reason. Therefore reason is given to man, not that he may promise to himselfe the immediate help of GOD, but that he may wisely and discreetly make use of those means which he hath created and ordained. What man that is in his wits, will expose himselfe to a roaring Lion, and will not rather pro­vide for himself by flight or some other means? But the Pestilence (as Galen teaches) is as cruell as a wilde beast, L [...]b [...]de Theri. ad Pisonem. sometimes depopulating whole Cities. Wherefore if a mans calling hinder not, no man will suffer himself to be perswa­ded to stay among those that are sick of the Plague. Which policy I see many do wisely follow, neglecting the rash pietie of some. For that Christians ought not to feare death, is to be understood, that they must not bee daunted in courage with the fear of death; nor yet are sins to be committed that death may be a­voyded. And lastly, in death, if by no meanes it can be avoyded, they must not despaire. And therefore Hippocrates saith it is the safest way, Hippocra­tes his counsell. to fly soon and farre, and to returne late. Yet it is not expedient for all to fly, for some are to be appointed to provide things needful for them that be sick: But they to whom [Page 108]it is not granted to fly, let them take heed to themselves by alteration of the aire, and by Antidotes.

CHAP. IX. What kinde of death may be prevented by the help of Physick.

THe Turks, as we have already said out of Alpinus, doe rush adventu­rously into all dangers, because they are strongly perswaded, that there is destinated unto every man a certaine manner of death, either by Famine, or Warre, or Water, or Hanging, or by a Disease, or by Age. Yea amongst us there are some so superstitious, A super­stitious conceit. and I have known many such, who would have a certain number of daies assigned to eve­ry man, that it is not possible for the life to be prolonged beyond it, and if any man chance to perish by the default of the Physicians, or of the by-standers, they excuse them; because it is impos­sible to save him whom GOD calls to himselfe. Thus word by word I have expressed their opinion. Which absurd opinion doth very much favour some mongrell Physicians, who at hap hazard without any art attempt the cure of diseases. For thus the choice both of [Page 109]Physicians and Medicaments is taken away, nor matters it whether to a lear­ned or unlearned, to an experienced, or ignorant man the life of man be com­mitted, seeing of necessity he must have dyed, whom the rashnesse, or ignorance of Physicians, or by-standers, or some other mischance hath taken away. God can doe whatsoever he pleases: But be­cause he doth usually work by the help and means of secondary causes, except a man make use of them, he hastens his own death, as he that hanged, poyso­ned, or otherwise killed himself, made his life shorter, which might have been longer. The art of Physick doth not promise any man everlasting life; for at the length wee must all yeeld unto Fate, as the God of Nature will have it, who therefore made the principles of our bodies passive, that at length by causes internall and externall they may be overcome. Nor yet doth it excuse the Physician by whose default the sick doth perish, but it keeps off the eminent dangers of our life, lest it pe­rish before the time, and before mature old age. Who knows not that the bo­dy is shaked, and weakened by the vio­lence of diseases, and that it is patched [Page 110]up againe by Physick, and that by the neglect, or unseasonable use of remedies, it doth at length sinke under the bur­den? Who knowes not that a man by a fall, or a stroake, or, by some other way may be wounded, and that he may die thereof, unlesse it be well cured, who otherwise might have lived longer? There is a certaine naturall death, Naturall death and its causes. pro­ceeding from the principles of life, ex­hausted in extream old age, which God hath appointed for all men, which therefore no art can keep back. And those terms of life are divers, in respect of the diversitie of temperaments, and other causes; therefore some live lon­ger, some shorter, some wax old sooner; some later, but every one when his in­nate heate is spent, dies in his own time appointed by nature, as the flame of the Lampe dies out when the oyle is spent. For there is an order of all things in nature, and every time and life is measured out by circuit, 2. De gen. & corrup. cap. 10. as Aristo­tle sayes, to whom all Philosophers and Physicians doe consent.

There is another death violent and untimely, What kinde of death is to be preven­ted by physick. which is caused by Feavers and innumerable diseases, and other chances; against this it is that a wise, skil­full, [Page 111]& faithfull Physician goes forth, and by the right administration of whole­some remedies, hee calls back into the breast, the life that was ready to de­part. For what else is it for a sick man to be delivered from a dangerous dis­ease, then for death to be deferred? The Squinancie, Apoplexie, Plurisie, Pestilent Feaver, and other such acute diseases may by their own nature bring death, unlesse they be driven away by remedies. What else is it to prevent diseases, then to keep back old age, and death which is incident to it? Naturall heat weak­ned many waies. How many sundry causes do weaken our na­turall-heat, as a corrupt diet, surfeiting, want, watchings, troubles, cares, which doe call in untimely old age? But a good manner of living, according to the direction of Physicians doth prevent these, that the substance of the body be not too soon dissolved, but that it may come to extreame old age, which old age hath its appointed limits in na­ture, known to God alone, which may indeed be hastened from divers causes, but yet by taking away all the causes that alter heat, it cannot be put off or prolonged any further; and such a death happening in extreame old age, is very [Page 112]rare. For who ever led such an exact course of life, that he never harmed him­self by those six things which physicians call non naturales. For they that doe not keepe a wholesome manner of life, dye sooner then nature hath appointed, as saith Galen 6. de sanit. tuendâ.

CHAP. X. Whether intermitting fevers, commonly called Agues, becurable or no.

MAny are of opinion, that against intermitting feavers, which they call Agues, there is no remedie, but that they doe transcend all force of Physick. But seeing experience shewes that to be false, Agues curable. (for men may see them often cu­red by Physicians) we need not say much of this matter. They proceed from divers humours, cholericke, plegma­ticke, melancholick; If they be exqui­sitely cholericke they are easily cured. Aph 59. lib 4. For an exquisite tertian in seven fits is judged the longest, therefore it will be much shorter, if it be helped by remedies seasonably administred. And it stands with reason. For if other diseases that a­rise from the same humours may be cu­red, why not also intermitting feavers? Onely this is it that deceives the people, [Page 113]because some of them continue very long, and become chronicall, as doe some bastard tertians and quartanes. Neverthelesse that takes not away the possibility of curing them, seeing that these diseases have been often cured, al­though not alwayes in all that have them, otherwise it might be said also that al continuall feavers are mortall, Diseases are of 3 sorts. be­cause some have dyed of them. Diseases are by some Physicians divided very well, into such as by their owne nature tend unto health, such is the one day feaver: secondly into perpetuall and incu­rable, A sort of leprosy. such is the * elephantiasis; and last­ly into those which are sometimes cured, sometimes doe kill, of which sort are very many diseases,, among which in­termitting feavers are to be reckoned, which in some haply are soone cured, but others doe continue a long time; for all diseases of the same sort, have not al­wayes the same times, and the same end but some doe end sooner, some later, Some dis­eases are longer some shor­ter, and why. some are cured, and some doe kill, accor­ding to the diverse disposition of the peccant humour, in quantitie, thick­nesse, toughnesse, acrimonie, malignity; according to the state of the patient, and and his strength, time of the yeare, coun­try; [Page 114]temperature of the weather, manner of diet, constitution of the noble parts, diligence of the Physicians & others that be conversant about the cure, and other circumstances, the explication of which belongs not to this place. 4. aph. 4 3. Hippocrates saith, that Feavers after what manner soe­ver they intermitte, are not dangerous at all. They are therefore curable by a wise and learned Physician, although perhaps unskilfull fellowes by a prepo­sterous way of ministring Physick may make them incurable. aph. 25. lib. 2. Thus summer quar­tanes are said to be short, but Autumne long, especially those that reach unto winter. That in some men many diseases remaine in­curable for divers-causes, it is not there­fore to be thought that they are such by their owne nature, nor is it to be conclu­ded to the dishonour of Physick, that they cannot be overcome and conque­red by art. Neverthelesse men should not give credit to the boasting words of some moungrel-Physicians, who feare not to try, and spare not to promise any thing, and yet performe but little. If they chance with a doubtfull remedie to cure a hard disease not well knowne of them, with what words can the glory of so great a miracle be expressed, with [Page 115]what reward can it be requited? But if the cure succeede not well, they lay the blame not upon themselves, but upon the negligence of the patient, or the by-standers, or on the wilfullnesse of the sick.

CHAP. XI. That the heat of the liver cannot be known by the heat of the palme of the hand.

IT is an ordinary thing with many, when the palme of the hand is very hot, to thinke that they are affected with a preternaturall heat of the liver, which notwithstanding is not very certain, al­though some Physicians also have been of the same opinion. For what greater sympathie is there of the liver with the hands, then with any other part; No ex­traordina­ry sym­pathy between them. Galen in Arte parvâ writes, that if the liver be hot, the whole bulke of the body is not likewise, unlesse the heart doe hinder it, and in like manner the whole body is made hot by the heart, if the liver hinder not, and therefore it ought not to be attributed to the hands onely. Againe that unusuall heat of the hands doth ra­ther proceede from the heart, which communicates to the whole body hot­ter spirits, and warmer blood then the [Page 116]Liver. Moreover Galen in his booke a­gainst Lycus proves, that there is no sympathy betwixt the stomach and the hands, because there is a threefold rea­son of sympathie. A three­fold reason of sympa­thy. First, of vicinitie; the second of familiaritie of function; the third, by communion of vessels; which things we may apply to the Li­ver and the hands: For betwixt them there is no vicinitie or nearnesse in re­gard of scituation; no familiaritie of function; if there be any sympathy, it must be of the third kinde, to wit, by communion of vessels; but the vessels that issue out of the Liver, are not car­ried to the hands alone, but to the whole body. In the hands besides the veines, there are arteries, which convey to them a greater heat from the heart: Therefore from the hands ought not to be inferred rather the heat of the Liver then of the heart. Besides the heat of the Liver is perpetuall, or at least of long continuance, but that heat of the hands is fugitive, 6. Epid. Sect. 2. text. 32. Fen. 13. lib. 3. tract. 1. cap. 3. 4. Colliget. cap 4. often goes and comes again. Againe, other Authours attribute it to the Spleen, to wit, if the Spleen tend upwards, but if it incline downwards the lower parts are said to be hot. * A­vicenne will have long fingers to shew [Page]the magnitude and heat of the Liver; but * Averrhoes laughs at him: And the man whom thou knowest saith, that the shortnesse of the fingers betokens a little Liver, and herein it appears that he knew not wherein the power of forming did con­sist, and considered not but in the parts themselves, but let him goe with the rest. Which are the words of Averrhoes, who believed not that the signes of the tem­perature, or conformation of the Liver could be drawn from the hands, seeing there is no more peculiar sympathy be­tween these parts than others. There­fore Galen in Arte parvâ, when he expli­cates the signes of an hot Liver, omit­ted that figne of the heat of the hands, as did the rest of the Greeks, Aetius, Ae­gineta, and others. Argenterius in his commentary on the forenamed place of the Art of Physick, blames Galen, for o­mitting this sign. But more rightly do others defend Galen, because that signe is nothing else then the vaine imagina­tion of the vulgar; for not onely the hands, but the whole body is necessari­ly made hot, neither is that heat of the hands permanent, but unstable, and un­certain.

CHAP. XII. Of them that complaine of a hot Liver, but a cold Stomach.

IT is a common and ordinary thing for many to complaine of the heat of the Liver, and coldnesse of the Stomach, because they feele winde and crudities in their Stomach, together with some running heats in the body, as in the face, hands and feet. But these are to be admonished of some things.

First, 1 it is certaine that the Stomach, because it is a spermaticall part, mem­branous and bloodlesse, and white, is of a cold temperament, The Sto­mach is naturally of a cold tempera­ment. but to thinke that the heat of the Liver can hurt it, is an absurditie: For Galen writes, that it was fenced about by Nature on every side with hot Intrailes, that it might more compleatly execute its functions: it lies in the middle, between the Liver, the Spleen, the Caule, and the gut Co­lon, and is encompassed with them on every side, that like a cauldron among a great many fires it may be made hot by them; wherefore Riolanus in his An­thropographie doth not thinke it a thing probable, that the heat of the Liver should diminish the heate of the Sto­mach, [Page 119]but rather augment it.

Secondly, it ought to be observed, 2 that the forenamed symptomes doe often happen in them that be in health, that have a hot temper of the bowels, but use an ill diet. For by too much drin­king either of wine, and of Ale and Beere, abundance of crudities in the belly doe grow, and swimmings, bel­chings, windinesse, and spittings doe a­rise; for it is an ordinary thing, Strong drinks breed cold diseases. for cold affects to proceed from too much gul­leting even of hot drinks, which do not happen by a distemper of the part, but through the fault of him that takes them. In the mean while the Liver drawes unto it the thinner spirits of those drinkes, whereby it is enflamed, and so distributes too hot blood to the whole body. Thence it is that they seem to feele heat in the body, and cru­ditie in the Stomach at the same time. And so they falsly accuse the contrary distempers of the parts, not blaming their owne intemperance. But if they would live soberly, and use moderate drinkes, they should experience no such matter.

Thirdly, some are troubled with it, al­though they live soberly, and such are [Page 120]hypocondriacke persons, whose They are the parts contained in the belly. hy­pocondres are hot and dry, and obstru­cted, which evill is very common in this country, and it arises most com­monly from the aforesaid cause, name­ly a disordered diet. But in them the Stomach is not made colder, by reason of the vicinitie of the hot hypocondres, but because many melancholy and fla­tulent humours are cast into the sto­mach, which vitiate concoction, where­upon they thinke they have a col­der stomach than indeed they have. Thence it is that Physicians demand, how it comes to passe, that hypocon­driake persons, seeing they are oppressed with a hot disease, doe neverthelesse a­bound with winde and cruditie [...]. The cause whereof, although some Physici­ans referre to the cold Stomach, yet it is better as we have said, to referre it to the corrupt humours weakning the temper of the Stomach; from whence proceed not onely tart crudities, which come from cold, but also nidorous bel­chings, which doe arise from heate, especially if the party cat nidorous meat, as fried Egges, and the like. Hence one sayes well, that the sym­ptomes in an hypochondriake passion [Page 121]are many of them cold, but the cause is hot.

CHAP. XIII. That the Husband cannot breed his Wives childe.

AMong very many Errours, this seems most worthy to bee laughed at, that the husband is thought to bee sick, and troubled with the same sym­ptomes, wherewith a woman with child is wont; yea and many will have this thing to be confirmed by experience. I had a patient sick of a Feaver, with a very high coloured, and troubled urine, who would not be perswaded of any o­ther cause of his sicknesse, then his wives being with childe. I doe not remem­ber that I have read of it at any time, nor heard it observed in any place but in England. It is certaine that women with childe, in the first moneths of their conception, are wont to bee troubled with very many and sundry symptomes, especially they that are of cacochymick and impure bodies: Now they doe u­sually arise from the retention of their Flowers. For seeing Nature is wont to use that Flux, not only for the purging out of superfluous blood, but of cor­rupt [Page 122]and vitious humours also, such blood being retent and kept in, they are likewise retained. That blood re­tained, because for the smalnesse of the young one in the beginning of her gra­viditie, it is not at all spent for the nou­rishment thereof, doth putrifie, and hath recourse either to the noble parts, or at least annoyes them with filthy va­pours which it sends forth, from whence arise the aforesaid symptomes in the sto­mach, intrailes, belly, head, and the whole body, as vomiting, loathing of meat, unsatiable longing and lusting, gripings, dizzinesse of the head, and such like. Seeing therefore the husband hath not in him the causes of these af­fects, but his wife onely, it stands with reason, that shee onely should be sick. Nor, if any husband be sick when his wife is with childe, was hee infected by his wife; for that distemper may happen through some peculiar fault of his owne body. As while I write this it raines, yet neither is my writing the cause of the raine, nor the raine of my writing. It is no new thing for husbands and their wives to bee both sick toge­ther. But it is a wonder, and hereto­fore a thing unknown, that graviditie, [Page 123]or a womans being with childe is a con­tagious disease, and that not other wo­men, but men only, whom nature hath freed from this travaile, should be in­fected therewith. Furthermore it is observed, that the same symptomes do not happen to all women, or at least not all to every one, and yet it often falls out, that when the woman is in good health, the husband is sick, yea sometimes being many miles off. But if he endure that by his wives being with childe, how comes it to passe that she continues well at the same time? For naturall causes doe sooner worke upon the near, than upon the remote subject: And for that cause, seeing the woman carries about her such noxious humours, she should be sooner, and more grievously sick. I know some­thing might be said of simpathy, anti­pathy, contagion, fascination, and o­ther such trifles. But if these things be so, why do not maids and widows, who are very often troubled with the like symp­tomes, through suppression of their flowers, infect their bedfellows and fami­liars, seeing there is the same cause, and without doubt they may have a sym­pathy with some of them. To cause a [Page 124]contagion, not only the efficacie of the agent, but also a disposition and analo­gy in the patient is requisite. But who believes not, that another woman is more prone to receive and take the symptomes of gravidity than a man, see­ing they were all created for propaga­tion of children, and therefore one wo­man ought to take great heed to her self of another. Moreover it may hap­pen, that a woman that is sore troubled with the green sicknesse (as they call it) is married to a man, whom notwith­standing although her flowers be sup­pressed, she shall never infect: why then when the same woman is with childe, and there is no other reason of sickness, then suppression of the flowers, shall her husband be sick? Men would be in an ill case, if as often as there were a sup­pression of their wives flowers, so of­ten they, not their wives should bee sick? But because by the very relating of it, the absurdity of this errour doth appeare, I will adde no more. Iupiter bore Bacchus in his thigh, and Pallas in his brain; but let this be proper to him alone.

CHAP. XIIII. Whether forraine Physicians, and Aliens can know the temper of the sick of another Countrey.

TO know the temperature of the sick, conduces much to the know­ledge of diseases, and their cure, and this businesse requires a long and diffi­cult handling. I will onely say thus much, that some are of opinion, that Strangers cannot know the temperature of them of another Country, as French men of the English: But that is repug­nant to the nature of the Art of Phy­sick, the precepts whereof are generall, The pre­cepts of Physick are generall and may easily be applyed to any Coun­try. For every art is of universals, not of particulars, therefore here in En­gland, all that are skilfull Artists doe practise Physick according to the pre­cepts of Galen and Hippocrates, which if any man doe well understand, he is able to discerne the diversitie of men according to their ages, countries, and the different temper of the aire, and what medicaments are convenient for them. Concerning which, Hippocrates hath written an excellent book of aire, waters, and places. For the Art of Phy­sick, [Page 126]wheresoever it is taught, doth lay downe marks and signes which are ta­ken from Countries, both for the know­ledge and prognostication of diseases, and indications, which the diversitie of Countries doth afford, for the appoint­ment of a right diet, letting of bloud, prescribing of purges, and administring of all other remedies. Otherwise it were no Art, if it should accommodate its precepts to some particular place on­ly. Galen, who was borne and brought up in Greece, practised Physick at Rome: Hence 3 prog­nost. Hippocrates saith that his do­cuments may be applyed to any Coun­try, either hot or cold, to Lybia, Delos, Scythia, and the rest. Also the Arabi­ans have borrowed from the Greeks their precepts of curing, which are the very same with the Galenists, which we promiscuously follow. Therefore it was wisely ordered by the Spaniards, and Portugals, that in India, where they beare rule, Physick should be pra­ctised after the self same manner that it is in Europe, according to the doctrine of Galen and Hippocrates. I know much might be said of that variety of tempe­rature which Countries doe give to the inhabitants, for even in one and the [Page 127]same Kingdome there is a great diver­sitie of inhabitants, in respect of the divers situation of the Countryes, na­ture of the soyle, blowing of the wind, and other causes, for the diligent search of all which, the Art of Physick layes down rules. And yet whatsoever the Climate and Country be, even in the most Northern Climates, there are men of every temper, hot, cold, chole­rick, flegmatick, sanguine, melancholick. One that without license practised Phy­sick, a Surgeon by profession, that he might doe me a displeasure, was often wont to say, that Frenchmen cannot un­derstand the nature and constitution of the English. I once asked him what was that constitution of an Englishman, wherein he differs from a Frenchman, by what signes he could know it, seeing that in every place are men of every tempera­ture, which things seeing they cannot be knowne but of a learned Physician, it is no wonder if every simple medi­cine-monger be ignorant of them. For it is a thing exceeding hard to be known. Therfore Galen said, that if he could but perfectly know the temperature of his Patients, he should be another Aescu­lapius. I will now only adde thus much, [Page 128]that what is talked by the vulgar con­cerning the temperature of divers peo­ple, is well understood but of few, for all men have their proper temperaments differing from others, ingendred in them from the principles of generati­on; they cannot therefore have any thing common in which all men can a­gree. That same therefore is onely a certain custome, and inclination of na­ture to a mans own Country, aire, and usuall manner of diet, which wee ac­quire by little and little, without chan­ging of that proper and inbred tempe­rament, which we derive from our pa­rents, from whence it comes to passe, that some live better in their owne Country aire, although unwholsome, than in another. Avicenne saith, that an Indian would be sick if he were in Sclavonia. Although that is not always true, for it may be that some English­man may live more healthfully in Spain, than in his own native Country.

CHAP. XV. Of them that referre almost all dis­eases to a Cold.

IT is a thing very frequent and ordi­nary, when any falls into a disease, [Page 129]or is not well, to blame some externall cold, from which, he hath not careful­ly preserved himself. And indeed this may oftentimes be the cause of many diseases. For the aire is attracted by us continually by inspiration, and transpiration, and it doth impart its qualities to us, whatsoever they bee. But it hurts most of all, when the pores being opened through heat, a cold comes of a sudden, for it obstructs and stops them presently; from whence, by reason of the fuliginous vapors retain­ed, fevers doe ordinarily ensue in ca­cochymick bodies; but in others, pain, wearinesse, difficulty of breathing. Cold aire being inspired, makes the gristles of the lungs become stiffe, so that the lungs can scarce bee dilated. Hence oftentimes the vessels of the lungs are broken, and of other parts also, and the bloud runs into some ca­pacity, and putrifies, corrupts, and stirs up naughty symptomes. But con­cerning this thing, it will not be amisse to give some notice of a few moni­tions.

First, that all that blame this cause, 1 are not therefore sick by reason of it, for there are sundry other externall cau­ses [Page 130]of diseases. Therefore commonly they that live in a cold aire, reap not any evill thereby; but the same par­ties, even in the height of Summer, and being well clad with cloaths, doe notwithstanding complaine that they get cold to their hurt. the same may be said of other externall causes of dis­eases. In one and the same City, there are many that breath in the same aire, use the same exercises, and the same di­et, yet when they fall into diseases, they are troubled with sundry, and in every respect, different diseases. If a­ny man shall say that he is sick through a surfeit of meats or drinks, perhaps he had eaten or drunk as largely a hun­dred times before, and without any harm to himself: which in like manner may be said of cold aire, and immo­derate labour; when many a time hee hath endured a colder aire, and un­dergone the same labour without recei­ving the least hurt, it is a wonder how now he should bee sick thereby. So we often see the last meat, or that ex­ercise that one hath last used, or the last cold which he hath taken before the disease, to be blamed, as also the last remedy is thought to have procured [Page 131]health. Where it is to be noted, that these are called externall causes, and that they doe not alwayes, and at every time affect the body, but then onely when an inward disposition lurks in the body, and a morbous preparation, which such causes do stir up.

Secondly, they must take notice, that those externall causes doe vanish away, and continue not, but their effects, to wit, the diseases stirred up by the inward causes do remain in the body, and there­fore the contemplation of externall cau­ses is not always necessary for the know­ledge or curing of diseases, but of the internall alone, which stirre up, and fo­ster the disease. For wee see a disease that hath had its beginning from a cold aire, neverthelesse not to be cured, al­though the temper of the aire be chan­ged, but often to continue hard to be cured.

From whence also, Thirdly, it is to be noted, that remedies are not to be mea­sured according to the nature of ex­ternall causes, for they indicate nothing. For so hot things should bee alwayes good for them, in whom cold hoth been the cause of the beginning of a disease, which is not true, for many times cool­ing [Page 132]things doe profit more. From a cool aire, as we have said, many times burning feavers doe arise; as also from baths that are too cold, whereby the pores of the body are stopped, and the fuliginous vapours retained, by which the bloud is inflamed. If the people doe here (as usually they are wont) encounter the disease with remedies that are of a heating quality, they will be so farre from vanquishing the disease, as that they will rather increase it more. In this case inward cooling me­dicines, and as Galen often teaches, letting of bloud is the principall reme­dy: In the eighth book of Method hee lets bloud in a diary, that is generated by the obstruction of the skinne, lest there follow putrefaction. For though the externall cause bee cold, yet the internall, to which alone the cure is to applyed, is often hot, and is made so by reason of the corrupt humours that are kept in.

CHAP. I. Of the goodnesse of Waters.

HIppocrates, Galen, Avicenne, and other of the principall Phy­sicians, doe so commend the drinking of water in disea­ses, that next to the letting of bloud, they attribute thereunto the chiefest place in curing burning feavers, and it is also the ordinary drink of many Nati­ons. Yet now a dayes some doe so much abhorre from the use thereof, that they think it almost present poy­son. Now they think that the waters in England, in respect of the coldnesse of the Climate, are more crude, and not so pure and wholsome as those in France, Spain, and the hot Countries. And indeed every one ought to be so­licitous of the goodnesse of the waters. The best is discerned by the smell, co­lour, [Page 134]taste, levity of it in the hypochon­dres, and by the quick and speedy re­ceiving of heat and cold. So as that is best which is bright and cleare to the sight, tastes and smells of nothing at all, as also which is the lightest, thin­nest, and soon passes through the belly. Since then such water may bee found every where, Good wa­ters even in cold climates. even in the most frozen Countries, and I have often found such in this Country, we may conjecture of their grosse errour, that doe generally condemne their owne Country waters. Now this is their errour, that by the coldnesse of the Country they reckon the goodness or unwholsomenesse of the water; hence they think that it is ex­cessively cold, and therefore crude, and hard of digestion, which Hippocrates calls [...]. Which thing is not to be ad­mitted, for the water borrowes not its crudity or goodnesse from the Sun, be­cause the heat of the Sun cannot warm the water in the bowels of the Earth, for it cannot penetrate so far, which scarce pierces through the roofs of our hou­ses unto us. This doe the cellars un­der the Earth manifest, which in the height of Summer are exceeding cold. But if the Sunne bee not the cause of [Page 135]this, much lesse can the parts of the world, which are hot onely because of the propinquity, or remotenesse of the Sunne. Therefore others doe more rightly blame the cold or heat of the earth it self: for if the heat of the earth be moderate; the water is well conco­cted; but if there be burnings in the earth, it breaks out either hot, or war­med, so as all sorts of water may spring forth in any part of the world, which is especially to be understood, if they be drawn out of the fountaine it selfe, be­fore they bee altered by the cold aire. To this adde the manner of transcolati­on; for that is the purest, What wa­ter is the best. not which lyes open towards the Sunne, or runnes Eastward, but that which is best strai­ned. For in its own nature it is a simple body, which unlesse it be tinctured with some other mixture, will alwaies in e­very place be of equall goodnesse. Therefore that which is well strained, and so purged from dregs, is the best, in as much as it comes nearer to the inte­gritie of its owne nature, and is free from the mixture of another matter. Therefore seeing this is done by the transcolation and thorough-straining, there is no doubt but every where good [Page 136]and evill waters may spring forth, as the straining through is made better or worse. Now this depends upon the nature of the earth. On this Errour hangs another; An Errour in not boy­ling beere well. that they do but light­ly boyle thinne beere made of water oft­times impure enough; for by a light boy­ling it cannot be amended, nor the cru­ditie taken away, and hence doe hap­pen the evills which Authours attri­bute to crude waters, that they are thick, heavy to the belly, stick long in the bowels, cause swimmings, are easily corrupted, and doe not distri­bute well the nourishment; for drinke should be very light and passible: They doe worse who drinke it very new, as many are wont, especially in the North parts of England; for so it doth neither please the palate, nor is whole­some to the body; for it is heavy in the hypochondres by reason of the abun­dance of dregs, and it causeth obstru­ctions, the meane thereof is the best, being well boyled and throughly pu­rified.

CHAP. II. That the linnen of the sick ought often to be changed.

IT seems to the common people to be a hainous offence, often to change the linnen used about the sick. For they think that the sick are enfeebled and weakened thereby. This Errour Holle­rius in his chapter of the burning Fea­ver, and Rondeletius in his chapter of the Feaver Synochus, have noted among their countrymen, and reproved, but they give no reason for it; yet they bid that the linnen about the sick bee often changed: For by long keeping of them, three inconveniences doe happen to the sick: To wit, 3. Inconve­niences by foule lin­nen. the transpiration of the body is hindred; sweat and filth are hept in their shirts, which doe pu­trifie and contract an ill favour; the sweat and filth doe obstruct the body, and so double the heat: Which three things what great hurt they bring to the sick, and the healthfull also, all Physici­ans know. Hippocrates bids that all things be kept clean about the sick, and Galen studies by all meanes to preserve transpiration free, that the cold aire may be attracted, and filthy vapours exclu­ded, [Page 138]especially in continuall Feavers, in which for the most part the Feaver comes by the obstruction of the pores of the skinne. Therefore these being ob­structed, both by the filth and the sweat, there followes a retention of the fuligi­nous vapours, and thereby the Feaver which was before, is encreased, or is kindled afresh. On the contrary, it can scarce be, that he whose body doth transpire well, and so is free and open, should fall into grievous and dangerous diseases. The Ancients that did not use linnen, did keep a frequent use of baths and frictions, whereby the body was opened, and cleansed. Adde to this, that the excrements being retained doe putrifie, and the sweat stinks, from whence succeeds an encrease of the feaverish heat, nor doth that evacuation by the pores of the skin commodiously ensue. Therefore it is very good often to change the linnen about the sick, and when they sweat diligently to wipe or cleanse their body.

CHAP. III. Of Lessius his Diet-booke.

LEssius the Jesuite, a most learned man, in his Eloquent Diet-booke, hath so endeavoured to mote out every mans course of Diet, that he would have twelve ounces to be a sufficient quanti­tie of meat for any man, and fourteene of drinste, which he that will observe, ought to refuse no kinde of meat which the people uses, nor shall he easily fall into diseases, through fulnesse or ill hu­mours, but shall alwaies be furnished with a lively body, and cheerfull mind. All which is true of sobriety in the ge­nerall. 6. Epid. Sect. 4. aph. 20. For the study of health is not to eat too much-meat and to be quick to labour. But that quantity of meat seems to me not to be agreeable with the opinion of Physicians; for the same quantitie of meat cannot be sufficient for all men, but it must be diverse in respect of times and places, kindes of meat, exercises, labours, and nature of him that takes it. He seems to have accommodated that course of diet principally to reli­gious men. In Summer a lesse, in Win­ter a greater quantity of meat is conve­nient, because th [...] * belly is hotter, 1 Aph. 19 and [Page 140]sleep longer, as saith Hippocrates: Because therefore one body differs from ano­ther, one nature from another, and coun­tries differs, times of the year, ages, and the nature of meats are diverse, a certain measure cannot be prescribed. Some meats are very nourishing, of which a small quantity doth suffice; some nou­rishing but little, which ought to be gi­ven in a greater quantitie. Therefore Hippocrates in his book de veteri Medici­nâ said well, that neither the measure, nor waight, nor quantity can be known, nor any other certainty be found, then by the sense of the body. So Galen teaches, 2 Aph. 27. that such a quantity is to be ad­ministred, as may not burden the sto­mach. 1 Aph. 5. And Hippocrates is plaine, that a slender diet is more dangerous for those that are in health, than a full diet. To whom Celsus doth assent, who perswades to meat twice a day, Capa. lib. 1. rather than but once, and alwaies to eate liberally, so that it may be well concocted. The same Cel­sus writes, that a man in health, and that is at his own libertie, ought to tie him­self to no lawes; yea, that sometimes he should eat and drinke liberally. Diet is indicated by the strength, now the strength indicates a preservation of it [Page 141]selfe; but such a diet doth not preserve but diminish strength, Diet is threefold. and exhaust na­turall heat. Physicians make a three­fold difference of diet; Slender, which impaires strength; moderate, which pre­serves strength; and full, which increa­ses it. Now a slender diet is never con­venient for the healthfull, but for the sick onely. Lib. 7. aph. 65. For as meat is strength to the healthfull, so to the sick, it is a diseases Lib. 2. aph. 10. and impure bodies, the more you nourish them, the more you hurt them. But in them that be in health, the strength of na­ture is alwaies to bee preserved, or to bee augmented by food, not to bee impaired: Now a full diet doth encrease strength, a amoderate preserves it, and a spare diet doth diminish it, therefore in health, it is al­waies good to avoid this spare diet: But it will not be amisse to use either of the o­ther, whether it be a full diet, or it concern the upholding or maintaining of strength by a moderate diet, as the present state shall seem to require; as Galen teaches in his Comment upon the fourth Aphorisme of the first book. But if there be any found a­mong the holy Fathers, that have lived to the hundreth yeare of their age in continuall fastings, and extreame absti­nence from meat and drinke, that is ra­ther [Page 142]to be attributed to a miracle, than to any naturall cause, Ad aph. 4. lib. 1. saith * Mercuria­lis. Notwithstanding Lessius himselfe saies well, that this was no miraculous thing, but possible to nature. In the generall, such a spare diet creates but few spirits, and those not so quick and agile, and makes the body unable to endure labour, and externall injuries; for where there is hunger, Apha 6. lib. 2. labour ought to be abandoned. It may perhaps be good for moyst bodies, and such as are accu­stomed to it, as also old men, and such as live a contemplative life: 7. Aph. 59. * for hun­ger dries the body, Aph. 13. lib. 1. and * old men easily en­dure fasting. Therefore although I doe very much approve of this book of the most learned Lessius, and think it very fit for religious persons that lead a con­templative life, yet it is not so conve­nient for others, that follow another course of life. In generall onely, any one may learn out of it, that sobriety is a vertue highly to be commended, and very profitable to the body, for the pre­servation of the health of the body and minde, and for prevention of diseases.

CHAP. IIII. That not a full, but a slender Diet is con­venient for the Sick.

HIppocrates said wel in his first Apho­risme, that not only the Physician, but the by-standers, and the sick himselfe also ought to doe their duty, otherwise remedies cannot be fitly ad­ministred, if what the Physician hath rightly prescribed, the by-standers doe either omit, or use unseasonably, or attempt any thing about the sick, which afterwards may prove hurtfull to him, without the advice of the Phy­sician. And therefore in this Chapter wee will speake somewhat of the by­standers. For those women that serve the sick, as also the kinsfolks and friends that come to visit the sick, doe usually obtrude upon his abundance of meat, and that very often, as they say, to uphold his strength, alwayes fearing lest he dye with hunger. Their inten­tion truly is very good, for the inte­grity of the strength is the conservati­on of the whole man. Now the diet hath especially regard unto the entire safe­guard of the strength, and by accident unto the cure, in as much as it ought to [Page 144]resist the disease and its cause. Athreefold errour in the point of diet. But they commonly erre in quantity, qua­lity, and time, wherewith the circum­cumstances, not only of meats, but of all remedies are wont to bee determi­ned. As concerning the quantity, (for we will begin with with it) it is to be noted, that the sick have the causes of diseases lurking within them, which do impaire their strength; now meat, al­though it doth by its owne nature pre­serve strength, yet it doth not subdue the causes of diseases, from whence it comes to passe, that the disease often­times forbids the meat, which the strength requires: therefore the more more you nourish impure bodies, Ach. 10. lib 2. A good civeat. the more you hurt them, saith Hippocrates. Which thing all they ought to consider, who who while they busie themselves to help the sick, doe thrust them into a sure destruction, and whether the Phy­sician command or forbid any thing, yet they doe of their own accord what they please. It is an ordinary thing for the sick, especially such as bee sick of feavers, for whom principally keep­ers are provided, to refuse meat, by reason of ill humours that oppresse the stomack, by which, as Galen sayes in [Page 145]his Commentaries, the meat is corrup­ted, and so the ill humours are increa­sed, and their quality not amended at all; hence it is so farre from increasing the strength, It is not the eating of meat, but the conco­cting of what is eaten that nourisheth as that it is rather im­paired thereby; for as the same Galen said well in another place, the body is not nourished by those things which are taken into it, but by those which being taken, are well concocted, which is not usuall in sick persons. For a weak stomack doth not well concoct meat, but it is rather corrupted by the abundance and contagion of vitious humours, 7 Aph. 65. and so it nourisheth the cause of the disease. Therefore Hippocrates said well, If any give meat to one in a feaver, as it is strength to the healthfull, so it is a disease to the sick. In Hippocra­tes his dayes, as well as in our age, they erred in their manner of diet, as hee complaines in his first book of the diet of Acute diseases. And therefore after his counsell it is best to use a slender diet, which if it may suffice them that be in health, as we said in the former Chapter, much more the sick; there­fore more ought not to bee given to them then their strength can digest. Here also the nature of diseases is to be [Page 146]observed, for some are Chronicall, in which it is lawfull to nourish more; o­thers Acute, in which a spare diet is very convenient. 1 Aph. 7. When a disease is very acute, the patient hath exceeding great labours, and an exceeding spare diet is to be used; but when it is not acute, but it is convenient to use a full diet, so much meat is to bee taken as the disease abateth of extreames. And in the following A­phorisme, When the disease is in the height, then the patient must use a very spare diet; because, as Galen sayes in his Comment; nature must not bee withdrawn from the concoction of the humours to the concoction of meat: Therefore seeing that according to the strength of the party, and nature of the disease, the quantity of food is to bee judged, and that a great part of the re­medy doth consist in food seasonably administred, the by-standers ought not importunately to obtrude it, especially women, who are alwayes afraid lest the sick dye with hunger. Yet I doe not altogether disallow of meat, for by it alone is the strength preserved. But I have in this Chapter insinuated, that the quantity, quality, and time of using it, [Page 147]ought to bee prescribed by the advice and counsell of Physicians.

CHAP. V. Of the quality of meats about the Sick.

IT is an usuall thing likewise for them to erre, not only in quantity, but in quality also. For they are often wont to offer to the sick, yea to such as bee sick of feavers, divers strengthening meats, as they call them; as ale boyled with eggs, mace, nutmeg, and cynamon, and other meats which they call by sundry names; yea, and they urge them sometimes to take solid meats; but all this very foolishly.

And first, it is certaine, that solid meats are unfit for the sick, seeing they cannot be well concocted by the sto­mack. Supping meats sooner nourish then solid meats. But those meats that are to be supped, are more easily overcome by the stomack, and doe soonest nourish; and therefore Hippocrates in divers pla­ces perswades to nourish the sick with supping meats, rather than with solid meats. For by such a diet nature is sooner strengthened, and is not hin­dred from the conflict which it hath be­gun with the disease. Aph. 11. lib. 2. It is more easie to bee filled with drinkes than with meat: [Page 148]where by drinkes he meanes whatso­ever is taken by supping, as interpreters observe.

Secondly, it is to observed, that in the healthfull, meats ought to be alike, because the naturall state doth require to be preserved, but every thing is pre­served by things that are alike: But in the sick, the quality of meats ought to resist the disease, that there may be medicine in meat, for to every disease its contrary must be applyed: To a hot nature, 6 Epid. sect. 6. cooling, drinking of water, rest; From whence it comes to passe, that they that goe about to strengthen the sick with such a diet, doe oftentimes more hurt to them, and more increase the cause of the disease, and so the strength is more impaired. Therefore the judgment of a Physician is alwayes to be used; nor ought the by-standers rashly to exhibite any thing, which o­therwise is profitable to the healthfull, for the same doth prove many times very hurtfull to the sick. And let this suffice to be said in this place; for the larger explication of this subject, be­longs to them that write of the mat­ter of Physick. For it is not my pur­pose to teach Physick, but onely to [Page 149]shew to the people their errours, as I have said in another place.

CHAP. VI. Of the time of using meates.

A Physician ought also to be consul­ted withall, at what time meates may most fitly be administred, otherwise a pernicious Errour may happen to the sick, and at this day this Errour is too fa­miliar. For the By-standers, especially the women, doe usually offer meat to the sick at inconvenient seasons. Where they must know, Not good to easin fit. that in the fits they should altogether abstaine from meat, as Hippocrates teacheth. In the fits it is good to abstaine, Aph. 11. lib. 1. for to give meat then is hurtfull; and they to whom the fits doe come by circuit, must abstaine in the fit. And in the nineteenth Aphorisme of the second book, It is good to give nothing to them that have fits by circuit, nor to com­pell them to eate, but to withdraw from their ordinary diet, till after the crisis. Wherein they erred not a little in Hip­pocrates his time, as also in this our age, in which there are many, that without difference doe feed the sick, having no regard to the time. Now he doth not here onely forbid to give meat in the [Page 160]fit, but also to compell the sick to take it; for it is the fashion of many to urge them to eat. For while nature in the fit wrestles against the disease, it is but little intent upon digesting the meat, whereby it comes to passe, that it being unconcocted doth encrease the disease, and the symptomes thereof. Now what what harme comes by the unseasonable eating of meat, 4. De acut. the same Hippocrates teacheth.

The First is, 1 the suffocation of heat, for in the paroxysme the morbous hu­mours returne into the inward parts, and oppresse naturall heat, but much more after the taking of meat.

The Second, 2 is the increasing and lengthning of the paroxysmes and the disease; for the matter of the disease, and the meat cannot be well concocted together, and therefore excrements are necessarily increased, which doe after­ward increase inflammations, heats, and other symptomes of the disease it selfe. But because there is a certaine case, wherein it is not onely lawfull, In what case it may do good to nourish the sick. but also necessary to nourish the sick in the pa­roxysme, to wit, when the sick is of an hot and dry temper, hath the mouth of of his stomach feeble, and of a most ex­quisite [Page 151]sence, so that it is easily offen­ded by every humour, and causes dan­ger of swouning. At that time to nourish with those things which corro­borate the stomach, Galen judges it to be most profitable; 10. Method. cap. 3. where he tels the story of a young man, who in Summer lying sick of a Tertian, un­lesse he did eat meat in his fit, he fell into a Syncope. But this case is very rare, and requires not a little skill and judgement in the Physician, and exceeds the capa­citie of the vulgar, and therefore it is not safe to imitate this without the ad­vice of a prudent Physician. All which I have said, that men may seriously con­sider, that they ought not adventurous­ly to use those remedies, which other­wise seeme to be most familiar with na­ture; for in the application of every re­medy, many things are to beloonsiderect, which the skilfull Physician alone doth know. But many that adveaturoufly practise Physick are ignorant of them, who take care onely that they may get popular applause, and please the peo­ple, that they may seem to be solicitous for the strength of the sick, the confer­vation of which neverthelesse doth not depend on words, but on the seasonable [Page 152]administration of remedies. Let all men know therefore, that the sick ought not alwaies to be obeyed, as if he desire that which is hurtfull to him. 6. Epid. sect. 4. text. 7. But in these things (saith Hippocrates) the sick are to be obeyed. Namely, that their meate and drinke be cleanly dressed, When good to obey the sick. that those things be pleasant which they see, and soft which they touch, provided they hurt not too much, and that they be easie to be amended, as the administring of cold water when there is need, and such like. So Avicenne in the third Section of his first booke, wils that those things which are desired of the sick be granted, so as no harme come to the body. aph. 38. lib 2. And Hippocrates saith; Meat and drink a little worse, but pleasing, is to be preferred before better, but lesse pleasing. where he doth not grant corrupt meats, but onely such as are a little worse, so that the sick bee very much delighted therewith, and prefers them before such meats as the sick doth utterly abhorre, which are never to be given to the sick. Thus Galen did yeeld to some that were sick of Feavers to taste simits. 1. ad Glavcon. As there­fore I doe not approve of too austere Physicians, Too much in­dulgence in a phy­sician not good. yet they that be too indul­gent are worse, such in times past was Asclepiades at Rome, who granted to [Page 153]the sick, bathes, wine, flesh, and what­soever was liked and wished for by the sick, and so with a wonderfull craft he drew unto him the mindes of men, doubtlesse not without the apparent danger of many. From what hath been already said another errour is conspicu­ous; for in Agues, when the sick are cold all over their body, they give them drink both actually hot, and very hea­ting, that they may drive away the cold fit, which is contrary to the judgement of Hippocrates, 1. Acut. and of the ancient and moderne Physicians, who forbid to ad­minister any thing in the fits, and per­swade rather to lessen the quantity of their meat and drink. Hence Hippocrates commands when the feet are cold, to ab­stain both from supping meats, & drink; for drink, especially if it be hot, is soon corrupted, and exasperates the aguish heat; therefore in the beginning it is best to give nothing at all, but when the heat hath descended to the feet (as the same Hippocrates saith) something may be given, but it must be such as is not hurtfull for the disease, as those hot drinkes usually are.

CHAP. VII. Of the drinke called a Posset.

IT is an ordinary thing to preseribe for the sick a Posset to drink; now it is made of curded milk, which I doe not disallow, in that it hath the vertue of whey, which is opening. But I will here only note some abuses.

First, 1 that sometimes the milk is coa­gulated with strong Ale, or Wine, either French or Spanish, and then as it may indeed fitly, profitably, and delightful­ly be given to the healthfull, so it hurts them that be sick of Feavers, and of any cholerick disease; for it hearts the body, increaseth the causes of Feavers, inflames the Liver, by reason of its sweetnesse, and penetrating quality, troubles the head, and causes the same evils, which the drinking of wine is said to bring up­on them that are sick of Feavers.

Secondly, 2 this drinke is alwaies admi­nistred hot to the sick, whereas cold drinkes are more pleasant, and more profitable to them that are sick of Fea­vers; for it is not so fitting to give to them that bee thirsty, hot and heating drinkes; and therefore Galen prescribes cold water to temper the heat. As there­fore [Page 155]in some diseases I doe not dislike this drink, so in acute and cholerick Feavers especially, I think it not fit. But if at any time the by-standers would ad­minister it to such as are in Feavers, or the sick themselves desire it, let the boyling milke, be coagulated either with the juice of Lemons, or a little vinegar, adding thereto a little sugar; taken take away the curd, and so there remains the whey alone mixt with the acide juices, an excellent remedie to coole Feavers and to open obstructions. As for the healthfull, they may use it prepared any way even as they please. Also if the milk be curdled with thinne beere or small ale, it will not hurt the sick, for it is of a cooling and opening quality, and may doe very much good to the body, for small beere is of the same vertue with barley water, which Avicenne and others doe highly com­mend. I finde in Dioscorides a darke manner of making a Posset, Diosco­rides his way of making Possers. under the name of Lac Scissile; The milk, saith he, must be boyled in a new earthen pot, and stirred with a green figge-tree branch, and after it have boyled up twice or thrice, so many cups of vinegar mixt with honey must be put to it, as there are pints of milk, [Page 156]and so the whey is separated from that which is congealed into curd. Although now adayes so much art bee not used, yet the manner of preparing it is the same; for first the milk boyles up once or twice; then by powring thereinto Wine or Ale, there is made a separation of the whey from the thicker substance; Lib. 1. cap. 88. Cap. 96. lib. 2. te­trab. 1. and Dioscorides approves of this kind of drink, to whom assents * Paulus Aegineta, and * Aetius.

But more plainely Galen makes men­tion of a whey made with Oxymel, which he commends for those that are in Feavers, to purge choler, and loosen the belly, Com. 4 de tict. cat. in acut. and he teaches the forme of making it. It were therefore better if in imitation of Dioscorides, Galen, and the Ancients, our possets, which are at this day so common a drink in England, were made with acide juices, or oxy­mel; for so they would bee more con­venient for Feavers, and cholerick dis­eases.

CHAP. VIII. That the decoction and broth of an old Cock is not well prescribed for nou­rishing of the sick.

IT is confessed of all, that meats that are easie to be concocted, and of good juice, and quickly nourishing, should be prescribed for the sick, and therefore very well are gellies, and restorative broths made for them. But many times the flesh of which they make these broths is not so fit and proper. Among others, its ordinary to make these sorts of broths of the flesh of an old and fat Cock. This practise hath drawn its o­riginall from the counsels of Physicians misunderstood, among whom the de­coction of an old Cock is in singular e­steem. Of this did Dioscorides a very an­cient writer make mention, and it is al­so in frequent use among our moderne writers in Physick; but not to nutri­fie: forasmuch as all old flesh is of hard digestion, and makes thick chyle, and and yeelds but little good, and alimen­tary luice, and therefore it is in no wise convenient for the sick, to whom no­thing ought to be given but that which is * easie of digestion, [...] and which * yeelds [Page 158]good juice. Lib. 2. cap. 43. Dios [...]o [...]ides teacheth that; for saith he, Broth made of an old cock loosens the belly, drawes down grosse and raw humours, black choler, and excre­ments, is good for long feavers, sighings, the diseases of the joints, and winde of the stomach; and hee teaches the manner of preparing it, and Galen in his 11. Simpl. saith, that Hen-broth hath the vertue of binding the belly, as that of old Cocks hath the force of loosing; where likewise by the way take notice, Hens broth not good in purges. that the broth of a Henne is not to be admi­nistred to them that have taken a Purge, before compleat evacuation; for al­though it doth nourish, yet it staies the belly. But the broth of a young Cock doth nourish very well, and tempers the humours, and therefore is very good for them that be sick. I read in the old copies of Dioscorides, and others, except that Translation of Ruellius, as Mathi­olus reports, That the broth of a young Cock especially is given to temper vitious humours, and in the heats of the stomach simply prepared. But Mesues saies very well of this businesse, Cap. 23. de simpl. purg. where after he had reckoned the flesh of young Cocks and Hennes among the best meats, hee addes, as Silvius interprets: The nitrous [Page 159]and salt flesh of old Cocks especially, unfit for meat, is Physicall, chiefly in the broth thereof, but principally of hazled cocks, which are quick for motion, hot for co­pulation, strong to fight, meane betwixt fat and leane, and the elder they be, the more Physicall they are, saith Galen. This broth, in respect of the nitrous and salt substance of it is hot, it cleanseth, de­tergeth, attenuateth, discusseth winde, be­ing boyled with the seed of Dill, or wild Carrot, Polypodie, and Salgemme; it as­swageth the paine of the stomack, colon, small guts, and reines, arising from wind; opens obstructions, purgeth fleagme with Turbith and Carthamum, and therefore it is good against the paines of the gowt that arise from thence, &c. From whence it is manifest, that an old cock is not used for to nutrifie, but for the Phy­sicall vertues thereof: wherefore for the future they shall doe better, that shall administer young cock-broth to the sick for to nourish them. For the opinion of Hippocrates, Galen, and of all Physicians is stable, that old flesh is not fit for nourishing, and therefore we must conclude, that it is not convenient for the sick.

CHAP. IX. That gold is in vaine boyled in broth for them that are in a Consumption.

IT is usuall with some to put gold in­to the broth of the sick, especially for them that are in consumptions, which although I doe not hold to be hurtfull, or any way pernicious to them, yet I thinke it is altogether unprofitable. Touching the vertue of gold, there is indeed no small controversie among Physicians. The ver­tues of gold. For many excellent Phy­sicians are of opinion, that it is good for the affects of the heart, to renew the sight, to cure the palpitation, syn­cope, leprosie, epilepsie, and being quenched in wine, to cure the paines of the spleene, to help those that be melancholick, and to hinder putrifa­faction. Fen 5. cap. 7. Avicenne saith, that in gold there are hidden qualities, which are good against poyson; if a new borne child hold it in his mouth he need ne­ver feare the Devill; if a woman with child drinke it, she shall not bring forth an abortive. But in his book de me­dic. cordialibus, he places gold betwixt silver and the hyacinth, and he will have it to be of more vertue than silver, but [Page 161]lesse than the hyacinth. The filings of gold is an ingredient in the remedies against melancholly. But hee addes that silver is somewhat cold and dry, Of Silver. and that the operation thereof is like to the hyacinth, save that it is weaker. Of the Hyacinth. Now to the hyacinth he attributes the vertue of cheering and comforting the heart, and of resisting poyson, which vertues (saith he) doth flow from the hyacinth, as the vertue of drawing i­ron from the loadstone; neither can gold be dissolved and overcome by our heat, as vegetables are; for (saith he) the substance thereof doth not yeeld thereto, but only our naturall heat helps the penetrating quality thereof. Fernel himself highly commends it, in that it partakes not of the malignity that is in most mettals: Also Paracelsus contends that all diseases, even the leprosie, and the gowt may be cured by the use of it: And them doe many moderne Physicians follow, and mixe gold in sundry medicaments. But others de­ny all these things; Antonius Musa Bras­savolus, Andreas Baccius of Baths, Fallo­pius, Erastus, Rondeletius, Duretus, and other excellent men. Savanarola ex­tolls aqua vitae above all gold, as being [Page 162]drawne out of a vegetable, and so a cordiall familiar to the nature of man.

This controversie I will not make mine in this place; for though gold may seeme to be an excellent cordiall, and a strengthening medicament, though it be not hurtfull to seeth it in broths, yet it doth no good at all, for nothing is dissolved from it, nor passes into the liquor, except some drosse, because of the substance, which is so very com­pact, as it can bee dissolved with no fire, with no boyling: Againe, it is not easily [...] consubstantiated with us, it cannot be overcome by our heat, nor doth it turne into bloud, nor can it re­paire the losse of spirits, seeing it is so different from our nature, and cannot be converted into it: for the substance of mettals is so different from the nature of man, that after what manner soever they be prepared, they can never become aliments; and for that cause gold can never cure the leprosie, nor a hectick, nor a consumption, nor diseases that are caused of evacuation, which diseases need not only alteration, but also ad­dition of some substance, which no met­tall can supply. Seeing then that those that that are hectick doe not require to [Page 163]be corroborated in quality alone, but to bee repaired by a substantiall moy­sture, in vaine shall gold bee sodden in their broths, for verily it cannot repaire the losse of radicall moysture, seeing it it is not converted into ali­ment, but is voyded as it was taken, or boyled, without any diminution of the weight. Yet all this doth not take from it the cordiall vertue which per­haps is in it, to conquer poysons, and melancholy diseases, but only proves there is no vertue in it for nourishing. Gold nou­rishes not. Sennertus cheated by a Germane Impostor. Not long since, the good man Daniel Sennertus, in the preface of his booke de consensu Chymicorum, being deceived by a Germane sycophant, wrote that a hen being crammed a whole moneth with leafe gold, doth so perfectly turn the gold into her owne substance, that three pure golden lines, as if they were drawne by a workman, may be seene in her breast, which is indeed an ex­traordinary manner of nourishing, to wit, for the food that is taken, so to retaine its owne nature even to the third concoction, that it should be al­together unchanged; this is plainely repugnant to the nature of the body nourished, that it should notwithstan­ding [Page 164]be turned into the substance there­of. But they that have made triall, can testifie that this experiment was false, as that learned man, and here­tofore well knowne of me at Montau­ban, Petrus Laurenbergius (under whom at that time I studied Philosophy) doth professe of himselfe in his examinati­on of the Aphorismes of Augelus Sala. But this is not the onely deceit of the Chymicall Impostors, who to one true experiment doe use to annex a great many false ones, and extoll such ver­tues of things which they can no where make to appeare.

CHAP. X. That milk mixt with water is good for those that are in consumptions.

BEcause among the remedies for those that are in a consumption, (of which we have spoken in the prece­dent Chapter) milk doth not challenge the last, but the chiefest place, we will speake something of it, it being for this purpose much better than gold, for it nourisheth, refrigerateth, and con­folidateth ulcers, and it is profitable for many other things. Yet in admi­nistring it, divers eautions are to bee [Page 165]observed, Cautions in using of milk. which the Physician ought to consider, lest he doe more harme than good, for it is soone corrupted in the stomack. For sometimes it turnes into a nidorous and burning savour; sometimes it growes tart and sowre, or curdles in the stomack. When it be­comes tart and sowre, a little honey or sugar may be boyled in it; for the cold­nesse of the stomack is the cause of the tartnesse; but if it turne into a burning savour, it is corrupted through heat, and then it is good to put thereto a good deale of water. But the people like not this mixture. Yet most excellent Physicians have allowed of it, for it moderates the heat, hurts not the milk it selfe, and is good for hecticks, and such as are in a consumption, in respect of its cooling and moystning, especi­ally if it be Cows milk, which at this day is most ordinary of all. 7 Epid. Hippocra­tes ministers Cowes milk with a sixth part of water, both because this milk is by its owne nature somewhat thick, and also because it quickly turns into a bur­ning savour. 5 Epid. tex. 56. And he tels a story of Py­thocles, who ministred to the sick milk mingled with much water: [...]. And there [Page 166]is the same reason why Avicenne and o­thers doe prescribe butter-Milke, be­cause it is more watery, and so doth re­frigerate more. So Galen commends Asses Milke, because it is very thinne, full of whey, and hath very little curd, therefore it is most fit to amend drinesse, and to temper heate. But if such milk cannot be gotten, it will not be amisse to bring Cowes milk to the temper and consistence of Asses milke, which a mixture of water doth most fitly per­forme. This not onely the Ancients, but the moderne Writers doe observe, Gordondus, Ioubertus, Hollerius, and o­thers. Hollerius in his chapter of Phthi­sis, and the Hectick, saith, If belching doe * savour of burning, Nidorous. a little water must beboyled with the milk. Which coun­sell if many would follow, they should perceive more benefit from the use of Milk than they usually do.

CHAP. XI. That the common proverbe is false, Milke must be washed from the Liver.

BEcause this so familiar, and ordina­ry Proverbe is not of any great mo­ment, we will speake but little of it. Many when they eat Milk, do presently [Page 167]drink Beere or Wine, and say that Milk must be washed off the Liver.

For which saying there is no reason; 1 for then the Milk is not yet come to the Liver, but is contained still in the sto­mach, and therefore there is no sence why it should be washed off the Liver. But they must rather stay three or foure houres after the taking of the Milk; for then is the first concoction of the sto­mach finished, and the milk is in the Li­ver, that it may be turned into blood.

Secondly, 2 no reason enforces why milk should be washed from the Liver rather than other meats, for there is the same reason of all meats, which necessity ur­ges to be contained in the Liver, that they may be changed into blood.

Thirdly, 3 it is sure, that by this meanes the Milk is curdled in the Stomach, The evill effects of curdled milk. and so is afterward more easily corrupted, more slowly concocted, and burdens the stomach; for Milk curdled in the Sto­mach, is reckoned among poysons, and I knew a man, that by this meanes dyed suddenly. Let them therefore observe it, that use to eat milk, that they doe not unadvisedly drinke Wine or other liquours that dissolve milk, seeing that by the use of them milk is soon corrup­ted [Page 168]in the stomach, waxes sowre, and be­comes hurtfull.

CHAP. XII. That strong Beere or Ale should not be drunk in the morning fasting.

THis is the most usuall custome of all, that in the morning, after they are risen, they must have their morning draughts of strong Beer or Ale, and some­times of Wine. I know that by very many Physicians, that custome of drin­king in the morning any sort of drinke whatsoever it be, is by no means appro­ved, because that moystning doth dis­solve the strength of the stomach, loosen and debilitate it, so as that the body be­comes afterward more replete with cru­dities. But I am not of their minde at all, for a mornings draught, so that it be not of strong drink, helps forward the distribution of the meat, Small beer best for morning draughts. purges the stomach (and as they say well) cleanses it, tempers naturall heat, moystens the body, and which I think most true, hin­ders the generation of the stone; for it tempers and moystens the Kidneyes; as many of our ancient and moderne Wri­ters prescribe broths of Butter, Mal­lowes, and other such things for to tem­per [Page 169]the Kidneyes, why not by the like reason small Beere, which doth coole, moysten, and is diuretick. But yet singular heed is to be taken, that in the morning while the stomach is empty, The evill effects of strong drink in the mor­nings. strong Ale, or other such drinkes be not powred in, for they hurt the nervous parts, from whence the Gout, paine of the joints, inflammations of the bowels, and other grievous diseases may arise; for by reason of their subtiltie, and great force of spirits, these drinkes do insinuate themselves into the nervous parts, insomuch as they are usually troubled with paine of the joints, that are eagerly delighted with such drinks, and therefore advisedly is wine forbid­den them that are Gouty. Neverthe­lesse the diversitie of natures is to bee considered here; for they that are of a temperament somewhat moyst, be­cause they need but little drinke, ought not to drink in the morning fasting. But they that are of a dry constitution both may, and ought to drink fasting, but not strong drinks; for by them the ner­vous parts are sooner offended and dri­ed. Galen confirms this in his Comment upon the 21. Aph. lib. 2. where he saith, that if before the use of meats, any man [Page 170]use a liberall drinking of Wine, hee is very much troubled with Convulsions, and taken with Frensies; and in his Comment upon the 20. Aphorisme, lib. 6. Among the causes why so many are vexed with the Gout, and paine of the joints, he reckons this, that they drink strong drinks before meat; for they do very soon offend the substance of the nerves, as doth carnall copulation. Also Plutarch in his Symposiacks, disputing whether new diseases may breed or no, produces this as a cause of new diseases, that they use to drinke strong wines before they have eaten any meat. There is the same reason for strong Beere or Ale, which may bring the same, yea greater evils. Therefore as I doe not dislike the drinking of small beere, though in­deed it is not fit for all, so I thinke men should abstaine from strong drink, for fear of very many diseases.

CHAP. XIII. That strong waters are ill taken after grosse meates to help concoction.

THis likewise is the custome of ma­ny, that if at any time they eate meats of hard digestion, as are Venison, [Page 171]Beefe, Salt-fish; or that soon corrupt, as Summer-fruits, they presently drink af­ter them strong distilled waters, as A­qua vitae, Cinnamon water, Rosa solis, and other such like, namely, to help con­coction. But that is not done without hazard of health; for seeing that the forenamed meats are not wont to bee concocted but by a long stay in the sto­mach, The evill effects of strong waters. these waters being of a penetra­ting and piercing quality, draw the meats downe into the veines, not yet fully concocted, from whence proceed cudities and obstructions. Thus Phy­sicians doe well forbid to use diureticks with meat, or presently after meat, lest they carry the cruditie of the sto­mach to the passages of the urine, and make the evill worse. So likewise they forbid to use them, when there is abun­dance of vitious humours, or when some corrupt humour is lodged in the first passages, before that purging be pre­mised, otherwise there is feare lest obstructions in the passages of the urine, or in the bowels be either made or in­creased.

There is the same reason of waters, which they take to further concoction, for that great vertue of opening with [Page 172]which they are endued. And this have many Physick authors observed: Ronde­letius in his Chapter of the Palsie, pre­scribes a water for the Palsie, which he will have taken into an empty belly. Those things (saith he) which are very hot and attenuating ought to be taken with an empty, and first purged Stomach, and are not to be mixed with meats, for they would force the meats not yet concocted to goe down with them, and so would breed ob­structions. And in the 31. Chapter hee tels a story of two Physicians, whereof the first, when hee would have provoked the flowers with the use of opening and at­tenuating syrupes, hee brought the woman to a palsie, by reason that the crude and glutinous humours which were in the pas­sages, by force of the Medicaments were drawne down to the parts, and lying upon the finews caused the Palsie. The other, while hee went about to cure the * pale co­lours, Or Green­sickness. by the same way brought the Maide to a palsie of the legges. But most excel­lently in his Chapter de Palpitat. Let those things be taken inwardly (saith he) which heat the stomach, and discusse wind. To which thing speciall heed is to be taken, for three or four houres before meat we may give those things which do strongly heate, [Page 173]and dispell winde, so that the Liver bee not very hot, such as are Diatrion pip. Dia­cim. Dianis. Aromat. Rosat. Diagaianga, and such like. These ought not to be given immediately after nor before meat, because by their heat and raritie, they would pre­sently carry along with them the halfe­crude meat to the first passages: Hence it appeares that they erre that minister very hot powders after meat, which ought to be but moderately hot. Which counsell is also approved by others, to wit, that those things which help concoction must goe before, not follow meat, as saith Riolanus, Gordonius in his praxis, and Fuchsius in his Chapter de Crudi­tate.

The aforesaid waters doe seem at the first to heat very much, but afterwards, especially if there be a familiar use of them, they doe very much harme. Sa­vanarola a famous Physician in his time, tels a story of Franciscus Gonzaga Mar­quesse of Mantua, who when for the cu­ring of the weaknesse of his stomach, by the advise of Physicians he used Aqua­vitae, he fell into so great feeblenesse, that all his meat turned into winde, and but that he used a very good diet in the six things called Non naturales, hee had [Page 174]soone perished. And Rubeus observes well, that they doe very ill, who when they feele their stomack much sur­charged with yesterdayes gulletting, do drink strong waters, for hence do pal­sies, tremulations, and other evils arise, for in that they are of thinne substance, and doe soone penetrate, they carry up presently to the head the lighter parts of the humours, and wind them­selves into the beginning of the nerves, from whence come palsies, tremulations, and sometimes apoplexies; therefore he adviseth, that they be not taken when the stomack is repleat with crudity, and that they be drunk at least 3 or 4 hours before meat, which may be a rule also in other remedies that are prescribed to help concoction. Of the same opinion is Aetius, describing remedies for crudi­ty. Lib. 3. Serm. 1. cap. 24. After meat (saith he) never let this, nor any other remedy be taken, which doth vehemently penetrate; for some of the crude meats is distributed and carried a­long with it, and it causeth stopping. It is good to use it after morning friction, two houres before exercise and the bath. Thus Aetius.

What we have said of meats hard to be concocted, may be likewise said of [Page 175]those which are easily corrupted, as are Summer fruits, for those things that are hot and opening, should not bee taken after them, as the learned Valleriola doth well observe. Lib. 2. locor. com. cap. 7. Neither after the eating of fruits or bad meats, is drink to be poured in, especially much, and of strong wine, for it makes that by too swift a course the vitious humour passeth into the vessels, and so being unconco­cted, it doth contract putrifaction, and an ill condition. Then hee addes. Wine after [...] not good. If after evill meats, especially fruits, a man must needs drink, I think it more wholsome to use water than wine, lest by the drinking of wine, heat and ebullition do ensue, and a too quick passage of the meat into the bowels, and so putrifaction, obstruction, crudity, and corruption doe follow thereon, which are the usuall effects of wine. In like manner they erre, who when they feele wind and crudities in their sto­mack, doe use to drinke these strong waters to heat and strenghen the sto­mack. These men doe seeme indeed to feele some benefit thereby, as long as these waters doe heat the orifice of the stomack; but by reason of the ra­rity of their substance, they doe soon penetrate into the bowels, and increase [Page 176]their distemper, whereby afterwards the pain growes greater, and the more they drink these waters, the more their their bellyes seem to bee refrigerated, and enfeebled. For those things which doe heat too much, are so far from heat­ing and strengthning the stomack, as that they rather coole, by rarefying, or by dri­ving the inward heat from within to the circumference; as Rondeletius saith in his Chapter of palpitation. Therefore Mercatus counsels, that with exceeding great caution wee use the helps which further concoction, or discusse winde. For we are often deceived (saith hee) by windinesse, and we are enforced to discusse it, not without the great hurt of the sick. These things are especial­ly to be observed of them that abound with hypochondriack windiness, whose bowels doe boyle with heat, but sto­macks seeme to bee somewhat cold. Some perhaps will object that Physici­ans doe prescribe pepper grossely beat­en; and Aetius commends the use of wormewood for this hypochondriack windinesse. Gross pep­per com­mended. But as Amatus the Por­tugall, a most skilfull Physician, ob­serves, pepper grossely beaten is good, because it goes not to the bowels, but [Page 177]only strengthens the stomack, and so it heats not the liver. Againe, the heat thereof is extinguished in the first pas­sages, and is soon dispersed. Lastly, it detergeth & casteth out sharp humours. Worm­wood com­mended. Also wormewood is good, because as Galen teaches, it binds the stomack, it helpeth by its detersion not against flegmatick, but adust cholerick hu­mours, which foment this disease, and purgeth them out by siege and urine.

CHAP. XIV. That Midwives doe ill, who give to women in Childbed nothing but hot drinks.

I Have often heard women in Child­bed complaine of a grievous thirst, and heat, because it is a maxime re­ceived by evill observation, that they may take no cooling thing, but only drinks actually and potentially hot, as burnt wine (which drink is too com­mon in England) brewed with hot spi­ces, cinnamon water, and the like (to wit) to strengthen and comfort them, for ever the by-standers are solicitous of those strengthning meats and drinks, as also that the cold may not hurt them, for by reason of cold, gripings in their [Page 178]belly doe often happen, especially af­the birth. But this is a very great er­rour, and often pernicious to women in Child-bed, but alwayes very tedi­ous. Now there are divers conditions of women in Child-bed, for some of in them a morbous preparative, and the sickly humours being moved with the travaile of the birth, do bring forth in them divers diseases; but others enjoying a more perfect health, doe quickly returne to themselves, and by little and little grow well againe with­out any dangerous symptome: To the former, those strong and hot drinkes are very hurtfull, for they inflame the inward parts, and amend not the mor­bous humours at all, but increase and corrupt them; And to the latter sort, which otherwise would recover their health, they may cause feavers, and such like diseases. Now, although I doe not approve of very cold drinks, but rather would have them to bee somewhat warme, yet I cannot allow of hot drinks for the forenamed rea­sons. If there be a feaver, Physicians doe prescribe altering and cooling sy­rupes, why not also cooling drinke? [Page 179]Therefore I have oftentimes permitted drink not so strong, and somewhat cool, to women in Child-bed, burning and thirsting after small beere, by which they have felt themselves much refresh­ed; much more will such drinkes bee convenient for them if they bee in a feaver.

So likewise they doe ill, who feed them with much meat, and very nouri­shing, for in the beginning their diet should bee slender and sparing, as in them that have been wounded, because nature is weak, and not able to digest a great quantity of meat. 2 acut. Thus Hip­pocrates teacheth, that after a large e­vacuation we must not presently hasten to a full diet, for hereby there is feare lest the excrementitious humours bee multiplyed, a feaver ensue, and other symptomes happen. But let them be fed sparingly, as with broths, till all feare of a feaver, and other symptomes be quasht, and she be well purged from her flowers, and then by degrees they must passe to a fuller dyet, and thus without any danger their strength is re­newed in them.

This errour doe almost all observe, that have written of womens diseases. [Page 180] Rodericus a Castro saith. Cap. 1. lib. 4. It hath been al­wayes a vexation to tolerate women, that have the charge of keeping a woman in child-bed, for unlesse they cheere her up with delicate meat and wine, they thinke that they doe no good at all, for they have I know not what lawes and rules, exceeding hurtfull to the poore women, but sacred to themselves, which being neglected, a pru­dent Physician may give order to provide those things which he shall judge to be need­full. So Petrus Salius doth very much re­prove the same errour among the Itali­ans. As concerning their dyet (saith he) know that it is a common errour almost of all women, to think that women in child­after the birth, must presently bee re­freshed and nourished with the best meats, and therefore presently proceed to capons broth, and their flesh; to spices, and strong wines, except a disereet woman be by, or a skilfull Physician bee sent for, who may correct such errours. Hee bids therefore that they abstaine from flesh, wine, spi­ces and other things which are apt to breed, or augment a feaver.

CHAP. XV. Two Errours about the choyse of Nurses.

THose Gentlewomen that will not undergoe the trouble of nursing their children themselves, doe some­times even by the advice of Physicians, (unlesse necessity enforce them other­wise) reject those Nurses whose milk is old, that is to say, which have gi­ven suck a long time, to wit, a yeare, or two: for they thinke that milke is not so wholsome for a new born child. And therefore they sometimes preferre a Nurse, although elder, which hath but lately given suck, before one that is young, if she hath given suck longer. But I thinke they are in a great errour, The breast doth every day afford fresh and new milk. who suppose any milk to be old, seeing that every day the breasts of Nurses doe afford new and fresh milke. If there­fore you suppose a Nurse to be young, well behaved, of a good constitution, using a good and wholsome dyet, and abstaining from venery, it matters not how long she hath given suck. For see­ing that the milke doth participate of the nature of its materiall and efficient causes, and is generated out of these causes only; if the Nurse be healthfull, [Page 182]and free from care, anger, and sorrow of minde, and feed on good and whol­some meats, there is no doubt but she gives alwaies good and wholsome milk. For the milk doth partake of the na­ture of bloud of which it is made; Milk is made of bloud, I which if it be good, the milk cannot be bad. but in a healthfull body, nourished with wholsome meats, good bloud is alwaies made: And of good bloud is not wont to be made bad and unwholsome milk, if the body be in health. Nor can giving suck it self alter or vitiate the milk, foras­much as nature ordaines nothing that is evill, and it would be ill for the child, if every day the Nurses milk were made worse by giving of suck. It is not worse for giving suck Experience shewes in women of the meaner rank, who are not so curious in their choyce of Nurses, that their children are as well fed, and as healthfull as others. When therefore occasion is offered of chusing a Nurse, let only her constituti­on, healthfulnesse, and age be consider­ed; for if these be right, there is no doubt but using a commendable diet, she shall alwayes give good and fresh milk, be­cause every day new milk is made, and hath the same causes of generation after five yeares, which it had the first moneth.

There is another Errour of some, no [Page 183]lesse superstitious than the former, and that not only of the people, but some Physicians also; namely, that they are ve­ry cautelous, even more than needs, in observing whether the Nurse hath brought forth a male or a female, and they will have the Milke of her that hath borne a Male, to bee bet­ter for nourishing a Female, and contrarywise the milk of her that hath brought forth a female, to be more pro­per for the nursing of a male, because the milk of her which hath born a boy, is thought to bee hotter, and therefore more fit for a girle, which is thought to be of a colder temperament, because it doth moderate her coldnesse; and contrarywise, because a male is hotter, the milke of her which hath borne a fe­male, doth temper his heat. Some wo­men are hotter then some men. But these are all false.

For First they suppose amisse, that a female is alwayes colder than a male, when as indeed experience testifies, that some women are hotter than some men. Nor can a cholerick woman, without errour, bee thought to be colder than a flegmatick man, which I shall prove by divers reasons in another place: Never­thelesse, although wee should grant this, yet our opinion will stand stable and unshaken.

Secondly, they erre in supposing that the childs sucking can change the tem­per of the milke. A childs sucking cannot change the temper of the milk. For seeing (as wee have said) the nature of the milk doth follow the nature of the efficient cause, and of the meats of which it is made, what can the child do against these. For while it sucks, it cannot by contact a­lone change the constitution of the mo­ther, nor the temper of the meats which she eats. Perhaps some will think, that the child, so long as it is in the wombe, doth communicate its temperature to the mother, by heating her, if it bee a male, or cooling her, if a female. But that is very doubtfull, for a female should also heat the mother, because in­fants are alwaies hotter than those that are of riper age. But besides, we know how hard a thing it is to change the na­turall constitution, so as it can scarce by any long use of meats or medicines be so weakned, but it doth easily return to its pristine condition. And we see the mo­ther, when shee hath brought forth her child, doth retain her old temper of bo­dy, and we can discern no footsteps of a­ny new temperament which she hath ta­ken from the child. And if there were any, it might neverthelesse be easily lost in processe of time, and by change of di­et. [Page 185]It is therefore the surer way to consi­der the nature not of the childe which the nurse hath born, but onely the con­stitution of the nurse her selfe, and the diet which she uses.

CHAP. XVI. That strong drinkes are ill permitted to children.

THat the people doe erre much a­bout the education of children, it is certaine, whereby they come to bee troubled with many grievous evils, and so many die, whereof an ill diet is not the least cause: For I have seen some frequently to give their children Wine, Ale, or strong Beere, which is indeed very hurtfull for them, 1. & 5. de fanit. tu­enda. and is repug­nant to the counsell of the ancient Phy­sicians. Galen doth not permit wine to children before the fourteenth year, The evill effects of strong drink in children. be­cause it heats too much, and moistens, and fils the head with vapours, from whence ensues harme, not onely to the body, but the minde also. Paulus like­wise denies it to them before the 21. year of their age, because it heats, dries, quickly stirres up to anger and lust, fils the head with vapours, debilitates the nervous parts, so that afterwards they are subject to be troubled with convul­sions, [Page 186]the gout, and other the like af­fects of the sinnewes; it weakens the inward parts, especially the Liver, o­verthrowes a good constitution of the Braine, causes a weaknesse of the sin­newes, calls in cold diseases, and all these sooner in children, whose nerves are somewhat weak by nature. Moreo­ver in the opinion of Plato, 2 De legi­bus. Wine is not good for them, because it makes them fiery spirited, and dulls and troubles the minde. For seeing that children are of a temperament somewhat hot, a moist diet, and somewhat temperate is con­venient for them, lest by such drying drink, untimely old age bee procured, and by the many sharp vapours carried up to the braine, convulsions, and the diseases of a distempered brain and sin­newes doe ensue. But if there be some urgent necessity to administer strong drink, let but a little, and that allayed with water be administred accor­ding to the counsell of Hippocrates. Lib. de victu idio­tar. tex. 23. The like may be said of strong Beere, or Ale, for the same, yea and greater evils doe proceed from the use thereof, then of wine, in respect of the thicknesse of the liquor and the impurer spirits. But thin and small beere well boyled and fined, is most fit for them.

CHAP. XVII. That solid meat ought not to be given to children before the comming forth of their teeth.

I Have also observed flesh, and other such solid meats to be given to chil­dren, before they breed their teeth, which is likewise a thing very hurtfull to them; for verily Galen saies well, Cap. 7. lib. 15. de usa part. that nature doth then give unto chil­dren their foreteeth, when they have need of solid meat, which also he doth elegantly explicate in his first book De sanitate tuendâ. cap. 10. That children are to be fed with nothing but milk, Milk best for young child, n. be­fore that they put forth their foreteeth; and in very deed solid meats are but badly concocted in their ventricles, they oppresse the stomach, corrupt with their mixture the Nurses milke, hurt their tender gummes, and makes them cry out and become unquiet. And it stands with reason, for Nature is never deficient in necessaries; wherefore, if such meats were good for them, it had never denyed them teeth to chew them: But because for some moneths space it hath denyed them teeth, it is a signe, that nothing but supping meates is fit [Page 188]for them, and especially milk, which nature hath afforded to all young crea­tures, as the most familiar food. There­fore during the first moneths, Good counsell. let the in­fant eat onely milk, a little after, being growne somewhat greater, pulse also, which neverthelesse is not in familiar use in England, but is used by other Nations, as the onely and most conveni­ent food for children. After the fore­teeth are come forth, let the childe by little and little be accustomed to chew­ing, and use flesh minced very small, and bread which with a little chewing it may swallow easily downe. Note. Here note also, that when infants begin to be accu­stomed to meats, it is very good for one houre to abstaine from sucking of the breast, lest the milke being mixed in the stomach with the other meats, and too long kept there, be corrupted. Many Authours doe observe, that children are scarce ever troubled with wormes, while they use Milke alone, which yet I doe not beleeve to bee alwaies true.

CHAP. XVIII. That a man may drinke liberally for health sakes.

I doe not desire here to bee thought a Patrone of Drunkennesse, being a vice which I hate exceedingly; I commend and approve of Sobrietie as a Vertue beseeming a man. For I know how many evils drunkennesse doth bring upon the body and minde. Nor doe I like the custome of some of the Anci­ents, who thought it wholesome for the body, to be drunke once a moneth. I will onely intimate thus much, that there are some cases, in which it is very profitable, according to the opinion of Physicians, for a man to drinke wine li­berally. As for that ordinary drunken­nesse, which is too familiar with many, although it bee commended by the An­cients, to wit, the Grecians, who loved drinking and fuddling, it is very dan­gerous, and not undeservedly recko­ned among the causes of diseases: Con­cerning that we speak not in this place, but of the extraordinary use of Wine, profitable for the curing of diseases, 1. Probl. c. 2. A­ristotle demands the reason why disea­ses are cured through excessive drin­king, [Page 190]and in the cited place he gives the answer; whereupon many thinke, and write, that a Quartane may be cured by drinking of wine, which thing expe­rience sometimes confirmes, because the causes of diseases and their reme­dies are contrary to one another, hence it comes to passe that by the excesse of one, another may be reduced to a tem­per. Moreover Amatus the Portugall gives the reason, because nature is stirred up to cast out the matter already concocted, by vomit, sweat, or siege. Furthermore Hippocrates writes, Aph. 21. lib. 2. that a Dog-like appe­tite is cured by the drinking of Wine: He call it [...], by which word is signified sometimes the onely drinking of strong Wines, as also a liberall drinking of them, even to entoxication, and Galen in his Commentaries writes, that hee hath cured that disease by the liberall pouring in of Wine; and they will have this word to bee derived from [...] Pe­ctus, because the breast is made hot with wine liberally taken; as the valour of great Cato is said to have been enflamed by wine. They are said to be [...], that have drunk largely, and yet are not drunk, but have their memory, reason, and ability of discerning still free. Cle­mens [Page 191]Alexandrinus allows wine to Chri­stian old men, 2 Paedag. so as they doe not exceed the bounds of these [...] There­fore Hippocrates in the aforenamed A­phorisme, prescribes a somewhat libe­rall drinking of strong and pure Wine, because by its heating, it cures hunger proceeding from a cold cause, and re­freshes the spirits, and revives the strength. And in another place hee writes the very same thing of the Stran­gury. The liberall drinking of Wine, Lib. 7. aph. 48. and letting of blood cures the Strangury, and difficultie of pissing, to wit, when it is ge­nerated of windinesse, or a cold distem­per, or of some obstruction. And in many places hee commends a liberall drinking of wine for divers diseases. Lib. 1. cap. 95. Paulus Aegineta allows it, because it, pro­vokes urine and sweat. Object. But the morall Philosopher will object, this is contrary to good manners, Solut. and against Christian Lawes. I answer, I doe not here goe a­bout to plead for drunkennesse, which if it ensue, that will bee by accident, in respect of the nature of the partie that drinks it. For if to two patients both sick of the same disease a Physician pre­scribe a pinte of Wine, perhaps one of them will be drunk, the other not; for [Page 192]the intoxication followes by accident in respect of the Physician, seeing that some men are inebriated at the first or second draught, others not, but with many reiterated. Therefore the Physi­cian doth not command drunkennesse, although sometimes he perswade to a liberall drinking of wine. Moreover it is the part of the same Artist, to pre­scribe the remedie, and its quantitie, but if the remedie may lawfully and with­out sinne bee used, the quantitie also may be used without sinne, otherwise the remedie would be in vaine and un­profitable. Lastly, hee that doth use such a remedie, not with a lust to sin, or for pleasure, but for his healths sake on­ly, doth scarce seem to have committed [...]asin.

CHAP. XIX. That red cloths are not to bee prefer­red before others, for the voyding of the measils.

THat in the measils and small pox, the endeavour of nature, purging out the humours into the habit of the body, is to be assisted, it is manifest by the verdict of Physicians, and seeing that Nature it self teaches it, therefore eve­ry [Page 193]one, even the most ignorant among the people knows it. And therefore the ambient cold is diligently to bee a­voided, lest the noxious humour return back again from the habit of the body to the inward parts. Wherefore many doe use to cover the sick with red cloaths, for they are thought by the af­finitie of the colour to draw the blood out to them, or at least some suppose that it is done by force of imagination. And not onely the people, but also ve­ry many Physicians use them.

1 But that colour of the cloath seemes to me to be superstitious; for the co­lour operates not unlesse it be by acci­dent, as it moves the sight, and phan­tasie, which afterwards, being set a worke by the likenesse of the colour, drives the blood to the extreame parts. But so it would suffice to lay the colour before his eyes; for when they, adhere to the body, and in the night, and un­der the bed-cloathes they are not seen.

Secondly, 2 the cloathes doe not draw out the humours, except as they heat the body, open the pores, and keep out the externall aire, which things not on­ly red cloathes, but all cloathes of what colour soever may doe, but white best of all.

Thirdly, Amatus the Portugall, Vale­tius, and others, that according to the custome of the vulgar doe approve of red cloaths, doe yet straitly charge, that they touch not the body, because they have in them a certaine astringent quality, from the tincture and mix­ture of allome. And therefore, although I doe not altogether disallow them, yet I thinke it a vaine thing to regard the difference of colours. Yea rather I would commend the whitest, White colour preferred before red. because that colour doth dissipate the sight, and call forth the spirits to the externall parts, and so by consequence further the springing forth of the humours into the skin.

CHAP. XX. That they erre who thinke to drive away a disease beginning, by labour.

IT is the custome of many, when they feele themselves begin to besick, to labour to shake off the disease by walk­ing, exercises, and labours, following herein the old saying;

And somtimes it succeeds well to them, not alwayes, except the cause of the dis­ease be very light. For exercise is trou­blesome and hurtfull to the sick, in re­gard of the agitation of the morbous humours thereby. Prodicus was wont to molest those that were in feavers with much walking abroad, coursing about, wrestling, and dry fomentati­ons; but he is blamed by Hippocrates, 6 epid. sect 3. text. 23. because (saith he) a feaver is exaspera­ted by hunger, wrestling, walking a­broad, coursing, and frictions; for from thence did happen a rednesse of the veines, palenesse of the face, and some gentle paines of the sides. This cu­stome of walking to and fro in diseases; Plato attributes to Herodicus in the be­ginning of Phaedrus: So Asclepiades in the beginning of a burning feaver would have the Patient to use violent exercise; but he is blamed by Celsus: He thought (saith he) that the strength of the sick was to be disquieted with labour, light, lib. 2. cap. 4. & 15. watch­ing, and vehement thirstinesse, so as that for some few dayes; in the beginning of the feaver, he would not suffer their mouthes to be washed. It is not therefore alwaies safe to strive against the disease with such violent exercises, for many times [Page 196]the Patient becomes farre worse after them than the was before.

CHAP. I. Of them that despise those Remedies that are Chymically prepared.

THE principall part of Phy­sick concernes the use of re­medies, for it is an Art or­dained for the vanquishing of diseases: Now diseases are vanqui­shed by the proper and right admi­nistration of remedies: Therefore in this Book, we will take notice of cer­taine errours of the people, about the administration and use of remedies.

And first the opinion of men concer­ning remedies is two fold. A twofold errour. Some do neglect, and greatly feare to use any remedies that are chymioally prepared. [Page 197]Others on the contrary doe extoll them beyond measure; but those of Galens method, (as they call them) to wit, which are prepared after the vulgar, and long since received manner, they basely account of, and contemne. We will say something of them both, but they are wise that keep a meane. Medium tenuere beati. And as almost all the errours which are rife a­mong the people, have heretofore at first proceeded from Physicians, whose meanings the people have not well un­derstood, so this also among the rest: Wherefore something is to bee said of the aforesaid errours. Chymicall remedies not to be rejected. — Now in this Chapter, I will plainly manifest, that chymicall remedies ought not to be ne­glected, being administred by a pru­dent Physician, and an honest man. As touching this manner of preparing medicaments, it was not invented by Paracelsus, as we have already said, Chymi­stry not invented by Para­celsus. but was practised many ages before Paracel­sus was borne, even by those Physicians which followed Galens method, as Rai­mundus Lullius, Villanovanus, and many o­thers, who have left behinde them for us some excellent remedies chymically pre­pared. And after Paracelsus his time, many learned Physicians judiciously distingui­shing [Page 198]the chymicall preparation of remedies, from the doctrine of Paracelsus, have followed that, and disallowed this. Fer­nel, the chief of the modern Physicians, did frequently practise that art. Matthi­olus used the spirit of vitriol and anti­monie prepared chymically; and in his Epistle to Andrew de Blaw, being the last of his fourth book of Epistles, he doth not only approve of this art, and com­mend the admirable operations of it; but he thinks that no man can be an ab­solute Physician, The knowledg of it ne­cessary for a Physici­an. no not an indifferent one, who is not of good experience in this most noble science. Crato, a Phy­sician to 3 Emperours, in his counsels set forth by Scholtzius, doth highly com­mend chymicall remedies, and profes­ses that he himselfe used them. Yea E­rastus himselfe, the great Antagonist of the Paracelsian Sect, in the preface of his works against Paracelsus, confesses that he doth not implead, or dislike this chy­micall preparation of remedies, but commends and approves of it very much. Ioannes Riolanus, a most excellent Interpreter of Physick, whiles that at the appointment of the Colledge at Pa­ris, he had abolished all the deceitfull figments of the Paracelsians, writes that [Page 199]this Colledge, wherein are the most excellent Physicians of Europe, doth leave free the use of Chymicks, so as the old manner of curing, according to the precepts of Galen and Hippocrates, remaine in force. Indeed that art in Galens time was not practised nor knowne, Chymi­stry not known in Galens time. neverthelesse it is not there­fore to bee rejected. For it hath been, and ever will be free for posterity, to adde something for use and ornament, to an art already well established. Thus we use many remedies which our an­cestors were ignorant of, as Sene, Ru­barb, Cassia, Tamarinds, and other things far better than peplium, coloquintida, and the like. Moreover, the Rudi­ments of the chymicall art do appeare even in the vulgar preparation of me­dicaments: Now according to them, all remedies are prepared, either by addition, detraction, or immutation; for either the matter of the medica­ments is required, or else the faculty and vertue separate from the matter, the matter in thickning, astringent, and drying remedies; but the vertue alone in attenuating, dissolving, and pur­ging medicines, because the grosseness of the matter hinders their efficacie. For [Page 200]this intention Mesues makes 4 kinds of operation; decoction, dissolution, in­fusion, trituration, or grinding to pow­der. What is infusion but an extract begun? What is decoction, especial­ly roasting with fire, but the begin­ning of calcination? But in this man­ner of separation which they so much wished for, and the Ancients accoun­ted so necessary, the chymicall Art doth excell, for by divers wayes it severs the pure from the impure, and so extracts and stirs up the divers ver­tues of medicaments, which otherwise had been hid under the grosse matter, and could never have been drawn out by naturall heat, as especially may be seen in minerals. Besides, it concocts, and attenuates the earthly parts; alters, or else quite takes away the malignant, venemous, and corrupt qualities, and increases the vertues; for there is more vertue and efficacie in cinnamon water against the Syncope, and other diseases, than in whole cinnamon. The same may be said of distilled and extracted oyles; the oyle of thyme, brimstone, or cloves, is more efficacious, and power­full, than the simples out of which it hath been extracted. Againe, it makes [Page 201]many things to become more pleasant, and familiar to Nature, and contracts many vertues into a small lumpe; as in extracts, waters, distilled oyles, sun­dry kindes of salt, and such like. Now seeing that it is the duty of a Physician to cure quickly, safely, and pleasantly, without doubt hee shall be able to doe it more compleatly, being well skilled in chymicall remedies, whose efficacy being greater doth sooner work, whose small dose, and neatnesse of preparati­on help unto pleasantnesse.

Object. But some perhaps will object, the whole age of the Ancients wanted Chymicall remedies, who notwithstan­ding cured better than we doe, and it happens yet daily, that without them Physicians do perform many wonderfull cures.

Sol. That no man denies, so men in old time did feed on Acornes, and lived long, yet having found out the use of Corn, we reject Acornes and leave them for Hogs. But if the Ancients themselves (the ancientest of whom was in his time a new Physician) had added no­thing to the inventions of their Ance­stours, we should have all the Arts to be onely begun. Again, if they did per­forme [Page 220]such cures, yet they did them but slowly, and unpleasantly. Therefore Chymicall operations were added for the solace of the sick, honour and orna­ment of Art, not that Physicians might cure absolutely, but better and more commodiously. But there are some things which doe terrifie the sick from the use of those remedies. The first is, because they think that all the remedies of the Chymists are very strong and vio­lent, doe presently either kill or cure, and are (as they call them) desperate Medicines, that they do operate quick­ly and pleasantly, but not safely, and that they leave behinde them a stain in the bowels, which can seldome or never afterwards be washed out. Now they think it better to bee cured slowly, so that they bee safely and surely cured: Soon enough (saith the Proverbe) if well enough. Sat citò, si bene sat. But these things have their ori­ginall from their ignorance of that art, and the audacitie of some knaves, who use onely the most violent, and such as are prepared by a preposterous opera­tion; for every chymicall preparation is not convenient for every remedy; we use Mercurius Dulcis with good success, but Mercury sublimate, or precipitate, [Page 203]not without hazard of life. For the Chymists have many Medicines which are very gentle, and not at all violent. And indeed the Chymicall Apothecary and common likewise have the very same matter of Physick, out of vegetables, animals, minerals, and all other things as well gentle as violent which are used in Physick. But the chymicall preparation doth amend or quite take away what is hurtfull in the violent, and makes them more safe and pleasant for mans use. Besides the Chy­mists have very many cordiall and strengthning remedies, oftentimes much better than the vulgar. But many times diseases doe require verystrong reme­dies, resisting the force of the weaker Medicines: Yea Hippocrates, Galen, Malo nodo malus cu­neus. Aph. 6. lib. 1.5. Meth. Cap. 15. Ae­tius, and other of the Ancients did use stronger remedies than many Chymists doe; For unto desperate diseases themost forcible remedyes are to be applyed, was Hippocrates his counsell. And Galen himself blames Erisistratus for using only milde and gentle remedies, which he wil have to bee hurtful in great and dan­gerous diseases, in which if opportunity which is very speedy be pretermitted, either the patient dies, or the disease [Page 204]becomes incurable. It is therefore more ordinary with the Galenists, to wit, those Physicians that follow the old way, to use violent Medicines, which Chymists doe either better make use of, or at least better prepared. Nor is it true, that the Chymists doe prepare all their remedies with the most violent heat of fire; for most commonly, a gentle heate is used. Yet Galen affirmes, that by a violent heat of fire many Druggs doe lay aside all their acrimony and sharp­nesse. And it is certaine, that by this spagiricall art, the most unruly medica­ments are made serviceable, and many that are otherwise poysonous, their deadly qualities being corrected, do be­come cordiall.

CHAP. II. That the use of Mineralls is not to be rejected.

ANother cause why many are so fear­full of these Chymicall remedies, is because the Chymists are thought to use Mineralls. And indeed it is certain enough, that many that cloake their knaveries with the title of Chymists, doe often use Mineralls, both ill prepa­red, and wronge applyed. But as wee [Page 205]have said before, the matter and subject of operation is the same, of both the A­pothecaries as well Chymicall as vul­gar, nor doth the Chymist lesse use ve­getables than the Galenist, and it is an easie thing for him to administer vege­tables alone to his patients, if they doe much impugne Mineralls. Neverthe­lesse the use of Mineralls was more fa­miliar among the ancient Physicians, before the invention of the chymicall art, than now it is: For I know many Chymists that seldome use them, but rather make choice of vegetables alone. But the writings of the Ancients doe testifie, that they were wont to use steele, burnt brasse, the flower of brass, and such like, either not at all prepa­red, or but very sleightly. The flower of brasse whole doth purge vehement­ly. Some give it, saith Dioscorides, Lib. 5. knea­ded in dough, and made up in a pill. Burnt Brasse (saith he) being drunke with honey and water, doth provoke vomit: the flower of Brasse given in the weight of two scru­ples drams out grosse humours. Very many use the Armenian stone not prepared at all. Is not that art highly to be com­mended, which, if at any time it use these things, doth exhibit them di­versly [Page 206]and elegantly prepared, not whole? Dioscorides writes, that Silver is good against the poyson of Wolves­bane; and Avicenne will have it to bee excellent against the trembling of the heart. If therefore the authority of the Ancients be of any moment with us, it must not be imputed to Chymists as a fault, that sometimes they make use of Mineralls, seeing they whom they call Galenists are guilty of the same errour, if it be one, but herein they are excelled by the Chymists, in that they prepare them better, insomuch as they may bee administred with lesse harme. Matthio­lus in his fore named epistle, saies well, that great and chronicall diseases can scarce be overcome without Mineralls, but those Mineralls are not to be admi­nistred without the knowledge of the Chymicall art. And the use of Bathes is ordinary, all which doe partake of the vertue of some Minerall.

Object. But perhaps some will object, that Mineralls are altogether poyso­nous and hurtfull to nature, and can­not be brought into action.

Sol. Which although it be after a sort true of many Mineralls, yet that hin­ders not, but they may be made good [Page 207]remedies in stubborne diseases, that stand in need of strong Medicines, and it is the nature of all Medicaments, that they alter our body; for as we have said, forcible remedies must bee applyed to ex­treame diseases; hence sometimes it comes to passe, that some Empyricks through their adventurous rashnesse do cure diseases that are given over by o­thers, to the disgrace of Physicians. If therefore the Ancients without scruple or doubt did use them whole, how for­tunate are our times, in which we are wont so curiously to prepare and dis­solve them, so as they may by our heat be more easily brought into action, al­though to confesse the truth, there are many of them, which doe not require any great labour to reduce them into action, as the flower of brasse whole (as the Ancients did prescribe it) though unaltered by our heat, doth neverthe­lesse purge vehemently. Avicenne when he makes Gold a meane betwixt Silver and the Hyacinth, attributes to them the vertue of corroborating and cheer­ing the heart, and of resisting poyson, which vertues (saith he) doe flow from the Hyacinth, as the power of drawing Iron from the Loadstone, and cannot [Page 208]be dissolved and overcome by our heat, as vegetables are; for that (saith hee) the substance thereof doth not endure, but onely naturall heate helps for­ward the penetrating quality thereof: Therefore according to the judgement ef Avicenne it doth not appeare, that the Hyacinth or Gold, or Silver are redu­ced into action, or that they are changed and dissolved by our heat. Al­so there are many such things which do help by contact alone, as Galen com­mends Peione hung about the neck, and Monardes, the stone of Kidneyes bound to the arme, which help onely by the diffusion of their quality like light; and many such things have been observed by divers, which would bee too tedi­ous to rehearse. Moreover not onely Minerals, but also some vegetables are poysonous, which neverthelesse are pro­fitably administred, at least in such a dose, Mineral's may bee taken in­wardly. as nature is able to resist. Seeing then it is manifest that Mineralls are prepared by Chymists, and that the oyles, quintessences, and tinctures of them are extracted, it is also as true and manifest, that they may profitably, and without danger bee conquered by our heate, and taken inwardly.

CHAP. III. Of them that attribute too much to Chymicall Remedies.

ALthough I have already in the ge­nerall allowed, and approved the Chymicall preparation of remedies, yet we must know, that not all remedies prepared chymically are good and wholsome, for many questionlesse are badly prepared, which perhaps requi­red another kind of preparation; it will not therefore bee amisse to endeavour to repell and root out that selfe-love, through which they extoll their owne medicines with innumerable commen­dations, and preferre them before all others. For they are not sparing in promising great things, going about to perswade us that they will work mira­cles, and they forcibly obtrude reme­dies on us, which (if they may be cre­dited) are good for all sorts of feavers, and doe cure divers kinds of diseases, which even contrary causes have pro­duced. Which of them doth not high­ly commend the dissolving of gold, Aurum potabile a deceit. which they call. Anrum potabile, teach, extoll, and admire the divers wayes of making it? Verily, if all the wayes of [Page 210]preparing this one remedy were writ­ten downe together, it would make a large, and full volume, and yet they are all fabulous, and meere deceits; ne­verthelesse for all this, they doe au­daciously and impudently brag of the efficacie of that not yet invented reme­dy. The same may be said of other remedies much more easie, for they set forth many things for tinctures, oyles, salt, and the like, which are nothing lesse then what they avouch them to be, as might bee manifested of many things in particular, but so this tractate would be too long and tedious. Ne­verthelesse let us heare their reasons, which we have touched in the first chap­ter, we will here briefly repeat them. The vulgar, or common Medicines (say they) are usually poysonous, as are almost all Catharticks, or purging re­medies, and very many altering me­dicines, as saffron, hemlock, coriander, if they be taken in too great a quanti­ty. But the Chymicall are altogether free from any poysonous quality, and from all impurity, which may weaken the force of the remedies; whereas in the vulgar this same impurity doth re­maine, which is no more amended by [Page 211]the mixture of other things, then if birds should be boyled with their nests, guts, dung and all, only a little cin­namon and sugar added thereunto. So pils, electuaries, lozenges, opiats, have in them as well hurtfull as profitable qualities; wherefore they cannot com­modiously bee brought into action by our heat. But in chymicall remedies, the noxious qualities are severed from the wholsome, and so they are more easily brought into action, and are of greater efficacie and certainty. Honey and sugar, which are ingredients in di­vers remedies, because they are of quick spirits, and abound with sharp, and filthy vapours, are ill mixed therewith. In like manner they like not decocti­on, because thereby many of the ver­tues are lost, the remedies become of an unpleasant rellish, and the efficacie is dulled by the mixture of a strange liquor. Thus they commend their own remedies, for their purity, safety, efficacie, pleasant rellish, and small dose. And indeed this is true in the prepara­tion of many of them, especially mi­nerals, yet not alwayes in all.

And First, they falsly suppose that they have all some venomous quality [Page 212]in them, for they doe ill to call that poyson, which is only somewhat gross in substance. For there is scarce any mixt body which is not heterogeneall, and consists not of divers parts, every one of which severally have in them di­vers wholsome and profitable vertues, as the chymicall resolution it selfe doth demonstrate. We must confesse, that many things that are poysonous, are by the chymicall art made harmlesse: But forthwith to call that hurtfull and poysonous, which is, or seemes to bee lesse pure, is too much rashnesse, seeing that the mixture of divers parts is not made without the speciall providence of nature. This doe meats and drinks shew, in which God hath not without cause mingled the wholsome part with the unwholsome, for the good of mans body. Do not we more commodiously use wine, than the spirit of wine, the ordinary drinking of which doth rather harm than good, whereas wine it self doth yield a profitable, pleasant, and comfortable drink to the body? There­fore one said well, they that doe so much dislike the earthy parts, should be nourished with nothing but spirits, as the spirit of wine, oyle of corne, and ex­tracts [Page 213]of flesh. Not that I deny pre­paration to be needfull, though not al­wayes a chymicall preparation. So we prepare wheat for the making of bread, by grinding, fifting, kneading, baking: and flesh, by washing, and boyling; which if they should be chymically prepared, would become hurtfull, and utterly lost. Wherefore is the separative faculty gi­ven to the body, but for the separation of those things that are unprofitable? And therefore Faber, a late writer, one that makes large promises, Fabers Errour taxed. after the manner of the Chymists, seems to me to be injurious to the God of nature, in saying that the mixture of pure, and unpure, that is to say, of different parts in one and the same mixt body, doth proceed from the Creators curse for sinne. As though if man had never sinned, God had created onely spirits, and not corporeall substances; oyle of cinnamon, and not cinnamon, which is an absurd thing to suppose. And therefore he doth falsly define a medi­cament to be a purity of nature, which doth by altering help and succour our nature, when it is violated and op­pressed with a disease, and hee will have only that which is pure, and with­out [Page 214]mixture, to be a medicament, be­cause that alone is capable of action, and efficacie. O fine pate! Are not re­medies compounded out of the drosse of things, excrements, dregs, things of least reckoning, out of use, and in a manner nothing worth? Who ever de­nied the power of working, and of altering the body, even to those excre­mentitious parts? which of the Chy­mists doth not make use of excrements for Medicine? Verily there is no part of the drugs, which hath not in it some vertues wholsome for mans body, ei­ther for externall, or internall uses. But let us look back to our own task. Not only in aliments is this mixture of gross and subtile parts profitable, but in me­dicaments likewise. Wee often give Rubarb with good successe to purge, but powdered, this is a kind of pre­paration; but more commonly we ad­minister it being infused, when we do not stand in need of the grosser part, for the vertue thereof is kept in the in­fusion: But in the extract, which is a Chymicall invention, and is exceeding profitable in many things, part of the vertue is exhaled. Therefore the in­fusion of the Galenists, is better than [Page 215]the extract of the Chymists. Prepare Rubarb chymically, by distilling, draw­ing out the salt, and extracting the spirits, and it will then be good for no­thing, all the vertue of purging will perish quite, although the Chymists will have the salt thereof to bee cathartick likewise. Moreover, as we said in the first Chapter, in thickning, binding, corroborating, and drying medicines, the matter and substance is requisite; thus experience shewes, that the con­serves, preserves, and powders of the Galenists, are oftentimes more safe­ly given, than the oyles and spirits of the Chymists, for there is often need of whole medicaments, nor ought all things to be chymically prepared. And therefore many times the Chymists are forced to cloth those their medicaments with another body, which but a little before they had separated from their owne; for who dares taste of oyles of Origanum, Brimstone, Vitrioll, by themselves, without mixing them with another liquor; and therefore they adde these same to opiats, lozenges julips, apozemes, in a very little dose, other­wise they would scarce worke without a great deale of danger and harme to [Page 162]the body; for that part which first they should but touch, they would alter not without apparent hurt. Therefore not every separation of the grosse parts from the subtile is wholesome for the body, but sometimes pernitious and deadly. Wherefore there is no reason, that for this cause the Chymists should preferre their own, except in some few Medicaments, nor is there the same ver­tue in the whole, that is in the dissolved parts.

Secondly, 2 they do not only deceive the people, but perhaps themselves al­so, while they so commend the separa­tion of the grosse parts from the thinne, and the security of their own remedies; for the noxious part is not alwaies seve­red from the other in a chymicall pre­paration, but is many times increased, whiles that it being all contracted into a little bulk, doth worke more strong­ly. Let I pray all the purging extracts, and the other chymicall preparations of purging Medicines be duely weigh­ed, whether any of them bee voyd of danger; yea they are oftentimes worse, although by such preparations they ma­ny times lose their own strength for the noxious qualitie is not alwaies in [Page 217]the thick substance, but oftentimes in that thinne substance which is extracted. The Trochisks Alhandal doe purge ve­ry well, the extract is as hurtfull, and the sediment which remaines from the extract, doth loose in a manner all the noxious qualitie of the Colliquintida, because this together with the purging qualitie goes all into that liquour, out of which the vertue is extracted, which, as usually they do in other things, they call by a fond name Menstruum, where­upon the Chymists doe no lesse use cor­rectives with those extracts, than the Galenists. Admirable with them is the extract of Opium called Landamum, the Opium being prepared with divers mix­tures to correct it, which, after they have used all their art in preparing and changing it, they dare not yet administer without correctives, as they call them. Whether then hath this chymicall pre­paration taken away the violence from the catharticks, and the noxious quali­ty from the Opium or no?

Now as concerning the small quanti­ty, and pleasant relish, these do not al­waies accompany Chymicall Medicines. We will exemplifie in purging extracts, and other things which are exhibited in [Page 218]a large Dose, and are no lesse unplea­sant, for the purging quality is a little exhaled. If some things by their too great quantity be noxious, they have it common with all meats, yea and Me­dicines, though chymically prepared: neither if strong Catharticks be hurtfull, are they therefore to be rejected, seeing that all remedies if they be ill used may doe harme. Therefore chymicall Me­dicines are not alwaies the more plea­sant, the extracts of Colliquintida, Ru­barb, and Aloes, are no lesse bitter and unpleasant, then they are whole, and yet they are administred in a greater Dose, yea if a Drugge have an unplea­sant relish, it can scarce be taken away without losse of the strength. Take a­way the bitternesse from Aloes and Wormwood, and you take away their vertue. What I pray is the extract of Rubarb, but the infusion of it vitiated; for when the infusion is by a gentle de­coction, brought to the consistence of an extract, the subtile parts, in which is contained the purging vertue, doe e­vaporate, insomuch that the infusion of two Drammes of Rubarb will purge better than the extract of four Drams. Thus the juice of Roses purgeth excel­lently, [Page 219]the distilled water not at all. The extract of Coloquintida is excee­ding bitter, although it be a chymicall preparative, and notwithstanding that it is administred in a greater dose than the Trochisks of Coloquintida called Alhandal. And indeed in respect of cathartick vegetables, the chymicall preparation must give place to the or­dinary and common, but in purging Mineralls, especially those that provoke vomit, the chymicall hath the prehemi­nence. The smal­ness of the Dose ren­ders it su­spirious. Now the smalnesse of the dose alone, whereof the Chymists make great bragges, ought many times to be suspe­cted, seeing it is not alwaies requisite, and argues a certaine venomous quali­tie, or at least not so benigne, as appears in the aforesaid oyles of Vitriol, Brim­stone, Gloves, Origan, and other such like, which whether they may be taken alone without any danger, or no, they shall be able to testifie, who like fooles are desirous to make experiment; and therefore they administer but a few drops of them, dissolved in other mix­tures. It is better therefore to admini­ster some things in a larger dose with their own substance, than their spirits in the least quantitie, although in many [Page 220]things, we do not dislike the contracting of good vertues into a small body, so as it bee used with right reason, to wit, those things being observed which the Medicinall art of Galen and Hippocrates teacheth to observe.

In the next place they disallow of decoction, because much of the strength doth perish thereby, the unpleasant re­lishes remaine, and the vertues are dul­led by reason of the mixture of a strange moysture. But first, the inconvenience will bee avoided, if the decoction bee made in a double vessell, that the spirits evaporate not; as for the relish, they themselves do more correct it than the Galenists doe; and in like manner they use water as a vehicle to the spirits. Now it is certain that decoctions are many times farre better than distilled waters, and extracts, because the ver­tue of the simples passeth into the li­quor, without altering of the tempera­ment at all. The deco­ction of Anise good a­gainst the colick. Thus Heurnius observes; that he did more successefully cure the pain of the Colick with the decoction of Anise, than with the spirit or oyle of it. The same thing have I also often observed, the reason whereof may bee this, because the Decoction drinks the [Page 221]vertue of the Anise into every part of it, whereas three or foure drops of the Oyle doe most vehemently affect the part which they first touch, but do not diffuse their vertue any further, neither if they be administred in broth, or any other liquor can they bee throughly mixed therewith. The temperature of many things is sometimes lost by distil­ling, and Paracelsus himselfe doth often confesse as much, yea that somethings which in substance may safely be taken, by distilling do become hurtfull, as ho­ney, which (saith he) being thrice distil­led turns to poyson.

We infuse Medicaments, when wee stand in need of the subtile parts, but if there be no need of them, then they are administred either whole or prepared some other way, neither are infusions made in water onely, but in divers o­ther liquours also. They seem also too much to feare the addition of honey and sugar, because (say they) they have venomous and deadly spirits. Paracel­sus averres it of honey thrice sublima­ted. But being taken whole, they doe not send forth such noxious spirits, wherby we know that the separations of Nature and the Chymists are not alike: [Page 222]Who would believe that the hot spirit of Wheat can be drawn out by our heat, as it is by Art? Nature of meats doth create chyle, blood, choler, but Art spi­rits, oyles, and quintessences, which do very much differ from the nature and temperature of their matter. Al­though therefore I do not think that the operations of nature, and the chy­mical art are not alike, yet it is sufficient if those things which do result from the chymicall operation, be made conveni­ent for mans body, to withstand the diseases of it; and that art in my judge­ment is praise worthy, which in imita­tion of Nature doth so diversly change bodies for the use of man. There­fore it is manifest from what hath been already said, that chymicall remedies are not alwaies to bee pre­ferred before the other. Now though the Galenists doe justly refuse the doctrine, of Paracelsus, yet they doe not disallow of chymicall remedies, but leave them their own place in Physick. And the Chymists themselves cannot be without remedies prepared after the vulgar way, Chymists are not without vulgar re­medies. as is evident in Quer­cetanus, and others, yea and Paracelsus [Page 223]himself, who prescribes many decocti­ons and infusions, and uses many things whole, not changed at all by any chy­micall art. Therefore to both of them their own praise is due; for sometimes there is need of using chymicall reme­dies, sometimes, yea, very often the o­ther. Most indifferent therefore are the Galenists, who do not reject chy­mical remedies, but the Chymists are blame worthy, in that they never use o­ther then their own, whereby it comes to passe, that oftentimes they promise wonders, which as experience shewes they are not able to perform. It is a sign of an unskilfull man alwaies to use Quintessences. Frankincense being whole cures wounds, which can never be cured with the oyle therof. Conserve of Roses performs that in corrobora­ting and binding, which the spirit, wa­ter, or salt thereof shall never be able to do; for distilled oyles; and sharp Spirits do violently and speedily assaile naturall heat. Therefore in regard of divers circumstances, sometimes a spi­rit and extract is to be used, sometimes a Conserve, Electuary, and Decoction. For all remedies doe not need a chymi­call preparation, many thereby being [Page 224]utterly annihilated. Now some things cannot conveniently bee used, except they bee chymically prepared, especi­ally mineralls, and some things perhaps are prepared after one manner, which ought not to have beene prapared after another. An errour in Chy­micall re­medies more dan­gerous then in the other. In generall it is to bee noted in Chymicall remedies, if at any time there be an errour, it is more dangerous then in the common medicines. Which things have beene said not in disgrace and contempt of the spagiricall art, but because of empiricks & others, who too adventurously, and without judgement minister remedies, which they take out out of lying bookes, and if something hath beene chymically prepared, al­though perhaps badly enough, they highly commend and admire the same.

CHAP. IV. That the remedies are not to bee changed, although the cure doe not pre­sently follow.

BEcause (as we have said) there are many stubborne diseases, very hard to be cured, which doe not yeeld to re­medies, unlesse often reiterated, there­fore some that have undergone a long and tedious cure, desire to make triall [Page 225]of other remedies, which they heare have done good to others, or else do al­together lay aside the use of Physicke; but they erre in both particulars, for as Hippocrates sayes well, 2 Lib. 52. aph. One that doth all things according to right reason, if it doe not succeede according to reason, should not passe to another thing, so long as that re­maines which was seene from the begin­ning. Which although it be principally meant of the Physitian himselfe, that he must not slightly, and without cause change his course of Physick, yet it may also bee fitly applyed to the patients. For as Galen saies well in his Commen­tarie, it is a point of sound discretion, not to receede from those things, which have seemed to bee right. As water drops are a long time in penetrating a stone; so in diseases that are crude, and hard to bee concocted, if a man have once found out what is needfull to bee done, he ought not to recoile from it. That Physitian goes wisely to worke, who having fully found out the diag­nosticks, and prognosticks of a disease, doth apply remedies convenient in quantity, time, manner, and place. But if he bee mistaken in the knowledge of the disease, as sometimes it happens, it [Page 226]is lawfull to change not onely the re­medie, but also the Physitian himselfe, or at least to call another to him, that consulting together, they may diligent­ly seeke out the nature of the disease, which when they have well and per­fectly found out, the patient commit­ting himself to them, ought to hold on in the use of remedies. How to know when re­medies are to bee charged Now that hee may know when the remedies are to be changed, this is to bee noted. First, if the remedies that have beene admini­stred, I doe helpe a little, it is a signe that that the nature of the disease was tho­roughly knowne, and those must not be changed; for Physitians doe gather the signes of diseases even from those things which doe good, and harme. Cures (saith Hippocrates) doe shew the natures of diseases. Cornelius Celsus in the beginning of his third book saith that, in acute diseases, remedies that helpe not ought presently to be changed, but in long diseases (of which wee speake in this chapter) not so: for wee must per­sist so long in the use of remedies, untill their operation being often frustrate, we perceive that the nature of the dis­ease was not well knowne. 2 Secondly, if by the administration of the remedies [Page 227]the symptomes be exasperated, it is a signe they were contrary to the disease, and are therefore to be changed, to wit, in cronicall diseases, for in acute disea­ses, if the exasperation of the symp­tomes doe happen with signes of con­coction, it is a token of a disease ten­ding to a crisis. Thus Antonius Musa Physitian to Augustus Caesar, when hee perceived the paine of Caesars stomack to become worse by the use of hot things, he applyed cold remedies, and so cured him.

But some will say, Ob. remedies by daily use doe become at length familiar to nature, and so are unprofitable.

I answer, Sol. the remedies may be chan­ged, and their quantitie, but not the manner of curing, so long as the dis­ease remaines the same, and yeelds the same indications; for if the disease it selfe be changed, as if of a Tertian bee made a Quartane, or the patient become weaker, or there be a flitting of the hu­mours from one part unto another, or the like, not onely the remedie, but al­so the method of curing ought to bee changed. Therefore I thought good to annex this chapter, because it often falls out, that the patient, which hath [Page 228]used perhaps a good Physitian, if the successe which he expects doth not pre­sently follow, abjuring the Physitian, consults with empiricks and silly wo­men. Now those medicine-mongers do after the manner of the Andabatie (that is to say blindfold at adventure) fight with diseases, try divers remedies, and never hold on in the use of that, in which they should have persisted. U­sually the last remedie is applauded, & those that went before are of no mo­ment with the people, as letting of blood, purgation, alteration, and the like, which notwithstanding subdued the greatest part of the disease. It falls out also many times, that the Physiti­an himselfe being overcome with the importunity, & complaints both of the sicke and the by-standers, is forced to make too much hast with his remedies, and contrary to reason to change them: wherefore those that be sick ought pa­tiently to wait for the time of the cure, which cannot bee the same in all dis­eases.

CHAP. V. Of them that reject all remedies, if they be not presently cured.

OThers, (as wee have said in the foregoing Chapter) doe utterly reject the use of Physick, if they be not cured by the first or second remedie, who, besides the wrong that they offer to nature it selfe, which will have all things to be done in time, doe injure themselves most of all; for diseases neg­lected doe take deeper root in the bo­dy, and become at length altogether incurable, and past all helpe of Phy­sick. Or others that by their proper nature doe usually tend to health, of which sort are intermitting feares, which (as Hippocrates saith) are not dangerous at all; for Fevers after what manner soever they intermit, aph. 43. lib 4. are void of danger, those diseases (I say) continu­ing long, and being neglected, do stamp such a blot upon the bowels, that they leave behind them perilous diseases, al­though they perhaps went away of their owne accord. Galen in divers places tea­ches, that the cause of a tertian is seated in the liver, of a quotidian in the sto­mack, & of a quartane in the spleen; nor [Page 230]is it any wonder, if the parts by whose oeconomie the whole body is served, be at length enfeebled, and therefore many times very grievous diseases doe follow in those parts, after fevers that have been neglected, as grosse obstructi­ons, putrifaction, scyrrhous swellings, scurvie, dropsie, and others, which be­cause the temperature of the bowells is quite overthrowne, are altogether in­curable, as too frequent experience manifests. Physick preserves the in­ward parts though it perfect not a cure. But this is the excellency of the art of physick, that though it doth not performe the cure, yet it preserves the inward parts, and doth so weaken the causes of diseases, and dull their force, that the noble parts are not har­med thereby, and so those great & per­rilous diseases are prevented. Yet what hath beene said, ought not so to be un­derstood, as though there ought never to be an intermission of the use of re­medies; for Physitians doe in very long diseases wisely allow some respit to na­ture, after they have for a few dayes to­gether administred preparing, evacua­ting, and corroborating medicines, and other such which they thought conve­nient, and afterward they returne a­gaine to the cure; thus they provide [Page 231]for the preservation of strength, which might have beene wasted with a con­stant use of Physick.

CHAP. VI. That remedies are not to be rejected for their unpleasantnesse.

WHen I reade the writings of the antient Physitians, who have bequeathed unto us the vertues of re­medies, and their precepts of Physicke, I cannot but wonder at the multitude and abundance of remedies wherewith they pestered their patients, as also at the unpleasantnesse of them, so bitter, unsavoury, and ungratefull to all the senses, yea and many times rudely pre­pared were many of them: it being a familiar thing with them, to dissolve those things, and give them to bee drunke, which we take in pills to de­ceive the tast, and prepare more finely; for a Physitian should endeavour to cure quickly, safely, and pleasantly. Citò, tutè, factlè cu­randum Thysick is neatlier, admini­stred now then here­tofore. What shall we say then of the froward­nesse of the sick in this age, who though they have more toothsome & pleasant remedies administred to them, then our forefathers had, doe neverthelesse de­test Physick for its unpleasantnesse, and had rather lye long under a disease, [Page 232]then be cured with a very few reme­dies. Wee must confesse indeed, that very many remedies have by the care and diligence of moderne Physitians, beene made more neate and pleasant, then heretofore they were, but yet all unsavorinesse is not taken from them. In which particular wee may admire Gods wonderfull providence; for if he had put the like relish into medicine that he did into meare, mankind had long since either utterly destroyed, or much weakened it self therewithall. For all remedies have in them a nature in some measure contrary to our bo­dy, because they after it, otherwise they were not remedies, and so they may also do harm. We use them, that we may reduce the body from a pre­ternaturall to its naturall state againe. But if the sick use them either prepo­sterously, or longer, or oftner than is meet, of healthfull causes they may at length be made the causes or diseases, and imprint on the body their quali­ties, which are so different from the nature thereof, and therefore it is well said in the Proverb, Qui me­dicè, mise­rè. They live miserably, that live Physically. Wherefore it were not amisse, if many both men and wo­men [Page 233]did take Physick more sparingly, for they prejudice their health, and they that are ever and anon taking Phy­sick, doe seeme almost alwayes to have need of it. In like manner others that are sometimes sick are to be admonish­ed, that they do not for a little unplea­santnesse of taste or smell, perversly re­ject wholsome remedies, that are dis­creetly administred by an able Physi­cian.

CHAP. VII. Whether home-growing Remedies can bee sufficient for any Country.

IT were to be wished, that England were as well able to furnish it selfe with Remedies, as it doth with food and rayment. There were in times past, and even at this day are very many, that have endeavoured to re­duce the whole body of Physick to common, and home-growing remedies, rejecting such as are brought from For­raine Countryes. Plinie, the great An­tagonist of Physicians, was of that mind, blaming Physicians that call in the In­dians, Aethiopians, and Arabians for help. At length (saith he) the craft and subtilty of men invented those shops, [Page 234]in which every mans life is proffered to be sold to him; then presently compositions, and unutterable mixtures are provided, Arabia and India are brought in for aid, and for a little ulcer, Physick is fetched from the red Sea, when every poore man eates dayly to his supper the right reme­dies. But that could never yet be brought to perfection, nor hath ever any Na­tion been so happy, that it could be sufficiently furnished with its own re­medies, India suf­ficiently furnished with its own reme­dies. except the Indians. For seeing that the same things doe most com­monly grow in diverse Countryes, it is certaine that they cannot every where be of the same vertue and goodnesse. It is therefore lawfull to fetch them out of those Countryes where the best doe grow, for the vertue of plants doth vary according to the nature of the places. The Arabians say, that some plants are hot in the third degree, which the Grecians will have to bee hot but in the second, the Germanes in the first. Wherfore Galen, who lived in a most temperate Climate, did not think his own Country remedies to be sufficient, but received Lemnian earth out of the Isle Lemnos, approved of Candy dittander, Macedonian parsly, [Page 235]and such like. And in purging medi­cines, it is most manifest, for they doe not grow at home, but it is necessary that they bee brought from forraine Countryes, as Sene, Rubarb, and ma­ny others, some whereof being trans­planted, although with good dressing they be made to grow in our Gardens, yet not without a manifest wasting of their strength, nor in that plenty which may be sufficient for the whole Coun­try: Thus we dayly use sugar, pepper, spices, wine, which are supplyed unto us from other Countries. The Lybian Iris (saith Galen) doth differ as much from the Illyrian, as a dead body from a living, no smell at all proceeding from the Lybian, but the Illyrian yiel­ding a very pleasant savour. God would not that every Country should abound with all things, nor alwayes, that humane society might bee main­tained. For as in every Country, one City supplies necessaries to another, so one Country to another. If one City doe stand in need of the help of ano­ther, why shall not one Country sup­ply the defect of another? But they think that those remedies which grow at home, have a greater affinity with [Page 236]the temperature of the Inhabitants, than the other. But experience shewes that we doe use profitably, and with­out any hurt, wine, and spices that are brought from abroad. Again, Physick is not agreeable to nature, but after a sort contrary, because it alters nature, and therefore it is necessary for a Phy­sician to use those remedies which can most fitly performe it; and seeing that the same medicament, even in the same Country, doth changes it vertues ac­cording to the situation, and nature of the places, it ought to bee gathered there where the best grows, and there­fore sometimes to bee fetched from for­raine countryes. But if this can be done with equall commoditie, let the home-growing remedies be alwayes preferred before the forrain.

CHAP. VIII. Of them that feare to bee let bloud, and purged, lest they accustome themselves to it.

THere are many that doe willing­ly use purging and bloud letting every yeare, to wit, in the Spring, and Autumne, for the voyding of ill hu­mours, lest afterwards, namely, in Sum­mer, [Page 237]and winter, 47. Aph. lib. 6. they fall into disea­ses; which Hippocrates perswades unto; They that finde bloud-letting and purging to doe them good, ought to purge and let bloud every Spring; which words he re­peats againe in another place. 53. Aph. lib. 7. Yet some are so timorous and fearfull, that though they stand in need of these re­medies, yet they refrain to use them, lest they accustome themselves thereun­to. For they think that if they should use them once or twice, and afterward leave off, A grosse Errour. they must either of necessity be sick, or not be in sound health, whose Errour it is my purpose in this place to declare, although some Physicians have been also of the same opinion, forbid­ding any man adventurously to accu­stome himself to such great remedies, as letting of blood, and purging, lest by intermitting or leaving off that cu­stome, he fall into dangerous diseases. But herein they are mistaken; for it is an Axiome of Physicians; One thing is indicated or betokened by one. And cu­stome it self doth not properly indicate any thing, but together with other signes it indicates somewhat; for it hath reference to nature, being also called a second nature; whatsoever indicates [Page 238]any thing, doth indicate either the con­servation or removeall of it selfe; con­servation if it be according to nature, and removeall if it be besides nature, as a disease, and the cause of a disease. Seeing then only the cause of the dis­ease doth indicate evacuation, either by blood-letting, or by purging, it can­not be that custome should indicate and betoken these remedies, because (as we said) it hath reference to nature, but one and the same remedie cannot be betokened by diverse things. If in any man abundance of blood, or some o­ther such cause require blood-letting, lest he fall into some grievous disease, Nature will not necessarily the next year require the same remedy, unlesse he labour with the same disease, unto which nature custome hath reference, because only the cause of the disease, and not nature doth indicate this reme­dy. If therefore he must be let blood againe, it is in respect of the cause of the disease, not because of custome. Nor doth it follow, if this year Socrates his blood be so faulty, that there is need of evacuation, that there shall be the like faultines the next Spring; for both the temper of the man, and of the aire, and his manner of diet may be changed: [Page 239]Otherwise diseases should never be per­fectly cured, if he that hath been once abundantly vacuated, must necessarily relapse into the same disease. There­fore custome it self doth not urge unto a reapplication of a remedy, but per­mit the same, because accustomed eva­cuations are lesse hurtfull, and they that are accustomed to it may more boldly admit of evacuation. Thus cu­stome alone makes nothing unto future evacuations, unlesse there be the cause of a disease with it; but if some dis­eases use to return every yeare, as the Gout, pain of the joints, melancholy, and the like; because the causes of these diseases do lurk in the body, it is very good to prevent them with convenient remedies, (as Galen saith he did, in his Comment upon the forenamed Apho­risme) which remedies are convenient to be applyed, not for assuefaction and custome, but in respect of the causes of the disease, which, so often as they ap­pear, ought to be corrected with such remedies. But all diseases are not of that nature, that there is eminent dan­ger of them every year, and therefore there is no fear of accustoming a mans self to Physick, except the disease also [Page 240]be made accustomary and familiar. The remedy that cures the disease, is not the cause of the return of the disease after­ward, which it should be, if use should inforce a necessity of the remedie, be­cause only the cause of the disease re­quires evacuation; from whence it would necessarily follow, that the use of evacuation doth afterward encrease the cause of the disease unto the admi­nistring of the like remedy.

CHAP. IX. That no regard is to be had of the Stars for letting of Blood and Purging.

IT is an usuall thing with many in ta­king Physick, to observe the Signes, to wit, whether the Moon be in this or that Signe, which is thought to governe this or that part. Others take notice of the Conjunctions and Oppositions of the Starres, when they must Purge or let Blood; as when the Moon is in Con­junction with the Sunne, they think it to be a dangerous thing to use these re­medies. 4. Fen. lib. 1. Some do advertise ( saith Avi­cenne) that Cupping-glasses be not apply­ed in the beginning of the moneth, because the humours are not yet swelled up to the height, nor in the end of the moneth, be­cause [Page 241]then the humours are lessened, but in the middle of the moneth, when the hu­mours are in their height, following the increase of the Moon, at which time also the braine is increased in the Skull, and water in the rivers that ebbe and flow: Which his interpreters do referre to o­ther of the great evacuations, during the same cause. And here two opini­ons are to be weighed, the one of Hip­pocrates and Galen, the other of Astro­logers. Hippocrates in his Book de aëre, aquis, & locis, advises to observe the great changes of times and seasons, and the Solstices, that we neither administer Physick in them, nor Cauterize the parts about the belly, nor make any in­cision, till at least ten daies after. Now by those great Changes, he understands the variations of heat and cold, which happen at the Solstices, Equinoctials, under the Dogge-starre, and before the Dogge-starre, and at the rising and set­ting of some Constellations. For hee addes, Both the Solstices are very dange­rous, but especially the Summer Solstice; so both the Equinoctialls are perillous, espe­cially that in Autumne; the rising of the Starres are also to be observed, principally the rising of the Dogge-starre, Arcturus, [Page 242]and the setting of the Pleiades: Because at those times diseases do either end, or else are changed. These things there­fore according to the opinion of Hippo­crates are to be known, in respect of the sudden changes of the aire, which are wont to happen at the rising of some Starres. Some to the forenamed Con­stellations do adde the Moon, which hath great dominion over these inferi­our things, and experience shewes that it hath much soveraigntie over the hu­mours of the body, and * Galen also ac­knowledges the same. But Astrologers have gone further; for they attribute the signes of the Zodiack to the severall parts of the body, and when the Sun and Moon are in those signes, they hold it a dangerous thing to use remedies which concern those parts, over which those signes are thought to have domi­nion; and the common people in reading of Almanacks which come forth every yeare, are very cautelous in observing them, whereof wee will treat more at large in the following Chapter. But if all these observations of Galen and Hip­pocrates be true, there will scarce any time remain for administring Physick; for in both the Equinoctialls, Solstices, [Page 243]at the rising and setting of Arcturus and the Pleiades we must forbear ten daies, and before and under the Dogge-star at least forty daies; so likewise accor­ding to Astrologers we must abstaine from Physick in all the Oppositions, Conjunctions, and Quartile aspects of the Moon: All which if they should be superstitiously observed, there would be no time left for Physick, although we neglect those Starres whose influ­ence is not yet observed; some of which may perhaps hurt as much as the rest.

The Starres are not to be considered in the curing of diseases, as they are in the Firmament, but for their influen­ces, and those alterations which they make in the Aire; as Hippocrates forbids purging under the Dog-star, only be­cause of the heat of the Aire. Never­thelesse whatsoever the alteration of the Aire be, the same cannot be equally good, nor alike bad to all, for evacua­tion, but to some it will do good, to others harm, according to the diffe­rent constitutions of men, nor was there ever such a temper of the Aire and Weather, which was not more or [Page 244]lesse healthfull, or hurtfull to some. For some Natures in Summer, 2. Aph. lib. 3. some in Win­ter, are better or worse ( saith Hippocra­tes) so likewise some diseases are made better or worse in regard of other accidents; 3. Aph. lib. 3. and so are some ages according to times, places, and manner of diet, because the influences of the Stars, which evermore are universall, do act after the same manner only, and do hurt to some, and good to others, according to the diffe­rent nature of diseases and the patients, as also according to their age, country, time of the year, and other such cir­cumstances, which do limit the opera­tion of universall causes. Again, the concourse of the Stars is only a proca­tartick and universall cause, which moves and stirs up the internall cau­ses. Now these are known by their proper signes. Nor is there any neces­sity to consider the stars, but only the motions of inward causes, which make the times of diseases. But as concer­ning Astrologers, they do with a vain conceit attribute all the parts of the bo­dy to the stars, to wit, to the Planets, and the signes of the Zodiack. And because the Planets, and the signes of the Zodiack have not one and the same [Page 245]motion, some of the Planets having a swift, others of them a very slow mo­tion, but the Signes, the same motion alwaies equall, it will seldome happen that the Planets concurre with the Signe that is referred to the same part. For the Moon runs through all the signes e­very moneth, and therefore is often conjoyned with them all: But Saturne which they set over the Spleen, doth very seldome meet with the signe that is dedicated to the same part. The Stars therefore which are said to have dominion over the severall parts of the body, have influence either into the substance, or into the conformation of the parts; but not into the substance, because there is no organicall part in the body, which is not made up of sundry parts, which are of a diverse na­ture, as the hands and feet consist of bones, nerves, arteries, muscles, which cannot be equally subject to this or that Star. And seeing the like parts for sub­stance are in the other organes likewise, as bones in the feet, hands, breast, head, why shall not one and the same Starre bear rule over them all? It remaines then that they have influence into the conformation onely, which is acciden­tall [Page 246]to all the parts, for every part seve­rally may be without the same confor­mation, as bones may be as well croo­ked as streight, and be well nourished too. The conformation of every part depends on number, magnitude, scitu­ation, and figure. The influence can­not bee made into the number of the parts, because number in respect of it selfe, is not ens reale, that is, hath no reall existence, as also because one particle being added or taken away, the influ­ence into the part, is not thereby chan­ged, as if one finger of the hand bee wanting, the influence ceases not. In like manner not into the magnitude, for then the influence into an infant should differ from that into one that is grown up to ripe age: not into the scituation, because so the scituation being chan­ged, the influence should also be chan­ged, as into the hand stretched out, and laid upon the head, or on the feet. Last­ly not in the figure it selfe, because in like manner the figure being changed, the force and efficacie of the signes into the part is still the same. Hence it ap­peares, that the attribution of this pow­er and dominion to them over one part rather than another, is nothing else then [Page 247]an idle fiction. But if any such thing be granted, it is likely that that same influ­ence will extend it selfe onely to those parts, which have their proper sub­stance distinct from the rest, as the Heart, the Brain, the Liver, &c. and not to the Hands, and the Feet, and o­ther such like parts, whose similar parts are the same for substance, and differ only in conformation. In very deed, many Physicians seem to have given but little regard to those Astrologicall observations. I have seen many sick in the Solstices and Equinoctials, to whom the forenamed remedies were applyed with good successe, which if they had been omitted, peradventure the sick had died. And therefore in acute dis­eases, as the Apoplexie, Squinancie, Pleurisie, burning Feaver, and the like, it is very dangerous to omit, or deferre necessary remedies for the disposition of the Heavens, but wee ought rather to have regard to the times of diseases, and natures working, and according to that observation, prescribe sometimes one, sometimes another remedy, as at sun­dry times the disease requires. But when a Physician prescribes Purging or Blooding, only for prevention of disea­ses, [Page 248]he may observe the four quarters of the Moon, and use the forenamed reme­dies rather in the first, than in the last Quarters, because the Moon having a manifest power over the humours, when it increases they are augmented, and it decreasing, they are diminished. In like manner he may avoyd the Equi­noctials and Solstices. But in the sick, these cannot be observed without dan­ger, seeing that diseases do not permit such great delaies. But the figments of Astrologers, touching the dominion of the signes over all the parts of the body, are altogether to be rejected as faigned subles; for it is an absurd thing to sup­pose that one Star rules over this part, and another over that, seeing that all the Stars do rule over all the parts, and act not immediately, but by the altera­tions of the aire, by which the whole bo­dy is changed and altered.

CHAP. X. Of the ridiculous Physicall observations of Almanack-makers.

WHo can hold from laughter at those Caveats, whereof Astro­logers do every year warn the people in their Almanacks, about the taking of [Page 249]Physick, among which that is not the least, of which we have already spoken, that they attribute the parts of the bo­dy to the signes of the Zodiack: We will now prosecute the rest.

And First, 1 they say the best time for Purging is when the Moon is in the wa­tery signes, to wit, in Cancer, Scorpio, and Pisces.

Secondly, 2 when the Moon is in such a signe purge with Electuaries, in ano­ther signe with Potions, and in another with Pils.

Thirdly, in such a signe purge Choler with Electuaries, 3 in such an one with Pils, in such an one with Potions, and so of the other Humours. In like man­ner they say it is good to let the Phleg­matick blood when the Moon is in A­ries, or Sagitarius; the Melancholique, when it is in Libra, or Aquarius; the Cholerick, in Cancer, or Pisces; and so the Sanguine when it is in either of these. But it is to bee noted, That any kinde of diseases may happen at any time; Aph. 19. lib. 3. and be exasperated, as saith Hippocrates. Because as Galen teaches in his Com­mentaries, not only the Aire is the cause of diseases, but also the proper tempe­rament of the sick, and the peculiar [Page 250]manner of every mans diet, whereby it may come to passe, that even in Sum­mer any man may be taken with cold and flegmatick diseases. Seeing there­fore at one and the same time, many men may be sick of sundry diseases, all neither can nor ought to be purged af­ter the same manner, and in diseases that are acute, there may be danger in delay, while we stay till the Moon hath run through such and such Signes, in the mean while the opportunity of hel­ping the sick (which is said to be swift and variable, in the first book of Hip­pocrates his Aphorismes) will be lost, so as perhaps the like will never after of­fer it self again, because as Galen saies in his Commentaries, occasion is said to be very quick, and soon gone, in regard that our bodies are daily changed, not only by externall causes, (as the Aire and Stars) but also by internall. From whence it comes to passe that they that fall together into diseases at the same time, ought notwithstanding to be pur­ged on divers daies; for although there be the same aspects of the Stars and the Moon, yet the inward temperature of the body doth diversly alter, concoct, and expell the humours, which the Phy­sician, [Page 251]who is a Minister of Nature, not of the Stars, ought to consider, that he may administer all things to the sick in due season. For the curing of diseases is varied according to their different times. Now seeing that the times of diseases, are in some longer, and in some shorter, if we waite for the aspects of the Moon and the Stars, we thereby lose that healthfull indication, which the times of diseases do afford unto us. For in some diseases we do not purge untill a perfect concoction of the matter be made, but in others in the beginning; now in some diseases the beginnings are sooner gone, and they quickly come to their height, whereas in others they are very long. Wherefore the same time of purging cannot be seasonable for all, which it should be, if the aspects of the Moon were to be observed; for so it may fall out, that when Nature requires purging, the Moon may hinder it, and so all were to no purpose; and there­fore have the most learned Physicians, as well ancient as moderne, with good grounds rejected these observations.

But it is more absurd and frivolous which they talk concerning the formes of remedies; An absurd opinion of Almanack makers. for seeing that the very [Page 252]same remedies may be prescribed by a Physician in forme of a Potion, Electua­ry, or Pills, even as he pleases, in vain is the Moons influence regarded. For it is an easie thing for a Physician to ad­minister the Electuarie Hamech, Diasen­na, Catholicon, or the like, in form of an Electuary, or to dissolve it in broth, di­stilled waters, or some other liquor, to make it a Potion. It seems those Astro­logers do not know what Electuaries or Potions are; for although all Potions be not made of Electuaries, yet Electua­ries may be changed into Potions; yea we commonly use the same purging Simples, Sene, Rubarb, Polypodie, &c. both for Potions and Electuaries. Phy­sicians do prescribe a divers form of Physick, sometimes to please the sick, of whom some do more willingly take solid Medicines than liquid, others the contrary: Sometimes for the better purging of the remote parts, or because of the toughnesse of the matter, and other the like intentions. The same may be sayd of Pills, for even the ancient Physicians Aetius, Paulus, and others did dissolve Aloes, Coloquintida, and what­soever we take in Pills, even what is most untoothsome of all, and gave [Page 253]them to the sick to be drunk, which we administer in a solid forme, because of their too much bitternesse; and that they may stay longer in the stomach, when we would draw from the head, and the remote parts. Lastly, it is to be observed, that what remedies soever are taken in a solid form, do melt in the sto­mach, before they put forth their strength into the body, which is all one, as if the Apothecary had dissolved them in some liquor; for both Nature and Art do the same thing. Yea those things that are administred in a liquid substance, do sooner beginne to work than the other, because they being already dissolved by Art, are more easily overcome by Nature; and therefore in Apoplexies, and other cold diseases, Physicians do dissolve Pillulae Cochiae which are very bitter, in Aqua vitae, or some such like water, that they may the sooner put forth their strength. In like manner, Another grosse Errour of Astrolo­gers. that which Astrologers talk of blood­letting, is but vain and frivolous, for whatsoever the influence of the Moon be, bloodding is never good for a Flegmatick man, or for one that is sick of any disease that arises from Fleame, except together with the Fleame there [Page 254]be also an abundance of bloud. Galen likewise forbids to let melancholly men bloud, unlesse the bloud which is voi­ded doe appeare to be melancholick. It is good only for cholerick and san­guine complexions; let the Moone be in what signe it will, if the disease, age, and strength of the party doe permit, and that for the reasons already alledg­ed. And therefore Galen sayes well in his book de venae Sect. that we may let bloud at any time of the disease, if the indications of bloud-letting doe ap­peare, yea though it be on the twen­tieth day from the beginning of the dis­case. Now the indications are these, to wit, the greatness of the disease, and the strength of the party, and not the disposition and aspect of the Stars, which if we should observe, (as wee have already said) we should lose the opportunity of using convenient re­medies, to the great hazard of the sick.

CHAP. XI. That it is not hurtfull to purge in the Dog-dayes.

SOme perhaps may be found, who slight, and laugh at the aforesaid ob­servations [Page 255]of Astrologers; but who is he at this day that takes not notice of the Dog-dayes, A grosse errour. and feares not to take a purge at that time of the year, ground­ing that their conceit upon the 5th A­phorisme of Hippocrates his fourth book, where hee saith, That under the Dog, and before the Dog, cures are difficult. So that many, although they be at that time sick of those diseases which have need of blouding or purging, doe ne­verthelesse abhorre from the use of these remedies, not taking notice of these two things.

First, that in so doing, they leave the diseases to nature alone to bee cu­red, when it stands in most need of the help of Physick.

Secondly, if in the Dog-dayes disea­ses may be cured without Physick, why not also at any other time of the year, and so the use thereof might bee quite abandoned in curing of diseases? But let us weigh the reasons why Hippocra­tes said that purges are difficult in the Dog-dayes, which according to Ga­lens Commentary seemes to be three­fold.

First, because the body being infla­med through the heat of Summer, can­not [Page 256]endure the sharpnesse of Medi­cines.

Secondly, 2 because nature being feeble enough already by reason of the heat, is made weaker by purging.

Thirdly, 3 because the heat of the aire hinders purgation, for it drawes the humours from the center of the body to the circumference, and the Physick drawes them back againe to the center, and so there are made two contrary motions, so that there is either no pur­gation at all, or if any, it is very diffi­cult. Neverthelesse these reasons are of small force in a cold Climate, be­cause in England the heat is not so in­tense and violent in the Dog-dayes, (especially in the Kingston upon Hull. Northern parts of England, where I write this, where neverthelss they feare the biting of this Dog as much as in Spaine) and there­fore there is no cause to feare that our bodyes should be too much inflamed, or that they should be weakned, or that the humours should be too forcibly drawn into the skin.

Again, our remedies are much more gentle than those which Hippocrates u­sed, Our reme­dies are moregentle than the Ancients. as are Cassia, Tamarinds, Sene, Rubarb, and the like, which doe nei­ther [Page 257]inflame the body, nor trouble the humours.

And Lastly, because though wee should use strong remedies, And our preparati­ons better. yet we can so prepare them, and administer them in such a quantity, as shall offer no vi­olence to the body. But seeing that Hippocrates his Country was exceeding hot, and that all his drugs that he u­sed were very violent, and hot, it is no wonder that he was so wary of that time of the yeare. But in this Coun­try those dayes are not so hot. Besides Hippocrates did not say absolutely that we must not purge at all in the Dog­dayes, but only that purgation is dif­ficult, not impossible; and therefore seeing that at this time of the yeare there are very many acute diseases, which cannot be cured without bloud­letting, and purging, the Physicians of hot Countryes, as Spaine, Italy, the South parts of France, and the like, doe very wisely use purging remedies, but not so frequently, nor violent.

But some are of opinion, that wee should abstaine from purgation, not only because of the violent heat of the weather, but for the malignant effects of the Star; and the Ancients did at­tribute [Page 258]so much to this Star, It is ac­counted the most principall star of the first magni­tude. that for eminencie sake they called it the Star, as having some more than ordinary power above the rest, not onely over the body, but the minde also; so that both men and beasts, especially dogs, are then more sick than at other times, and dogs are thought to go mad through its influence. Wherefore Galen also forbids blouding at this time: But all the mischiefes which Plinie reckons up to proceed from hence, are not of in­fallible credit, for they are seldome or never observed to happen here in En­gland. Again, it is an absurd thing to think that any of the Stars are mischie­vous, for they are all benigne and pro­pitious to man, and those things which the Ancients have written concerning this Star, doe not correspond to expe­rience. We see every yeare there are divers degrees of heat, and not alwaies the same, because the power and in­fluence of the Star is altered by the di­versity of Conjunctions, and Aspects, so that those malignant effects (if there be any) of the Dog-star, may be hindred by the aspect of other Stars. Nor doth it necessarily follow, if there be a great hear this yeare, that there shall be the same [Page 259]the next yeare. Wherefore there is no cause alwayes to feare purgation under the Dog-star, or all the Dog-dayes; for if this day be exceeding hot, per­adventure to morrow the weather will be more temperate, only at this time of the year we must use remedies more spa­ringly, and those not so strong as at other times; for even those remedies which Hippocrates did ordinarily administer to his Patients, are scarce at any time pre­scribed by us, no not in winter. To this our opinion do assent Ioubertus in his Po­pular Errours, Mercurialis, Argenterius, Hollerius in his Commentaries upon the forenamed Aphorisme, Fernelius, Fuch­sius, Valleriola, Claudinus, Ʋallesius, and all that have written of this subject. It shall suffice us to conclude this Chapter with the testimony of Iacobus Hollerius, a most judicious and learned man. Note. This precept (saith he) takes place in Hippo­crates his Country, and such like places, which are very hot, but not in these Coun­tries, (now he speaks of Paris in France where he lived) for besides that we have gentle and easie medicines which we use, as Cassia, Catholicon, Asses milk, &c. We doe here experience no time of the year to be more wholsome and temperate (espe­cially [Page 260]when the East-winde blowes) then the Dogge-dayes; so as experience shewes, that diseases begunne in June and July, are wont to terminate in August, even un­der the Dogge-starre. Wherefore if a dis­ease happen in those daies, wee doe not feare many times to open a veine, and to administer strong Physick. Neverthelesse if there happen a vehement and canicular heat of weather, as we have in France often­times, even in the moneths of May and June, we follow the advice of Hippocra­tes, both in letting blood, and prescribing purges. Where he shews that that very number of daies is not to be regarded, but only the heat of the weather is to be observed, which if it happen in the Moneth of May, before the Canicular daies, yea what time soever it happens, Hippocrates his rule is to be observed. I might adde here, that there are divers opinions concerning the rising of the Dogge-star; for with the Ancients it rose sooner than now it doth, but with us it rises at those times when it is not wont to be so hot, and therefore at that time purgation ought lesse to be feared, concerning which thing we may see more at large in Dionysius Petavius a most learned man.

But that it may appear what great difference there is betwixt England and Greece, which was Hippocrates his coun­try, we may observe what Hesiod saith, Lib. 2. ope­rum. to wit, that their Harvest did begin at the rising of the Pleiades, at which time the Spring is scarce begun with us. For the Pleiades do rise in the Moneth of A­pril, after the old account, or not long after the beginning of May.

CHAP. XII. That Purgations are often to bee reiterated.

BEcause Physick (as we have said) is tedious and irksome, many doe ex­pect a perfect cure by one only purging medicine, and they think the disease ex­ceeds the capacitie and skill of the Phy­sician, and if after a Purge once taken, it be not cured. Nor are they willing to hear that the remedy is to be reite­rated, little knowing for what causes Physicians are forced to renew Purga­tions. It were indeed to be wished, that diseases could be cured with one ca­thartick alone, which thing although it sometimes happens, yet it is not alwaies so; and truly a Drugge that makes a [Page 262]full and perfect purgation, Note ought not to be administred without diligent heed taken, because all vehement catharticks are exceeding adverse and hurtfull to nature: Therefore a perfect evacuation ought to be prescribed only when the strength of the sick can bear it, the mat­ter but little and thinne, and nature it self leads the way, when the humours are fully concocted, and all the passages in the belly are open. But if the hu­mours be not all concocted together, they must be evacuated at several times, beginning alwaies with the gentlest re­medies. The same is to be done, if the sick be weak, or the humour abundant, for who can in a Cachexie is an evill state of the body, when all the nu­triment turns to ill humours. Aph. 51. lib. 2. Cachexie draw all the vitious humours out of the body at once: And therefore Cachexie is an evill state of the body, when all the nu­triment turns to ill humours. Aph. 51. lib. 2. Hippocrates thought it to be a very dangerous thing to evacuate very much at once, and suddenly. For if when Empyricks and Hydropicks are cauterized, or scarifyed, the matter and water should flow out all together, 27. Aph. lib. 6. they would dye assuredly, saith Hippocrates. If the letting of blood even to swouning doth not evacuate all the noxious humours, 8. Method. as the dejections of the belly, vomiting of choler, and sweats which follow do testifie; much [Page 263]lesse may we by a purgation, void out all that which is noxious and hurtfull to the body. It is therefore more safe to purge by little and little, according to the strength of the patient, condition of the part affected, nature and place of the humour offending, because all the humour is seldome after the same man­ner, and in the same place of the body, but is diffused through divers parts. Many times one part of it is concocted, another crude, one thinne, another thick, one quiet and still, another boy­sterous and in motion, all which cannot be throughly evacuated at once. Note. There­fore it is better to cure safely, though slowly, than quickly and with hazard: Wherefore they that be sick should not be any more peevish and froward, if a wise and learned Physician do counsell to reiterate purgations; for though the disease be already cured, yet they are very good for to take away the re­liques of the disease, and to prevent a re­lapse.

CHAP. XIII. That purging pills should not be taken after Supper.

THis is no new errour, but hath been excellently refuted by many that have written of Physick, although some Physicians do maintain the custome. For many think, that when the head is to be purged, it is best to take Pills after sup­per, for so their vertue and strength is most commodiously carried up to the head, The hu­mours drawn from the head to the stomach by the veines, and not by the throat. together with the vapour of the meat, which is false, namely that the humours are drawn from the head to the stomach by the throat and jawes and not by the veins, for so they might, if not altogether, yet for the most part be easi­ly voided by spittle, neither doth the sick any time perceive any such deflux of the humour in the time of purgati­on, as Iulius Cesar Claudinus well ob­serves, Cap. 9. lib. 2. in his most learned and excellent book, de ingressu ad infirmos. For in very deed there is the same time for ad­ministring Pills, that is for other Medi­caments, namely the morning, after perfect concoction; for otherwise the force of the Medicine is dulled, and quite overwhelmed by the abundance [Page 265]of meat, and the meat it self is corrup­ted; for the Medicament drawes ill hu­mours to the stomach, and mixes them with the meat, & besides it twitches the superiour orifice of the stomach, and so it may provoke vomit, as Galen saith; 4 De sanit­tuend. And Paulus blames them that use to ad­minister Aloes in the evening, Lib. 7. cap. 4. and after meat, because it corrupts the meat, and doth not purge out choler at all. If therefore Aloes, Aloes not to be used after meat. which is such a gentle cathartick, may do so much hurt being taken after meat, what harm will en­sue thereon, if strong purging Pills be taken before the meat be concocted? Therefore Pills are to be administred rather in the morning than at night. I know they may be given at other times for divers intentions, as at noon, and in the evening; but alwaies long after meat. Thus Galen in the evening did administer Pills made up of Aloes, Seammonie, and Coloquintida, but not after meat; for it is likely the sick had not then supped, both because his tongue was swollen, and he was sick, for they that be sick do seldome eat meat, unlesse by constraint. Concer­ning this subject, Fuchsius in his Para­doxes hath written more at large, and [Page 266]therefore thus much shall suffice in this place; for the sick do in this particular more easily and willingly obey Physici­ans, then in any other thing of as great consequence.

CHAP. XIIII. That Rhysicall potions may not onely bee taken hot, but cold also.

MAny are wont when they take pur­ging potions, to warm them be­fore they drink them, as if there were the same reason of medicines and broths, which custome I do not speak against, for so they seem to work sooner, and more quickly to bee reduced into act.

But yet they are to be informed, that they may as commodiously be drunk cold, in Summer time, into a hot sto­mach. For many of the Catharticks, which are ingredients in the composi­tion of these Potions, do not well endure the fire; for their vertue exhales with a gentle heating, which if it doth not all perish, yet some part of it is abated, as may be seen in Rubarb, which being put to the fire, becomes slower in ope­ration, as the extract thereof doth ma­nifest, which is first made by infusion, [Page 267]whereby the tincture and vertue of the Rubarb is drawn out, and afterward by a gentle drying, it is brought to the consistence of an extract, so that a few drammes which are sufficient for many infusions, are scarce enough for one ex­tract, because by drying the infusion, the purging vertue doth likewise eva­porate.

Secondly, 2 a cold Potion is not so un­pleasant to the mouth and palate as that which is hot.

Thirdly, being drunk cold, 3 it is more easily kept, and not so subject to be vo­mited up again, for all warm things do of their own nature overthrow the sto­mach, provoke vomit, and the sooner if they be also unpleasant and offensive to the stomach, as almost all Catharticks are.

CHAP. XV. That it is not hurtfull to take cold drinks on the day of purgation.

ALmost all men doe think it to be a heynous crime to drink cold drink on that day wherein one hath taken a Purge, but only hot drinks, as Possets, which are the only drinks now adaies in request, which custome I do not dislike, [Page 268]for they further the working of the purge, and deterge and cleanse the sto­mach from humours. Thus I read a­mong the Ancients, that hot water is good after the taking of a purge.

First, 1 if it be a solid Medicine, to dis­solve it.

Secondly, 2 to correct the mischievous quality of it.

And Thirdly, 3 to wash it from the tuni­cles of the stomach, lest it cleave there­unto. So likewise they used it after compleat purgation, to cleanse the sto­mach, to expell the reliques of the Drugges, as also to restrain the violence of it, if it hath purged too vehement­ly: and there is the same reason for the possets spoken of. Yet it is not alwaies necessary to forbid them cold drinks, Cold drinks good in some cases during purgation. for without harm, yea with very much pro­fit they may be sometimes drunk. But some Physicians command cold water, if the stomach be hot, that the acrimo­ny of the drugge may be taken away. So saith Aetius, Terrab. prim serm. 3. cap. 133. If they be easily purged, after they have drunk the medicine, wee will give them cold water to drink. John de Vega Viceroy of Sicilie being sick, took a purge which wrought but slow­ly: His Physician offered to the Vice­roy [Page 269]the broth of a chicken without salt, but Philip Ingrassias that learned Phy­sician comming to visit him, gave him a pint of cold water, with a little sugar, presently his disposition to vomit, and the gnawing of his stomach was stayed, and the purge wrought very well; then together with great thanks to Ingrassias, he gave him the silver bowle worth fif­ty Crownes, wherein he had drunk the cold water, as he himself relates in his book concerning the drinking of cold water after Physick. And Sanctorius hath the fame story in his comment up­on the Art of Galen. We need not there­fore so much fear cold drinks, as Beer or Ale, in them that are purged, especially at meales; for seeing it is permitted to take a little meat 4. or 5. hours after the Phy­sick, why should coole drink be denyed, especially if he that is purged be not actually sick, but took Physick only to prevent diseases. But let us hear what Mesue a most excellent Writer saith. He in his third Theoreme, treating of the causes that hinder the working of a purge, saith that if it happen through the weaknesse and debility of nature, the working of it may be furthered by the drinking of a little cold water. If [Page 270]the expulsive facultie be feeble, or the ope­ration and working of the medicament bee remisse and weake, give the sick a little water moderately cold, and an hower after some astringent thing, and thereby the Medicine will worke effectually. And in the same Chapter: If the Physick doe not worke, but cause grievous symptomes in the body, besides the forenamed helps (saith he) the drinking of very cold wa­ter (as Rusus saith) takes away the ma­lignity and acrimonie of the Drugges. And in another place he blames them that drinke fat broths too soon after they have taken Physick, Theor. 4. cap. 5. canone. 1. because they do loose, soften, and fill the stomach, and so beget loathing of meat and nau­seousnesse, although he confesses that there is a time to use them, and there­fore he commands rather to use strength­ning drinks, among which he reckons thinne wine, of a pleasant smell, and quick, allayed with water warmed a little with the sun or the fire. (Then he addes) but let him beware of sweet wine, thick and troubled, as also of wa­ter both exceeding hot, and extream cold; for the hot water looses the sto­mach, and dissipates the strength there­of, and the cold extinguishes the feeble [Page 271]and gentle heat of it. From whence it is evident and clear, that after one hath taken Physick, it may be sometimes lawfull to use cold drinks, and not to limit themselves alwaies to the use of their hot possets.

CHAP. XVI. Of them that will never be purged but in the beginning of the Spring.

MAny that are wont to be sick of an anniversary disease, to whom ther­fore some remedies are made familiar by custome, do neverthelesse only use them in the beginning of the Spring, fearing greatly the end of the Spring, as being too near the Summer, but herein they erre exceedingly. For these reme­dies are prescribed to preserve from dis­eases them that are yet in health, but would be sick, if it were not prevented with the use of Physick. Now this ought to be done especially during the Spring, because at that time of the year, the body is in its vigour and strength, and it is the most temperate season, and the humours which are as it were a­sleep in Winter, are stirred up by the heat of the Spring, whereby they do more easily yeeld to Nature and Physick [Page 272]also. But the same humour is not pre­dominant in all, but divers in divers men, either in respect of their peculiar manner of living, or in regard of the particular natures of men; for some are Cholerick, and others Flegma­tick, hence it is manifest, that neither the same evacuation, nor the same time of evacuation is convenient for all.

Secondly, 2 the Spring time in some places begin sooner, in others later, in respect of the diverse scituation of the countries. For Physicians do not limit the times of the year by the space of three Moneths, as Astrologers count them, but esteem them according to the temperature of the aire. Thus many times Winter is very cold and sharp in England, when the Sun enters into Aries, in the beginning of March, at which time Astrologers make the beginning of the Spring. Wherefore they that stand in need of the forenamed evacuations; let them take care that they be prescri­bed, not according to the computation of Moneths, but according to the tem­perature of the aire, yea though it were the end of May, May the best month for taking physick. which I account to be the safest and fittest Moneth for that businesse, because then the weather is [Page 273]most seasonable and temperate, most like unto naturall heat, and the strength of the body is most vigorous, like as in Countries that are much hotter than England. Physicians do preferre this Moneth. But Galen according to the diverse constitution of mens bodies, would have some to bee purged in the beginning, others in the end of the Spring. Best to purge the flegmatick in the be ginning of the Spring They in whom Fleame is pre­dominant, must be purged in the begin­ning of the Spring; for the humours that are gathered together in Winter, are melted by the temperature of the Spring, so that except they be purged out, they are easily diffused throughout the whole body, and cause grievous diseases. But as for them that are cho­lerick, And the cholerick in the end. it is best to purge them in the end of the Spring, lest the hot humours be inflamed by the heat of the ensuing Summer, and so putrifie, and beget Fea­vers: Ad chap. 47. lib. 6. So saith Galen in his Commenta­ries. One that was wont every Spring to be sick of a Tertian, hath not been troubled with it these many years, I ha­ving purged him from choler in the end of the spring; for at that time it is best to purge such; but as for Epilepticks, Apo­plecticks, Arthriticks, & Melancholicks, [Page 274]and as many as are sick through the grossenesse of the humours, are most fitly purged in the beginning of the spring.

CHAP. XVII. That purging ought not to bee rejected, although the sick doe eat no meate.

IT oftentimes happens to Physicians, that when they prescribe a Clyster, or a Purge for their Patients, the by-stan­ders (especially women, and such as keep the sick, whom nothing can please, but they desire alwaies to dissent from Physicians) these, I say, doe intercede for the sick, that he is weak, and takes nothing at all, when notwithstanding in secret, they do preposterously urge him to eat meat, and do even glut him therewith. Yet it hath been often ob­served, that such as have so much loathed meat, have with a very gentle Clyster, voided many excrements dried and hardened with the violent heat of the Feaver. And it is to be noted, that pur­ging is not prescribed onely for the emptying of the belly, but to purge out morbous humours, for that want of ap­petite [Page 275]to meat, wherewith the sick are usually troubled, doth arise from viti­ous humours, which requires purging out, which being evacuated, the appe­tite and stomach to meat doth come a­gaine. For the loathing of meat, bit­ternesse of the mouth, and other the like symptomes, doe manifest that pur­gation is necessary, saith Hippocrates: Aph. 17. lib. 4. Loathing of meate, paine of the heart, dizzinesse of the head, and bitternesse of the mouth in one that hath a Feaver; doe note that there is need of a vomit. For these symptomes are caused by the hu­mours which lay about the mouth of the stomach. Therefore though the sick take nothing, yet they have lur­king within their bodies many vitious humours, which unlesse they be voy­ded out by a Cathartick, the appetite will never returne of it selfe, but the disease becomes every day worse than other, and perhaps at length is made in­curable.

CHAP. XVIII. That a Purge is not much to bee disliked, because sometimes it is cast back by vomit.

I Have sometimes heard the sick com­plaine, that when they have a Cathar­tick, whereby they should have been purged downward, a contrary effect succeeded, and they were purged up­ward, to wit, by vomit, which manner of evacuation is indeed very trouble­some; for vomits do usually offer much violence unto nature. Now they must know, that it may often come to passe, that the working of the Physick may be changed, and a purge become a vomit, and a vomit a purge. The body indeed by an ordinance of nature, is emptied rather by siege than by the mouth; for the belly seemes to have been created for that purpose, as also the humours by their proper inclination do flow to the belly, and there are a great many Mesairaick veines that carry the hu­mours unto the guts. Now a purging medicine becomes a vomit, either by reason of the medicine it self, or by rea­son of the sick.

Of the Medicine; 1 First, if it be strong, [Page 277]and do greatly provoke and pull the mouth of the stomach.

Secondly, if it be very unpleasant, 2 of a strong smell, stinking, and noysome to the stomach.

Thirdly, if it be light, thinne, 3 and do easily swimme above, as if it be mixed with fat or oyly things.

Fourthly, if it engender windinesse, 4(as Sene, Epithymum, Agarick) which windy vapours being carried up to the orifice of the stomach, do trouble it, and so provoke vomit.

Fifthly, 5 if it be taken in a very great quantitie, and by these means not one­ly medicine, but meat also may cause vomit. Also sometimes by reason of the sick a Purge becomes a vomit: as if he be of a very weake stomach, and ex­quisite sense, if hee looke upon things that are unpleasant to him, smell such as are noysome and stinking, or use violent motion; for motion causes vo­miting, as appeares in them that saile upon the water. Furthermore it is to be noted, that when one hath taken Phy­sick, if after an houre or two he vomit it up again, there is no danger at all; for in that space the Medicine is dissol­ved by the heat of the body, and (as [Page 278]Physicians speak) is brought into act, and so doth diffuse its vertue through­out the whole body, whereby it purges no lesse than if it had been all kept in the body, It is some­times good to vomit after one hath taken a purge. Yea many times it is very good to vomit it up; for it carries out with it grosse, flegmatick, and other such humours, that stick fast to the sto­mach, which happily it had never pur­ged out by the stoole. Wherefore it is not to be imputed as a fault, to the Physici­an, or the Apothecary, if the Physick do sometimes work the contrary way, for thereby no harme at all, but many times a great deale of good doth come to the sick.

CHAP. XIX. That purging ought not to be feared, though there be a flux of the belly.

THe common people many times wonder at it, and think it a need­lesse thing, yea and dangerous, when one hath a flux of the belly, that Physi­cians do sometimes prescribe a purge, which is rather a means to encrease the flux, and to weaken and spend the strength of the sick: But the thing is quite contrary; for nothing doth stay the belly like to a purge. In health it [Page 279]is good sometimes to bee loose in the belly, so as it be not too great a laske, nor impaire the strength, if so be (as Celsus saith) it stay within seven daies; But in them that be sick, it is some­times good, sometimes evill to have a laske, in respect of the diverse nature of the disease, constitution of the sick, and time, as if it be a criticall flux, if such things be voided as ought to bee, and it be such as the sick is well able to bear. Therefore sometimes it is to bee let alone, sometimes to be stayed; but if it be stayed by astringent remedies, the noxious humour being retained in the body, is oftentimes the cause of a greater evill to the body, and corrupts and infects by its contagion the rest of the humours, whereby afterwards the noble parts are hurt, or else the flux re­turns worse, and is more malignant than before. It is a common proverbe among Physicians, The causes of diseases must be taken away, before the diseases them­selves can be cured. So likewise in such a flux, the safest way to cure it, is by taking away the cause, which thing pur­ging among other remedies doth most fitly and safely perform, so that the wor­king of it, the flux either staies of its [Page 280]owne accord, or if it doe not stay, yet it may more commodiously, and with­out danger bee stopped by astringent remedies. I have often seen the sick, which by reason of a lask went to the stoole many times every day, whose loosenesse was stayed by a purge of Ru­barb, to which, though sore against their wills, I had perswaded them, which nature of it self could scarce have cured. Therefore it is a common ax­iome among Physicians, one flux is cu­red by another, and one vomit by a­nother, not that all diseases are cured by their like, but by accident only, in­somuch as the causes of the flux being voided out, the flux stayes of its owne accord.

CHAP. XX. That the use of Clysters is void of danger.

MAny reject clysters, as being pe­rillous and dangerous Physick, but they are grossely mistaken, for cly­sters are the most gentle and innocent Physick of all, for they never touch any noble part, in that they goe not beyond the great guts, and therefore if the disease require it, we sometimes [Page 281]adde to them very sharp remedies, which another part of the body cannot endure, and yet they are ad­ministred without any harine to the body at all. Much lesse can mollifying and cooling clysters hurt the body, which we prescribe in feavers, and o­ther diseases, in which there is no­thing, except the quantity, which might not be taken by the mouth. Clysters good in many re­spects. Now a clyster is profitable for divers parts of the body, as the braine, the eyes, the stomack, and all the inward parts; for it doth not only loosen the belly, but also by its liquid substance, it doth deterge and cleanse the tunicles of the bowels from many grosse and viscous humours which cleave thereto; and be­sides, it lyes like a fomentation upon the kidneys, and the bowels, and there­fore it oftentimes brings that out of the body, which a reiterated purgation can never doe. Galen experienced this in himselfe, who being grievously tor­mented with the cholick, with a cly­ster made of the oyle of Rue, purged out grosse, tough, and viscous fleagm. Seeing then the use of clysters may be so profitable, they need not for the future be feared, but ought rather to [Page 282]be more familiarly used. 3 things necessary to be con­side [...]ed. Therefore I would admonish the people of three things.

First, 1 that they use a clyster before bloud letting, and unto this doe all Physicians advise, lest the impurity of that first region bee attracted by the empty veines, and so the bloud bee tainted.

Secondly, 2 that if the belly be costive, and there seems to be a necessity of ta­king a purge by the mouth, it be first asswaged with a gentle clyster, that the excrements may be more easily voi­ded out. For the belly being costive, hinders the operation of the cathartick; and seeing there is in every medicament a certaine generall vertue, and propen­sity to purge out the excrements, be­sides that proper power, whereby it doth draw unto it selfe by a peculiar propriety the humours that are most familiar to it, if the belly be very co­stive, and the excrements hard, they they cannot be extruded without great paine, and gripings of the guts, and many times the strength of the Phy­sick is spent in thrusting them out, and the humours that are attracted by the Physick, not being purged out, but kept [Page 283]within the bowels, cause gripings, the pain of the colick, vomiting, frenzie, diz­zinesse of the head, and many such symp­tomes. Hippocrates seems to have poin­ted at this, when he saith, Aph. 9. lib. 2. If one would purge, let him first make the belly soluble. Now seeing that by many wayes the belly may bee made soluble, this by preparing clysters is not to be negle­cted, and Galen commends this coun­sell. Sect. 4. d [...] victu acut. * Et aph. 72. lib. 7. And in another place Hippocrates saith; When one would purge the belly, it is good to make it soluble; and if thou wouldest make it fluxive upwards, it is good to stay the belly; if downwards, to moi­sten it. Now the belly cannot be more fit­ly moistned than with a clyster. Thus Galen shewing for whom purging is convenient, among the causes through which evacuation succeeds not well, when one hath taken Physick, reckons this for one: Oftentimes (saith he) hard and dry ordure in some of the guts, hin­ders evacuation.

Thirdly, not only before purgation, but also after, it will not be amisse to inject a gentle deterging clyster, (as the best Physicians doe advise) for to wash away the reliques of the humours, which sometimes stick to the bowels. [Page 284]For a clyster cleanses the guts, and taketh away whatsoever noxious mat­ter is left after a strong medicine, es­pecially if it bee of that sort of medi­cines which have Scammony for an in­gredient; for it by the sharpnesse and acrimonie thereof, doth corrode the in­testines; and there is the same reason concerning all other strong medicines, as among others, Valleriola saies well in lib. 3. locor. com. cap. 16.

CHAP. XXI. That Clysters are not well injected by bladders.

SEeing then the administring of Cly­sters is such wholsome, facile, and harmlesse Physick, we will in brief ob­serve somewhat touching that manner of injecting clysters by an oxes bladder tyed to a pipe. This I confesse is no very grosse errour, for we see it many times well enough injected this way, and it seemes to be the ancientest cu­stome, for I read in Galens fifth book of Method, that the use of such blad­ders was very frequent in old time: But now it is left off in many places beyond the Seas, and that manner of injecting is altogether unknowne, but [Page 285]they use a Syringe, or a hollow pipe of tin, or brasse, and that with better conveniencie, for it is both more easi­ly injected, and also more safely, A near way for inje­cting Cly­sters. and sooner, and which availes very much in this businesse, it goes higher, and passes into all the great guts. For see­ing naturally a clyster doth not go be­yond the great guts, by reason of a cer­taine valvule placed in the beginning of the gut Colon, and the end of Ilion, it would be much to the commodity of the sick, if a clyster could but goe so farre, for so a great benefit would ac­crew to them by the washing of the guts. But a clyster that is injected by a bladder doth not ascend so high, but stayes in the strait gut, and in the be­ginning of Colon. It were well there­fore that these Syringes were brought into use, of which almost all our A­pothecaries, except those of London, are destitute. But sometimes it hap­pens that a clyster is vomited out of the mouth, although but seldome; I do not remember that ever I observed it, save twice in two patients, which happens when the forenamed valvule is loosed by reason of a vitiated and corrupted pe­ristaltick motion of the bowels, which [Page 286]opens an unwonted passage to the li­quor, yet how this can be done, I doe not conceive. I would rather think it comes to passe, because the aforesaid Valvule is broken by some preternaturall cause, and cannot any more execute its office. Therefore if any man that is ignorant of the art of Physick, chance to observe such a thing, let him neither blame the Physician nor the Clyster, seeing that no Physician can foreknow this, but let him accuse the particu­lar constitution of the sick, and know that nothing happens then, which hath not been heretofore, nor let him be trou­bled at such an event.

CHAP. XXII. Of vomits, that possets ought not to be drunk immediately after one hath taken a vomit.

IT is not my purpose in this Chapter to treat of the commoditie and pro­fitablenesse of vomits to the body of man, I wil only give notice of thus much about the use therof, that there are some Vomitories which do only cleanse the sto­mach, and others which draw humours from all the parts of the body, which in sundry diseases are more profitable [Page 287]than the former. When therefore one hath taken a vomit, let him not hasten as many do, to the use of possets; for by filling the stomack, they do too soon stirre up the working of the vomit, which is thereby cast out of the stomach, before it hath diffused its vertue into the whole body, and so it doth not at all attract the noxious humours, and yet molests the stomach not a whit the lesse. But let him rather rest awhile, till it be reduced into act, and work twice or thrice without ta­king any drink at all: Thus wee shall be sure, that only those things which be hurtfull in the stomach and body, shall be voided out.

Where it is to be noted, that posset drinks are not prescribed by Physicians that they may further the operation of the vomit; For what posset drink is prescribed in vomits. for in the beginning they rather dull and diminish the strength and vertue of it, but only to take away the irksomnesse of vomiting, namely, that the stomach may be more easily o­verwhelmed, for many times repletion alone doth cause vomiting, otherwise it were better to take nothing at all, that the Physick not being altered by [Page 288]any mixture of meat or drink, might draw nothing but the noxious humours into the stomach. But perhaps some say, that Paulus and Aetius two famous Physicians did prescribe a vomit after meat, when there is a feaver of a long durance: And Avicenne is also of the same minde, speaking of the cure of an impure Tertian. And know (saith hee) that nothing helps them more then a vomit after meat. Canon. 4. tract. [...]. cap. 40. Galen likewise prescribes a vomit after meat, but Alexander Tral­lianus blames him, because it is better to provoke vomit before meat, which is true for the forenamed reasons. For a vomit after meat purges the stomach only, and the humours contained there­in, and not them which are in the veins, unlesse with a very great forcing of na­ture. I must needs comfesse therefore that the patient doth vomit the easier after meat, but with lesse commoditie: But if the sick be prone and apt to vo­mit, it is better to provoke vomit fast­ing, and before meat or drinke; for so the Physick drawes the humours better out of the veines. Gentilis and Ar [...]ula­rius two most excellent interpreters of Avicenne, are of this opinion, in the [Page 289]Chapter of the cure of a quartane Fea­ver. If the patient vomit easily, it may be administred before meat, to draw me­lancholy from the Spleen to the stomach: But if it come difficultly, it is better to give it after meat, that he may vomit the easier, which may also be applyed to drink ta­ken presently after. If therefore the vomit be prescribed, only for emptying the stomach from grosse humours, it will not be amisse first to eat or drink, or at least presently after. But if the whole body be to be cleansed, it must be taken fasting, and the patient must not eat nor drink any thing after, untill the vertue of the Medicine brought into act, hath penetrated the whole body, because im­mediately after the taking of drink, the attractive vertue of the remedie is dul­led. Therefore those possets should not be taken before the patient hath vomi­ted once or twice; Best to vo­mit once or twice be­fore one take the posset drink. but afterwards they may be taken, that the sick may vomit the easier, and the grosse humours bee better dissolved, and cast out. The same hath Hartman a late Chymicall writer in his Notes upon Crollius observed, who forbids to drink immediately after the taking of a vomit, untill the patient hath vomited two or three times; for [Page 290]otherwise it dulls the force of the me­dicine, but when the humours have been sufficiently moved, hee permits a good draught, and in the end for to cleanse the stomach, and evacuate the reliques.

CHAP. XXIII. That old men may bee blooded with­out danger.

THe common people most com­monly are disposed to thwart and contradict Physicians, which as in many other particulars may bee seen in this, that if one be sick of a Fever, wherein it is profitable, yea necessary to let blood, they are ready to excuse declining age, as not able to endure this remedy, and this I have often heard of some not fifty yeares old, and otherwise very strong, and vigorous. Indeed in the admini­stration of all remedies, the strength of the patient ought especially to be regar­ded, insomuch as if it be defective, we must withhold strong remedies even from a boy, or a young man. But be­cause there is not the same duration and continuance of strength in all, but some at threescore and ten are more cheerfull and vigorous than others at fifty, the [Page 291]Physician regards not so much the num­ber of yeares, Physicians regard not the num­ber of years but strength. as the strength and vigour of the sick. Therefore if a strong old man be troubled with the Pleurisie, in­flammation of the Lungs, burning Fe­ver, or other such diseases, there is no doubt but he may, and ought to be let blood, for these diseases can scarce bee cured without this remedy; but if the sick have not strength to endure the re­medie, he must of necessity perish, and so all diseases in old men should be mor­tall. Galen himselfe in his booke of Phlebotomie prescribes blooding for old men of threescore and ten years, and I my self have seen a man threescore and thirteene years old, who was let blood, foure times within the space of three daies, and had thirty ounces of blood at the least taken from him. Rhazes also did let blood in a decrepit old man, which was sick of a grievous Pleurisie. Therefore age is not to be measured by the number of years, but by the strength of the patient, which if it be vigorous in very old men, why shall remedies, ne­cessary for their diseases, bee denied them? It is indeed certain, that eve­ry old man is weaker than when he was young, and therefore hee must bee let [Page 292]blood more sparingly than if he were yet young, neverthesse it may be that if hee were compared to another young man, he would bee found stronger than he, and more able to endure physick. There is then no age, except decrepit old age, but it may endure some evacua­tion. Now decrepit old age, because it hath but little blood, and very many raw humours, is unfit for this remedie. But the other ages, that are in the mid­dle betwixt the first and the last, have their degrees of strength, and therefore doe admit of some sort of evacuation. This did Cornelius Celsus teach very well. Lib. 2. cap. 10. It is no matter (saith he) what the age is, or what is within the body, but what the strength is. Seeing then this is a thing not doubted of among Physicians, the sick ought not to gainsay, if at any time a Physician command blood-letting, for any man though hee bee well stricken with age. The same may be said of chil­dren before they be fourteen years old; for even childhood hath its strength, Children may bee purged or blooded. for even childhood hath its strength, and vigour, according to the proportion whereof, why shall it not be lawfull to evacuate, especially if he be a boy of a good habit of body, with large veines; well and freely educated. They endure [Page 293]purging, why not also blouding? They are wont sometimes to bee wounded, and to bleed very much, without any harme at all to them, why may they not also abide artificiall emission of bloud? There is therefore no age which may not endure some measure of evacuation. Wherefore seeing that properly the dis­ease and strength onely are necessary marks to direct unto this remedy, they alone are to bee considered, and not the age, except as it doth concur with them.

CHAP. XXIV. That it is but a vaine thing to bee so curious in the choice of the veines in the arme.

SEeing that the veines in the arme are wont to be opened, either for pre­servation from diseases, or for curati­on of diseases, therefore the sick doe many times aske what veine is to be opened. For they have heard some­thing touching the distribution of the veines in the arme, one of which they depute to the head, another to the liver, the third they make doubtfull, available for either of these two regions of the body; which opinion not Galen [Page 294]nor Hippocrates, but the moderne Phy­sicians did set abroach, before the clear knowledge of Anatomy, which at this day the people do follow, and not they only, but also very many practitioners in Physick are still in the same errour, meerly out of their ignorance of Ana­tomy. It is manifest enough that all the veines of the arme, in that they proceed from one and the same trunck, do evacuate from the same parts, and that which is called the cephalick vein, and is referred to the head, doth no lesse evacuate from the liver, than that which they call the basilick and li­ver vein, although this same cephalick veine, because it sometimes receives a little branch from the head, is thought to be more profitable for the affects of the head, yet both of them do equally help the diseases of the inward parts, and draw bloud alike from the hollow vein. And in very deed these termes basilick and cephalick, although they be Greek words, were neverthelesse un­knowne to Galen, Hippocrates, and o­thers, but were invented by late wri­ters, which did ill in bringing in this o­pinion concerning the choice of veines. Which thing, that it may more plain­ly [Page 295]appeare, wee will describe the o­riginall and beginning of the veines in the arm.

The hollow vein ascending out of the Liver to the upper parts, An anato­micall dif­course of the distri­bution of the veines in the arm as soone as it comes to the channell bones, is divided into large branches, which take their name Subclavij, from the situation of the part, because they lye under the throat, and channell bones, which are called Claviculae. One part of these branches sends out many veins within the breast; the other part, springing forth of the breast, is carried to the arme-holes, which are called in latine Axillae, from whence it hath the name Axillaris, and in the beginning of the arme, is divi­ded into two great branches, called the cephalick and basilick veines, in bruits the cephalick hath its beginning from the jugular, but in men alwayes from the axillar veine, neverthelesse it doth receive a little small branch from the externall iugular veine. From these two branches doe all the veines of the arme arise, which are carried unto the extremities of the fingers, which now to describe is altogether needlesse, it being sufficient for our purpose to have shewn their beginning. Seeing then all [Page 296]the veines which are in the arm do pro­ceed from one and the same trunck of the hollow veine in the throat, in vain is one chosen rather than another, for they all draw bloud from the same fountaine. And lest it should seem to be onely our owne private opinion, know that even the best Anatomists do assent thereto. Vesalius, the chief of all the Auatomists that ever were yet, Lib. 3. A­natomes. cap. 8. al­though he seemes to derive the cepha­lick from the externall jugular, yet he saith, our Aesculapij (forsooth) do ri­diculoufly contend, whether the shoul­der veine, or the common, or the axil­lar veine must be divided in the hand, as if some peculiar veine from every affected part of the body, might bee found in the arme, when indeed from one only trunk of the hollow vein di­vided in the throat, all the veines of the arme doe proceed, as in that place he declares more at large. To him as­sents Boehinus in his Theatre of Anato­my, where he affirmes, that it is but a triviall thing to bee so curious in the choice of those veines, seeing that each of them have the same beginning, Quae ma­gis turget magis ur­get. wher­fore hee counsels alwayes to take that which is most * conspicuous. Of the [Page 297]same opinion is Riolanus in his Anthro­pography; Gabriel Fallopius in his insti­tutions of Anatomy; Bartholinus, and other Physicians that excelled in the knowledg of Anatomy.

CHHP. XXV. That it were better to observe the quan­tity of bloud by measures, then by ounces, pounds, and weights.

IT is an ordinary thing, not only with the people, but also with Physicians, when they let bloud, to define the quan­tity thereof by ounces and pounds, which also was Galens custome, who sometimes drew bloud even to many pounds. If this be a commendable cu­stome, then they should alwayes have weights at hand, that the weight of the bloud that is drawn out, may be cer­tainly known, which they have not, but both the Physicians, and the by­standers do guesse thereat. Bloud-let­ting (saith Hippocrates) is comprehend­ed under the head, called the emptying of the vessels, 2 aph. lib. 1. and is not used but when the bloud is faulty; now the bloud is not faulty in weight, but in quantity, or quality. And though it be heavy, yet it is not drawne out for that, but [Page 298]because of the quantity, or some other fault: now the quantity of liquids is better discerned by measures than by weights, for one bloud is heavier than another. As for example; let us sup­pose Titius his bloud to bee heavy, he having a plethore, or fulnesse thereof ad vasa, and Sempronius his bloud to bee light, he having a fulnesse thereof ad vi­res, if you take six ounces of bloud from each of them, Titius his bloud, because it is heavier, will be contained in fewer vessels, and Sempronius his bloud, be­cause it is lighter, will fill more ves­sels. So that if from each of them the same weight of bloud bee taken, yet the latter hath bled more than the for­mer. The bloud in the veines and ar­teries is contained as it were in vessels. Now repletion, or inanition, hath refe­rence to vessels. A pitcher that is half full of iron, or heavy stones, is not so full, as if it were filled to the top with the most light spirit of wine, although the former weigh heavier. So likewise in emptying a vessell, he takes more a­way, that out of one vessell drawes a pottle of the spirit of wine, than he that out of another takes half a pottle of stones, although perhaps this weighs [Page 299]heavier. Seeing then there is the same reason in bloud, because one is more ponderous than another, if in letting bloud we only consider its weight, we shall never define well the quantity thereof; for it is contained in the veins not as heavy, but as filling, unlesse one imagine the same ponderosity and weight of bloud in all men, which I think no man will dare to affirm. The quantity of bloud (saith Galen) is in­dicated by the more or lesse faultinesse of it, and by the strength of the party, and according to these two, is more or lesse bloud to be drawne. So that in a great distemper of the bloud, the strength being vigorous, we must use a larger evacuation; but in a light di­stemper, the strength being feeble, we must let bloud more sparingly. But if you judge of the quantity by the weight, it may so fall out, that when the sick is feeble in strength, you may draw more bloud than when he is most lively & vigorous, which is a grosse tres­passe against the rules of Physick. For if in debility of strength the bloud be lighter, and in validity of strength it be heavier, if in this latter case you take halfe a pound of bloud, and in [Page 300]the former but foure ounces, the ves­sels into which these foure ounces are taken, will be as full by reason of the levity of the bloud, as those vessels which receive the half pound of the o­ther ponderous bloud, and so the same quantity of bloud is taken from them both, which should not have been done. Nor do I see any reason, why the draw­ing of bloud should bee defined by weight, more than the dejections of the belly in a purgation, seeing that out of the veines the humours also are pur­ged; for under the manition of the ves­sels is purging contained, as faith Hip­pocrates. 2 aph. lib. 1. Seeing therefore the vessels are not replete with any thing, as heavy, for the capacity of the vessels is not va­ried, although the weight of the con­tents be different; and it is apparent, that a greater quantity of oyle than of honey goes to an ounce; it will be bet­ter for the future, if the quantity of bloud be accounted by measures, and not by ounces, and pounds, seeing the judgment thereof may be so deceitfull. I know there were among the Ancients as well pounds in measure, as in weight, for their vessels were drawn about with lines, whereby the pounds and ounces [Page 301]were marked out, and whatsoever they measured after this manner, they cal­led Mensurall: As for example, a men­surall pound of oyle or wine, which per­haps Galen meant, when he drew bloud according to ounces and pounds. But because the things that were measured were of divers weight, the pound in weight did seldome countervaile the pound in measure: for though there may be the same measure of oyl, wine, and ho­ny, yet there is not the same weight, and therefore that manner of measuring was very uncertaine, and we now adayes have no such vessels as doe marke out ounces and pounds, nor if wee had plenty of them, could wee use them, without a manifest errour, in respect of the different weight of the bloud. Therefore though I doe not disallow the received custome, yet I thinke it safer to judge of the quantity of bloud by measure, than by weight.

CHAP. XXVI. That Sleep and Drink ought not to be whol­ly forbidden after bloud-letting.

AMong many observations of the people, this is not the least, that they are very wary lest the sick sleep, or eat [Page 302]and drink presently after he hath been let bloud, which was also the opinion of some Physicians, because they think the bloud returnes to the heart, which neverthelesse is not alwayes true, except there bee an immoderate evacuation of bloud, or timorousness, which may cause swouning. However, no reason enfor­ces that that return of the bloud should be so pernicious.

And first concerning sleep: the bloud is wont in sleep to recoile into the in­ward parts, to the exceeding great re­freshment of nature: The bene­fit of sleep to the sick. Now in them that be sick, who have not slept for many nights, all men know what great bene­fit a little sleep affords, for it repaires the strength, concocts the morbous hu­mours, and corrects them; wherefore we are oftentimes forced to apply re­medies to provoke sleep. Therefore if immediately, or a little after bloud­letting sleep doe ensue, it may be good, both as a signe, and a cause. As a signe, because it shewes that nature which was oppressed with the morbous humours, is now refreshed, and so doth performe its naturall functions. As a cause, it may be good, because when once sleep en­sues, nature doth concoct the remainder [Page 303]of the morbous humour. In what ca­ses sleep is forbidden. I know in some diseases sleep is not good, as in the inflammations of the internall parts, in the beginnings of fits, and in pesti­lentiall diseases. Therefore in those diseases, it is not good to sleep imme­diately after bloud-letting; but in o­ther diseases, I see no reason why the Patient may not sleep. Galen saith, that if the sick after long and tedious watch­ing do fall to sleep, it indicates a perfect crisis, for sometimes it falls out, Ex 2 Pro­rhetic. * that the sick after the crisis sleeps a whole day, especially when he hath not slept, of a long time before, and that to the great solace and refreshment of nature. Yea sometimes it happens that the sick sleeps in the very crisis. If therefore sleep be good after other evacuations, why not also after bleeding? Moreo­ver, sometimes it falls out, that in some feavers, such a preternaturall sleep pos­sesses the sick, that he can scarce be a­wakened, and yet many times in such feavers it is very good to let bloud, as of late I did to a woman that lay in an a­cute feaver, possessed with an heavy sleep, who otherwise had scarce recove­red, being adjudged of all as a dying woman. If therefore with good success [Page 304]bloud may be drawne from one that is actually asleep, why shall sleep be hurt­full immediatly after blouding? Galen seemes to account it a good thing, 9 method. cap. 4. that the sick after blouding falls into a sound sleep. Two houres (saith he) after hee was let bloud, having given him a little meat, and commended him to rest, I de­parted: And returning at the fifth houre, I found him lying in a sound sleep, inso­much as he did not feele me when I touch­ed him. Then comming againe at the tenth houre, I found him still fast asleep; Afterward having beene abroad to visit some other Patients, I came againe in the fifth houre of the night, not being silent as before, but of purpose with a loud voice to awake him from his sleep. But per­haps some will say Galen did not com­mand sleep, till two hours after bloud­letting. I answer, it had been well, if the sick could have slept immediate­ly after he had been let bloud; and in no place doth Galen disallow that, for we know we cannot alwayes sleep when we desire it. But seeing the aforesaid sick man could not sleep, comming a­gaine two houres after, he bade him lye still, that he might sleep, which Galen had not done, if he had judged sleep to [Page 305]be hurtfull after blooding. If any man object, that sleep is prohibited lest the ligature should be loosed, and the pa­tient bleed againe; that is nothing; for that may be prevented by the diligent care of the by-standers, and the sure binding of it. As touching drink, Good to drink after bleeding. A­matus the Portugall proves that it is not hurtfull immediately after blood-let­ting, but very wholsome, commanding that the patient doe presently drinke a little cold water; for in regard that the veines are emptied, it is instantly di­stributed into the whole body, and doth both easier, sooner, and safelier coole the body.

CHAP. XXVII. That blooding and purging is not hurtfull for women with child.

ANd this Errour is none of the least, that if a woman with childe be sick, they will not suffer her to take Physick, nor to be let bloud, for fear of an aborse­ment; which is contrary to reason, the authority of the Ancients, and daily ex­perience.

To reason, 1 because a woman that la­bours with an acute disease, as a Fever; or a Pleurisie, is in very great danger, as [Page 306]saith Hippocrates, Aph. 30. ib. 5. * it is mortall for a wo­man with childe to be taken with an acute disease. Fevers in women with child are most dangerous. Therefore no delay is to be made in applying remedies. Again, in respect that the child is nourished with the mo­thers blood, if she be sick, there is dan­ger, lest through that sicknesse, and the corruption of the blood, the childe pe­rish, which if it happen, as sometimes it doth, then is the mother in danger, both by reason of the disease, and of the dead childe, namely, lest she being weakened by the disease, the childe dye through putrefaction of the blood, and she bee not able to bear the childe; at least never doth an aborsement happen without danger. Now it is evident enough, that these evills cannot be prevented with­out taking away the cause (for indeed no disease can be cured otherwise) and the cause cannot be taken away without blood-letting, The dis­ease is not cured till the causes be taken away. or purging. They that think it such a dangerous thing for wo­men to use these remedies, and thereup­on do not admit of them, let them se­riously consider this: Note. If a Physician can cure a woman with childe sick of a pu­trid Fever, without blood-letting or purging, much more easily may he cure her of the same disease without these re­medies, [Page 307]when she is not with childe, and so the use of them might be quite aban­doned. But if he cannot cure her not being with childe without those reme­dies, he cannot then cure her being with childe, and sick of the same disease. For the same disease indicates the same re­medie, and the being with child doth not take away the indication of the disease, but onely after a sort alters the quanti­ty of remedies, and the manner of u­sing them. Yea much rather are these remedies to be used in women with childe, inasmuch as they stand in grea­ter need of help than others. But they think that all the nourishment is drawn from the childe by blood-letting, and that there is danger of abortion by pur­ging, and other remedies: The dan­ger to the childe is from the disease, not the remedy All this while not knowing that great danger hangs o­ver the childe, by reason of the blood being corrupted, to wit, lest it die, and kill the mother, who is already wea­kened with the disease, so that there is more danger of abortion from the dis­ease than from the remedy. And first we must never take away such a great quantitie of blood, as that thereby nou­rishment should be withdrawn from the infant, but rather we observe, that the [Page 308]infant becomes more lively after the corrupt blood is taken away; The child becomes more lively after blee­ding. for there is blood enough left behinde to suffice both the child, and its mother. Again, a purgation, especially a gentle one, al­though reiterated if need stand, can do no hurt, A woman with child may take a purge, be­ing given by a di­screet Physician. but rather good, for the strength of the Physick doth scarce reach unto the childe, or at least in such a long circuit, the noxious part of its strength is lost. But what if it should attaine to the childe, yet it cannot kill it, if it be exhibited in a moderate quan­tity. Onely the blood comes unto the the childe, which by vertue of the Phy­sick is purged from noxious humours. Also in women with childe the wombe resists it much, for the safeguard of the infant; for in them the retentive faculty is more busie then the expulsive.

This Errour Secondly oppugnes Autho­ritie, 2 for Hippocrates commends purging for women with childe, from the fourth Moneth till the seventh. Women with childe may take Physick, if there be an e­bullition of humours in them, Sect 4. aph. 1. from the fourth moneth till the seventh, onely they must bee more gently dealtly withall than others, but when the infant is younger than this, or elder, it is best wholly to ab­staine. [Page 309]Which if it were Hippocrates his opinion notwithstanding the vehe­mency of his remedies, Our pur­ges more safe then the Anci­ents were. much more is it true of ours which are farre more gen­tle; for the purgations of the Ancients were more dangerous than ours.

Againe, Experience testifies, 3 that the childe cannot bee so easily expelled by the use of physick, 7. Epid. as the history of Har­palaus his sister manifests, who being foure moneths gone with childe, and sick of a Dropsie and Asthma, the infant being so weak that it had not stirred of a long time, tooke Aethiopian Cumin with honey and wine, which though it was exceeding bitter, diuretick, and therefore of great force to provoke the flowers, yet being discreetly used did her good, and neither hurt the child nor provoked her flowers; intimating thus much, that the child is not alwaies killed by taking Physick, unlesse the Physick be very strong, and constantly used. There is a notable story out of Avenzoar, whereof we have made mention in ano­ther place, who not knowing that his wife was with childe, did admini­ster unto her exceeding strong phy­sick, and yet the childe was not hurt thereby. I will (saith he) relate what be­fell [Page 310]me while I was in the prison of Haly, my wife was with childe, and I knew it not, and she was troubled with such a dis­case, that of necessitie I was to give her a purge, and such an one it was, that none would thinke, that a woman with childe taking it, in but a small quantitie, could save her childe unhurt, and yet shee tooke it without any harme to her selfe or her childe; but when afterward I perceived that shee was with childe, I was sorry for that mistake, and craved pardon for it of God, and shee brought forth a sonne, whom I have now at home with me. Thus Avenzoar a Physician of principall note among the Arabians. Hercules Saxonia writes, that while he was as yet in his mothers wombe, and Physicians thought him to be a Or false conception Mole, they administred very strongremedies to cast out the Mole, but all in vaine; for the infant remained unhurt, and afterwards became a most excellent interpreter of Physick. This happens oftentimes, because the force of the Physick is much weakened before it come to the infant, and the wombe endeavours to its utmost to keep in the childe, and but with great violence will not part with it before the time. There is another reason taken from the [Page 311]birth; for when the womb endeavours to put forth the perfect infant, then doe these remedies help the travail, but they availe little or nothing when the womb strives to retaine the infant. I have of­ten seen blooding and purging, even in the eigth moneth, prescribed with good successe, for women that laboured with an acute disease.

CHAP. XXVIII. That Physick is good for women in child-bed.

WHat wee have said of women with childe, may be said likewise of women in childbed, if they bee sick of acute diseases, as a Fever, Pleurisie, and such like; for they are wont to bee troubled with many disea­ses, in that very respect that they are in childebed; but there is a different rea­son between them and women with childe; for in women with childe their flowers are stopped, and doe never flow without danger to the infant; but in women in childbed, the humours that were gathered together in the matrix do flow out, and are never suppressed but with very much danger, and there­by they fall into grievous diseases, for [Page 312]the curing of which Physick is to be ad­ministred, Speedy help is to be procu­red for women in childbed. and by so much the more speedily, as in them all things are most dangerous. For besides this, that the se­cundine, or after birth sometimes staies behinde; their flowers also doe either flow too fast, or are suppressed, or flow but slowly, from whence divers great and perillous diseases, as continuall Fe­vers, The disea­ses to which they are usually incident. burning Fevers, Frenzies, vomi­ting, loathing of meat, Epilepsies, in­flammation of the bowels, Plurisies, and other such diseases do arise. So like­wise it may fall out, that by an ill re­giment of body alone together with cor­rupt humours lurking within, exagita­ted and stirred up in the birth, as also by an erroneous diet, although neither the flowers be suppressed, nor flow im­moderately, such diseases may happen. These cases are difficult and dangerous, and can scarce by natures strength alone be amended: For if they come by sup­pression of the flowers, they cause grie­vous symptomes, and fevers, with wat­chings, and frenzie, but if they arise from an [...] wholsome regiment of body, they are so much the more dangerous in women in childbed▪ because they beto­ken a great putrefaction of humours [Page 313]within the body, which the expurgati­on of the flowers could not take away nor amend. When these things happen, it is necessary by the consent of all Phy­sicians, to attempt something by blood-letting, and purging, and other altering remedies, which the Physician shall think convenient. But what veine must be pierced, when, how, and with what remedies she must be purged, is not my purpose to explicate in this place, in that I am not now reading a Physick Lecture, but onely discovering to the people their Errours in Physick. Onely thus much I will adde, that it is not safe to open the upper veines, lest the flowers bee thereby suppressed, and drawn back again into the body.

CHAP. XXIX. That it is not hurtfull to take Quick­silver by the mouth.

THis Errour is to bee pardoned in many, because it is maintained by the suffrage and consent of ancient Physicians. Lib. 5. cap. 7. * Dioscorides saith that Quicksilver drunk hath a deadly quali­tie, and that by its ponderositie, it gnawes the internall parts; Lib. 6. cap. 28. and in * a­nother place he saith, it causes the same [Page 314]symptomes that the spume of Silver doth. Tetrab. 4. serm. 1. cap. 79. With whom assents * Aetius. And Galen himselfe reckons it among the poysons. And so doth Avicenne, although he differs from himselfe, when he writes concerning the qualities of it; Lib. 1. tract: 2. cap. 47. for in * one place he saith it is cold and moyst, but in * another place, Fen. 6. lib. 4. tractatu 1. cap 3. hee reckons Quicksilver among hot and sharp poy­sons. Some will have naturall Quick­silver to be cold, and the artificiall hot: which controversie in this place we will not spend time to decide. Also some moderne Physicians will have it to be a poyson. If it be taken in too great a quantitie, it congeales the blood, saith Conciliator, producing the example of a certaine Druggist, who being in a bur­ning Fever, instead of a glasse of water to quench his thirst, unhappily chan­ced to light on a glasse full of Quick­silver, and drinking up a great quantity thereof, he dyed congealed, insomuch as when his dead body was opened, the Physicians found the blood about his throat congealed and frozen. Fernel likewise is altogether against the using of it. But others more rightly taught by experience, do affirme that it is not so hurtfull. As for Dioscorides, he saies [Page 315]that it hurts onely by reason of its weight and ponderositie, which it can­not doe, unlesse it bee taken in a great quantity. Galen confesses, that he ne­ver made triall of it, whether it kills or no, being taken by the mouth, or ap­plyed outwardly, so that if at any time he reckoned it among the poysons, he seems to have done it according to o­ther mens opinion, not out of his owne judgement and experience. And the moderne Physicians have found by ex­perience, that it may safely be admini­stred, if it doe not exceed due measure. For no medicine is taken in excessive quantitie without hurt to the body. And therefore if it did congeale the blood, as Conciliator speakes, that was onely by reason of the too great quanti­ty, and for that cause it must not bee thought to be of a more noxious quali­ty than other medicaments. Neverthe­lesse Rorarius tells a contrary story; 9. simpl. In contrad. Galeni. 20. I knew (saith he) a Germane, who being drunke, and sleeping in a Goldsmiths house, hee awaked out of his sleep being very thir­sty, and groping about for drinke, by chance he lighted on a vessell, in which was three pound of Quicksilver, and powring out that cold and moyst liquor, being halfe asleep he [Page 316]drunke up all the quicksilver, and forth­with cast himselfe againe upon his bed, and awaking in the morning, and feeling in the linnen some cold humour neare him, hee found quicksilver. So Avicenne in his second Chapter concerning poyson writes, that many of them that drinke of it, are not hurt at all, for by its naturall di­sposition, it comes forth by the lower region. And therefore it cannot be poyson in any respect, unlesse by its gravitie, not by any deadly qualitie. Quicksil­ver used to facilitate the birth, and to cast our the after birth. Rorarius in the forenamed place reports, that he knew very many women, who without any bodily harme used it to facilitate the birth, or to cast out the secundine or after-birth. Some likewise affirm, that they have administred Quicksilver to children half dead through worms, Good a­gainst wormes in children. who were thereby presently restored to health. The same writes Brassavolus, a famous Physician in his examination of Simples, namely, that he hath given it to children, in the weight of a Scruple, but if to children, much more safely to them of riper age. And many doe as­sent to Brassavolus. The same Contrad. to Avicen. Rorari­us reports, that naturall Quicksilver hath not any venomous quality in it, but that that it kills by its weight alone, so [Page 317]as he hath not only heard of it, but also seen it safely administred by some Phy­sicians, and women likewise to children halfe dead through wormes, and to wo­men in childbed, to facilitate the birth, and to bring down the after-birth. A­matus the Portugall upon Dioscorides, calls all them that speaks against it, un­experienced Physicians, because it is deadly onely by reason of its ponderosi­ty, as saith Dioscorides, and he saith that it is prescribed by the Spanish Physici­ans, as a most excellent Antidote, Used a­gainst fa­scination. for children that are bewitched, and for such as are troubled with wormes, even with good successe, and without any e­vill symptome at all: And hee tells a story of a certaine boy tenne years old, which drunk up more than a pound of Quicksilver in stead of wine, and felt no symptome from it, except the weight thereof, and by the help of Clysters purged it all out again, and re­mained free from all further harm. Al­so Matthiolus a famous Physician, seems in divers places to be of the same opi­nion, as in one place he saith, Cap. 28. lib. 6. unlesse it be drunke in a great quantity, it kills not, because that both by its weight, and fluid substance it quickly passes out by the infe­riour [Page 318]parts, without making any stay at all in the stomach and guts. Wherefore it is no wonder what Avicenne wrote, that there are some who drinke Quicksilver, and feele no hurt thereby, for it quick­ly slides through the body, if so bee they that have drunk it, doe but walke to and fro for a good space. The wo­men of Goritia do for their last remedy, administer a scruple of Quicksilver to be drunk of women that have hard la­bour in childbirth. Nor are they wan­ting that give it to children to kill the wormes of the belly, to the quantity of two seeds of millet, without any harm to them at all. Cap. 70. lib. 5. And in * another place, he saith, that for such like examples, he is easily perswaded, that Quicksilver is not so deadly, except it exceed due weight or measure. But most clearly in his Epistle to Stephanus Laureus, Lib 4. Epist. in which hee permits children to take Quicksilver, seeing that there is no o­ther deadly qualitie in it, save that it hurts the intestines by its weight, as may be seen more at large in his works. Me thinkes the authority of so many ex­cellent Physicians might suffice to con­vince men of the truth hereof; but be­sides these, many Physicians even of our [Page 319]dayes have found the same true by ex­perience. Its best for the fleg­matick. I my selfe who write these things have often given it, and never but with good successe, especially in the phlegmatick, in whom it workes much better than in others. There­fore whatsoever evill symptomes Fer­nelius, Palmarius, and others do affirme to arise from it, as Stupefaction, Con­vulsions, Tremulations, Lethargy, paine of the Guts, and such like, are true of it, being either ill prepared, or being administred in too great a quan­tity, for nothing is absolutely, and in every respect perfect it were not a medi­cament, if it should never hurt in what dose soever it be given. Experience alone shewes the strength of medicines, which hath likewise manifested, that there is not in quick-silver that noxious qua­lity which the Ancients have attributed thereunto.

CHAP. XXX. That quick-silver even without any prepa­ration, is unhurtfull.

SOme man, although convinced with the fore-named testimony, will not­withstanding thinke that it ought to be exactly and diligently prepared, and [Page 320]indeed the name of preparation seems to point at some notable thing. But it is plaine enough, that what we have said, is to be understood of crude and unprepared quick-silver; for even this did Brassavolus, Matthiolus, Amatus the Portugall, and others, administer to chil­dren, and women in child-bed. It is administred quick, saith Matthiolus in his Epistle to Laureus, and not quench­ed or dissolved, as so me think. For that which is quenched, doth stick to the stomack and bowels, and stirres up grie­vous symptomes. Where it is to be no­ted that quick-silver is prepared divers wayes, both for purging, and for pro­voking of sweat. But in none of these preparations is the nature thereof ta­ken away, but onely hidden; and though it be diversly commixed, yet it remaines entire, and with a little art returnes to its own nature. Mercury sublimate and preci­pitate most dangerous poysons. But espe­cially it is fixed by the mixture of salt spirits in sublimate, and precipitate, so as that which before might be used without danger, is now become a most violent poyson; for seeing that of it selfe it is of a quick operation, those sharp spirits, one drop whereof doth burne whatsoever it touches, doe the [Page 321]more increase it. I know some have been so bold, as that they have put a graine or two thereof into the pills in­tituled Barbarossae, which is too grosse adventurousnesse. But yet from thence it is manifest, that the crude (as they call it) is not so hurtfull as that which is prepared after this manner, Crude Mercury safer then any pre­paration of it. because the crude Mercury holds faster together, and is very moveable, and therefore is quickly voided out of the belly. Some therefore have ingeniously invented a sweet Mercury (as they call it) which they pretend may bee given without harme, Mercurius d [...]lcis. which thing I have found true by experience; and thus the people that are otherwise terrified with the very name of quick-silver, under colour of a white powder, are beguiled with a profitable deceit. Neverthelesse I doe not believe that it may be more safely used than the crude; for this sweet Mer­cury is made out of sublimate, which is a most violent poyson, whereunto they adde some crude quick-silver, which is sublimated the second time, and so by the mixture thereof, the cor­roding vertue of the spirits of the salt, and vitriol. doe vanish away, and it is made a sweet powder, which before [Page 322]was very sharp. Here I doe not see a­ny preparation at all, but onely a cer­tain mixture and addition of quick-sil­ver, the nature of which doth for all that remaine whole and entire, and with a slight art is brought to its former temper. But if Mercury sublimate be such a deadly poyson, the ensuing ad­dition of live Mercury doth not take away the force thereof, but only allay it, and so the strength being dispersed, it is weaker than when it was united. And it is manifest for this reason: to wit, because there is the same reason of naturall things of the same kinde. When it is first sublimated, the mix­ture of the salt spirits with the quick-silver, makes it to become noxious, yet the quick-silver it selfe doth not take a­way from those spirits their force and violence, but rather friendly unites it selfe with them: Afterwards, when fresh quick-silver is added thereto, to make it sweet, in regard that it is of the same nature with the former, it doth likewise conjoyne it self with the fore-named spirits, and can no more abate their violence than the former quick silver. But because there is a greater quantity of quick-silver added [Page 323]than was in it before, although the a­foresaid spirits in their owne nature, are no lesse forcible than they were, yet they cannot do so much harm, because they are allayed and corrected; as a few drops of the spirit of vitriol mix­ed with water, may be drunk, which otherwise is a corrosive medicament. And therefore this sweet Mercury is not so safe as that which hath not been sublimated. But if crude quick-silver, being mixed with mercury sublimate, doth take away the poyson thereof, Nihil dat quod non habet. and makes it harmlesse, much more shall it self be harmlesse: Nothing gives that which it hath not. If therefore it doth give relish and sweetnesse to that most strong poyson, without doubt it hath it in it selfe; for propter quod u­numquodque est tale, illudest magis tale. If then the onely commixture of the crude quick-silver doth make the sub­limate to become wholsome and profi­table to mans body, much more shall it self be wholsome and profitable. The stories recited in the precedent Chap­ter, doe manifest as much, from which it plainly appeares, that quick-silver e­ven unprepared, hath been administred with very good successe. Wee must [Page 324]confesse indeed, Cautions in using of quicksilver that if it bee taken in too great a quantity, or if there be no corrupt humours in the body for it to work upon, it may doe harm; as also it is not so good for the cholerick and melancholick, as for the phlegmatick. But if for that cause quick-silver were to be rejected, in like manner almost all remedies should be abandoned from any use in Physick. For they are ne­ver so good for one, but they may hurt another, yea even all, if they be ta­ken in too great a quantity, or unsea­sonably.

We will adde here the testimony of a late writer, and a most excellent Chy­mist, to wit, Hartmannus, one that taught divers wayes of preparing Mer­cury, yet treating concerning the cu­ring of wormes in the belly, he saith, The most excellent remedy of all is quick-silver, either taken crude by it self, from a scruple to a few drammes, or else first quenched with the juyce of Lemmons, but then the dose must be lesse, because being quenched, it stayes longer in the belly. Where he seemes to preferre the crude before that which is quenched, as wee have already sufficiently manife­sted.

CHAP. XXXI. Of Tobacco.

BEcause Tobacco is growne so fami­liar in use, that there are few or none but take it, something must bee said concerning it; and first of the na­ture of it.

Many thinke, yea, and some have written, that Tobacco is Stupefa­ctive. Narcotick, and therefore they call it Henbane of Peru, whose opinion experience seems to confirme, for it provokes sleep, and asswages paine. Which opinion, al­though it hath learned men for its Au­thors and Abettors, yet to me it doth not seem altogether agreeable to veri­ty. For that which provokes sleepe, doth it by a vapour either stirred up in the brain, or carried up thither, or by furthering concoction, for then do we sleep most soundly, when the stomack is not overcharged with meat. It as­swages paine, because it either takes away, or alters the cause thereof, but it doth not benumme the part affected by any narcotick quality; thus I have seen inveterate head-ache cured with Tobacco. Tobacco is not narco­tick. That it hath not any narco­tick quality may be known by divers tokens.

First, 1 because (as they confesse) To­bacco is hot and dry, and doth attenu­ate, penetrate, and resolve the humours, which is found true by experience. But all these are repugnant to the nature of narcoticks; not that I thinke that all narcoticks are cold, for many of them are hot, but because whatsoever is narcotick, doth thicken the humours, so that if the paine arise from gross hu­mours, they do a great deale of harme, because they make the humours more grosse, and so the disease is made har­der to be cured. But Tobacco is best for cold natures, and cold humours, contrary to the nature of narcoticks.

Secondly, 2 if there be a great evacua­tion of the belly, or a flux of bloud, which cannot be stayed with astringent medicines, we use narcotick and stu­pefactive remedies, as a principall meanes to settle the humours. But Tobacco doth purge the body both up­wards and downwards in a violent man­ner like Hellebore, or Antimony. And any man shall as soone prove Hellebore to bee a narcotick, as perswade mee that Tobacco is so. It may perhaps stay a vomiting, but that is in regard it takes away the cause, as a vomit [Page 327]cures a distemper of vomiting.

Thirdly, 3 Stupefactions being apply­ed outwardly, doe bereave the part of sence, and refrigerate very much, but Tobacco doth no such thing, as any man that pleases may make experi­ment.

CHAP. XXXII. Of the right use of Tobacco.

ALlthough I never yet took Tobac­co, nor doe I desire to take it, yet I have observed very many of every sort of men to use it, as the slender, grosse, cholerick, phlegmatick, and o­thers, who receive no harme thereby, insomuch as I cannot approve of their opinion, who think it to be very hurt­full, unlesse when it is immoderately u­sed, and thus the Proverb is true, Too much of one thing is good for nothing. The Indians doe think so reverently of this plant, that they believe it to bee the most wholsome and sacred of all other: and I have commended it to many, who by using it have been very happily restored to health. Lewes Mercatus, a famous Physician among the Spaniards, doth in sundry places highly extoll it, and he commends it in divers diseases.

Object. But many things seem to shew that the use of it is very pernitious.

First, 1 because it is contrary to na­ture, in as much as it purges violent­ly both upwards and downwards: now all purges are after a sort adverse to na­ture.

Secondly, 2 when one doth first begin to take Tobacco, he is troubled with dizzinesse, swouning, cold sweats, which are signes of a malignant quality in it.

This is true indeed, Sol. when it goes downe into the body, but when it is onely taken in smoake in a pipe, and goes no further than the jawes, it cheers the brain by its heat, and by voyding out pituitous humours; nor doth it trou­the stomack, but it rather strengthens it, and helps digestion. So Orpiment is a deadly poyson, and yet many Au­thors commend the fume therof against the stuffing of the lungs. It is reported the Turks do take Opium as familiarly as wee doe Tobacco. For nature be­comes at length accustomed to such re­medies, and so is not in the least mole­sted with their malignity. Seeing then experience shewes, that so many do take it without any harm at all to them, why [Page 329]the use thereof should be repugned, I see no reason.

Yet they must know, 1 that First it must be used moderately, Cautions in taking Tobacco. which as in all other things, is true also in this par­ticular, although indeed I have obser­ved little hurt to happen through the immoderate taking of it. It must bee used mode­rately.

Secondly, 2 it is best for them that be grosse, and flegmatick, Best for such as are fat and flegmatick. and for such as are troubled with defluxions, by reason of its heating and drying quality. Never­thelesse although the slender, hot, and melancholick doe use it moderately, it doth not hurt them much, for there is scarce any man of such an exquisite tem­perature, which is not often troubled with vapours ascending up to the brain. Nor have I yet seen any man too much dryed by using it. And I wonder at them that have written that it is nar­cotick, and yet deny it to the hot, and cholerick, seeing that narcoticks are more proper for them than for the fleg­matick.

Thirdly, 3 although I know many that have been in consumptions have recei­ved good by it, Tobacco is not good in consumpti­ons of the Lungs. yet I do not think it to be convenient for them, whose consum­ption happens from a defluxion of [Page 330]rhewme upon the Lungs. For though it draws the pituitous humours from the brain, yet it inclines nature at other times to send downe the humours into the breast. Therfore because according to the rules of Physicians, we should never draw towards the affected part, but ra­ther draw back, or divert the humours from it, those things which purge the head by the mouth should not be used; I commend rather evacuation by the nostrils, as more convenient. So Galen in this very case applied to the head shaven, a very strong metasyncriticall plaister, to prevent the defluxion of hu­mours, and draw them another way.

Fourthly, 4 it is observable, that many are grosly erroneous in the use of To­bacco, Not good to drink with To­bacco. in that when they take it, they are continually drinking, yea and some make themselves drunk, hereby berea­ving themselves of that benefit, that would accrew to them by the right thereof. For though it may seeme to resolve the humours, to heat, and dry the braine (and a hot and dry braine doth generate fewer excrements, In arte medic cap. de signis catidi & fitri cere­bri. saith Galen) yet a braine of that temperature doth draw unto it more forcibly, and is more subject to be replete with vapours [Page 331]arising from the inferiour parts, so that afterwards being every day filled with fresh vapours, it becomes lesse sensible of that benefit of drying, as Galen saith in the aforesaid place. When the braine is hot and dry (saith hee) the head is more then ordinarily filled with vapours (for e­vermore some such thing befalls those men, especially when they keep not a good diet) they are troubled with more excrements, but not so crude, their heads are filled and oppressed with vapours after the use of hot meats, drinkes, smels, and all such things as happen from without. And this is a­greeable to reason, for vapours doe quickly ascend to any part that is made hotter than ordinary. Seeing then by the taking of Tobacco the brain is made hotter, if men observe not a good diet, but poure in abundance of Wine, Ale, and such vaporous drinke (as indeed they use too frequently to do) the head is the sooner filled againe, so that it is observable, that they that take Tobac­co, doe spit forth more excrements by the mouth and palate, than they that take none at all, by reason of drunkennes and intemperance, which is too com­mon with many.

Fifthly, 5 they that have a long time accustomed themselves to take Tobac­co, Tobacco not to bee histily lest off. ought to bee very cautelous, that they do not rashly afterwards leave it off, except they keep a very temperate diet; otherwise they shall feele their heads, yea and their whole bodies op­pressed with abundance of humours, which the daily taking of Tobacco was wont to evacuate; as also their sleep will be short and troubled through the defect of vapours, which the Tobacco did raise up, nor shall they finde their Stomachs concoct their meat so well as formerly, and many the like evills may arise from thence: And there­fore our counsell is, Good for old men and cold stomachs. that old men, and others, whose Stomachs are by nature somewhat cold, doe take Tobacco, although that they have not former­ly been accustomed thereunto; for it may preserve them from the Gout, and likewise from divers other cold af­fects.

CHAP. XXXIII. That Tobacco doth not goe up into the Braine.

THat Tobacco is good, and in no wise hurtfull, wee have already shewne, and the whole Nation of the West-Indians doth witnesse as much, a­mong whom there is scarce one of a thousand, that doth not take it, and yet they live there very long. Now when it is taken into the mouth, it is easie to be observed, that as much smoake is puffed out againe, as was sucked in; for it is all contained in the mouth that is taken. Wherefore I have thought it false which some imagine, namely, that it goes up into the Braine. Nor is it ne­cessary that it be carried up thither; for Masticatories, and Gargarismes, which are appointed for drawing of humours out of the head, although they be hol­den in the mouth, do neverthelesse ex­tend their force to the Braine, and it is not absurd to thinke, that this attenua­ting and drying fume is of the same o­peration. But besides it is easie to prove that the smoke of Tobacco taken into the mouth, is not carried up to the Brain.

First, in that we only perceive the tast, and not the smell of it.

Secondly, because wee receive the smoke by inspiring, keep it by holding the breath, and puffe it out again by ex­piring. Indeed when we inspire by the nostrils, the aire goes to the braine, but when wee inspire by the mouth, it is carried only to the Lungs and the Sto­mack. Seeing then the aforesaid smoke is attracted by inspiring by the mouth, it doth not go into the Brain. When wee expire, or when wee hold our breath ( saith Galen) wee never smell, although the sent bee in the very nostrils; for in expiring we repell the smoke together with the aire. Againe, in holding the breath, wee doe not admit it into the braine, because when we hold our breath no aire passes to the braine of its own accord, seeing the braine is already full of the aire that was inspired; and this is the reason why wee doe not perceive the smell of those things that are holden in the mouth, and the stomach, (otherwise a man were not able to endure himselfe) because the perception of smels is made by inspiration onely; but by the mouth we doe not inspire into the braine. From whence it necessarily followes, that the [Page 335]smoke of Tobacco taken in at the mouth is not carried up thither. Besides if it should pierce so farre, in that these va­pours are very sharp, they would vehe­mently disaffect and pull the brain, and provoke sneezing, and other affects which are not usuall. As we see that if the same smoke be inspired by the no­strils, immediately it causes sneezing, be­cause then it is indeed carried to the braine. Let it therefore remaine esta­blished, that the head is affected one­ly with the vertue of it, and not that the substance thereof doth pierce into it.

Object. But some will object, that by long using it, a heavinesse in the head is caused, and dizzinesse, and the braine is as it were intoxicated.

Sol. But I answer, that it comes to passe onely by the frequent and daily taking of it, which would quickly hap­pen, if the sinoke should fill the ventri­cles of the braine: For dizzinesse is not alwaies caused by vapours, but may proceed also from the spirits, when they are too much heated, and agitated, or from the vapours of the humours, that are stirred up by the immoderate heat of that smoke, and from divers other cau­ses, [Page 336]which would be too tedious to re­cite here. Yea some have such weake heads, that they are soon taken with dizzinesse, through any light externall cause, so as they may be also taken with it by the smoke of Tobacco, although it enter not into the head, namely, through some inward cause stirred up by it. A­gain, many times a great purgation may cause dizzinesse, 2. Aph. 37. as Galen witnesses in his booke concerning them, for whom pur­ging is convenient. Wherefore it is no wonder, if the braine be too much pur­ged by the immoderate use of it, and the spirits exceedingly heated and in­flamed, doe draw unto them corrupt humours from the lower parts, which cause heavinesse of the head, and dizzi­nesse, although the substance of the smoke doth not reach thereto.

CHAP. XXXIIII Whether Tobacco be a preservative against the Plague or no.

I Have heard some averre that Tobac­co is a preservative against the Plague. Monardes commends it against poyson, but especially against wounds that are made by poysoned weapons, and vene­mous beasts. Which those that write [Page 337]hereof, doe understand of the green herbe, or of the juice thereof applied to the affected part, and not of the smoke taken as now adayes they use it. Yet it may be that the smoke may doe good a­gainst the Plague, but not as many think, Tobacco ha [...]h not any Anti­dotary quality a­gainst the plague. by any antidotary qualitie that it hath against poyson, but for other causes. For those things that preserve from the Plague, are either such as cleanse the body from excrements, or that dry it, whereby it doth not so easily receive the poyson. Now that the smoke of To­bacco doth dry the braine and the bo­dy, and voyd out the humours by the mouth, and sometimes by vomit, it is evident enough; and thus perhaps it preserves from the Plague. But no pe­culiar vertue of effecting that after this manner is found in the smoke; for those things that doe evacuate, doe onely by accident preserve from the Plague, as purging, bloodding, &c. Therefore no reason enforces that we should attri­bute to the smoke any peculiar vertue of preserving from the Plague. But besides many observe that in the Plague a man ought to abstaine from all strong purgers, because the humours are then soon disturbed by any light cause. I [Page 338]know very many have promised that they would cure the plague, or preserve men from it, by vomits of Antimony, when perhaps they could not defend themselves from it. As Platerus in his observations reports of one Adam of Bo­denstein a famous Chymist, who in his writings professed a most certaine man­ner of curing or preventing the Pesti­lence, who neverthelesse got it himselfe at Basil, when it was almost quite ceased, and died of it. So infirme and uncer­taine are all those things which are pre­scribed against this sort of poyson, but especially vomitories who do debilitate a noble part, and offer great violence to Nature.

There is another manner of preser­ving from the Plague, to wit, by Anti­dotes, which have also a vertue of curing it; for the very same things in a manner are good both against eminent and pre­sent diseases. But as yet we have no ex­perience of any such vertue in Tobacco, for so many thousands of men, whom that great plague at London, and in o­ther places in this Kingdome have swept away, the greatest part of whom did without doubt take Tobacco, are as so many witnesses to testifie, that there [Page 339]is no such vertue therein, and none of them that recovered, can attribute any thing to Tobacco as a means of their re­covery. But if it hath no curing ver­tue, it hath no preserving qualitie nei­ther.

Moreover they must know that other poysons have their proper Antidotes, The Pesti­lence hath no proper Antidote. but the Pestilence hath none at all, only Physicians use cordiall remedies, not whereby the poyson is extinguished, but onely Nature fortified against the force of the poyson, which it afterwards ex­pels by sweat, or some other emuncto­ries of the body. But that there is not any cordiall vertue in Tobacco, the diz­ziness, swounings, cold sweats, vomi­ting, and other symptomes that are cau­sed by it do manifest, which rather be­token a venemous than a cordiall qua­lity. Therefore although I doe not be­lieve that it doth any hurt, yet I thinke it doth not much good. Moreover the braine (as Galen saith in Arte Medicâ, in the chapter concerning the signes of an hot braine) is easily offended with the ambient aire; Those that have hot brains (saith he) their heads are very subject to be distempered with hot meats, drinkes, and smells, and all those things that doe occurre [Page 340]from without, among which the circumja­cent aire may be reckoned. And there­fore seeing by the use of Tobacco the braine is very much heated, there is dan­ger, lest it bee offended with the Pesti­lentiall aire. Hence it is that old men are not so soon infected with the plague as young men are, because of the cold­nesse of their bodies, as also Plinie ob­serves.

But in that this plant is said to be good for poysoned wounds, and the bitings of venemous beasts, it followes not there­fore it must have an antidotary facul­ty; for the Spaniards did first use subli­mate for such wounds, and wee doe usually prescribe divers things which in their proper nature are not preserva­tives against poyson, but are either such as draw out the venome, or that extinguish it, as an actuall cautery, and such like. And it may bee that Tobacco may likewise bee good for that too, although it hath no proper or peculiar vertue for to resist poy­son.

CHAP. XXXV. Of the unseasonable use of Cordialls.

BEcause in all diseases speciall care ought to bee had of the strength of the patient, it is no wonder if the sick be so desirous to have their strength pre­served, from whence arises such a fre­quent use of cordiall remedies. There­fore it is that some are often blaming Physicians because they doe so seldome prescribe Cordialls and Antidotes for them, especially at night and when they lye down to sleep. Notwithstanding the unseasonable use of them, doth most commonly more hurt than good, as doth Triacle, Mithridate, and the like. For not every thing that is said to be cordi­all doth by and by strengthen nature, nay it may destroy it, and thus the drin­king of cold water doth more help one that is in a Fever than Aqua caelestis, Im­perialis Triacle water, or any other strong water whatsoever. And it is to be observed, that the imbecillitie of the heart, and the decay of the strength which depends upon the spirits in the heart, may proceed from divers causes; now every sort of remedy is not conve­nient for causes so different. But if the [Page 342]cause of the disease bee encreased by some kind of remedy, although it may be sayd to be a Cordiall, the Cordiall is no better than poyson to the sick; as if an hot remedy bee applyed in an hot dis­case, the diseaseis increased, and the sick is not a whit strengthned, but made weaker. Therefore they are too blame, who without judgement and skill doe prescribe these cordiall and strengthning medicines. Moreover it is observable, that it is possible that Triacle, Mithri­date, and other such like, which are in most frequent use, may doe much hurt: For as Galen saith, 5. Simpl. they are a meane be­twixt the body and poysons, so that there is the same proportion betwixt the body and the Antidote, that there is betwixt the Antidote and the poyson; and therefore hee saith, that all those things that are of the nature of Triacle, Cordials do hurt if there bee not matter within to work upon and Mithridate, being taken in too great a quantity do hurt the body, as also un­lesse there be some poyson within, upon which they may worke. I know this comparison of Galen doth not please A­verrhoes that subtle Physician and Phi­losopher, 5. colliget. cap. 23. who notwithstanding con­fesses that they do the body no good at all, unlesse they bee taken in a stomach, [Page 343]that hath in it some poysonous matter for them to worke upon, and therefore (saith he) they are not good for them that be in health, but become as poyson to them, as likewise do all those things which are commonly called Bezoar­ticks. For by their forcible working, unlesse they bee discreetly administred, they hurt the body like poyson; and therefore Galen forbids Triacle to them that are hot and dry, as also to chil­dren.

Although therefore I do not absolute­ly dislike the using of these sorts of me­dicines, nor judge them to be venemous or pernicious, yet hence it follows, that they are to be used very warily; for they have qualities in them that are many times very hurtfull to the body, except they meet with an object in the body for to worke upon. And therefore corroborating and cordiall remedies are to differ according to the variety of diseases, hence it is that some of them are cold, some hot, some temperate, some corroborating the heart with an occult, and unexplicable property, some resisting poysons which cannot bee fit for all those different causes, from whence a decay of strength may come. [Page 344]And therefore those things may very fitly be numbred among Cordials, which doe relieve nature by evacuating the causes of diseases, and by altering, which thing many of our ordinary Cordialls doe not performe, and such remedies ought to be called Cordialls by accident onely, neverthelesse they are the most certaine of all others. Lib. de vi­ribus cord. Therefore Avi­cenne saith very well, that in seven re­spects a medicine may bee said to bee cordiall.

First, 1 because it recreates the spirits, as wine, Seven kinds of cordiall remedies. egges, broth, and those meats that are easie of digestion, and of good nourishment: And indeed the strength is much augmented by meat seasonably administred, but if it bee unseasonably taken, it is much impaired by it, as wee have said already.

Secondly, 2 because it doth cleare and purifies the spirtis, as Pearles, and Silk.

Thirdly, 3 because it compacts the sub­stance of the heart, by hindring the re­solving of the spirits, as doth Garrabe, terrae sigillata, Bolearmoniack, but these are not good for all, because they are a­stringent remedies, which in some cases may doe much harm.

Fourthly, 4 because it is delectable to the [Page 345]heart, as are sweet things, and odife­rous, as Aqua caelestis, Imperialis, and Maria.

Fifthly, 5 because it doth corroborate the heart by manifest qualities, as that which is temperate, as Borage, Buglosse, Gold.

Sixthly, 6 because it doth purifie by e­vacuating the melancholick humour, and by purging out whatsoever is hurt­full to the heart, as do Myrabalanes.

Seventhly, 7 because it corroborates the heart by an occult qualitie, as the Hya­cinth.

But all these severall things cannot be proper for all causes, but now adaies, when the people desire comforting and cordiall medicines, they doe not meane broths, or bloodding, or purging, but Triacle, Mithridate, Strong waters, good Ale, burnt Wine, and such like, which oftentimes may not onely do harm to the sick, but to such as are in perfect health too.

CHAP. XXXVI. Of the Errours about the Bezaar Stone.

BEcause we have been treating in the precedent chapter concerning Cor­dialls, something is to be said of the Be­zaar [Page 346]stone, which is now adayes had in such familiar use, being thought by ma­ny to be endued with an admirable ver­tue of corroborating the heart, and a ve­ry strong Cordiall, to which, neglecting all others, they fly as to some sacred an­chor. But they erre in three particulars.

First, 1 in that they attribute too much to that stone.

Secondly, 2 in that they are ignorant of the quality of it.

Thirdly, 3 in that they do not mete out a due quantity of it. Concerning the first, some derive the name of the stone from the word Paser, What the Bezaar stone is. which among the East-Jndians is said to signifie a kinde of goat, in which that stone is found. Some would have it to be called Belzaar, which word in the Moores language doth sig­nifie the Lord of poyson, & it is a common name with them, for all those remedies which we call Antidotes, and preserva­tives against poyson. So * Cap. 23 l. 5. colliget. Averrhoes af­ter he had beene treating of poysons, in the presedent chapter, at length he dis­courses of Bezaar, which is as if he should say, an Antidote. The Medicines (saith he) which are called Bezahar, which preserve from poyson, Lib. 2. fen. 1. cap. 4. &c. And Avicenne saith, Al­bezaar is a remedy, which by his owne pro­perty [Page 347]doth preserve health and vigour in the Spirit, that it may expell from it the malig­nity of poyson. Where it seemes to bee a generall name, for all such remedies. But among us, it is peculiarly taken for that stone so much in use, which is taken out of some creatures, and brought to us out India. Now such is thought to bee the excellency of this stone by some, that they preferre it before all others, for the Arabians do highly commend it against poysons, the plague, jaundice, and all obstructions of the body and bowels. Avenzoar in his booke Theisier, saith that he saved one that had taken most deadly poyson, with three graines of Be­zaar, dissolved in five ounces of the wa­ter of Gourds. But if wee consider well what Avenzoar writes concerning that stone, wee shall finde that it is not our stone which is brought unto us from the Indies, but the teare of an Hart, A precious stone drop­ping from the eye of a Hart. of which he talkes so much. The Hart, as Plinie also testifies, by the breath of his nostrils drawes serpents out of their holes, and eats them, immediately he is taken with a grievous thirst, for the quenching whereof he runs to some standing poole, in which he plunges himself up to the neck, but through natures instinct hee drinks not; for if he should, hee would [Page 348]fall down dead presently. Then a cer­taine humour distils to his eyes, which by degrees, thickens, unites, and com­pacts together, and grows to the bigness of an acorne, which afterwards being come out of the water the Hart shakes off, and is sought for by men, which some call the Bezaar stone, being as they say broad, tending to a Pyramis, of the colour of honey, Comment. in Dios. or. cap. 39. lib. 2. which * Amatus the Portugall saith he hath seen. And Sca­liger in his 112. Exercitation to Cardanus tels the same tale, and saith that he had the stone, let them beleeve him who list. But this stone of ours is not the teare of the Hart, which is too rare, if ever there were such a stone: But this stone which wee use is very common. Now it is, Severall sorts of Be­zaar stones as writers testifie, of divers sorts, yellow, duskish, whitish,; but the yellow is the best, then the duskish: Rhazes writes thus of it, it is a soft stone, of a yellow colour, without any tast, which he saith, he used with good successe against the poyson of Wolves­bane. Now it was of a yellow colour, tending to white, light, and glistering like light. But Garcias ab Horto Physician to the Viceroy of India, describes it o­therwise, who neverthelesse confesses, [Page 349]that he had only heard, that some by the use thereof had been preserved from deplorable diseases, and he will have it to be of a dark green colour; and he saith that they must all of necessity bee brought to the King of the country, and that they cannot without much difficul­tie bee had from thence, and therefore seeing they are now so common, much doubt is to bee made touching their goodnesse. And here Matthiolus notes well, G [...] cause of jealousie concerning Bezaar. that there are many adulterate stones of this sort, in shew very like it, but accompanied with no such vertues, And in his third book of Epistles, in his Epistle to Quacelbenus, the stone (saith he) which the Moores call Bezaar, did the most noble Prince reserve for his owne use. I saw long since many stones like to it, but whe­ther they were true or adulterate, I know not: But if wee consult with Serapio and Rhazes, I see not why I should allow of this stone to be legitimate. Where hee inge­niously confesses, that he knew not whe­ther the Bezaar stone of the Emperour were true or no, and he rather thinks that it is adulterate. Now there are two sorts of this stone, Two sor [...]s of Bezaar stones. one brought out of the East, from Persia, and the adjoyning countries, which is found in a certaine [Page 350]kinde of Goat; the other brought out of the West, from America, which is found in divers creatures. Concerning which it is to be noted out of Iosephus Acosta, Bezaar is found in the sto­machs of certain beasts. that this stone is found in creatures which are called Vicugnae, which are a certaine sort of Coats, as also in a beast called Taruga, and in all those creatures which are proper to the country of Peru alone, it is found in their stomach and belly, sometimes but one, sometimes two or three, and sometimes more. Now these stones differ from one another, in magnitude, forme, and colour; for some are not bigger than a hazell nut, but o­thers are as large as walnuts, pigeons egges, and henne egges, yea sometimes they are as great as an Orange, as Acosta reports he hath seen: The forme like­wise is diverse and very different; so for colour, some are black, others greene, white, of the colour of Gold, grey. Therefore neither the colour, nor the fi­gure can be certaine and infallible signes of their goodnesse. In Peru they are ta­ken out of severall sorts of creatures, both wild and tame, as the Ganacus, Pa­cus, Vicugna, Taruga, which creatures he describes; the Ganaci, and Paci. are a sort of Rammes, they have but little stones, [Page 351]and blackish, inferiour to the rest for use in Physick. Those that are taken out of the vicugnae, are larger than these, and better, being green and somewhat white. But the best are those that are taken out of the Tarugae, they are thick, white of colour tending to grey, having thicker shels than the rest. In new Spaine they are found also in Stags. But those that are brought of the East In­dies are more excellent than these, be­ing of an olive colour: the next in ver­tue are those that come out of Peru, and those that are found in new Spaine are to be put in the third place for use in Physick. The Indi­ans expert in counter­feiting these stones Lib. 4. cap. 42. But the Indians doe coun­terfait them with a notable sophisti­cation, as * Acosta explicates at large

From what hath been already said, it is manifest that too much credit ought not to be given to this stone.

First, Bezaar not to be reli­ed on. because the effects of the stones that are brought to us, are not answe­rable to those which Authors write of them. 1 For they will have them migh­tily to provoke sweat, and sometimes vomit, which thing if any man make triall in ours, he shall not finde to be alwayes true. I have very often given it to my Patients, but I never percei­ved [Page 353]any of those effects which are at­tributed unto it. The same have ma­ny of our moderne Writers observed; Hercules Saxonia, a famous practitioner among the Italians, doth ingenuously confesse, that he could never observe any remarkable effect of them, although those stones which he had, were thought to be the best in Venice. Cap defeb­pestiferis. * I (saith he) to confesse ingenuously, while I practised at Venice, spent a great quantity of this Stone, and yet never could perceive any notable operation of it; I know many to whom I administred it were cured, but I did never attribute it to the Stone, for this cause, because I finde in Writers, that after the taking of it, a great sweat ensues, after which they presently finde much ease. But I never saw any sweat break forth, or if it did appeare, it was a very imperfect sweat. Therefore for my owne part, I abandoned all hope of any good by this Stone in feavers; It may bee I chan­ced on a sophisticate and adulter ate Stone. But when I administred Physick in the No­blemens houses in Venice, they perswaded me that they were the most excellent of all others. Notwithstanding Matthiolus, and other Physicians do commend this Stone, but it is likely they had some [Page 352]true stones, which are very rare with us; yea, and he himselfe in his Epistle before cited, conresses that those stones which the Emperour had, were not na­turall, but sophisticate. Vallesius, Neither the Empe­rour, nor the King of Spain had any true Beza­ar. lib. 4. me­thod. a most learned man, chief Physician in ordina­ry to Philip the second King of Spaine, thinks that there is not a true Bezaar in all Spaine; but if the King of Spain had not a true one, much lesse is it likely that a true one should bee sold among us.

Secondly, 2 that ours are for the most part adulterate, Its very probable ours are all sophisti­cate. this is not the least ground for suspition, that they are ta­ken out of creatures that are slain and eviscerated; and it can scarce bee that one Country should afford so many creatures, but at length the species would become very rare. For such a number of these stones are in England alone, that it seemes a wonder to me that they are not more rare. And if we consider the other Countries of Europe, we shall find abundance of them every where. Ne­verthelesse the Physicians which have practised Physick among the Indians, doe confesse that these stones are very rare there, and wondrous deare; and that the Indians doe keep them care­fully [Page 354]for their own use: from whence then have we such a continuall supply of them in such plenty, if they bee not counterfeit.

Thirdly, 3 it is a very difficult thing, yea I think it altogether impossible, cer­tainly to discern the naturall from the artificiall, such a notable craft have some of these Impostors. I saw a fellow at Paris, who made them so cunningly, that he himselfe could not distinguish them from the other, but by certaine marks which he set on them. Saxonia confesses that he could never finde an infallible token whereby to know this stone. Some say there is a tender sprig of some plant in the middle of it, or a little sand, I have seen a pin, Acosta saw a straw in one; but these, and o­ther such like things doe these jugglers know how to put into their counterfeit stones. Rodericus a Castro, in his Se­cond Book of Womens diseases, teach­es to know them thus. That which we have (saith he) from East India is the best of all others, which is smooth, transparent, coated like an onion, of a dark green co­lour, without taste, the powder whereof, if you mingle with water and chaulk, it yields a pale green colour, and being cast upon the [Page 355]fire, doth presently vanish all into aire. But neither are these things very certaine. Authors write that these stones are of divers colours, but almost all ours are of the same colour, somewhat blackish, but the yellow are said to be the best; therefore the most excellent are seldom found with us, because wee have sel­dome any that are yellow. Acosta con­fesses that the Indians doe counterfait them, which is very likely, seeing that is usually done in medicaments of much lesse price and moment. If any man therefore have a stone, which hee cer­tainly knowes to be true and naturall, I am not against his using of it, if hee hath once experienced the vertues ther­of; only I would advertise thus much in this place, that men should not give credit to all stones of this kinde, that the true Bezaar is very rare, and which is worst of all, that there are no sure and infallible tokens, whereby the true may bee distinguished from the false. And there are stones sometimes very like to the Bezaar found in divers crea­tures, as in horses, swine, and others, consil. 1. which are of no vertue at all. Andreas Laurentius commends the Bezaar against melancholy, so that it be naturall and [Page 356]true, not counterfeit and adulterate, such as at this day the pedling Quack­salvers, Mountibanks, Confectioners, as also the fraudulent and covetous Apo­thecaries almost throughout all France doe usually fell, a hundred graines of which counterfeit stone can never pro­cure the least moment of health.

CHAP. XXXVII. Of the temperature, and dose of the Bezaar Stone.

I will suppose in this Chapter, that the true Bezaar is familiarly found, be­cause the people doe so confidently be­lieve it. Neverthelesse many are very much afraid of the quantity of it, as if it were a very hot, and strong working medicament; and I have often seene women, which give the sick hot reme­dies to comfort them, as cinnamon-wa­ter, burnt wine, and the like, to bee notwithstanding very fearfull of the omantity of this Stone, and to contra­dict, and thwart a Physician, if any time he prescribe more than two, or at the most four graines at once. And indeed reason it selfe seemes to favour their o­pinion, for they say it provokes sweat. Now sudorificks doe seem to bee hot, [Page 357]because they attenuate, and cut tough humours, and expell them to the skin. Therefore this Stone seemes to bee so much the hotter, in that it performes this thing, being exhibited in a small dose.

But First, it is to be noted, 1 that this Stone doth feldome provoke sweat now adayes, as dayly experience shewes.

Secondly, 2 if one take a very great quan­tity of it, he shall never perceive that he is any thing hother thereby; which any man that is in health may make triall of in himself.

Thirdly, 3 of them that have written concerning this Stone, some would hand it to be temperate, others cold, but none not, for it hath neither taste, nor smell, which were a wonder, if it were so nor. It is therefore more pro­bable that it works by an occult pro­perty, to wit, in corroborating the heart, and fortifying it against the malignity of poyson: wherefore by the way I in­ferre, that this Stone is of no force to corroborate, or comfort the heart, as they call it, except there be malignant and venemous humours in the body, and therefore though it doth no hurt [Page 358]to take it, yet it doth no good.

Fourthly, 4 they that have written con­cerning this stone, do not agree touch­ing the dose thereof. Avenzoar gave it unto three graines, which is the common dose, but his Stone was not this Bezaar of ours. But Matthiolus pre­scribes it unto seven graines at the least, Garcias ab Horto unto thirty graines, and confesses that yet more may be taken without any hurt at all. I have heard some famous Physicians attribute very much to this Stone, who alledged this as the only cause why it is not so effi­cacious, namely, because it is taken in too little quantity. But moreover, I have read that Edward the Confessor had a dramme of Bezaar, that is three­score graines given him, as may be read more at large in Monardes, Fumanellus, Abra, Conciliator. Now because as we have said, the right Bezaar is seldome found, Bezaar on­ly for the rich, and in a large quantity. and that which we have is sold at too deare a rate, my counsell is, that it be prescribed only for rich men, and not for others that are not able to un­dergoe the charge, and that it bee al­wayes admininistred in a large dose, for else it will bee altogether unprofitable. Yea, I verily believe it may be safely ta­ken [Page 359]to a dramme, it is such a gentle and innocent remedy. Fumanellus in his booke of the Plague commends it un­to a Dramme, and Garcias ab Horto re­ports that it is usually taken in India unto thirtie Graines, too great a quantity (saith he) for although it a have no noxi­ous quality, yet it is more safe to take it in a little quantity. But if this stone be unhurtfull, a great quantitie is likewise unhurtfull, as some have observed. Therefore there is no cause to feare to give some children three or four graines thereof. For although Galen forbids to give children Triacle, yet there is a great difference betweene it and the Bezaar stone; for Triacle is a very hot medicament, and consists of divers sim­ples, which may injure, and offer vio­lence to the naturall heat of children, whereas Bezaar is not hot, but only cor­roborates and comforts the heart, by an occult, and not a manifest qualitie.

CHAP. XXXVIII. Of the Ʋnicornes Horne.

IT can scarce be said, whether to the Bezaar stone, or to the Unicornes horn the common people attributes grea­ter vertues, for those are thought to [Page 360]be the prime Antidotes of all, although the Unicornes horne is not so common as the Bezaar. Yet many bragge, that they have great pieces of it. But it is a thing doubted of by many not without good reason, Doubts concerning the Uni­corns horn. whether there be any such horne or no. That there are divers sorts of creatures which have but one horne in their head, the writings both of ancient and moderne Authors doe suffi­ciently testifie. There are foure recko­ned up by Aristotle, Aetian, and Plinie: Aristotle names onely the Oryx, and the Indian Asse; others to these do adde the Rhinoceros, and that which is properly called the Ʋnicorne, of which is our pre­sent discourse. But it is not yet mani­fest what this Unicorne is properly, see­ing hitherto it could not bee certainely found out in any Indian voyages. And they that do report that they have seen such a creature, doe much differ in their description thereof, as that they seem in a manner fables, whatsoever they relate. Plinie and Solinus, who never saw such a creature, do notwithstanding thus de­scribe it, without doubt from other mens relation; Plinies de­scription of the Uni­corn. Plinie describes the Unicorne to be a very fierce beast, in other parts of his body like an Horse, in his head like to a [Page 361]Stagge, in his feet to an Elephant, in his taile to a Bore, with a terrible voice, ha­ving one black horne in the middle of his forehead two cubits long, and they say this wilde beast cannot be taken alive. Cap. 60. Solinus his description * Soli­nus describes him thus. The Ʋnicorne is a most fierce creature, with an horrible voyce, having the body of a horse, the feet of an Elephant, the taile of an Hogge, the head of an Hart, his horne stands forth of the middle of his forehead foure foot long, stately to behold, so sharp, that against what­soever hee pushes, it easily pierces it. Be­ing alive he is not subject to man, he may be slaine indeed, but cannot be taken. But Ludovicus Vartomannus, a famous writer, Scaligers description reports, that hee saw two Unicornes in his travailes, as Scaliger relates in his 205. Exercitation: The Unicorne (saith he) is as bigge as an horse, hath the legs, feet, and head of a Stagge, his haire of a bay colour, his maine thinner and shor­ter than an horses, his hips rough with haire; at Nice we saw one whole horn, others elswhere, one of a tawny colour, another yellowish, comming near to the colour of box, another of a reddish and we have some with a white crest upon them. And hee differs much from Pli­nies description; for he saith, that hee [Page 362]is a gentle and meek creature, and he at­tributes to him the feet and legges of a Stagge; but Plinie the feet of an Ele­phant, and others in their descriptions do vary from these. Yet Amatus the Portugall in his 52. Narrat. upon the se­cond book of Dioscorides acknowledges, that the Portugall Physicians, and others that have travailed through the inland of India, doe make no mention of any such creature, save that it is held in great account among the Indians against poy­sons, Vnicornes horne is of a blackish colour. and pestilent Fevers. And the same Amatus notes, that the right Unicornes horne is of a blackish colour, or at least of an ash colour; as also that if it be too old it is of no vertue, as it falls out in other medicaments, and likewise that there are many counterfeit and adulte­rate ones, made up of chaulke and o­ther things after the form of a horn; and that others do sell the bone of a Whale for it; yea, and I have heard that Sea-horse teeth, and Elephants teeth have been taken for it: These things do seem to raise a doubt touching these hornes. But some will say, the holy Scripture doth in sundry places make mention of that creature as the most fierce of all o­thers. But perhaps that word which [Page 363]Interpreters have translated Unicorne, is not properly known what it is; for as Morinus Blesensis a most learned Clerke observes, the Jews do confesse, that they doe not understand many of the names of Birds, whereof Moses makes mention in Leviticus, and why may it not as well be, that that word is not understood; which neverthelesse Interpreters have translated Unicorn in generall. But it is likely that it was not the Rhinoceros; for this beast may rather be said to have two horns than but one, and is not nim­ble, but slow, having a very short horn, but the hornes of the Unicorne which are brought unto us, are for the most part very long, and taken from that crea­ture which the Scripture saith is very nimble; and therefore Scaliger blames Cardanus, for describing the Unicorne under the name of Rhinoceros, whose picture the same Scaliger saith hee saw, namely of that Whose dead carkasse was cast upon the coast of Tuscanie, with the head of a Bore, a scaly back, two hornes, the one very little in the forehead, the other very strong in the snout, wherewith he sights adventurously, and overcomes the Elephant. And this seems to be the very same beast of which Amatus the Portugall made mention, which Emmanuel King of Por­tugall [Page 364]sent to Rome, but the ship being cast away neare unto Marseille, the wild beast perished in the sea, the skinne whereof the adjoyning borderers brought unto Francis King of France. But whether by the name of Unicorne the Indian Asse ought to be understood, it might perhaps be a doubt, but that Aelian hath distin­guished them. Therefore I doe not say that the Unicorne is a fained crea­ture, but it is very rare, and not yet cer­tainly known. But furthermore Caesar in his sixth book of the French Warre, makes mention of an Oxe that hath but one horne, and there are also such in In­dia as Historians report. And not on­ly the earth, There are Sea uni­cornes. but the water also hath its unicorne Monsters, which perhaps live both in the water, and on the land, as Garcias ab Horto reports of a certaine Monster that lives both in sea and land, about the Cape of good hope, which hath but one horne in the forehead, where­with he boldly fights against the Ele­phant; Two Vni­cornes hornes found in the sand in Green­land were brought to Hull. so likewise out of the Northern countries, as out of Island, and Greene­land are brought hornes, which are thought to bee the hornes of Sea-Uni­corns. Not many years agoe, there were brought into this towne of Hull (where I write these things) out of Greenland [Page 355]two heads of Sea-Unicornes that were found upon the shore, with large horns in the foreheads, some pieces of which I have seen. From whence it is evident that there are many creatures which have but one horne, as well in the sea as on the land. But besides all this, Daniel Sennertus a very late writer, in the fifth booke of his naturall Philosophy, makes mention of a certain horn that is digged out of the earth, Horns dig­ged out of the earth. which is found in Thu­ringin, Bohemia, and other places of Germanie, which is taken for the Uni­cornes horn, to which they ascribe a vertue against the Epilepsie, and malig­nant diseases, and he teaches to distin­guish it from the naturall, in that the true horne is very hard, but that which is digged up out of the earth is not hard, but is easily bruised and broken, and be­ing applied to the tongue cleaves to it, like unto terra sigillata; or some kind of Marle. Also Gesner, Fallopius, Agricola, and others that have written of Mine­bills have made mention thereof. There are therefore divers forts of Unicornes, but yet they have not all vertue against poyson. And Aelian who describes the Unicorne, doth not attribute any Anti­dotary facultie thereunto, but onely to the Indian Asse; for hee writes that the [Page 396]wealthier sort among the Indians are wont to drinke out of these homes, and that whosoever drinkes out of them is healed of incurable diseases, nor is hee taken with convulsions (say they) nor the Falling-sicknesse, nor hurt with poy­son. Moreover if hee hath drunke any deadly thing, he vomits it up, and re­turnes to his health againe. Lib. 3. And the same doth Philostratus write in the life of Appollonius Thyaneus. But the horne of the Indian Asse is very rare, the upper part of it is reddish, the lower white, and the middle black, but the Unicornes horne is all black, as saith the same Ae­lian. Ambrosius Pareus, and other most famous Physicians have found no effect at all of this horne, and he doth not ap­prove of that custome of touching the Kings meat with the Unicornes horne; which custome I heare he hath abolished who is the chiefe Physician in ordinary to the King of France. In like manner Aelian attributes to the horne of the In­dian Horse a vertue against poyson, and Garcias ab Horto relates the same of the horne of the Rhinoceros, it is but short, very strong, black, some say that it is within of dark yellow colour, and being wet with the tongue, it yeelds the smell of some burnt matter. Garcius also re­ports [Page 367]of his Monster at the Cape of good hope, that lives both in the sea, and on the land, which resembles a Horse in shape, that the horn thereof is very much commended for a counter-poyson, an experiment thereof being made on two Dogs, the one of which that had drunk a double quantitie of poyson, taking the powder of this horne was well againe: but the other which had none given him, dyed presently, although he had a lesse quantitie of poyson given him. So likewise the hornes which are brought out of the North countries, and which are digged out of the earth, are repor­ted to have no small vertue against poy­son, although some deny it, Those that are digeed out of the earth are the best. and these are the hornes for the most part, which many shew for the Unicornes horne, al­though the colour corresponds not, which is black in the true Unicorne. But all that have written of them, do pre­ferre those that bee digged out of the earth, as Gesner, Cesalpinus, and others, for they have an antidotary and preser­vative facultie, and do mightily provoke sweat, like Terra Lemnia. Therefore that I may conclude this Chapter, seeing the vertue of these Medicaments can be found out no other way but by experi­ence onely, it will bee easie for any one [Page 368]that hath a piece of such hornes, or de­sireth to make triall of them, How to make a tri­all of the vertue of our Vni­corns hornea. to give some poyson to a Dog or a Chicken, and if it be preserved by taking some of the powder thereof, hee may keep it as an excellent Antidote. For though it be not knowne from what creatures they are taken, yet their vertue is not to bee denyed, seeing the originall of Exoticks hath not yet been fully known. If we allow of Harts horn, why shall not other hornes have the same vertue, yea there are some, that will have a certain whol­some qualitie to bee in all hornes, even of Oxen, and therefore the Ancients did drink out of hornes, hence are those words [...], [...] ad potum mi­scere, & [...] poculum, a [...] cor­nu. to mingle for drinke, and [...] a cuppe. Seeing therefore the hornes which are carried about for the Unicornes horne, are diverse in colour, magnitude, and figure, it is probable that they come from diverse creatures. Therefore whether it be the horn of the Indian Asse, which Aelian commends, or of the Rhinoceros, or of some water crea­ture it is all one, so there be experience of the vertue of it. Wherefore I would not curiously enquire, whether it be an Unicornes horn, or some other creatures, so it be good and efficacious, yea and it [Page 369]is no matter whether the creature hath two hornes or but one. Yet it is most certaine, as we have said before, that E­lephants teeth, and Whale-bones, and Sea-horse teeth, and common hornes burnt, and those which are digged out of the earth, which we have spoken of, and other counterfeit and artificiall hornes, Elephants and Sea horse teeth commonly sold for Vnicornes hornes. are commonly sold for the true Unicornes horne. Cardanus saith that E­lephants teeth may bee made so pliable by art, that they may be made streight like hornes, and so set out for the Uni­cornes horn. Neither give eare to them (saith Amatus the Portugall) who when they goe about to try an Ʋnicornes horn, do infuse the scrapings and powder thereof in water, which they say forthwith is trou­bled and bubbles up, for you may perceive the same to happen from the scrapings of any bone infused in water, as you may make triall in Ivory. So likewise we must take heed that wee doe not give credit to o­ther such experiments, which some use to prove the goodnesse of the Unicornes horne; for they say that if poyson, or some venomous creature be neare unto it, it sweats, as if it did suffer, and were affected with the poyson; as also they bid make a circle of the powder of it, in­to [Page 370]the middle of which, or into an hol­low horn they put a spider, which if she passe over they will have it to bee a counterfeit horn; but if she burst and die, it is naturall, all which are false: but enough of this.

CHAP. XXXIX. Of certain distilled waters ordained amisse for to drive away feavers.

BEcause it is such an usuall thing here in England, both for men and wo­men to hoard up remedies for divers diseases, and to communicate them to one another for secrets, we will speak somewhat of certain feaver curing wa­ters, which many use especially for a­gues, the which although sometimes they may do good, yet many times they are hurtful and pernicious. In some Phy­sick-Authors also such waters are found described. Quercetanus in his Pharma­copoeâ restitutâ, as he calls it, names two, which he saith are speciall waters for all sorts of feavers, especially agues, but principally for bastard, and exqui­site tertians, so confidently doe these Chymists make promises of health. 1 ad Glauc. & 3 de simp. med. Ga­len himselfe prescribes worm-wood a very hot plant for Tertians, and in a­nother [Page 371]place he commends cammomile for the same. There are some that will provoke sweat with such hot things. And in generall all those waters that I have seen, were distilled out of hot simples, which adventurously they will use in any intermitting feaver, many times to the great hurt of the sick.

First therefore it is to be noted, 1 that intermitting feavers are caused by di­vers humours, both hot, and cold, unto which one and the same remedy cannot fitly be applyed.

Secondly, 2 seeing that every disease is cured by its contrary, it is certain that cholerick humours are inflamed more, and increased by the use of these hot remedies, and so of an intermitting fea­ver, it may become a continuall.

Thirdly, 3 the cause of an intermit­ting feaver most commonly lies in the mesentery veines, the panereas, and o­ther the first passages, which dregge it is too dangerous to bring into the ha­bit of the body by such remedies, lest the bloud of the veines be polluted, es­pecially in cholerick feavers, whose cause is for the most part thin, and ve­ry moveable.

Fourthly, 4 Galen forbids to use vehe­ment [Page 372]and hot remedies in the begin­ning of a quartane ague, which is cau­sed by a cold and dry melancholick hu­mour, and he tels a story of Eudemus, a Philosopher, who in that he did un­seasonably use triacle for a quartane a­gue, of a simple, it became a double quartane, whom neverthelesse Galen cured with the very same remedy sea­sonably and rightly administred. Ther­fore these hot things are good in those feavers only, which are procreated by cold humours, or in a bastard Tertian, in which there is a great quantity of flegmatick humours mixed with the cholerick, Aguish waters not to be used till the hu­mour be concocted. or when there are very gross and stubborne obstructions, and the bowels very feeble, and weakened, but not before the concoction of the hu­mour; thus Galen for a quartane pre­scribes a medicine of succus cyrenaicus, but not untill the humor is concocted. So hee commends wormewood in a Tertian, but utterly dislikes it be­fore concoction. In like manner, and by the same reason, these hot waters are to be rejected, but after the concoction of the morbous humour in a stubborne disease, they may be profitable. Ther­fore these hot things are not to be rash­ly, [Page 373]administred in feavers, for one that had adventurously used them in a quar­tane feaver, of a simple, made it a dou­ble quartane, as we said before. And there is the same cause of feare likewise, lest the same happen by the use of these waters. The ad­vise of a learned physician ever requi­site. Therefore let the advice and counsell of a skilfull, learned, and faith­full Physician bee alwayes taken, who may appoint convenient times for all re­medies. Nor let the people rashly trust to their Receits, as they call them, for they are even the hand of God when they are administred by a skilfull Phy­sician, but as it were a sword in the hand of a mad man, when one meddles with them, who doth not well understand the rules of Physick.

CHAP. XL. That Iuleps, and other cooling Po­tions are to bee administred in a large dose.

I Have often observed, when Physici­ans prescribe Apozemes, Juleps, and other cooling potions for them that bee sick of feavers, that the by-standers doe usually administer them in a very little dose, as but 2 or 3 spoonfuls. But here is to be noted, that those re­medies [Page 374]that are prescribed to prepare the humours, are not of the nature of them that contain much strength in a very little quantity; but contrary wise seeing they work by the first and second qualities, unlesse there be a proportion in quantity betwixt the humour that is to be altered, and the Physick, it is but in vaine prescribed, for if they doe notovercome the humour, they are o­vercome by it, and corrupted. In a ve­ry hot feaver, if the aforesaid Juleps be either altogether denied, The neces­sity of coo­ling and altering juleps in feavers. or but spa­ringly administred, the body is dried by the heat of the feaver, and decaies, so as no small damage is like to befall the sick. To such therefore they ought to be given more liberally and frequent­ly, for to temper the feaverish heat, and to refresh nature, and the more boldly, if concoction be already made, for it helps the criticall evacuations of nature, by sweat, siege, and vomit; and therefore in this case Galen allowes as much cold water as the sick can drink; And Avicenne, till the sick be wan, and shake with cold. Nevertheless, in the be­ginning of the Paroxismes in intermit­ting feavers, the best Physicians, ac­cording to Hippocrates his counsell, [Page 375]thinke that nothing is to be taken. For Hippocrates saith, When the feet are cold, 1 acut. the sick must abstaine from supping meats, especially from drinke; but when the heat is descended unto the feet, then it is good to take it; for then the heat which in the beginning was as it were suffocated by the morbous humour, enjoyes a pleasant bloome, and is diffused into every member of the body, and so is better able to encounter the cold drink, yea the drink doth then further evacua­tion by sweat, which is wont to be made in the end of the paroxisme. Hollerius layes it all open in few words. Lib. 2. cap. de s [...]i. Wee must not permit them to thirst long, es­pecially in feavers, and where the body is dry; yea in the declination they must bee compelled to drink; in the beginning and increase of the fit, drink must be withhold­en from them, lest as by water, or other liquor cast on a Smiths forge, the heat of the feaver bee more inflamed. In the height they must use washing of the mouth, and gargarismes, but when it asswages and declines, and they be exceeding thir­sty, they must drink as much as they can, for so it comes to passe, that by the sud­den motion and contrariety of the drinke the heat is stirred up, and dispersed to the [Page 374] [...] [Page 375] [...] [Page 376]extreame parts. Mercurialis also wrote well in his Comment upon the ninth Aphorisme of the second Book. Ma­ny (saith he) thinke it enough to take their syrupes at the most to the weight of six ounces; but I have learned by reason and experience, that it is better to take them alwayes in a greater quantity, yet with respect to the condition and nature of the sick, and the sick to persist long in the use of them: For so the vessels being somwhat moystened, do yeeld better to the attraction of the humours, and the hu­mours themselves being better prepared, doe more easily come forth. I know Ari­stotle demands why drink should be gi­ven but a little at once, 1 prob. 57. and often, to them that are in feavers, because (saith he) a little drinke, and often given, doth sink, and insinuate it self more in­to the body, then a large draught taken altogether. Arist [...]s'e & Hippocra­tes differ in their judgments. Now the Philoso­pher in this place will have a frequent taking of drink to be equivalent with a great qualitity taken at once; but Hip­poorates sayes otherwise, that water drunke too sparingly, turnes into cho­ler; and in his book de locis in homine, he saith, that in feavers waters should be administred hor, mixed with honey, [Page 377]and vineger, and that it is thus to bee drunk in a great quantity. But be­sides Juleps, of which wee now treat, are not simple drinke, but have also a Physicall quality, as opening, strength­ning, or such like, according to the divers intention of the Physician that prescribes them. So much therefore ought to be drunk, as may suffice for concoction, and to quench thirst, but not to increase the causes of discases, in which particular they doe erre grosse­ly, who doe either kill the sick by be­ing too sparing in affording them drink, To deny drink in in feavers destroyes the sick. In libris epid. 1 acut. 43. (which thing Galen in divers places blames in the Physicians of his time) or who by too much humidity oppresse the body, and increase the humours. Galen writes, that if water bee given to abate thirst, so much thereof is to be taken as the sick can drinke with one breath; but if to quench heat, he may take as much as he will, (as he teaches also in * another place) and that alto­gether, or at once, as Amatus * the Por­tugall teaches more at large. 9 meth. 8. curat. 11. Cent. 1. Thus Ga­len gave in the first fit two pints of wa­ter, to a young man sick of a feaver through anger, in the dog-dayes.

CHAP. XLI. That the Stone of the Bladder can­not be dissolved with Remedies taken by the mouth.

THey likewise that are grievously tormented with the Stone of the Bladder, are likewise to be admonished, that they do not too easily give credit to every one that makes large promises. For I know, not only wandring quack­salvers, but some Physicians also, doe prescribe not a few remedies for to break the stone of the bladder. And indeed Monardes, Augenius, and others doe report, that the stone of the blad­der hath been cured. Augenius com­mends a remedy made of Hog-lice pre­pared, with which Laurembergius in a peculiar treatise reports he was cured. Notwithstanding, others who have made triall of the same, have found no help thereby. Quercetanus in his Pharmacopoeâ restitutâ, describes a wa­ter to break the stone in the bladder; without any paine at all; Chymists promise mountains but per­forme mole-hils. but these Chymists doe many times promise more than they are able to performe. For if the stone of the kidneyes bee so hardly dissolved, much more the stone [Page 379]of the bladder, which is further off, Note and harder than that of the kidneyes, as also there is danger lest such strong medicines hurt the parts through which they passe: But though we should grant that the stone might be broken with the use of remedies, yet except it be so bro­ken that it turnes into powder, or in­to such little pieces as might with ease be voided out, we shall attaine to no other thing, save that of one stone we have made many, and those corner­ed, which are like to cause a greater torment to the bladder, and which perhaps by degrees will grow bigger by the addition of slimy matter. Galen in his Chapter de lapide Iudaico, laughs at Dioscorides for commending this stone for the stone of the bladder. The vertue of me­dicine is lost before it can come to the blad­der. A Medi­cine (saith he) cannot come to the blad­der in perfect vertue, and though we should grant that it may come so far, yet the force of the medicament is abated, both by the spa­ciousnesse of the bladder, and by the urine in which it swims, and by the hardnesse of the stone, and by that which involves it, and by the great quantity of fleagm where­with it is encompassed. Hippocrates him­selfe in his oath, although at other times he would exercise Surgery; I will not [Page 380]cut (saith he) them that are troubled with the stone, but will leave it to the skilfull operatists of that art. For he had not a remedy to break the stone. Men should not therefore give credit to them that prescribe remedies for it. Duretus up­on Hollerius, reports, that hee saw the bladder exulcerated with such reme­dies, and death ensue, the stone not be­ing worne at all. A certaine man (as Duretus reports) fearing the extreame paine of cutting, by the advice of some, drank juyce of Limmons for 3 months together, and died with exulcerations in his stomack, caused by that juyce. For sharp medicines must of necessity molest, and exulcerate the parts through which they passe, with their sharpnesse. Sanctorius, in his Commentaries upon Galens Ars parva, tells a story of an Itali­an Physician, who while hee used Ele­ctuarium de vitro to break the stone of the bladder, in stead of lessening the stone, brought in a mortall dysenterie flux. He tells also of another, who by the advice of a certaine quacksalver, u­sed very forcible diureticks, which when by their abstersive quality they had evacuated very much fleagm, inso­much as the sick seemed to be more at [Page 381]ease, yet the stone being made sharper, be­gan to prick the bladder more vehement­ly, and made a Gangraenous Ulcer, as was seen when the body was dissected, and so the sick died miserably. Capivac­cius also confesses, that hee knowes not any remedies, which can break the stone of the bladder. Cap. 94. text. 3. And Galen in Arte parvâ reckons onely cutting among the reme­dies for the stone in the bladder; where Argenterius observes well, that even from hence is their opinion refuted, which think the stone may be cured with reme­dies taken by the mouth.

CHAP. XLII. That the wormes of the belly are not presently to be killed in Fevers.

IT falls out sometimes, that both chil­dren and young men are grievously troubled with wormes, and that divers diseases in the body do arise from thence among which a Feaver is not the least, which is of a double nature; for either it is caused by the wormes themselves, and then it is a very gentle Fever, or it comes from other causes, Dangerous Fevers from wormes. and concurres with the wormes, and this is usually a malignant and violent Fever, which is thought to have been sometimes called [Page 382]by Hippocrates [...] fierce and wilde as a beast. In the curing of these wormes the people many times doe erre much.

First, 1 in that they thinke, when there are wormes together with a Fever, that the fever is alwaies caused by the worms, when rather the wormes doe oftentimes proceed from the matter of the Fever: For as Aetius teaches, Cap. 39. lib 1. te­trab. 3. if they breed about the beginning of the disease, they take their substance from the corrupt matter, if about the height, from the malignitie of the dis­ease, if about the declination, from the change to a better, which also are quickly voided. Therefore in the beginning of acute diseases, they betoken a maligni­tie of the disease; for when wormes are the cause of a Fever, that Fever is never violent and acute; but most commonly they appear in a malignant fever, which is to be noted, for in the former case, the cure of the wormes is the cure of the Fever, but in this latter, when the Fever is cured, the wormes are wont to be cast forth by nature it selfe, the disease ten­ding to a crisis, as Hippocrates teaches in divers places, as in his Prognosticks, and in his booke de crisibus.

Secondly, 2 they erre in that in this case [Page 383]they consider onely the worms, and pre­sently direct their cure to them, neglect­ing the disease on which they depend, or making it worse with their remedies undiscreetly administred, for oftentimes those things which kill the wormes doe increase the feaver.

Seeing therefore worms, Note. because they are in every respect besides nature, are to bee killed and expelled, yet that ought not to be done with any kindes of reme­dies indifferently, but the nature of the disease that doth accompany them is to be regarded, to which especially reme­dies must be applied; for when it is once cured, nature it selfe casts them out in the declination of the disease. Where­fore because they are so ordinary in ma­lignant Fevers, those remedies which do cure malignant Fevers do serve for them likewise, such are many Cordials, as Harts-horne, Unicornes-horne, Corall, Triacle, Mithridate, the seed of Citron, &c. And there are scarce any Cordialls which are not good against wormes, al­though not alwaies; hence it is that we see many of those remedies which are said to bee good against wormes to doe no good at all, namely because they are used after the manner of Empyricks, [Page 384]without any difference of causes, and re­gard of the other circumstances which ought to be respected. Let us hear what Rondeletius saith excellently concerning this subject in his Chapter of Wormes. When Wormes (saith he) are voyded in a­cute diseases, as burning Feavers, and other diseases of old men and children, wee ought not to convert our whole intention against them, as women doe, and Physicians that study to humour them, whereby it comes to passe that the sick do perish, in that the dis­ease is neglected, or because they bend them­selves more to the curing of the wormes then of the disease; as if one bee holden with a continuall Fever, or some other Cholerick disease, or a flux of the belly, or if in the beginning of acute diseases one chance to voyd wormes, they commonly give Worme­seed, which doth inflame the Feaver more, or else they are wont to administer Corall, and other things which are astringent to kill the wormes, all which are very ill for the principall diseases, as very bitter things for the Fever and flux of the belly, and astrin­gent and drying things for Fevers. Where­fore the Physician ought diligently to distin­guish whether the Fever depend upon the wormes, or whether the wormes which are alwayes within the belly be cast out by some [Page 385]other cause. And if one perceive that the Fever doth proceed from another cause, be­cause it is a Quartane or a Tertian, or a true Quotidiane, and that there is no other ill symptome, they must be let alone, or only those medicaments prescribed, which are good a­gainst the principall disease, and the worms. Which words of his we have set downe at large, because, they doe so plainly ex­plicate this whole businesse. Forestus also in his observations, and Mercatus in his Chapter of the worms, and others do ob­serve the same.

CHAP. XLIII. That Cinnamon is not well prescribed to stay womens fluxes.

IT often falls out, that women are trou­bled with an immoderate flux of their flowers, or of their courses, or other hu­mours, for the curing of which, I have oftentimes known Cinnamon to be pre­scribed by other women, as a very astrin­gent remedy. Indeed in a Diarrhaea, and the fluxes of the belly, I deny not but it may sometimes be good, for it corrobo­rates and strengthens the stomach and bowels, whose weaknesse is many times the cause of a flux of the belly, but it is to no purpose at all to use it for the stay­ing [Page 386]of the flowers, for it rather provokes them more violently. For it is an hot and dry spice, and withall opening, and therefore very fit to provoke the flowers, as saith Dioscorides in his chapter de Cas­siâ, which according to the judgement of Matthiolus, and Dodonaeus is no other then our Cinnamon, called by the French Ca­nelle; it hath, saith he, a heating quality, as also a vertue of provoking urine, dry­ing, and of a gentle binding, it drawes down the flowers, and a little after hee addes, that it produceth the very same ef­fects that Cinnamon doth, concerning which hee writes thus in the following Chapter. All Cinnamon heateth, concocteth, mollifieth, provoketh urine, being drunke or applyed with Myrrhe, it expells both the flowers and the birth. If these things bee thus, then it necessarily followes, that they are in a great Errour, who prescribe Cinnamon to stay womens fluxes. But this is a matter of no great moment.

The same might be said of some know­littles that practice Physick, and are igno­rant of the vertues of remedies, railing on them that that are better than themselves, and yet taking no care to get more lear­ning. Some are so skilfull, that they think that Syrupus de Artemisi [...], is onely fit for [Page 387]women, that Syrupus de Stoechade, is on­ly a cephalick medicine, yet Philonium ought to be prescribed only to provoke sleep, and divers such things doe some­times occurre which they are ignorant of; neverthelesse if any man do but se­riously consider the simples, of which the aforesayd remedies are compoun­ded, The ver­tue of Mugwort, and the syrupe made of it. they ought to be esteemed no lesse profitable for many other things; as for example, in Syrupe de Artemisiâ there are many simples very good for divers af­fects. Mugwort doth not onely pro­voke the flowers, and help forward the birth, but also heats, dryes, opens ob­structions, and is good against the stone of the Kidneyes. It extenuates (saith Bondeletius) and heats fleame, and dries the nervous parts and the wombe, and is good against old and inveterate Ca­tarrhes, and performes the same that Sy­rupus de Prassio doth. The same may be said of Syrupus de Stoechade, which is good against all the diseases of the bo­wels; as also Philo's Antidote, which Phi­lo and Mesue affirme to bee good for all cold diseases. And so of many others.

CHAP. XLIIII. That Opium rightly prepared ought not to be feared.

SEeing sleep is the strength of the in­ward parts, and that nothing is thought to bee sweeter, and more effe­ctuall than sleep, for repairing of the strength and furthering the concoction of the humours, it is both profitable and necessary by all meanes to provoke it, in many sick persons which spend a great many nights without sleep, yet many times it is not so easie to do; for sometimes the causes of diseases are so vehement, that they will not suffer the body to be brought to sleep, scarce with indifferent strong somniferous Physick. Now to provoke sleep sundry sorts of remedies both internall and externall are used.

Divers internall medicines are pre­scribed, although commonly to little purpose, as Almond-Milk, Poppy-seed, which the people in many places do use to eat, the oyle of which they ordinari­ly use instead of Olive-oyle. But Opi­um is now brought into use, the rest be­ing layd aside. Yet the people doe ab­horre from the use thereof, and avoyd [Page 389]it as present poyson, Opium in the hand of a dis­creet Phy­sician is a harmlesse thing. when notwithstan­ding being rightly prepared, and admi­nistred in a convenient dose, it is a very harmlesse and wholsome medicament. The Ancient indeed thought it to bee poyson, but that is onely when it is ta­ken in too great a quantity. But thus nothing is so wholsome, which by cor­rupt use may not become hurtfull, and nothing so hurtfull which may not bee made wholsome. Now there are divers sorts of poysons, Divers sorts of poysons. some are poysons in their whole substance, which can doe the body no good, after what manner soever they be taken; although they be given in so small a dose, that they can­not kill, as Arsenick. But the nature of others is contrary and different from these, in that they doe not hurt the bo­dy but in a certaine quantitie, otherwise they may doe much good to the body, such is all Physick, especially purging medicines. For whatsoever is admini­stred in such a quantitie, that it over­comes nature, it doth assume the nature of poyson, thus milke curdled in the stomach, and the juice of Lettice, are thought to be poysonous, which never­thelesse may do good to mans body, be­ing rightly and moderately used. More­over [Page 390]we find in history of certain maids that have fed upon Monkes-hood, and Hemlock. But it is to be noted, that a­mong those things which cause sleep, O­pium is the most innocent for divers causes.

First, that Opium which wee use, is for the most part, Meconium of Dioscorides, which is made of the strai­ned juice of the leaves and heads of Pop­py, but the right Opium is a Or gum. Lachryma. Now Meconium is far weaker according to Dioscorides than Opium, and Matthio­lus in his Epistles is of the same opinion likewise. Wherefore if it hurt, it must bee administred in a greater dose than Opium. And Dioscorides saith that O­pium taken in the bignesse of a Vetch doth asswage pain, concoct, and provoke sleep, but if it be taken in a greater quan­tity, it doth harm. And he writes of one Mnesidemus who approved of the use thereof onely in smell, because it would so procure sleep, but disallowed it other­wise as hurtfull; but Dioscorides addes, Experience shewes that these are but idle fictions, for the effects of the vertues of this medicament do beget credit.

Secondly, it is to be noted according to Galen, that there are divers sorts of Nar­coticks; [Page 391]for some do moisten, others dry, Moyst narcoticks are dange­rous. those which doe moisten, as Hemlock, Mandrake, & the like are hurtfull, as also those that are poysonous in their whole substance, as sleepy nightshade, which things are never wont to bee used by Physicians to provoke sleep. But those things that are taken inwardly without harm to the body, ought to have a dry­ing qualitie, as * Galen teacheth, 5. Simpl. 18 where he saith, those things which cause sleep do refrigerate the body, and drying me­dicines are the fittest for that intention. And in his first booke of the causes of diseases, he saith, that those things which do refrigerate and moysten do not cause a sweet sleep, but a long and dead sleep, and stupefaction; but those that are of a drying qualitie, as Opium, are not so hurtfull. Therefore according to the judgement of Dioscorides and Galen, Opium moderately taken, is not so much to be feared. Besides many compositi­ons that are to bee sold in shops have Opium in them, as Triacle, Mithridate, Dioscordium, Philonium, and the ancient Physicians were wont to put it into al­most all their Antidotes, and they used it familiarly in divers diseases, yea some­times they made use of worse than it. [Page 392] Hippocrates 2. de morbis, uses Henbane, and Mandrake for a Quartane Ague. Ae­tius for the same purpose prescribes O­pium with an equall quantity of Myrrh, Pepper, and Castoreum. But wee now adayes doe with more securitie use O­pium, better prepared, and corrected by chymicall Extractions, as Landanum, two or three Grains of which, or at the most foure, are a sufficient dose, where notwithstanding there is not so much as one graine of Opium, although it be rightly prepared. Opium the same with Meconium of Diosco­rides. Seeing then our Opi­um is for, the most part no other then Meconium: of Dioscorides, which is farre more slow in operation then Opium, and therefore may be preseribed in a greater quantitie, the quantity of one or two grains can do no harm. Dioscorides pre­scribes Opium to the bignesse of a Vetch, whereas we give a pill of Laudanum to the bignesse of a Vetch, a third part whereof is not Meconium. I see no rea­son why Opium should be so much fea­red, If due considera­tion be not had, there may much­harm en [...]ue from slee­ping medi­cines. so that it be rightly prepared, and all the other things diligently observed, which Galen would have to be observed in administring Nareoticks, otherwise without doubt it may doe harme. Here by the way take notice, that there are [Page 393]divers descriptions of that Laudanum, and many of them very foolish ones; in one Laudanum the Opium is dryed by a gentle fire; in another there are other narcoticks besides Opium, as Henbane, and such like, farre more dangerous than Opium it selfe: in a­nother there are many correctives ad­ded, as the falt of pearles, corall, the tincture of gold, and many such un­profitable things, which adde to the price, not to the vertue of it: As may be seen in that large description of Lau­danum, which Quercetanus hath indis­creetly committed to writing. But in that which I have spoken of it, I un­derstand that Laudanum which is prepa­red according to the description of the dispensatory set forth by the Colledge of Physicians at London, which is not so large as the other, and withall the best.

CHAP. XLV. Of Remedies that provoke sleep, being applyed to the head.

THey that are so fearfull of Opium, do think it enough, if to provoke sleep they use externall remedies ap­lyed to the head and nostrils, frontlets [Page 394]and ointments. Mnesidemus (saith Di­ofcorides) as we intimated before, doth only allow of Opium to be smelled at, not to be taken inwardly. Outward applicati­ons many times not forcible enough. But here they must know, that these externall remedies doe not alwayes produce the wished for effect, because they can scarce convey their vertue and strength to the braine, being only applyed to the forehead.

First, 1 because they are not so often renewed as they ought, insomuch as they grow hot upon the forehead, and so doe afterwards heat the head more, and rather hinder sleep, than provoke it; The often doe hinder sleep. and therefore Galen gives good coun­sell, in divers places of his books of Me­thod, that these refrigerating and coo­ling topicks, bee often renewed, lest when they are once heated by the bo­dy, they again make it more hot than it was before.

Secondly, 2 because the bone of the forehead is solid, thick, and further re­mote from the braine, than the rest of the bones of the head, and therefore with greater difficulty doe the vertues of to­picks pierce through that bone unto the braine; Lib 2. de medie. se­cundum [...]o [...]os. wherefore * Galen more highly commands to apply topicks, not to the [Page 395]bone of the forehead, but to the coronall suture which is covered with hair, whe­ther it bee for to coole, or to heat the braine, Topicall remedies best appli­ed to the coronall future. because the bones of the fore­part of the head are thinner, and their juncture and coarticulation more loose than the rest.

CHAP. XLVI. That fomentations made with bladders, are but of small efficacie.

AMong topicall remedies, the use of fomentations is of great esteeme a­mong Physicians, which are made of some kinde of liquor, that is applyed to the parts of the body for divers in­tentions, as to heat them, open obstru­ctions, dissolve hard tumours, asswage paine, and to digest and discusse hu­mours. Now they are made of some convenient liquor, especially of the de­coctions of many simples, or of oyle, milk, and the like; which liquor many put into a bladder, lest the linnen of their bed be wet therewith, which af­terward would be very tedious and irk­some to the sick. But thus the afore­said preparation, to wit, the mixture and decoction of the divers simples is made unprofitable: For their vertue [Page 396]doth not penetrate through the bladder into the body, but only the heat works, so that if some part stand in need of heating only, the fomentation may be made with a bladder, what liquor soe­ver be put therein. Also if there bee need to asswage paine, and digest hu­mours, heat by its owne quality will effect it. But if obstructions be to be opened, or something in the body is to bee mollified, the bladder is of no force; but wee must either use linnen cloaths, or felts or woollen cloathes, or spunges wet in some convenient li­quor, and so the strength of the reme­dy being applyed to the part, doth sink deeper into the body, through the pores of the skin, and there it puts forth its vertue, and sometimes drawes the humours from the center to the circum­ference; as they that bathe themselves in a hot bath, doe feele the effect of it in the internall parts. Therefore al­though I doe not dislike the applying of bladders to foment the body, yet I have thought it not so profitable for the a­foresaid reasons.

CHAP. XLVII. Of the applying of young whelps and pige­ons to the soles of the feet.

NOt only the common people, but also very many Physicians, have used to lay to the soles of the feet young pigeons, or whelps cloven through the middle of the back, which custome I doe not in this place speak against, for I know it hath beene oftentimes done, to the exceeding great commodity of the sick. But because they are very sel­dome wont to be applyed to the head, we will treat a little in this Chapter of this subject. For the Ancients, The Anti­ents were wont to apply them to the head. and al­so moderne Writers, do often prescribe them to be applyed to the head, sel­dome or never to the feet. This re­medy is ordinarily used in the diseases of the braine, as the frensie, and mad­nesse. Now the frensie is an inflamma­tion of the brain, or its membranes, the manner of curing whereof, The cure of the frensie. by the com­mon consent of Physicians, is this: that in the beginning the Physician use all kinds of revulsions, and diverting reme­dies, and appy to the head those things that have power to repell, and drive back the hot humours from the head. [Page 398]But if by these meanes the disease can­not be cured, then in the increase and height of the disease, he must proceed to resolving remedies, which during the increase may be first mixed with re­pelling; but in the height of the disease they must bee meerly resolving medi­cines. 13 method. cap. 2. To which purpose Galen uses cowparsenep, thyme, wild thyme, and other such hot things boyled in oyle; and he teacheth, that the frensie in the height, and the lethargie, have the ve­ry same manner of curing, because in both of them the same resolving reme­dies are to be used, where also he com­mends mustard, and castoreum, both which are very hot. And these hot things in the height, and also in the de­clination of the disease, doe not heat, but resolve. For this is the right man­ner of curing any inflammation, that in the height, and in the declination, wee use digesting and discussing reme­dies, 1. sim [...]l. cap. 4. for as Galen teaches, Digesting re­medies do by accident refrigerate and coole an inflammation. Wherefore in 1. ad Glaue. cap. 15. & 2 do Medic. 2. locor. two se­verall places, for the paine of the head in feavers, he uses the se digestives, to wit, after universall evacuations. But the moderne Physicians use young pi­geons, [Page 399]and whelps cloven downe the back, and the lungs of a Ramme yet warme, which remedies, although the Ancients were ignorant of, yet they performed the same with other things answerable to these in operation. Now when dogs, or pigeons are applyed to the soles of the feet, that is either done for revulsion, or else for resolving the matter of the disease. Not for revul­siou [...], because the people seldome or never use them but in the height, and in the declination of the disease; now the revulsion should bee made in the beginning, both because their heat is but very gentle, and because it doth draw but very weakly; for these things which draw unto the most remote parts of the body, must bee exceeding hot: Therefore Galen in his Book de revul­sione, saith, that they must bee sharp medicines, which draw back humours from the head and bowels: 8 collect. cap. 19. And * Ori­basius is of the same minde. For they draw by their heate and paine. But young pigeons do resolve without much heat; wherefore though I thinke they doe draw something, yet it is but weak­ly, and not from the far distant parts, in respect of their so gentle heat. Nor [Page 400]are they available for resolution of hu­mours; for who will believe that reme­dies are to be applyed to the feet, that they may resolve the humours infolded in the braine. And this is the opinion even of all Physicians, who have writ­ten of the diseases of the head. Never­thelesse I doe not absolutely speake a­gainst the applying them to the soles of the feet, because it may doe a little good, and cannot doe hurt. It is an usuall thing with them of Monspeliers, In France they are applied to the heart. to apply young pigeons cloven through the middle, together with some cordi­all powders, to the region of the heart, after the manner of an Epitheme, to com­fort the heart, and refresh the spirits, because they have a milde heat, fa­miliar and agreeing with our naturall heat.

CHAP. XLVIII. Of the Weapon-salve.

BEcause the weapon-salve, otherwise called the sympatheticall, magne­ticall, and starry oyntment, is held in so great account by some, that they think it cures wounds, being apply­ed not to the affected part, but to the weapon that makes the wound; we will [Page 401]not passe it over in silence. For now adayes it begins to bee much in use. This was the invention of some Ger­manes, especially of [...]heophr [...]stus Para­ [...]sus, whom Goclenius followed, and also Crollrus, (who hath a description of this oyntment different from that of Paracelsus) and others; some of whom followed Paracelsu [...], and others Crollius his description. Now some will have this to bee a wonderfull gift of God, that wounds should be cured with so much facility, and it is only an abridg­ment of the art of Surgery, so that for the future Surgery need not to be regar­ded, seeing ve [...]unds and ulcers may be cured with one only remedy. But yet nature seems worthy to be blamed, in that shee so long kept close such an excellent remedy, and revealed it not to Adam, the Patriarchs, holy men, Jewes, the primitive Christians, and the most learned men; but hath re­vealed it to drunkards, Paracelsus charged. whoremong­ers, dicers, such as the report goes Pa­racelsus was, his only Countrymen wri­ting, and confessing the same. The rest of them in my judgment do so ob­scurely explain themselves, that it is very likely they knew not what they [Page 402]would say; nor ought it to move any man, that Goclenius sayes, that he could name Emperours, Kings, and Princes, who give testimony of the vertue of this oyntment, for perhaps some Im­postors with their counterfeit glosse have beguiled them, which is a thing not impossible; but I verily believe Go­clenius himselfe was never knowne to Kings and Emperours.

But to passe by these things, it is to be noted in the first place, that this oint­ment is compounded of mosse that growes upon a mans skull, A princi­pall ingre­dient is the mosse that grows up­on a mans skull that was hang­ed. (which they call usnea) because this is as it were the pure quintessence of the skull, and a spi­ritous substance, as one of them better learned than the rest was conceited. Crollius makes choice of a man that hath dyed a violent death, and Hartman his Commentatour preferres one that hath been hanged. Because when they are strangled, the naturall and vitall spirits are carried upwards; and seeing that by reason of the hardnesse of the skull, they cannot get out, they are coarcted together with the animall spirits, and in processe of time grow into one, and breake forth unto the circumference of the skull, then by the accesse of Mercury, or the spirit of the World, conveyed into these inferiour things [Page 403]by raine, dew, snow, and frosts, is made us­nea, which containes in it all the naturall, vitall, and animall vertues, which after­wards it communicates to this oyntment. Who can but admire at such grosse ig­norance of naturall Philosophy in Hart­man? For he is in a palpable errour, in saying that in them that are strangled, the naturall and vitall spirits are carri­ed upwards, when the vessels, to wit, the veines and arteries through which these spirits are carried, as all men know, are intercepted and stopped. Moreo­ver, although they should be carried up then more than at other times, why shall they rather be coarcted and united in one that is hanged, than in a living man, in whom the spirits are so easily wasted, and how is it that before this mosse and hearinesse grew upon the skull, they are not quite dissipated and dissolved? But how knowes hee that those spirits are carried up to the braine, in them that are hanged, doe settle rather in the skull, than in the substance of the brain? For in a living creature they are for the most part in the braine it selfe. Now these spirits doe either flow into it, or they are naturally seated and placed there. If they doe only flow thither, it is most cartaine that they doe all va­nish [Page 404]after death, because they are not parts of the body, nor are they kept in by the strength of the living body, for it is also consumed and wasted. Hence even in the living there is con­tinually need of a fresh supply of spirits, because such abundance of them is con­sumed: Much more when the corpse is rotten, perhaps some yeares, before the skull is made quite bare, and is fit to contract mossinesse. That they are not insite and naturally placed there, it is evident, because then they should be immoveable; but these spirits in the very act of suffocation are presently lifted up to the brain. Nor is it a thing credible, that after death, or in death they are seated there, (which Hartman seemes to have meant, when hee saith, that in processe of time they grow into one) for those spirits that are infite by nature, are made, or at least repaired, and maintained by those that flow into the braine, by an act of nourishment, which is not in them that are hanged, and though it were in them, yet it should be rather in the braine, than in the skull. Besides the substance of spi­rits is very thin, and apt to evaporate; how is it therefore, when they breake [Page 405]out unto the circumference of the skull, and are no longer enclosed within its hardnesse, that they doe not vanish a­way, but turn into a grosse and filthy mosse? Their spirituall substance will nor endure that. And therefore it is manifest that he erred, in saying that this mosse containes in it all the ver­tues of the body, it is a wonder that it hath not also nourishment, sobset, and reason. I waved that which he babbles concerning the spirit of the World, which he calls Mercuriu [...] Leandi. But if there be any such spirit of the World, it must of necessity be diffused through the whole World, and not fall downe to us by the interchangeable courses of raine, show, and tempests. On these absurdities is the very ground-worke of that medicament seated. The foun­dation of the oynt­ment sha­ken. But I had almost forgotten, that of this mosse, the foundation of such an excellent remedy, Crollius mixes in his oyntment but the weight of two hazell nuts, which is (as Hartman interprets) one dramme; but Paracelsus deemed two vounces lit­tle enough, although Paracolsus his whole description is but of nine oun­ces; but Crollius his description is of thirteene ounces, so large a structure [Page 406]stands on such a slender foundation.

Secondly, 2 it is to be noted, that in the oyntment, according to Paracelsus his description, there was the bloud and fat of a man; but Crollius omits them, and not amisse, if the moss by it selfe have all the vertues in it, which thing Paracelsus seemes not to have be­lieved, in that he added these unto it, but in defect of them hee puts therein the fat of a pig, a bore, and a beare. And Hartman gives the reason why Pa­racelsus did adde bloud thereto, be­cause although the spirits do vanish a­way, yet those spirits which adhere to the salt of the bloud, are retained. But first hee thought it requisite that those spirits should be carried up to the skull, whereas Crollius thought them to be altogether unprofitable. Further­more Paracelsus and Crollius doe adde thereunto Mummy, by which my Au­thor Hartman thinks is meant Egyptian Mummie. Which neverthelesse is the most unprofitable remedy, being made in Egypt by cousening fellowes, of the flesh of elephantick and leprous persons, and of such as dyed of the French Pox, or some such filthy diseases, and of the flesh of slaves which they buy, which [Page 407]they enbalme with Pitch and Bitumen. But Paracelsus doth in sundry places highly extoll Mummie of the Gallowes, as he calls it, that is to say, the flesh of a man that was hanged, the which it is probable Crollius meant, because he left out the fat and blood of a man, which Paracelsus did put in. Then other sim­ples are added, such as may be inserted in other ointments and plaisters; for Paracelsus added thereunto Lineseed oyle, oyle of Roses, and Bole-armoni­ack; And Crollius earth-wormes washes, the braine of a Bore, redde Sanders, and the blood-stone. The de­scriptions very dif­ferent. Here the reader must consider, that these are two severall kindes of ointments really differing, and have nothing common but the Mosse, which Crollius added but in a very small quantitie, and yet these two ointments are both of them said to bee of the same efficacie, although Crollius left out those things to which the Pa­racelsians do attribute the whole mag­neticall vertue: Yea some have left out the very Mosse also.

Thirdly, 3 some in the making up of the ointment, do observe the divers as­pects and courses of the stars. Crollius scrapes off the Mosse, the Moon increa­sing, [Page 408]being in the house of Venus, or some other good house, not in the house of Mars, and Saturne, and he will have the ointment prepared the Sunne being in Libra. But some more rightly doe wave these things: For if the ointment have in it a magneticall vertue, that is to say, if it do cure wounds by the same qualitie by which the Loadstone draws Iron to it, there is no need of the con­course of the stars, seeing that vertue is in it by nature, as the Loadstone at any time, and under any star draws iron, and tende to the Pole.

Fourthly, 4 some doe annoint the wea­pon, and binde it up carefully, and keep it warm, and free from dust and winde, otherwise they say the partie wounded will be in grievous torture, if the wea­pon should lye cold and unbound. Ne­verthelesse, some say, that by the onely dipping of the weapon into the box of ointment, without any ligature, they have performed a cure, which Paracelsus requires only.

Fifthly, 5 if the weapon that made the wound cannot be had, they take a piece of wood, especially Willow, according to Crollius, or a tender sprigge of some tree, or some such thing, and be­smeare [Page 409]it over with bloud that flowes from the wounds, and so apply the re­medy unto it.

Sixthly, 6 they bid that the wound be washed every day with urine.

Seventhly, 7 Crollius would have it ob­served, whether it be a deep prick or no, for then the weapon must bee anointed upwards, and not by descending down­wards, although Paracelsus seemes not to have regarded that, who commended the onely dipping of the weapon into the ointment.

Eighthly, it is to bee noted, 8 that in a manner all the examples of cures which they instance, are only of simple wounds in the flesh, in which there is no losse of substance at all, but onely one indi­cation, to wit, a conjoyning of the parts disunited.

Ninthly, 9 some render this reason of the effect, to wit, that there are spirits in the blood, and in regard of the familiaritie and sympathy of mans spirits among themselves, the ointment is made of mans blood, fat, and flesh, and the mosse of the skull, in which spirits are contai­ned. Hence it comes to passe, that when the blood of the party wounded is joy­ned unto the ointment, the spirits that [Page 410]are in the blood, are by reason of sym­pathy joyned with the spirits of the ointment, being both of the same kind, and so doth take the vertues of the oint­ment, and carry it unto the party woun­ded. And not only the vertues of the ointment, but also the affects which fol­low the administration of ointments, which are such as happen either by a too strait, or too loose ligature, as also those which may ensue, if a wound be left uncovered in a place that is either too cold or too hot. And there is so much force in these spirits, that they are able to conveigh the vertue of the oint­ment from the East into the West, from the North to the South. And Crollius calls them all fooles, who think that this cure is Magicall, and hee will have it to be done by a magneticall, and attractive vertue, caused by the starres, which is carried unto the wound by the Aire be­ing the Medium, and that by reason of the sympathy of Nature and Balsame of bloud, which is in every man, and by reason of the influence of caelesticall bo­dies. And thus Hartman explaines it, when the weapon is anointed, the salt of the blood which is on the weapon doth by a magneticall vertue draw the [Page 411]animal spirits out of the ointment, which two spirits by the concurrence of the spirit of the world, are friendly united into one. But if the spirit which is in the bloud of the weapon cannot attract the spirit of the ointment without the annointing, that is to say without reall contract, how can it bee sayd to draw it with a magneticall vertue? Now this spirit of the world hee will have to bee diffused throughout all things in the world, to be that which carries the formes of seeds, and all proportions, which knits all things together, and which applies actives to passives. Hence it comes to passe, that what commodi­tie or discommoditie that bloud congea­led without the veines doth receive, it is presently by sympathy communica­ted to its connaturall blood that resides within the veines. Thence it is that the partie is in paine if the weapon bee held to the fire, or exposed to the cold aire, and contrariwise if the patient chance to eat Onions, Mustard, or Garlick, it may presently be perceived in the wea­pon, namely, because those spirits doe communicate their passions one to ano­ther.

From what hath been premised, it will be very easie to demonstrate the va­nity [Page 412]of that manner of curing, The vani­ty of cu­ring by the oint­ment. of which I confesse, I never did, nor yet desire to make any tryall. Yet I doubt not, but I shall plainly shew the frivolousnesse of it, even from their own principles. For instead of the ground-worke, they lay downe many things that are very dubi­ous and uncertaine, as that which Hart­man talkes of the spirit of the world, which, what, or where it is no man as yet hath been able to demonstrate, which (saith hee) is diffused throughout all things, when but a little before hee had said, that it is conveighed into these in­feriour things by raine, dewes, and frosts, and so in a clear and caime aire this spi­rit may be to seek, when perhaps there would be most need of it. And lest we should conceive it to be a spirituall and incorporcall substance, he calls it Mercu­rius Mundi, and questionlesse it must be corporcall, which stands in need of cor­poreal means to carry it: also he supposes the spirits to be perpetual, and unaltera­ble in the bloud although it be corrupted when notwithstanding the blood even in the body and veins may be so corrup­ted, that it may lose its form, much more without the veines, and doubtlesse the bloud that is in the ointment, hath quite Jost its form, & the efficacie of its spirits; [Page 413]and so the analogie and sympathie of the spirits of the partie wounded, and of the ointment, is much weakened. Now that some do call this a magicall forme of curing it is not improbable, Probable arguments to prove it magicall. seeing that vertue of curing, which is sayd to be in the ointment, doth stand in need of the spirit of the world to carry it, that is to say, the Divell, who is called the Prince of the world. But I rather thinke this manner of curing is false than magicall, because many follow it, which are very farre from that impious and detestable crime. Nor matters it that experience confirmes the truth of this form of hea­ling; for onely such wounds have been healed, which might have been healed by natures endeavour alone, without a­ny help of Art, and therefore it may yet be questionable, whether the cure were performed by vertue of the ointment or no, as we shall manifest afterwards.

First, then it is false, 1 that this oint­ment is a more speciall gift of God than other ointments & remedies are, Its not a special gift of God as is preten­ded. seeing by their own confession the whole cure is done by naturall means. We must needs confesse, that every thing is the gift of God; whatsoever, we eat, drinke, or use for the health of mans body. But in this [Page 414]sence they call it not the gift of God, but [...] because God hath miracu­lously taught it men, as if every Science, Art, and all knowledge of remedies were not from God, who hath created Medicine out of the earth. But let us see whether this cure be possible or no. That there are great and divers sympathies, and antipathies of things, experience it selfe shewes, the reasons whereof it is impossble to render. Yet all things are contained and terminated within a cer­taine spheare of activitie. Wee dayly see that the Loadstone drawes not iron, but within a certaine distance. I knew one that could not endure Cat to be in the roome, although he saw her not, but being put out of the chamber, with a wall or doore between, hee returned to himself again; and so of all others. There is no stronger antipathy then that which is betwixt the heavens and these inferiour things, because it comprehends all things within its circumference, and being of great force to act, is able to di­late its qualities and vertues every way, so that this inferiour orbe, and every parcell thereof, is within the spheare of the activitie of those caelestiall bodies; yet we see that sympathy to languish by [Page 415]the distance of places. The Loadstone tends to the Pole Artick, but the fur­ther it is from the Pole, the more it de­clines from it, and so by little and little it tends not to the Poles of the world, but to the Zodiack, and perhaps rather to some other part of the heavens then to the North. If this bee true of the Caelestiall bodies, it must needs be more true of these inferiour things. There­fore how can the vertue of that oint­ment be carried so farre, as sometimes it must be, and not bee hindred by the interposition of buildings, seas, moun­taines, walls, windes, and of the chest in which with the weapon it is layd up, especially when those things which car­ry the spirits are corporeall, which may be letted by the interposition of o­ther bodyes; or at least by how much the further distant the object is, by so much the more is the vertue thereof di­minished, and there is good cause to fear, lest in a great distance of places, the force of the medicament doe perish quite. Hartman writes, that this com­munication is made by a magneticall vertue, even so as the sent of the car­kasse is communicated to the Vultures many miles distant. But smels are not [Page 416]diffused in any unlimited space whatso­ever; and besides they may be diversly hindred, as by raine, windes, and such like. To no purpose also was it, that Goclenius alledged exampies of many sympathies; for it followes not because there are sympathies in other things, that therefore there is a sympathy in the ointment. Besides the sympathy which is sayd to bee in this ointment, is farre different from the sympathy of other things, which do insensibly diffuse their vertue into the aire, and need not the spirit of the world to carry them, and do never worke unlesse the object bee present, and are terminated and limited within a certain space. But that there are some cessations and fallings off from this sympathy the Loadstone shewes, which being rubbed over with Garlick, doth not draw iron, which manifests, that there is not an efflux and wasting of the qualitie only, but of some thinne substance also.

Secondly, 2 there is not a reall contact of the agent and patient, for it touches not the wound it self, but the weapon which is farre distant from the wound, which is neither the subject of the dis­ease, nor yet of the cure, and which [Page 417]needs not to be cured. Therefore one said well, hee that bindes the weapon that the wound may be cured, doth as if one should cover a stone, which hath made the hand cold, that the hand may be made hot thereby. Nor let any man say that there is a vertuall contract, the spirit of the world carrying the vertue of the ointment to the wound; for this spirit of the world, if there be any such thing, is common to all things that are in the world; otherwise it were not the spirit of the world. And yet it ope­rates not in other sympathies; for un­lesse the object bee present, there are none at all. Moreover this sympathe­ticall vertue of the ointment, which is joyned with the spirit of the world in such a friendly society, is not seated in any artificiall thing, as artificiall, but in something that is naturall, and they might do well to tell what is that na­turall thing in the ointment, which pe­culiarly hath so much familiarity with the spirit of the world. As wee Gale­nists say, that in every organe there is some particular part, which is the seat of the facultie, and on which especially depends the action: without doubt there ought to be the same thing in this [Page 481]ointment, for all the simples which are put into the composition of it, cannot so equally agree with the spirit of the world, that it should carry their vertues from place to place, at the will of him that annointed therewith. Therefore the cure shall result either from the si­militude of the weapon to the wound, but that cannot be; for in relations there is no power of acting, but there should rather be antipathy betwixt the weapon and the person wounded: Or else some vertue flowes from the ointment to the wound; (for according to Crollius the ointment is of a conglutinating and drawing nature) but they do not touch one another. Nor is that sympathy of nature sufficient, which Crollius with na­turall Balsame makes the cause of the cure; for if there be any such sympathy, the annointing is superfluous; for the vertues which are carried after a mag­neticall manner, through so great di­stances of places, doe not need a corpo­reall application. But in this ointment the contrary is apparent; for nothing is done without the anointing of the weapon: Therefore its working is ma­teriall, and after the manner of other un­guents, it cannot operate without a cor­poreall [Page 419]contact, as appeares by the a­nointing; for if it may worke magne­tically without a corporeall contact, the anointing is in vaine. And in vain also doth Grollius observe a forme of anointing, on the upper or neather part of the weapon, for the vulnera­ry vertue thereof might out of the box wherein it is, bee diffused even to all that are wounded, for it hath a sympa­thy with all. Seeing then it doth not operate without reall application, and a certaine and determinate manner of anointing, it is plainly manifest, that it can act only after the manner of other remedies, upon that thing to which it is applyed, and no further.

Thirdly, why is bloud, fat, 3 and the mosse of mans bones put into this ointment, is it because the spirits which are thought to bee in them, although putrified? But there are more such spi­rits in the body, than in the ointment, or in the bloud that comes from the wounded. Therefore it is either the vertue of the oyntment that cures, or else the vertue of the spirit that carries it. If the vertue of the oyntment be the cause of the cure, it must be prin­cipally seated either in the fat, bloud, and [Page 420]mosse, or else in the other naturall re­medies which are ingredients also in the oyntment, to wit, oyles and pow­ders. If the vertue of the oyntment depend upon the former, the ointment is unprofitable, because in the body of the party wounded, there is already both a greater plenty of them, and they are of a more forcible operation. But if it flow from the other simples, which are put into the composition of the oyntment, the former things, to wit, the bloud, fat, and mosse, are added but in vaine, because they give no vertue to the oyntment. So any vulnerary remedy, if the bloud of the person wounded be applyed thereunto, shall bee able to cure the wound by a magneticall quality, to wit, the spirit conveying the vertue of the oyntment to the part affected. And indeed there is no reason, if this sympatheticall ouring bee naturally possible, why it may not bee good in all oyntments, that mosse and bloud be put into them, not for their vertue of healing, but for their sympathy only; as, if a wound be to be deterged, take the bloud of the Pa­tient, to which adde a deterging oint­ment, and the spirits which are in the [Page 421]bloud, by reason of sympathy, by means of the spirit of the World, will carry the vertue of that oyntment to the per­son wounded, and so performe the cure. In like manner any remedy may be made sympatheticall; thus purges may be instituted, or other intentions of Physicians perfected, by adding to some convenient remedy a little of the Patients bloud, whose vertue may be afterwards carried to the sick, by means of the spirit of the World. But if the spirits themselves have in them the ver­tue of curing, seeing there are more spirits left behinde in the body, in vaine is the vertue of the oyntment implored.

Fourthly, it appeares from the cir­cumstances, that this is an unprofitable manner of curing. For they say, that from the too loose, or too strait bind­ing of the weapon, the same symptomes doe happen in the sick, which are wont to come by such tying, when it is used to the body. Now these symptomes doe proceed either from the oyntment, or from the binding. Not from the oint­ment, because it hath power to heale, but not to hurt. Nor from the bind­ing, because an artificiall thing hath [Page 422]no power to work at distance, and up­on another subject then to which it is applyed. And therefore because Crol­lius prescribes sundry formes of apply­ing it, the oyntment is to be subspected; for in naturall things, that curious man­ner of anointing cannot change the pro­perty, and of beneficiall, make it to become hurtfull, as likewise appeares in the Loadstone. Nor doth it depend on them both, because the magneticall vertue of the oyntment, seeing it is de­fined to be meerly naturall, and is sea­ted in the oyntment, doth proceed from meanes that work naturally, as are the simples of which it is compoun­ded, and not from artificiall meanes, which depend meerely on the will of him that anoints with it. Furthermore they say, that whatsoever commodi­ty, or discommodity, that spirit which is in the bloud of the weapon doth re­ceive, it communicates the same by sym­pathy to that which is in the veines, thence it is that the Patient is in pain, if the weapon bee exposed the heat of the fire, or to the cold aire. But thus not only the vulnerary vertue of the oyntment, but also the externall cold shall have a magnetick quality, which [Page 423]is an absurd thing to suppose. So that noxious cold might be carried from the weapon to the Patient through a hot medium, as in the greatest heat of Sum­mer. As if the weapon should bee a­nointed in a Northern Country, and the Patient be in Africk in a hot Coun­try, suppose the weapon to bee cold, the Patient likewise shall be cold in A­frick, yea perhaps being near the sire. Now seeing that cannot bee done but by the aire, as Crollius confesses, the aire of the Northerne Countrey shall have power to refrigerate the aire in Africa, which who sees not to be a grosse absur­dity? But I would demand further, seeing there is such a mutuall sympathy of spirits, and the maintainers of this magneticall cure write, that on the contrary, if the sick shall observe an ill dyet, and eat garlick, onyons, and mu­stard, it is presently discerned in the weapon: If the Patient doe lye neare the fire in Africk very hot, and the wea­pon be exposed to the cold aire in the Northern Countryes, why shall rather the person wounded bee made cold, than the weapon be made hot, because they will have the spirits to com­municate their passions one to another. [Page 424]These externall accidents, cooling, or heating, do happen to the spirits either from the oyntment, or not. If not, then they will not affect the party, be­cause the oyntment is necessary for the magneticall vertue that is in it, and not in the ambient aire, or other externall things, and through the oyntment a­lone is the communication of the ver­tues from the weapon to the wound­ed. Nor from the oyntment, for it hath neither power to coole nor heat; they are therefore nothing else but ex­ternall things, not permanent, but are changed according to the alteration of the ambient aire, for in a hot aire, the weapon being well covered and bound, both the spirits and the oyntment will be hot, and the contrary. Then I de­mand how it comes to passe, that they are not againe refrigerated in the way by the aire, for they may bee carried through such such a medium which is cold, as the winds which are by nature cold, passing through hot climates, doe become bot, as the South winds. In like manner if one loose a few ounces of bloud by a wound, or bloud-let­ting, or bleeding, or by some other me [...]es, it is a woulder, that bloud be­ing [Page 425]changed and cooled, that the per­son doth not feele such effects, if there be such a great sympathy of the spirits among themselves, that what commo­dities or inconveniences they receive from externall causes, they communi­cate them to that within the veines; and so those spirits being refrigerated, have power to refrigerate and coole that body out of which they issued. If one or two drops of the bloud on the weapon, by the anointing of the oint­ment, be of power to heat the woun­ded body, if it be kept in a hot place, by reason that the spirits themselves are hot, it is a wonder that the rest of the bloud that was spilled, which hath more spirits than this, being left behind, and exposed to the open aire, doth not likewise at the same time refrigerate the body, seeing that in a greater quan­tity there is alwayes greater vertue; if that bloud be cast into the fire, why shall not the Patient feele the heat of the fire; or if that bloud be putrifi­ed, how is it that the body also doth not putrifie, if there be such a great af­finity betwixt the spirits, and the body out of which they issued? In like man­ner, if the weapon cannot be had, they [Page 426]say it sufficeth to besmear another wea­pon, or a willow stick, with a drop or two of the bloud that comes out of the wound: I demand therefore, if when this viceweapon is anointed with the oyntment, that weapon which made the wound, be first cast into the fire, or water, why shall not the sick be in great paine, be cold, or hot? For there is no reason why it should suffer rather from one part of the spirits than another. It is absurd therefore to ima­gine, that this heating or cooling is communicated by any magneticall pow­er. Hence the Reader may observe, that whatsoever they say of the sympathy of the spirits among themselves, is true with them only of that part of the spi­rits which they faine to be united with the spirits of the oyntment by the a­anointing, and all these symptomes, whether good or evill, which they say doe happen to the wounded, doe arise from thence; But the spirits which are in the remainder of the bloud that was spilled, doe neither hurt nor good, and so their sympathy is vanished, when neverthelesse they are of the samekind with the other spirits. And who can but thinke these things are magicall, [Page 427]especially if the actions of Magicians be compared therewith. A compa­rison be­twixt Ma­gicall ope­rations, and this salve. Who knows not that it was an ordinary thing with Magicians to make waxen statues, by the help of which they did much harm; and especially which concerns this hea­ting at distance, Virgil writes in his Pharmaccutriâ.

In English thus.

Thus Hector Boetius, and others doe re­port of some, that have beene roasted with a gentlte heat by an im [...]ge of wax laid to the fire, as Duffits King of Scots. So they cause heat or cold, and other affects when they list, upon them that are absent, the which all men grant cannot bee done by naturall causes. Who have not heard that Witches which have anointed themselves with a magicall oyntment, have been carri­ed through the aire? But that which [Page 428] Paracclsus writes in his Chapter of In­visible diseases makes much for our pur­pose, if any man be hurt, a foot, or hand, or some other member, is to be drawn after the forme and shape of that which is hurt, or (if you will) a pourtraicture of the whole body, and it must be a­nointed and bound up, and the man shall be free from paine; yea, and hee sayes, that some who have been sick of other diseases, have been cured after the like manner. Who can beleeve that this is done by naturall causes, and yet it is as easie in this to have recourse to magnetical vertues, and sympathies, and the spirit of the World, as in the wea­pon-salve. Here are examples of Ma­gicall cures at distance, which are in all respects like to the anointing of the weapon; for as the image is anointed and bound up for the curing of the wound, so is the weapon; and as the Image laid to the fire, or exposed to the frost, doth burn, or congeale him that is absent; so doth the unguent laid upon the weapon, and as the King of Scots in Boëtius was almost consumed in the waxen Image, so the same may easily, from the anointing of the wea­pon, happen to him that is wounded, [Page 429]if he that annoints, it, doe malitiously lay it to the fire, or in some place that may communicate its harme to the per­son wounded, and who sees not that this may be also a sort of Witchcraft? If he that doth this by the help of the image douse the Devill (who is the spi­rit of this world) as an instrument to set on the charm, it is likely, that this magneticall cure (as they call it) hath the very same Author, which they call by this name, that they may cloak their knavery, with a seeming shew of natu­rall actions. And deservedly may the re­medie be suspected, even because of the Authors of it, who were suspected for Magick. For Paracelsus and Crollius do in divers places commend Magick, and will have it to be a thing very needfull for a Physician. But suppose wee that there is nothing magicall in it at all, yet wee will further prove it to bee false, and altogether a frivolous forme of curing.

Fifthly, 5 if then the spirit of the blood doth effect all these things, and the ointment hath analogie and familiarity with the spirit which is in the blood, why cannot other diseases likewise bee cured by the strengthning of the spirits, [Page 430]and the balsame of blood? For Crollius confesses that the cure is made by the balsame of blood; and indeed the spi­rits and the vertues of the balsame in the body doe perfect all the cure.

Sixthly, 6 if according to Hartman, the fixed salt of the bloud would not draw the spirit out of the ointment without the annointing, it followes, that there is no magneticall vertue in it at all, be­cause a corporeall contact is necessary, and from hence it will follow likewise, that without the corporeall contact it cannot worke at distance, nor diffuse its strength so farre as to the person wounded. The bloud hath the vertue either in it selfe, or from the ointment: If in it selfe, then is the ointment in vaine. Not from the ointment, because what sympathy with the spirits of the partie is attributed unto it, it hath it from the blood, flesh, fat, and mosse, which are ingredients in the compositi­on, by reason of the spirits which are thought to bee in them, it followes then that the ointment hath no vertues in it, which did not lie before in the spi­rits, and so we conclude that the oint­ment is in vain also.

Seventhly, 7 the spirits which are in [Page 431]the blood, fat, and mosse, are either of a diverse nature, or of the same. If they be of a diverse nature among them­selves, without doubt they are also of different operation, and have not the same manner of sympathy with all the parts, but the spirits of bloud, have a greater affinitie with the blood, the spi­rits of flesh with the flesh, and the spi­rits of the Mosse with the Skull. And therefore that the cure may succeed the better, and sympathy be preserved, be­sides the blood of the person wounded, both his fat and his bones ought to bee mixed with the ointment on the wepon, that a compleat cure may be performed, and the magneticall vertue be without faile carried to the affected parts; for verily there is not the same sympathy in the aforesaid spirits. But if those spi­rits be all of the same nature, that curio­sitie in adding thereto blood, fat, flesh, and mosse, is in vaine, and superfluous, when onely the blood, which containes in it all those spirits may suffice.

Eighthly, I have read a story of a horse, 8 whose feet had been hurt with a naile, A horse shod in the quick cu­ted by this salve. for the cure whereof the naile was au­nointed with the aforesaid ointment, and so the horse became sound againe: [Page 432]And Crollius also relates the same. From whence it follows, that there is a cer­taine sympathy and familiaritie betwixt that ointment and the spirits of a horse; and a certaine learned man confesses, that there is the same vertue of healing in a man and in an horse. Which if it be true, in vaine is mans bloud prefer­red before an horses bloud, for those things which are the same to one third, are the same among themselves, yea Crollius faith, that not onely a horse, but also all creatures that have flesh and bones may be cured with this ointment. And in very deed if this manner of curing were certaine and infallible, even any vulne­rary ointment would bee as fit as this; for the vertues thereof might bee con­veighed to the sick by meanes of the spi­rit, as well as the vertue of this oint­ment.

Ninthly, 9 seeing that the cure not one­ly of simple wounds, but also of great and inward wounds, is oftentimes per­fected by Nature alone, without the help of Art (for to unite and to gene­rate flesh, are the works of Nature, and not of Art, and Crollius confesses, that naturall Balsame doth work in this mag­neticall cure) it is a wonder why that [Page 433]liniment is not rather applyed to the sick himselfe, why it cures not ulcers, seeing every wound doth at length be­come an ulcer, and seeing bloud may flow also from ulcers, and the principall indications of a wound, are found like­wise in an ulcer: Why is it not also used for the curing of wounds made by Pistoll-shot, and for such wherein there is a losse of substance? Why hath Crol­lius excepted the wounds of the Nerves, Arteries, and principall Members? It is because it is good onely for fimple wounds, and such as are onely in the flesh, which nature by binding alone doth conglutinate, with the help of na­turall Balsame, that is to say, of the in­nate heate of the body; hence it is easie for the wound being wrapped every day in clean clothes, and washed with warm urine, to grow together again of it self, without the use of any ointment at all. Therefore that ointment is altogether unprofitable, nor availes that any thing which they talk of experience; for with­out doubt those wounds might have been eured without the ointment. For that ointment doth neither dissolve, nor purge away the excrements of the wounds, nor preserve the temperature [Page 434]of the parts; for the parts of the body which may bee wounded are of divers sorts, as Sanguine, Spermatick, Nervous, Membranous, fleshy, and men them­selves may be Cholerick, or Sanguine, Melancholick, Phlegmatick, Pletho­rick, Cacochymick, and bee troubled with some other diseases also, for all which one and the same remedy cannot bee so convenient. But enough of this.

CHAP. XLIX. Of the curing of the Kings-Evill by the touch of the Seventh-Sonne.

BEcause of late I have heard of some, who reporting that they are Seventh-Sonnes, do promise great matters about the healing of the Kings-Evill, which they professe to doe by touch alone, and so beguile the too credulous people, something must bee sayd concerning them: This chapter I have added at the request of some Physicians of princi­pall note. That some diseases are some­times cured only with the touch of some remedies, it is plainly manifest by the authority of the most excellent Physici­ans. Such are those which are called a­muleta, and periapia, being remedies that [Page 435]are hung about the neck, or laid to the body. Thus Galen commends the root of Peionie hung about the neck for the Epilepsie, others the stone called aëtites bound to a womans Thigh; to facilitate the birth, and divers such ex­amples are found in Authors, which many say they have observed, although I, have sometimes made triall of peio­nie, A stone which is found in an Eagles nest, with­out which (as it is thought) she cannot lay her egges. and the stone aëtites for the afore­said affects, without any successe. Ne­verthelesse I deny not but there are occult sympathies, and antipathies; nor doe I goe about to thwart experience, and the authority of able Physicians. But it is farre more which these men professe they can doe, namely, cure the Kings evill by their touch alone, and that because they are Seventh Sons.

That this is naturall, I thinke scarce any will believe. For whatsoever is naturall, doth depend on inward prin­ciples, and may be done by every in­dividuall of that kinde, so it be entire, sound, and according to nature in every respect, as all Rubarb parges choler, and every man is risible. Nor doth it depend on number, for number accor­ding to Philosophers is of no force to act, for actions are of the things them­selves, [Page 436]and doe depend on the formes of things. But this seventh Son is said to have some peculiar power, which is denied to the six former brethren, to wit, because he is the Seventh. It must needs follow therefore, that that pow­er must arise some other way, since it proceeds neither from the forme, nor the number. It depends not on the Touch, for Touching as Touching hath onely the power of Touching. In­deed if there be either any noxious or salutiferous quality in the body, it is communicated by the Touch. But the Touch it self hath no such force. Fur­thermore, seeing that all diseases are cu­red onely by the taking away of their cause; those Wondermongers cannot take away the Kings evill, unlesse they first take away the cause. Now seeing that the cause of the Kings evill is fleagm, as Physicians say, setled in the kernels, which in other parts breeds other disea­ses, he might be able by the same touch, and by the same vertue, to cure other diseases that come from the same cause, which thing seeing hee cannot doe, it must necessarily follow that the cure is miraculous, or else that it depends on the imagination of the sick. But see­ing [Page 437]the imagination of the sick is so dif­ferent, being in some stronger, in o­thers weaker, an uncertain event must be looked for from an uncertain cause. Therefore it must of necessity be either miraculous, or false, or diabolicall. I scarce believe that it is miraculous. The Apostles and Primitive Christians did heale by touch alone; to the grea­ter glory of God, and the propagating of Christian Religion. But God will not have miracles to be wrought at e­very mans private pleasure; thus what­soever the Apostles did, they professed that they did it not by any power of their owne, but in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ. And therefore those seven Brethren, the Sonnes of Sceva a Jew, who went about in the same name to con­jure the uncleane spirits, were beaten by the Devill, and suffered the punish­ment of their rash boldnesse. Thus it is not lawfull adventurously to attempt the working of miracles. In like man­ner, the power of curing the Kings E­vill, is by the blessing of God granted to the Kings of great Brittaine, and France, which is denied to other Chri­stian Kings: And so Edward the Confes­sor, for his singular piety, cured not on­ly [Page 438]the Kings Evill (which prerogative redounded to his Successors after him) but also other ulcers by touch alone, which his Successors could not doe. Seeing then this priviledge is onely vouchsafed to the aforesaid Kings, and is wholly performed in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ, if other Kings should attempt the same, it were too much rashnesse, and a grosse tempting of God, who hath not given any such power to them. Therefore in Spaine, where this disease of the Kings Evill is epidemicall and popular, Francis the first King of France being taken Prisoner by the Spa­niards, cured it by his touch alone, as he was wont to doe France, concerning which Lascaris hath this Epigramme.

In English thus.

Moreover it is to be noted, that the aforesaid Kings on whom God hath be­stowed that favour, have it upon a cer­tain condition, nor is it derived unto their successors, unlesse they be lawfull heires, and abide in the Christian Faith. For if an Usurper (as there have been such in times past, and God knowes what shall be the destinies of Kingdoms) should depose a lawfull Prince from his Imperiall Throne, hee should not with the Kingdome obtain this prerogative to himself. Nor if any King, though a lawfull Successour to the Crown, should renounce the Christian Religion (as mens dispositions are variable) and re­volt to another, should he retaine that priviledge. For Beatus Remigius, with whose annointing this power redoun­ded to the Kings of France, doubtlesser an excellent Expositor of this thing, hath declared, that this power was granted to these Kings, so long as they should a­bide in the Catholick Faith, insinuating thus much, that it should cease, if at a­ny times they revolt from this Faith. Seeing then it is thus, who will believe that such power is given to men of no account, to be perpetuall to them, sim­ply and absolutely from their birth, [Page 440]which Kings alone do obtaine onely by unction, and on condition that they con­stantly remaine in the Christian Faith, seeing that God workes no miracles but to his owne greater glory, and for the confirmation of the Faith. Nor is it probable that God would give this gift unto Kings as a pledge of his favour, in token and testimony of their pietie, which hee had before vouchsafed to such fellowes; and therefore so com­mon (for a Seventh Sonne is ordinarily found) and which others also enjoy, who have sometimes no religion at all in them. For that which God hath be­stowed on Kings, ought to be such a thing, that for the rarietie and singu­lar priviledge thereof, it must manifest more the glory of God, which it would not doe, if he had already bestowed the like on others by their birth-right. Nor is there any promise to be found made from God to the Seventh Sonne; either before the foundation of Christian Re­ligion, or afterwards, and it is a wonder that there were no Seventh Sonnes in the Apostles daies, that contended with them for the power of working mira­cles, when questionlesse many families did abound with plentie of children. [Page 441]Therefore it is manifest that this kinde of curing, if there be any such is diabo­licall. For wee know that the Devill Gods Ape, that hee may detract from Gods glory, doth imitate the same things which God, thus by his deceitfull craft he turned the Magicians Rods into Ser­pents, and by the confession of some moderne Magicians, hee goes about mi­mically to represent and counterfeit the venerable rites and ceremonies of the Church, in their Magicall meetings: And so likewise, that this admirable prero­gative, which God hath granted unto Kings, may be had in contempt, he pre­sumes to attempt the same by his cur­sed Emissaries. But God will not give his glory to another, neither will he suffer true miracles to be wrought by the De­vil but false and counterfeit only. There­fore questionlesse these fellowes doe either not at all cure this disease of the Kings-Evill which daily experience te­stifies, or else the Devill (as hee uses to doe in other diseases) doth incontinent­ly cure it with naturall meanes, whose vertues hee is not ignorant of, which thing Physicians might be able to do, if they did certainely know the whole power of Nature. Yet it is to bee no­ted, [Page 442]that this disease is more ordinary in children, and doth arise from fleam, which as they grow in age, is dissolved by the increase of heat, and the disease goes away of it selfe, which is usuall in many diseases that appertain to chil­dren, which if it happen, it ought not to be attributed to the uncertain vertue of him that touches it, but to Nature, which Hippocrates calls the Curer of dis­eases.

CHAP. L. The Antimoniall Cup, shewing the abuse of it.

THere is come not long since into use a Cup made of the Regulus of Antimonie, so called by Alchymists, which is sold at a very high rate, and is reported to be good for many things, and diseases, both by him that makes it, and by the people who are alwaies eager in their pursuit after Novelties, and it is thought by the people to be a thing of great value, and heretofore not knowne to Physitians; when neverthelesse, it is very well knowne of all them that have any skill in the Chymicks; for the way of making the Regulus out of Antimo­nie is very easie, ordinary, and ancient. But that we may explicate to the people this errour so pernitious, wee will first speake of the Cup it selfe, and then of its force. Now the Cup hath not its vertue from the Artificiall forme there­of; for so any Cup made of Silver and Gold should doe the same. But it hath all its vertue from the Antimonie: Now they that pry into the nature of Minerals and Mettals, are of opi­nion that Antinomie doth consist of crude and very impure Sulphur, Mercury and Arsenicke: And therefore it is so contrary to our nature, that after what manner soever it bee prepared and corrected, it doth even in the least quan­tity [Page 444]that may be given, offer great violence to the intralls, and doth retaine its malignant quality, which can scarse bee taken away by any infusions. If by chance some man of a strong constitution be able to indure the force thereof, he expels it upwards and downwards, with abundance of humours; but them that doth wonderfully gripe & torment; For how­are weake, and such as doe vomit hardly it soever it be prepared, it never layes aside its malignant and deadly quality.

Hence many grave Physitians, as Fernelius, Riolanus, Gesnerus, and the whole Colledge of Physitians at Paris, doe utterly dislike the in­ternall use thereof, in respect of its deadly qua­lity. Neverthelesse to satisfie the people, wee will grant, that it may safely be used, so it bee rightly prepared, and discreetly applyed. I know it hath beene diversly assayed to be pre­pared by the art of the Alchimists, that though not altogether, yet at least in some measure the malignitie thereof might bee abated, but that art is not yet fully found out, which can quite take away the force of that Medicament.

Now the common and more ordinary pre­parations, which are to be sold even in all shops, are the regulus of Antimonie, of which the aforesaid Cup is made; the glasse of An­timonie, which the people call Stibium is in­deede the true name of Antinomie it selfe, and [Page 445]of this Glasse, not of the Regulus ought this Cup to be made, saith Sennertus in his Institu­tions, and Hartmannus in his notes upon Crol­lius. Moreover there are made of it Crocus metallorum, or the Saffron of mettals; Pulvis emeticus, Mercurius vita, a Tincture & an Oyle.

And all these preparations are indeede with one and the same quality, to wit, vomiting and purging, which manifests that in none of the aforesaid preparations was the deadlinesse of the Antimony taken away. Now seeing that in all things; yea even in the worst of all there are some degrees of pravitie, the people must know that in all Minerals, that preparation is accounted the best, and least dangerous, in which the forme of the Metall is lost; for then there is made a greater separation of the pure from the impure: And therefore all Alchy­mists doe endeavour so to dissolue Gold, a harmelesse medicament in it selfe, that the forme of the Mettall being layd aside it may be made potable, and they doe not approve of any dislolution therof, in which it can return to its owne nature; which is indeed much more true Minerals that are of a mischievous nature. It is therefore to be noted that that Antimonie which we call crude, to wit, unprepared at all, is of no force to move the body, and therefore the Antients who were ignorant of Chymicall art, knew no inward use thereof. Now the first [Page 446]and easiest preparation of all, is that, which we call the Regulus, in which the forme of the Mettall is not taken away, but doth melt into to a certaine forme of Lead. Hence Dioscorides saith, that Antimonie melted turnes to Lead, having some light knowledge of that Regulus. for it is made of it being melted onely, and so a little refined, and it doth retaine all maligni­ty of the Antimonie, which laid as it were a­sleepe before, under the earthly excrement. This doe Mettall-men use, and mixe in Guns, Bels, and other the like engines: but seeing it doth yet possesse all the naughty and mischie­vous qualities of Antimonie, it must necessa­rily follow, that the Cup made of it is most dangerous. Therefore the best Alchymists have quite abandoned it from any use in Phy­sicke, save that by a further preparation may be extracted out of this Regulus the glasse of Antimonie, and many other such things farre better then the Regulus it selfe. Wherefore some in the stead thereof have used the glasse of Antimonie, as did frequently that most ex­cellent Physitian Matthiolus; the people call it Stibium, and are sore afraid of it, whereas in­deede it ought to be preferred before the re­gulus. Neverthelesse Quercitanus, Hartman, and some others of principall note among the Alchymists, who doe highly extoll the vertue of Antimonie, doe thinke this preparation of [Page 447]the mixture of impure Sulphur, which is not yet taken away. And therefore waving those two as not safe, they doe familiarly use the Crocus, or Hepar Antimonij, Saffron or liver of Antimony; Puluis emiticus, the vomiting pow­der; and Mercurius vitae, Mercury of the life: Which preparations the Colledge of Physiti­ans at London hath inserted in their dispensa­tory, and there is almost no shop, in which both the substance and infusion of them is not to be sold. From whence they that doe so much ex­toll this Cup, may gather, that they use a per­nitious and dangerous remedy, whereas the same much better prepared is every where obvious, and to be sold, yet at a very easie rate