IN the great enterprise of Ireland which the Parlia­ment has so long, and so honourably laboured un­der, two things were ever principally aimed at, 1. Satisfaction to be recovered from the Irish for past, perpetrated outrages; 2. Future security to be pro­vided for the English, that they might not remain exposed to perpetuall revolutions of the same renued machinations, and violentes. In order to these two points, the English have been in armes these ten years and more, and though of late the greater part of the Irish hath submitted to the English Government, and doth disclaim the first bloudy eruption in 1641. and as things now stand, seem willing that the English should be satisfied for the time past, and better secured for the time to come: yet we must know that this is no more then the meer force of our arms, (not by them resistible) has extorted since 1649. and even still, though they agree to a satisfaction and security in generall, yet they descend not to particulars, nor let us understand what that satisfaction, & security is which they intend to allow us. If I am not mistaken they think we receive abundant satisfaction, if the small handfull of the surviving English be permitted to proceed in the Law, and have trials by Irish Juries against al such private persons in Ʋlster and elsewhere, as robd and murdered without publick Cōmission, before the meeting of the General Assembly, and supream Councell at Kilkenny. They judg us also sufficiently secured for the future if they henceforth reject Monarchy, & enter into a league with us to be now a neighbour friendly Common-wealth to us: but those proposalls are so unjust and dishonoura­ble, that no English ear can entertain them without impatience: besides though the major part of the Irish thus imbrace protecti­on from us, and desire to live peaceably under us, yet that party in Ireland which hath the face of a power, and pretends to a right of Government: (with great numbers of considerable ad­herants) stands still in opposition, and appears in armes against these ends of ours. In as much therefore as Ireland is now so neer to a totall reducement, and has this last Summer received so great a change of its Affairs, and yet nothing of these two main proposed points is agreed upon, and concluded: it behooves us from this rest of things past, to come to a new exact survay of [Page 2] our present condition, and with respect had to our present con­dition to advise seriously what is best to be resolved upon, and prosecuted by us from this time forward. The opinions of men concerning our present condition are for the most part contrary, and run into two extremes, some think the Irish are already suf­ficiently broken, and vanquisht, so that there remains no busines to be done in Ireland, but to agree with such Irish as are already in protection, and to seiz the estates of all others that persist in armes, and refuse to submit by a set day. Others think we have but rolled the stone of Sisyphus all this while, and over-run a Country which we are not able to hold or injoy: partly because the War it self is yet far from an end, and partly because after the War is at an end, there will be another task of planting to be un­dertaken; and that probably may prove as difficult, hazardou [...], expencefull, and tedious, as the war it self ever was. Both these extremes much injure the Parliaments service in Ireland, and check the progress of our affairs very much: and in both these points all well meaning people ought to be rectified and unde­ceived. For the better incouragement therefore of such as are too distrustfull, I shall now indeavour to shew what the advantages are which the late victories and successes of our Armys have won from the enemy; and for the better awaking of such as are too heedles, and inconsiderate in this grand ingagement of our Na­tion, I shall as ingenuously indeavour to lay open the difficulties that are behind, and must yet be overcome by us. In the year 1649. all Ireland was lost to the Enemy except Dublin and Derry, and when the Lord Lieut: Cromwell came over in August, with a gallant new Leavied Army to prevent the last mortall blow, that was then giving to the interest of England, he found Derry greatly distressed with a close Siege, and too remote from relief by any part of his Forces; He also found Dublin newly rescued out of the gripes of Ormond, who with a very formidable, compleat Ar­my had long straitned, and indangered it: and the manner of its rescue being effected by a handfull of men, scarce conducted by any forecasted design, remains still beyond all admiration. Mans extremity was Gods opportunity: when Lieut: Generall Jones might have been wondred at for daring to defend himself with so small a party as the Lord Lieutenant had sent over before to him, then did God inspire him with a sudden resolution to break [Page 3] into Ormonds vast camp, and then did God crown him with the slaughter, dissipation and spoil of that whole Leagure: This bles­sing the Lord Lieutenant Cromwell saw upon his new Govern­ment before his landing, and not long after his landing, as good an omen was sent him from Derry: for God to demonstrate yet further to him, that he would favour his Government, and bless his Arms, raised that siege also by stupendious means, and so left him and his army free to pursue other designes more op­portune and important. And now had the Lo: Lieut: a new cause and a new War to manage, as well as a whole intire Country to recover; having for his enemies at this time not only Papists, but Protestants, and not only Irish but English, and Scoch also: for as if the Kings pretended interest had been superiour to that of Re­ligion and Country, many thousands of perfidious, Protestant, British Revolters had unnaturally leagued themselves with the Irish, and by consequence cursedly besmeared themselves with the guilt of the first massacre. Whatsoever places then the late King had gained to the Irish (whilst he complyed secretly with them, and professed openly for us) by corrupting our chief Com­manders there, by making treacherous pacifications to our ru­ine, and the enemies great advantage, by drawing some Forces out of Ireland, and hindring others going out of England, as also by procuring the Scots, (then our stipendaries) to draw their swords against us; all these places were now to be regained by the prowesse of Cromwell: And whatsoever persons English, Scotch, Welsh, Commanders, Officers, Souldiers, (to either Religion belonging) the late King had seduced from the Parliament: all these were now to be disabused and reclaimed by the po­licy of Cromwell. Nor did he fail in any of these things, for by Gods good hand going along with him, before he had stayed one compleat moneth in Ireland, he was Master of the Field every where, and before he had stayed one compleat year in Ireland, [...]e wa [...] Master of all the strong Cities and Towns in Leimster, Ʋlster, Munster, nor did he imbark himself in 1650. to take command against the Covenanters in Scotland, before he had brought unto termes of submission all the Protestants, and many of the Papists of all three Nations.

The like good hand of God also went along after his trans­portation with the Lord Deputy Ireton, left there in chief Com­mand [Page 4] by his Commission, to carry on the work so prosperously commenced, and advanced; and though we look no further back then to the exploits of this last Summer, we shall find almost mi­raculous advantages extorted from the Irish, by the rare wis­dome and gallantry of that noble Cheiftain. In Spring last Con­naught seemed to some but as one Province, and only as a fourth part of Ireland, and the other three Provinces being already brought under contribution, twas thought that remaining fourth part would easily be made ours; Nevertheless in the mean time others, who saw there was much work yet left undone in the three other Provinces, and that Conought it self had such great Forces in it, and so strong a line about it, valued that Pro­vince in that posture, and conjuncture of affairs as a moiety of Ireland at least. For computing the two strong Towns of Limrick and Galloway with many other knotty peices in that Country, and considering the whole Countries naturall fenced situation, and the great power of men that were there rendevouzed to justi­fie all fordable places in the Shanon and other difficult Avenues in the North: adding also that our Army could make no at­tempts but in divided bodies, and that so great a space and di­stance with so many other eminent hazards did interpose be­twixt the L: D [...]puties brigade whose part was to break through the Shanon southwards, and the Lord President Coots whose part was to break through the Northern passes, and fastnesses: twas a signall egregious mercy of God, that both these brigades did en­ter Connaught both ways so prosperously as they did, and that the enemies contracted Forces being so numerous and preposses­ed of such advantages should fly away so heartlesly, as they did. Neither was Gods mercy more eminently seen in preparing these entrances for the English, then conducting them, yea in carrying them as it were on Eagles wings being entred: for presently the Ʋlster, Leinster, and Munster Forces before an ingagement in the Field gave all for desperate, and dispersed themselves leaving it free to our Commanders to beleaguer their two chief Towns at once, nay not only to attend those two Leaguers undisturbed, but also to rise with some divisions of their Horse, and Foot in the mean time, and take in Garrisons, and pursue Enemies up­on all levies, rendezvouses and motions of theirs within 20 miles of each leaguer. The strength of these two Towns not withstand­ing [Page 5] was very great, and so Preston and Galway though driven to some hardship held out, til winter came seasonably into their re­lief for a while; but Oneale, and Limerick were fain to submit themselves, and twenty of their principall leaders, and Coun­cellors to the Lord Deputies meer discretion, and to such other conditions, as his mercy thought fit to allow them. Greater at­chievements, and acquisitions then these, were scarce ever made any where by any Generall in one summer: nor can the face of any War receive a greater alteration in so short a space of time, then these did by those admirable revolutions. Boggs, & woods are now the fortresses, the Magazins and the granaries that the Irish must trust to: and though their militia be no lesse then 30000 men, yet we cannot expect the same thirty thousand men should maintain those desolate recesses without all accomadations bet­ter then they did rivers, grafts, bastions, well-lined, and well-rampired Towns in Connaught, where Ammunition, and provisi­ons were not so much wanting Ormond vanted long since (as I have heard) that when Towns and Castles were no longer to be held for the Irish, yet for all that he would put on brogues and drive the English to a new warre (or chase rather) for seven years longer in boggs, and other fastnesses: but we all see, this great vaunter notwithstanding (when the Irish were in a better posture then now they are) thought it not safe to stand to his promises, he thought it was more counsellable to plow the Seas in a nimble Frigot then to tread morasses with a pair of brogues. The Irish Papists also that imputed all their former losses and defeats to the treachery of Ormond and Inchiquin, having since Ormonds and Inchiquines recesse from government been more unsuccessefull, and received greater blows then ever formerly by the il manage­ry of their wars and ignoble comportment of their Armies may now take out this lesson, that their cause hath been rather disfa­voured by God then betrayed by man; but this is forrain to our Boggs and Woods, from which we must stray no further. Three respects make the Boggs, and Woods so formidable to us. First they are very many, secondly they are very inaccessible, thirdly there be many amongst the Irish to succour and befriend with intelligence and other succours, all such, as have retreited to them. To the first I answer: that many though they be, they are not able to receive and harbour the fifth part of the Irish: and [Page 6] therefore sith it is in our power now to weaken and annoy the Irish by the Irish: policy will both direct, and necessity constrain us to pursue this War at the double detriment of the Natives. 2dly, admit that these fastnesses exceed walled Towns, partly in that they cannot be besieged, and partly because the Irish may draw out their strength upon any design to be acted without ha­zarding the losse of their holds, yet they may be blockt up at a distance, and being so blockt up by a conjunction of the English, and of the Irish under protection (who have the same agility to wade through mire and water) their own narrow causes will be soon made as serviceable to keep in the Defendant, as they are now to keep out the assaylant; and in case they salley at any time with their whole strength, the English adjacent garrisons by means of the protected Irish under their commands will be in a readines to enter, & possesse those theevish dens of theirs. 3dly, when the protected Irish are so interposed betwixt us and the Im­bogged Irish that we cannot be wounded but thorow their sides; and when our garrisons keep strict watch over them, & call them to account as well for what they contribute to the Enemie, as what they suffer to be preyed from the English, the correspon­dencie betwixt them will be easily broken; 'Tis moreover easie to foresee that when nothing remains but ranging of woods, and driving of boggs, and when the English are no longer in­tangled with a warr against Souldiers, but entertained with a wilde chase after Tories, that the Commanders of those Tories (after a price is once set upon their heads) will finde themselves in great danger and jealousie of their own fellow kernes, and so retain but little of authoritie or discipline; but I forbear to sum up all advantages that are likely to offer themselves to the pre­vailing side as it shall prevail more and more hereafter; some thereof are already in view, and shall be toucht upon in due place, and others will discover themselves upon emergent occa­sions in due time: this may serve to quicken our hopes, and make our expectation more pregnant, as often as we look back on that part of the work [...] which is already transacted, and so far consu­mated; let us now come to that part of the work which is still be­hind, and forasmuch as the English are naturally more prone to undervalue, then overvalue an enemy, & inasmuch as an enemy ever proves more dangerous when he is neglected, then when [Page 7] he is too much feared: we must be as carefull to rouse them that sleep and flatter themselves with fond dreams of possessing all already, as we have been to raise them that were fainting and sinking under fears of perpetuall contending and fighting to no purpose; And these supine sleepers ought to take notice, first that there is not only a war in Ireland stil to be ended, but also a plan­tation to be commen [...]ed, a work of more consequence, and to be compast with as much industry, art, and force as the war e­ver was, if we had fought all this while to make Ireland submit to England the swords busines were almost at an end, the remainder of this War would not appear considerable: but since we have fought to make Ireland English, and that it may as well be safe to us hereafter, as afford us some compensation at present for all our blood and treasure that hath been spent upon it, we must not think of sitting down and resting where we now are.

War is never its own end: it is a sad medium conducing to something beyond it self, and till it have conduced thereunto it cannot be said to be at an end. Secondly, these men are to take notice that as our case now is, fighting and planting are insepa­rable, and become one and the same thing, forasmuch as in all over Ireland almost, the Sword has alreadie prepared a fair way for the Plough, and it now lyes upon the plough from this day forward to lend assistance to the sword; and hereupon it neces­sarily follows, that the present speeding of the one work is the speeding of the other; and the retarding of the one work the re­tarding of the other. If the Husbandman take not up now his Spade and Culter, the Souldier will want provision, and not be able to subsist; and if the Souldier lay down his weapons, the Husbandman will not be able to sowe or reap the fruits of the earth. Thirdly, these men ought to take notice that the difficul­ties of planting are the greater, by how much the English gene­rally are the lesse apprehensive of them: Most men think that since twenty thousand men have been formerly sufficient to re­cover Ireland after so long and generall a revolt, thirty thousand men now will be sufficient to awe it, and restrain it from farther revolts; but in the mean time 'tis not considered, nor under­stood, that the Irish by all their losses are become the more uni­ted, [Page 8] whilest the English by all their victories are the more dis­persed. Neither is it duly pondered, that the English with ten thousand men might better take in any one garrison two yeers since, then they can now hold foure hundred garrisons with thirty thousand.

Amongst other difficulties also that must be incountred with as well by Planter as by Souldier, and that are not sufficiently taken notice of by the English, these are more obvious, and must not escape a particular remark. First, the English in Ireland are very few in number in comparison of the Irish, Those of the mi­litary List, though they are confined to so many garrisons, do but equall those of the same List amongst the Irish, left at more libertie: and as for the unarmed sort of the English, they scarce make up a tenth part of the Irish. Before the rebellion, the Irish (recounting amongst them such of the old English Papists, as sided with them for Religious respects) exceeded the numbers of the English at least five fold; in the Rebellion the furie of the first barbarous carnificine fell solely upon the English; little lesse then two hundred thousand English were swept away by it with­in the space of twelve months; after the Rebellion when once the same was justified at Kilkenny, and from the form of a massacre converted into the form of a National war by the Clergie, and supreme Councel of Ireland, the pursuit thereof for seven yeers at least was far more consumptive of the English then the Irish. Tis known, that the late Kings secret intelligence with the Irish, and our cheif Commanders secret intelligence with the late King, bent our own sword against our own breasts, and deliver­ed up bound into the hands of our Enemies the poore relicts of the English Nation. Yea even after August 1649. when there was a new restauration of the War the Irish still plaid a wary game refusing to pich one Field or hazard one battel against us, whilst we neverthelesse were constrained to fight with stone-walls, fast Passes, leaguer sicknesses and other extremities, rather then with men. Moreover, through the whole progresse of these broyls the Irish have found more friendship from the ayr, soyl, and season of the year then the English. The Woods, the Bogs, the loghs were ever more hospitable and passable to the Irish then the English: Upon all marches the Irish have had better intelligence, readier accomodations, and more variety of shifts to serve their turns [Page 9] with, then the English could ever find, or procure. And this shew­eth that the Irish for their very bulk, and multitudes are still ve­ry dangerous, specially as to the busines of planting. Secondly, as the Irish are formidable for their numbers, so also we have great cause to be jealous of their various eluding arts, and cir­cumventing subtilties: tis not strange that these Kerns should at last presume upon the lenity, and facillity of the English, when it has been so often heretofore abused by their impostures and cai­olerys: in all ages the Irish have been seditious, in all seditions the English have been victorious: yet no victory yet could ever long quiet the Irish, or secure the English: for the truth is, there is no Nation under heaven more obnoxious to be cozend then the one, or more dexterous to cozen then the other. We are now apt to suppose, that no mischief is threatned to us, except only from such of the old Irish as remain at present in open hostility: but in this we fondly sooth our selves; for tis hope of indemnity from the Parliament and want of power in themselves that has of late caused thousands of the Irish to lay down Armes, condemn the Authors of this Rebellion, and submit to the English Army; which neverthelesse persist still to hate the interest of England, and in their hearts pray for the prosperity of the Tories, and resolve to array themselves in arms again, assoon as they despair of im­punity. It dos not yet enter into the thoughts of the protected, and more civill Irish, that the Parliament of England will judg this whole defection of Ireland to be all one piece from 1641. to this instant year, and that the whole Nation of England having been damnified on the one part is to expect satisfaction, as for damage done by the whole Nation of Ireland on the other part: and that no satisfaction can be equivalent to the damage done; but a totall submission of the Irish to the mercy, and discretion of the English: when once the Parliament declares concerning these points then it will appear by new Commotions and concussions following with what sincerity the major part of the Irish have sub­mitted to our Government all this while. Thirdly the Irish are cunning enough to reckon not only upon their own strength, but also upon our weaknesse, and doubtles tis not the Duke of Lor­rains aliance, tis not the benedictions they receive from the Pope and the good words of other forrain Catholick States; tis not the advantage of their own unapprochable retreats of woods [Page 10] and Boggs: tis not the prosperity, or handsome prospect of their own present affairs, but tis rather the indisposition, and disorder of ours that inspires so much courage and hope into them: they see, the people of England have been many years to­gether drained, and exhausted with expeditions both by Sea, and Land, and with wars both forrain, and civil: which must needs ere long portend a failer of Recruits, and supplies from the fountain. They see this last Summer has been in Ireland an ex­ceeding wasting, burning summer on both hands, the Irish in ma­ny places have made havock in our Quarters, and we in many other places have as wastfully fired, spoiled, and preyd them: and this must needs fore signifie a great and eminent decay of contri­bution in Ireland; even whilst our expectations begin to grow faint out of England.

They see Ireland is of large extent, beyond all that England at present can grasp, or possesse by Planters; that unplanted tis uncerviceable, nay apt to be disserviceable to us: that thousands of our Nation have lately come over to strengthen us with Colo­nies, some upon Coll: Laurences propositions, some upon other inducements: but most of them have made too much haste, so that many of them for want perished amongst us, others of them live to be a burthen to us; whilst others return home impoverisht to discourage others. They see we are upon ill termes with Hol­land, which menaces more to us then all our other intestine broils, and forrain enmities whatsoever: They see the Parlia­ment has not yet publickly averred, and avowed against the whole Nation of Ireland, that they have all as actors, or abettors by themselves, or their representatives violated the English, and forfeited all to the English: and hereupon they are ready to pre­sume that we are not assured of our right in this quarrell: they see also that as the Parliament dos not conclude all the Irish under the common hostility of the Nation: so neither doth it discrimiate, and exempt any of the Irish from the particular cru­elies and inhumanities which such, & such ringleaders amongst them died their hands in, and Riotously triumphed at, when their hellish skeins were first sheathed in our bodies: and this perhaps continues multitudes in desperation, that might other­wise be drawn to a better compliance with us. More need not to be added, the Irish see they are redacted to great extremities, but [Page 11] they know withall, that the least remitting or slacking of prose­cution on our side, may yet restore them to fresh hopes, and cast back our busines very far. They know the Romans were once al­most as neer to a subjugation as now they are, yet evaded, and gained more in Affrica in one year, then seventeen years before had lost them in Italy. Hannibals complaint neverthelesse, at his forced return from Naples, was true: it was the faction, and ma­lignant morosity of Hanno in the Senat of Carthage, not the levies of Scipio in Sicily, that so unexpectedly overturned, and quashed the long series of his famous rancounters, and successes. Wars for these reasons, have ever been fitly compared to those kinds of Serpents which are doubly armed with stings, or can wound with double poyson, as well when it is ejected from their tails, as when it is expumed from their mouths▪ And this ought to put life into us, as things now stand with us: Turpe est in exire­mo actu deficere: to be foyled at last by a foyled enemy for want of courage is inglorious: but to be foyld by our selves, when nothing but want of a little constancy, and ordinary policy could undo us, is most opprobrius. Ten years we have now resolutely, and hardily conflicted with the worst of War; we have as it were, in all our conflicts assumed hope beyond hope, and courage beyond courage: and shall we now quail or dispond at the train of War, when we have but one impression more to make upon the half scattered rear of it? It has been here made apparent, that if our constancy, and stoutnes now forsake us we are really in danger to loose more then this decemiall war has acquired hitherto to us after all our hazards and hardships: whereas if our constancy and stoutnes forsake us not, we have no considerable, visible op­position remaining, that can much longer protract, or frustrate our hopes of speeding this War, and thereby of accomplishing all those honourable, just, necessary ends for which we at first im­barked in it. It will be said the people of England want at last some relaxation of taxes: we grant a seasonable relaxation ne­cessary: but even parsimony it self when it is used out of season prooves prodigality, and ease becomes a grievous clogg: when a hundred thousand pound may put an end to that war in six moneths, which five hundred thousand pounds cannot put an end to after twelve moneths e apsed; shall we think it good hus­bandry to spare that hundred thousand pound? when four parts [Page 12] of our purchase money is paid, and the possession will surely be lost and forfeited for non-payment of the fifth part at the day limited: is it discretion to deliberate, or advise what is to be done? It will be said that since the war of Scotland, and Ireland cannot be carried on together, of these two tis better to use di­lation in the case of Ireland, then of Scotland. Neither of these may be granted: these two great ingagements may well be ma­naged simul & semel; for it will not exonerate, but oppresse the people if dilation be used in either of them: and yet of the two, tis far better for us to proceed dilatorily (as things now stand) in the war of Scotland, then in the war of Ireland. Many reasons may be given for this: but I will onely offer these. First, respects of Religion binde us to be more zealous in this quarrel against I [...]e­land then in the quarrel against Scotland. For if we look back­wards to the expiation thats due to God for a whole land defi­led with blood, or if we look forward to the reformation of a whole stock and race of men as blinde as their Images, we must needs say the cause in Ireland is more Christian then the cause of Scotland. In Scotland we are to regulate matters of Discipline, in Ireland we are to establish matters of faith. Secondly, reason of State pleads for a preferance of Ireland before Scotland, inasmuch as the prize we strive for in Ireland doubles, yea trebles the value of that in Scotland; yea where one native of England expects in­terest in Scotland, ten expect and have Inheritances in Ireland, for in the stiril soil of Scotland we seek the disabling of an Enemie that we may thereby secure England; but in the rich soil of Ire­land we aim at founding of new English Colonies, and thereby of inlarging England. Policy may in time incorporate the Na­tives of Scotland with the Natives of England: but policy, and Nature wil both joyn in incorporating the Irish with the English, if the plantation now intended be rightly ordered. Thirdly, pregnant arguments of war may make us more studious and solicitous of Ireland then Scotland. For if we look to the present state of things: Ireland hath more garrisons, and wants more Souldiers then Scotland, yet has lesse provisions to maintain them: and if we look to the end of our designs, all that we in­tend in Scotland is to over-aw, disarm, and yoke our Enemies with garrisons, we think not of extirpating, planting, or keep­ing there a perpetuall Army: The Enemy therefore being al­readie [Page 13] almost sufficiently broken, and unweaponed, and a suffi­cient number of garrisons being alreadie fortified, and aptly disposed for the commanding and receiving of contribution there is little to be added to that work. But in Ireland the case, is still more difficult, and moliminous: where the Souldier ends one work, the Planter together with the Souldier must imme­diately begin another, as much to be prised above the former, as the end is above the means. Fourthly, this may gain some speciall favour to the case of Ireland, that the Treasure issued for that service has been always so frugally lengthened out, and is still so dextrously managed and husbanded as it is. That which will scarce maintain ten thousand men in other places, has of late maintained twenty thousand men in Ireland, and what have been the returns of these mean stipends so payed needs not here to be spoken. Neither is this to be ascribed to the plenty of that Dominion, or compliance of the Natives; the one is a miserable spectacle of ruin, and the other are living monuments of per­fidie: This wonderfull improvement of the Souldiers mainte­nance is to be ascribed to the extraordinarie care, integritie, and prudencie of the Parliaments Ministers there impowred. Tis al­most incredible with what strict eye there the Parliaments Com­missioners keep watch over all subordinate Officers, in what an exact method they have setled every branch of the Revenue, how constantly they survey all Accounts, how intentive they are to supply all incident defects: how industrious in advancing all publick intradoes. The Councell of State has frequently from them the true charge Military and Civil in every Province that is to be born by the publick, and to answer the same all parts of the Revenue casuall and certain according to its occasionall variations, and as it sometimes extends further, sometimes nar­rower; and this shews, that as they are strict in their scrutinies, and keeping checks at home as to others imployed under them, so they are as willing to expose their services abroad to the like scrutinies of their superiors. I need not adde any thing more, he is a great stranger in Ireland, that does not know what unex­pected support the Souldiery has received there by that provi­dence, and how much has been contributed otherwise toward the speeding of this tedious, devouring war by the travail, sol­licitude, and dexteritie of these wise and faithfull Councellors [Page 14] if the Lord Deputy Ireton were now living, he would testifie am­ply to these thing [...]: wherefore it must needs follow that which is denied to such servitors, is not saved to the Common-wealth, but turns to direct damage; such as oftentimes cannot be redeem­ed with the same value five times doubled, nay nor by any ran­some whatsoever: some opportunities in war are to be bought at a low rate, and yet not to be let slip without an unspeakable detriment: and some admit not of any repentance, or after con­tract whatsoever.

The Commissioners late Letters to the Councell of State nei­ther request things superfluous, nor omit things necessary: by them may be conjectured, how far we are distant from the period of this War, if things be granted and condiscended unto accor­dingly: they desire timely recruits of Horse and Foot, with sup­plies of all necessaries proportionable, that with the first of the spring the Army may be inlarged according to the inlargement of the scene they are to act in, and to the dimension of the action they are to be commanded upon: four Provinces must have more Garrisons then three: and four hundred Garrisons require more hands to justifie them then three hundred. They desire that the Irish may have some assurance of their future condition: that such as are thought fit to be pardoned may be quieted by the knowledg thereof; that such as are not held pardonable in any degree by the publication thereof may be cast out of the Heard like hurt Deer: that such as are capable of more or lesse grace according to severall qualifications, may accordingly under­stand how & where to rang themselves, & so speedily to accept of peace with the major part, or professe open enmity with the few­er, and more guilty: before some such Declaration made publick to the Irish there is no hopes of planting safely in Ireland, they desire ampler Commission in the mean time to give fitting con­ditions to some eminent Commanders amongst the Rebels, up­on whom many have dependance, especially for sending them and their chief fighting men beyond the Seas, they desire more power to incourage Planters, especially by setling them in larger Leases, and estates upon rents reserved to the publick; They de­sire bet [...]er order for paying the packet Boats at Milford, and Ho­ly-head, that intelligence betwixt the Nations may be preserved quick and lively; They desire their Bills of Exchange upon the [Page 15] Treasurers at war, upon all urgent occasions may be duly ho­noured. They desire the Laws may be sharpned against coyners or Merchants of false, and defective mony: and that by some spe­ciall remedy to be provided, and applied to the gangrene of base coyn (that is already spread almost all over Ireland) the Trade thereof may be stopp'd for the future, and some order taken for the calling in what is already past betwixt man and man: least the mischief grow beyond all cure. And this is the more consi­derable because in the coyn of Ireland, thousands of the English are concerned, and as it leaves some of its corruption in England, at its first flux from thence, so it reconveies more of its corrupti­on in its second reflux: to these things I hope satisfactory resolu­tions will be returned speedily: and since there cannot but fall out many difficulties in Ireland when the Parliament has decla­red and determined concerning the Irish, and all other Delin­quents, as to the putting in execution, that which the Parlia­ment intends towards them; I hope the Parliament, will leave a compleat latitude to the Commissioners in al such emergent dif­ficulties to aply equity, to respit execution, & to temper the strict­nes of the Letter, as they shall see cause; In such cases the Parlia­ment sitting at a distance must hear with other mens ears, and see with other mens eyes, and I humbly conceive no other mens ears, or eyes are more fitter to be trusted then their own chosen Com­missioners.

So much of the sword mans part. We see here what his sweat and blood hath gained: now for the Husbandmans part; for tis his building, planting, and labouring of the earth, by which all our gain at last must be made injoyable, and preserved.

The Parliament of England about the latter end of 1641. see­ing the insurrection of Ireland generall; not Nationall only of the Irish against the English, but religious also of the Papists, (where­in were comprehended vast numbers of the old, and latter Eng­lish) against Protestants; past an Act for the leavying of monies to make head against those buccherly insurrectors. By the said Act all that would adventure monies towards that design, should have security for their adventures out of the Lands in Ireland forfeited to the State by this Rebellion: more particularly, at the concluding of the War; every adventurer was to have by [Page 16] lot set out to him an estate of Inheritance of so much Land in Leinster for so much monies adventured, of more in Munster, of more then that in Conouhht, of more then that in Ʋlster, for the same sum. And now the war (as to this purpose of investing the adventurers in their due allotments) is judged sufficiently con­cluded: Officers may forthwith be seasonably appointed to or­der the Lotteries; and all particular adventurers may forthwith have recourse to those Officers for a decision of their shares: and assignations may be without any further delay granted them here, viz. what numbers of acres fall to them, in what Province, in what County, in what Barrony; These being done, it rests afterwards upon the Commissioners, and surveyers in Ireland, au­thoris'd by Parliament for that purpose, upon presentation, of these assignations, to come to new Lots in every Barrony for se­verall subdivisions, and out of these subdivisions to admeasure to each adventurer what is due by the statute. And because the adventurers may draw unequally, in some Provinces, Counties, Baronies, &c. more acres perhaps then the same are able to bear in others lesse, the said Commissioners are to make good the de­fects of one Province, &c. out of the surplusages of another. In the words of the statute nothing appears of any preference given to the adventurers, before such as are to enter and plant under the States title: but I think tis the Parliaments favourable inten­tion that the adventurers should be first served: and this is the more favourable, because in Ireland the Parliaments interest is sufficient to satisfie the adventurors twice over at least, and be­cause the adventurers proposed at first to bring in a million of mony, yet never brought in half the proportion, which failer doubtlesse concurred among other causes to prolong the war, and so drew us into this vast expence at last; and certainly the adventurers themselves if they had brought in a lesse considera­ble summe, would have expected lesse priviledg then now they find: howsoever it will be now requisite providence in the State to treat circumpectly with the adventurers: and even justice, as well as good husbandry will challenge from us: first that we take a strict course for the examination, and liquidation of all mens titles that pretend to share in these adventures: especially such as produce assignments, and claim by sundry mean assign­ments. For we cannot but presume that some of the assignors or [Page 17] assignees at least, if not others, have been Delinquents, and ei­ther have not compounded at all, or not compounded particu­larly for these adventures. Secondly, since the statute allows sa­tisfaction, to the adventurers out of Lands to be alotted in such or such a Province, after the rate of so many acres, but prescribes not at all in what particular part of any Province the lot shall be cast: it will be both thrifty and reasonable to exempt all Cities, Corporate Towns, Ports & other considerable places fit to make mercats or staples for traffick, (with due precincts to them assign­ed) from the chance of these Lots. Thirdly, since the State has been at so incredible a charge in this War for the Adventurers speciall advantage, though not assisted by the Adventurers, as was at first proposed, and since the statute intimates nothing con­cerning interest to be allotted to the adventurers, but rather pur­posely considers them with the ampler quan ities of land, which quantities are yet likely to prove rich purchases: it will be very equitable to deny the Adventurers consideration, or use for the forbearance of their monies thus adventured.

Fourthly, since the States remainder of forfeited lands in Ire­land is far greater then all that can be applotted to the Adventu­rers will ex [...]end to, and since the improvement of the remainder depends upon other planters and undertakers, far more in num­ber then the Adventurers: much warines ought to be used that no other priviledg beyond the sence and words of the statute be granted at the importunity of the Adventurers, which may re­dound to the disadvantage of other mens plantations, and un­dertakings. Fifthly, since a precedency of casting lots is gran­ted to the Adventurers, it would be well provided for, that no dilatory tardy use be made of that precedence: but that other planters which in order now stand behind the Adventurers, and must wait till the ascertaining of their proportions, be admitted to enter upon their parts without further stops, in case there be any neglect on the adventurers part. 6ly, For the prevention of a 1000 contests and other inconveniences, it were good that a de­termination by lots (in all cases where lots can take place) might peremptorily conclude all differences, and quiet all pretences, and that no person, or corporation, Adventurers, or other plan­ters might be suffered to decline this determination, or be spe­cially favour'd with choise, or change upon any allegation or [Page 18] pretence whatsoever. Lastly, it would be specially declared to the Adventurers: that notwithstanding any priviledge to them indulged, all other interessents in Ireland having precedent ti­ [...]les from the Parliament, or otherwise, though perhaps obtain­ed since the statute in 1641. ought to remain quiet & unmolested: and that they themselves even after their proportions are ad­measured to them, as well as before ought to remain chargable with all taxes, and liable to all publick Orders made for the States service, or the common good of all Planters, equally with all other ingagers in that common undertaking. And now from the Adventurers which are only a part of the planters, let us pass to the generall design of planting, and let us contrive as far as lies within the ci [...]cle of our comprehension how the same may be best formed and regulated: Let it be inquired into, first what is the necessity of this undertaking. —Secondly, what time will be most oppertune to enter upon it. —Thirdly, what part of Ireland will be most commodious to be chosen as a stage for the commencement of this work. —Fourthly, what rules, and me­thod we shall best observe throughout this whole transaction. —First, this war (as has been said) proposed to it self from the beginning two fair, lawfull aims, satisfaction and security: and now it is apparent that neither of these can be obtained till Ireland be made England, by English Colones founded in it, and spread over it. In the point of satisfaction, we neglect not Gods part, we know the general defilement of blood, which has over­flowed the Land, ought to be expiated before him in pursu­ance of his speciall command; but we know not how regularly and judicially to proceed against the principal authors of this defilement, divers intricacies perplex the case, for without the sword no justice could be gotten against the Irish, and that justice which is gotten by the sword wants formes of Law, and distin­guishes not betwixt authors and accessories, but rather wayves particulars and pursues whole communities: and therefore ha­ving no cleer warrant to offer unto God an expiation of blood shed extrajudicially, we dare not upon this account draw any more then form of Law, and the rules of peace will bear us out in, upon sufficient proof and evidence: we fear the whole Nati­on is obnoxious, in his fight, and every one of the Nation before his secret judgment has contracted guilt by consenting too far, [Page 19] or not opposing far enough what our Nation suffered; but the cognizance hereof must be left to his Tribunall, and man with­out a warrant, and a rule must not interpose in it; Neither dos the exterpation of whole communities stand with Gods usuall dispensations: and when God has been so far provoked to issue out generall condemning sentences, which has been very sel­dome, his commands have ever been solemnly delivered from heaven, and so made plain beyond all doubt and dispute, and yet some rebatement of rigor he has always tolerated also in the execution, out of favour to mankind. Amongst the Canaanites condemned to destruction, Rahab and her Family were saved for one act of piety unto strangers, though the same savour'd of trea­son against her own Country, the whole execution also in Cana­an by Gods own counsel was retarded for the conveniency of the Isralites, least the wild Beasts should have fructified and multipli­ed too fast upon them. And in the case of the Gibionites it is deci­ded that if the Magistrate ingages to save, whom God commands to eradicate, though he be drawn into such an ingagement rash­ly by the fraud of the party, that should not else have been sa­ved: yet Gods command shall give way to the Magistrates in­gagement, that so the publick faith may be kept inviolable: wherefore it seems that the Irish (as things now stand in Ireland) are rather to be lookt upon as the Gibionites, then as the rest of the Canaanites, and that in the point of satisfaction, we are rather to challenge them (universally and Nationally) of damage up­on our own account, then of cruelty upon Gods. And since God is so prone to dispence with his own command, when publick convenveniencies may be procured thereby, we which have no command to root out the Irish, nor can effect it without gratify­ing woolves, and foxes with all, more then our selves, need not scruple any intentions of favour in generall towards them. Our planting in Ireland amongst and together with the Irish may stand with piety wee see, for that it substracts nothing from Gods challenged expiation: but some will object, it stands not with charity, for that it disseises, and ejects the old Natives, and true proprietors of that Country: Faithfull Histories, and re­cords, for answer hereunto assure us: that Ireland originally as a member of this Island, (by Aristotle termed one of the two Bri­tish Islands, and by Ptolomy Brittain the lesse) was first peopled [Page 20] with Colonies from hence: that Gormond Lord of Biscay, after the death of his Father Belin King of Brittain, partly to ease Biscay, which then was over pesterd with too many inhibitants of the Scythian and Goothish race, and partly to recrute Ireland after a lamentable mortality transported thither out of Spain, the same stock of planters which now call themselves the old Irish: that these Spanish inmates never pretended to any Government by themselves, and severall from the Brittish till the Romans infested us here, and then they began to make head against the old pro­prietors, and to govern themselves by new Laws, and new Ta­nists, or petty Kings of their own: that about the year 579. af­ter the Romans departure, Prince Arthur reduced those inmates to their antient subjection, and made their petty Lords attend at Carlian to do him homage: that though the Irish had again an other opportunity to insult during the Saxonish broils and trou­bles here, yet upon the dissolution of that heptarchy Edger, again brought them into orde [...]: that though the No [...]man invasion here afterwards, and the civill wars that ensued upon the undue Co­ronations of Williams immediate successors, gave a third oppor­tunity to the Irish of incroaching, yet Henry the second, great Grandchild to William reinvested himself again in Ireland, and in the year 1172. was freely and absolutely submitted unto in legall form, by general consent in Parliament at Lismore, as Leige Lord of that Dominion: that for 100 years after the English remained every where as intire Masters, had little disturbance from the Irish, but kept them in aw as Aliens within their woo­dy, mountainous, and Boggy fastnesses, that though the Irish had more new advantages of attempting against the English yoke, during our Barrons wars here, about the end of Henry the third, and when the English Lords in Ireland began wars, and deadly feuds against each other, (perhaps upon the same quar­rels) but especially when Edward Bruice, brother to the King of Scots in the Raign of Edward the second, landed a Scotch Army in Ʋlster, and sided with [...]hem: yet the English still retained much of the Land, and all the ensignes of rule and Law giving, and after three years defeated, and slew Bruice in Battel: that though many English names and Families in severall ages ignobly de­generated, and mixed with the Irish out of love to the Brehan, or Tanish Laws, and other brutish usages of those Barbarians; and [Page 21] at this day our Irish pretending rivalls are more then half mun­grils, and of the old British extraction, yet down to Queen Eliza­beth, the English Scepter swaied uncontroulably in Ireland: all the Courts of Justice, all the walled Towns, all the stone built hou­ses, all monuments, that can testifie any thing either of Christi­anity or civillity, all were erected by the English, the Irish are scarce to be traced in any thing, but in some old beastiall cu­stoms, such as roving in kreets, plowing by horse-tails, eating horseflesh, and the like: that Queen Elizabeth found, and left Ire­land under peaceable allegiance, and intirely subjected to the English Government, and though for her Religious sake, and enmity with Spaine, some Irish Septs took the boldnesse to rise in Armes against her, trusting in Philip the seconds assistance, yet she lived to expell the Spaniards, and bring upon their knees all the Irish, and left to King James, and his Son after him, as quiet a succession to Ireland, and as unquestionable as to England.

Moreover, if the English were not the true old propriators of Ireland, yet so many ages interest, & possession intitles them now to a quiet injoyment of what is, or was theirs by purchase, or discent: and since the Land in 1640: before these desolations was scarce half stored with people, as other civiller Countreys are, and at this day wants more Inhabitants then both the Na­tions can possibly supply: nothing but diabolicall malice could make the Irish so opposite to our Plantations as now they are: if they reply that they do not so much abhor our cohabitation with them as our authoritie over them, they must consider, first, our ancient right to that authoritie: 2dly, our Nations puissance to make good that right, they are the earthen pots, we the brass, both of us cannot rule; and if we both justle and contest for rule, the earthen pot will crack: their experience may teach them that the brass pot has ever yet been too hard for them. 3dly, we aim not at a meer Empire over them, but an incorporation with them: only we say, that till they renounce those impious prin­ciples of Religion, and those bruitish dictates of nature which so lately spurred them on to this cursed, generall ass [...]ssinat on and defection, and till they have otherwise duly satisfied, and secu­red us, we cannot think of incorporating with them: and till we come to incorporating we must be sufficient protectors of our selves; in plain terms, we must be absolute masters of them, and [Page 22] this, if they were capable of honour, and justice, or sencible of their own good and safetie, they would not think horrid, or unreasonable.

But to quit this digression, our Ancestors were skilfull enough to conquer, but made ill use of their Conquests in Ireland, else they had not intailed these miseries upon us after all their noble exploits. When they were grasping after forrain trophies in Judea and France, they should have been ensuring their own Dominions in Scotland and Ireland: and then had England been doubly inlarged as well by the accession of so many friends, and as by the subduction of so many enemies. The Parliaments designs therefore at present are more spacious, and heroicall, they do not meerly propose to regain Ireland, but to regain Ire­land for the benefit of posteritie: and in order thereunto, they endevour to accomplish that by planting, which was not to be accomplisht by meer fighting. What then need be said more? the necessitie of this plantation is strongly to be inferred and urged out of the necessitie of the war it self, for if in the begin­ning of these broils we had no end of overcoming but to over­come, certainly all the blood, devastation, and destruction which in ten yeers we have drawn upon our selves has been so unnecessarie, that we can never answer it either to good or wise men. But if our ends did extend further, if we did aspire to solid satisfaction, and sound security, if we had in our breasts publick thoughts of dilating our Countrey, or religious vows of propa­gating the true faith of Jesus Christ, why do we not hold our selves now bound the more strenuously to pursue these purposes, the more neer we approach to the compassing of them? If cost, if danger, if toil, if any difficulty be pleadable now, sure the same was more pleadable ten yeers since, before we had cast away so much cost, and toil, and lost the fruit of so many dan­gers and difficulties. He that has prepared materials for build­ing, and raised his foundations to some eminence, and then leaves off building, and dismisses his Masons, upbraids himself of wilde folly; but He that goes on in his structures, and never ceases till the roof only wants laying, and then leaves all unco­vered to the injury of winds, and showers, exposes himself to greater censure, and derision. And the case is the same with such a sottish builder, whether He forbear to perfect his erecti­ons [Page 23] out of penury, because the charge remaining seems too great or out of vanity, because the work remaining seems cheap, and inconsiderable: that only condemns him of more pusillaminity, this of more stolidity.

2. The when, or the choisest season for our beginning to plant comes next into consideration. And for this nothing can be yet resolved, counsel must be taken in arenâ: when the Parli­ament has solemnly declared to the Irish what particular satis­faction, and security is expected from the Nation: and what speciall grace shall be allowed to such, and such excepted per­sons as they shall be marshall'd in such and such qualifications: And when the Irish have as publickly testified to the Parliament with what resentment, they embrace, or reject the judgement pronounced upon them: And when the Army is in a readie po­sture to bridle the outrages of the desperate Rebels, and to pre­vent distempers in the vulgar, and major part, then no occasion that is fairly offered is to be let passe unapprehended. In the mean time the platform of the whole designe ought to be deli­neated, and agreed upon here in England, and in order to its complement all the parts ought to be fitted, and squared before-hand for their proper places, and uses, that there might be no more noise, trouble, or protraction in progresse of our business when the first onset is given, then was in the erecting of Solomons Temple. Delay and precipitation are both to be avoided, but of the two precipitation may prove the more dangerous, foras­much as wise pauses sometimes spent in due deliberation, and preparation quicken our motions afterwards, when unadvised rashness makes us stumble in the middle of our courses, and so retards and checks us with sundrie unexpected crosses before we attain to the mark of our desires. Tis much to be doubted, that the preparations in England, and Ireland that are necessarie for so important, and so vaste an ingagement cannot be made rea­die thir Summer, and tis better to court the countinance, and favour of another yeer, then to indanger all by affronting the discouragements, and impeachments, that this threatens us with.

3. We are now to consider where, and in what part of Ireland our first scene may be laid most advantagiously, when we first addresse our selves to the onset, and are fitted for our ingresse [Page 24] into this eminent affair. Report gives out, that the Adventurers make earnest suit for the Town, and County of Waterford, to be granted them for the first reception of their Colonies, and that all the Province of Munster augmented with the County of Kil­kenny may be further assigned them for their planters afterwards to root, & spread themselves in. Against this I desire leave to ob­ject 1. That it crosses the statute in 1641. by which the Adventu­rers claim. 2ly, that it is likely to incommodate the major part of the Adventurers themselves, 3ly. That it is likely to prejudice the generallity of Planters; and they are in probability more in number, and otherwise of more consideration then the Adven­turers. 4ly. That it must needs disorder, incumber, and clog with sundry difficulties the whole busines of planting. For first, the statute manifestly provides for a planting by lottery, where­as this proposal makes the Adventurers chusers, the statute in­tends a distribution of planters into all the foure Provinces, whereas this proposal takes care only for the planting of one: the statute ingages only Lands according to such, and such pro­portions of acres, whereas this proposal passes Cities and Towns to the Adventurers: These things need not be pressed further, we cannot doubt but the makers of the statute had as deep a mean­ing, and as good a foresight, as these proposers have. Secondly, we cannot say, these proposers are truly representatives of the whole body of the Adventurers: and therefore if there be any of them that had rather stand to their lots in other Provinces (as the statute givee them right to do) then to be confined to Mun­ster, where there is like to be so great dispa [...]rity in many o [...] the lower subdivisions, these cannot fairly be concluded without their particular consents, nor can we say their consents are in­cluded, when the representatives are not of their particular choise. Thirdly, this design of planting is to be carried on, and speeded not only by the Adventurers, but by the concurrence of many others: the Souldiers in Ireland, whose respited a [...]rears in­teresse them deeply in this undertaking (and there will be be­sides other purchasers, & immediate Tenants to the State) have their eyes upon this work, and these may perhaps find them­selves aggrieved at this anticipation of the Adventurers, and conceive a great discouragement is put upon them, if they may not be choosers, as well as the Adventurers? The more willing [Page 25] these are, that the Adventurers should have a precedence in lots, the more unwilling probably they will be to see the Adventurers enjoy a preference of elections. Fourthly, this may many ways perturbe, and impede the whole planting enterprize: for the Ad­venturers are most of them rich men, that will expect large el­bowroom in Ireland, and their intention is to plant by Tenants, few of them will passe over themselvess, and make it their own busines, they are so well seated already in England: whereas if the poorer sort of planters to whom necessi [...]y has now made that Country a refuge, be more incouraged, tis to be hoped that they will ship away thicker, settle closer, and intend the busines of Husbandry better. State architects look upon the commonal­ty as the basis of ev'ry Common-wealth, and therefore are ever more tender of the bulky, grosse concernments of the Plebian or­der, then of the fine choise interests of the Knight, or Patrician. Moreover, this proposal concerning Munster seems to be far ex­celled, and exceeded by another proposal concerning Leinster, which speciously holds forth and submits to judgment these two pretences. 1. That Leinster of all the Provinces, is most wor­thy of the Parliaments speciall care in this busines. 2ly. That Leinster of all the Provinces is most fit for present planting: and being first planted, will best answer all interests. For the supere­minent value of Leinster, the more arguments might be used, the fewer will be necessary. Of all the Provinces it is the richest to invite, the amplest to receive, and the plesantest to entertain Co­lonies; and lying so neer to England, and being so well known to our Nation, and having been formerly much civilized by our Nation, it must needs be the most commodious scene for our first Actors to enter upon. It has been much ruinated of late in its Towns, and buildings: but its very ruins almost are worth the building in other Provinces; and if not so, yet Dublin alone, may almost compare with all the Cities in other Provinces, being in­deed founded in a pleasant soyl, decored with neat buildings, seated conveniently for a Trade with Chester, and Bristoll, well neighbour'd by all the Western Ports of England, and having this above all to commend it, that it is now almost all English, & Pro­testant. Secondly, Leinster besides its fertility, capacity, proxi­mity to England, civility, &c. has divers other pretentions to prefer it to the Parliaments special favour in the first introducti­on [Page 26] of Colonies, it being many other ways more fit for a speedy improovement, then Munster; or the two other Provinces: for, 1. this proposal concerning Leinster complies absolutely with the statute of 1641. and dos not all seek a crouding together of all the Adventurers into one Province, or making them a distinct corporation, (as it were) from the rest of the Planters: that pri­ority of order, or time which is here desired for planting of Lein­ster, is no more then must necessarily be granted to one of the Provinces, because all cannot at once be stored, and stocked; and yet as it is here desired, it spreads the Adventurers according to the intent of the Act made in their favour, it confines them not to any one quarter of Ireland: it likewise incorporates them in point of interest with all the rest of Planters, it divides them not to the weakning of the whole enterprize, and creating of con­tests, and differences. 2ly. The scituation of Leinster both in re­spect of England, and Ireland, speaks much for it upon this occasi­on: for till it be planted, England lies ready at hand to ship over supplies into it, & when it is fully planted, it totally so parts Ʋl­ster, from Munster, and so fronts upon the length of Connought, that it will be as one intire Garrison to prevent conjunctions in the Enemy, to break in upon the other Provinces at pleasure, up­on any hand, and to keep strict watch upon all conspirators, even whilst the smoke shall give warning of a flame following. 3ly. very many of the despoiled English Protestants have faire lands, and patrimonies there to recover; and very many of the Irish septs and most fighting Papists of old English extraction, have considerable holds, and retreits of strength there to loose: and in both these respects our armes will be well imployed in righting the one, and suppressing the other, as soon as may be: if the old English Nobillity, and Gentry did chuse to fix their pale in Leinster, notwithstanding the Mountains of Wicklo, and the Boggs, and Woods in the King, and Queens Counties, we may well imagine that the setling of quiet neighbours in those three Counties, would make that Province a very sweet, de­lightfull place for habititation. 4. In this province the Adven­turers themselves (so many of them as lots shall there dispose of) will be redacted into narrower bounds, and so they will leave the more room for other Planters; because by the Act, two acres here are equivalent to six in Ʋlster, to more then four in Con­nought, [Page 27] to more then three in Munster: and by this means all the planters there will be the stricter united, and consequently the better fortified. And thus, this Province alone (it is to be hoped) in a short time may have a trained, rurall militia of its own suffi­cient, to check any power of the Irish in the other three Provin­ces though conjoyned: and being scituated as it is, and totally cleered of the Irish, it would need no Garrisons, but frontire: nor half the number, it now has: eighty Garrisons as it is now plan­ted, cannot secure it; twenty Garrisons, as it may be peopled, will be more then enough: nay the same twenty Garrisons be­ing well kept upon the passes, and borders of the other Provin­ces, would be altogether as usefull in doing good offices before them to their friends, as to the new planters behind them, as well in awing the Irish abroad, as in protecting the English at home.

5ly. Leynster is the more conveniently, and suddenly to be stored with planters, because it is so neer Ʋlster, and thereby may so easily exchange Irish for Scotch inhabitants, and Tenants: For one main drift of our present proposal is, to translate and re­move all the Scots out of Ʋlster into Leynster, and all the Irish out of Leynster into Ʋlster; the Scots because they are not so numerous into Wicklo, the Kings, and Queens Countries especially: the Irish because they are more populous, either into Ʋlster, or some other inhabited parts of Munster, or Connought: as it shall appear more expedient: but our proposal is very sollicitous, that for the fu­ture, Ʋlster may be ever absolutely interdicted to Scotch inhabi­tants, and Leynster to Irish, or at least till the Nations be suffici­ently incorporated. The Irish Scots are of our Religion, general­ly well addicted to husbandry, and of peacable conversation: and much good may be expected from their association with us, and mixture amongst us, provided they be a little more sever'd amongs [...] themselves, and distanced from Scotland; but being sea­ted as they now are, in an intire body by themselves, and posses­sed of all the maratine parts of Ireland, which lye within view of Scotland, and where they may so easily and frequently passe and repasse, tis very unsafe for us not to displant them. I shall say little of the benefits of this double, interchangable transmi­gration; tis obvious to all, that by it the plantation of Leynster at present is likely to be facilitated, and much ensured; that Ʋl­ster [Page 28] is likely to be the better quieted for the future, and left the lesse exposed to any danger from Scotland: and that all Ireland is likely to reap much fruit from the prudent through settlement of these two Provinces, both as to the purpose of planting, and as to other severall purposes: but many exceptions, and difficul­ties will be here cast in our way, to which this trans-planting both of Scots, and Irish will be liable. It will be objected in the first place, that tis not agreeable to justice, and honour thus to disseize the Scots, and expell the Irish out of their old habitations: which scarce deserves an answer, for this translation may be so orderd, as that it shall bring dammage neither to Scots, nor Irish: and if it cannot be so orderd yet reason of State will be a suffi­cient warrant to us, to chuse a private mischief, rather then a publick inconvenience. It will be obj [...]cted next, that there will be many incumbrances, and insuperable obstructions in the bu­sines, especially from the Irish in the fast parts of Wicklo, and the King and Queens Countries: to which tis answerd, that if we now imploy well the present power, that late successes have put into our hands, (which certainly is such as our ancestors never had) we may rather hope to find our plantations instrumentall and advantagious to us, in expelling of our Enemies, then fear any advantages that may be taken upon this occasion by our enemies, for the impeding of our plantations: we have a brave military power in Ireland, that ere long may be at some leisure from other service, and then this will be a service proportionable for them: and if this differ any thing from direct military ser­vice; tis only in this, that tis more perfective, and lesse destructive to humane society, and that tis honoured with a neerer tenden­cy to the end of fighting, then fighting it self is. The taking in of Limerick was of great concernment to us: and yet this service which in probability will not cost us either so much blood, time, or treasure, is of far greater, and more publick consequ [...]nce. Be­sides the souldiery also, there will be multitudes of planters con­current in this hopefull undertaking, and questionles these will add much to the facility of the work, especially in the scouring of the Glyns in Wicklo, and purging the woods in the Kings, and Queens Counties.

Moreover, the Parliament may judge this design fit to be laid to heart, and lookt upon as necessarie as a Nationall war, yea [Page 29] and to interpose in it with as much vigor as they did ten yeers since, when it appeared nothing else but a Nationall war: and then perhaps one family out of every Parish in England may be prest, and sent over at the publick charge, which would perfect what we aim at in Ireland, and be no oppression, but an ease un­to England. Something more might be here projected: perhaps it may be thought fit that the same Ships which land English planters should return fraighted with Irish children above seven and under 14. yeers old, the same to be disposed of in every Pa­rish in England, and bred up in a good, and husbandly manner: and much might be said for this project, and the publick utility of it, as it would in some degree ingage the Irish unto us, and ballance us with the Irish: but it does indeed resemble a project too neer, and therefore I onely submit it, thus mentioned as it is, to men that can judge beyond resemblances. After Leynster some­thing might also be projected for the sudden peopling of Con­nought, and so making that all English, out of Virginia, and New-England, as likewise of sending Irish children thither: and some­thing might be added about the scituation of Connought in its longitude closing so amicably with that of Leynster, but the very word now grows tedious.

4. The How, or the Method of our planting fals in the last place to our consideration.

Ten yeers a fierce disputation lasted, and with the effusion of much blood been maintained; whether the Irish should give Law to us, or we to the Irish. In this dispute, it hath pleased God to plead for our cause, and to give us at last such prevalence, that Clanrickard can scarce now send any summons effectuall into a fifth part of Ireland to convene his Nobility and Gentry to a consultation with him, nor has he scarce one free Town left for them to meet, and consult in: and yet now he begins to make ap­plication for a treaty, in behalf of the whole Irish Nation: The matter to be treated on being the same, as has been all this while disputed by dint of sword, and is now almost come to a decision: he cannot but know, that treaties are then most proper, and ne­cessary when they may prevent the greatest mischief [...]: and that is, when armes are first taken up by two fresh competitors, or at least, before war be in its declination, whilst two competitors are both unfoyled, and have forces, and hopes almost equilibri­ous: [Page 30] but when treaties are very late offered by a party almost desperate, and tend only to the eluding and frustrating of ad­vantages fairly gained in the Field; they use to be exploded by the stronger side; and they are so far from promising any general good effects, that they often renew, sharpen, and prolong the cruelties, and calamities of war, by taking away that odds, which else would put a period to the controversie: we object therefore against this Treaty. First that it is offered too late: seven years since the Irish were answerable for a heavy, and fearfull arrear of blood, and damage: but now the same arrear is grown to so vast a bulk by the ruin and expence of war ever since: that all Ireland will be scarce found of value fit to discharge it. Second­ly, tis offered from a party too far broken, and the cause being now likely to be given against the Irish, they desire to alter the manner of trial, and come to a new arbitration of words; where­in they may become equall Judges again, of that which is al­ready judged very far on our side: the plain meaning is; they would fain recover by Logick, what they have lost by Souldiery. 3ly, tis offered by Clanrikard in behalf of a divided party, whose consents he knows not, nor can undertake for, he know his Au­thority is so far crusht in Ireland, that his summons can neither be legally served, nor duly obeyed in any one intire County: and yet if all Ireland could be orderly assembled by chosen Re­presentatives to communicate their true counsels in this affair, tis not likely there would be any unanimous agreement in any one certain result: for at present the major part of the Irish (by far) shelter themselves under the protection of our Army, curse the authors of the first sanguinary conjuration in 1641. declare against the Irish party now in armes, because abetters of the same, and ingage fidelity to the interest of England: now if there be sincerity in these things, the same Irish cannot joyn in a trea­ty with those they so far disclaime, against the interest which they so far own: but be it supposed that sincerity is wanting in the protected Irish: and that they study a mixt changable inte­rest, such as may make them capable of our protection, when they see that most seasonable, and yet leave them free to side with our enemies, when they see that most conducible, for their other ends: all this being neverthelesse supposed, must not divert us from our first proposed demands of satisfaction, and security: [Page 31] to the pursuit of these two, we have adhered constantly in the worst of times, and from these we must not receed now, when our condition is so far meliorated. Without full security obtain­ed for the future, all that we have fought for all this while, and woone from the Enemy, signifies nothing: and without full sa­tisfaction for our former sufferings, all our security will proove fruitlesse: and without a totall submission of the Irish to mercy, no satisfaction of commensurate value can be given us. Necessity inforces us therefore in this unparaled case of ours, either to lose or win all, either to be above or below treating; the sword has managed this busines so many years and brought it to passe so far, and none but the sword can now perfect it.

And of this we give plain notice to all the Irish, whether un­der protection or not: and we could wish that none hereafter would ambidextrously shift, and halt betwixt two contrary par­ties: let all such as are not wholly against us in these our pre­tentions declare faithfully for us; and let all such as are not wholly for us declare honestly against us. This is sufficient to answer Clanrichard and his overtures of a Treaty: and this is suf­ficient to inform us all of the manner, how we ought to order our first steps towards the settlement of Ireland by planters: that it must not be by Treaties, or parlies, but by terror and strength of hands. 2ly, As we are to make force our only way, so we are to see that we be not slack, or cold in that force: we must not put any separation betwixt subduing and assuring of Ireland, or conceive the warr is at an end till we see our Plantations extend as far as our Victories. For to seem to be strenuous, and valorous, in the ingresse into warr, and in the progresse of warr, and then to be negligent, and recreant in the close, and consumation of warr: and so wretchedly to dismisse & denude our selves of that main end, and advantage for which our war was commenced, is most unworthy of Statesmen, or Souldiers. Yea without doubt all prudent men will not onely judge the finall expedition of warre to be a part of warr, but also the most honourable impor­tant part of warre, such as merits more hazard, cost, hardship and courage then any other part of the warr. Wherefore it con­cerns the Adventurers very much to consider seriously how able they are to put themselves in the fore-front of this great under­taking, and to see that they grasp not more then they can hold. [Page 32] For if they go upon a sever'd interest from the rest of the Plant­ers, which must needs be thrice as many as themselves, and up­on mistake of their own numbers, and abilities obtain privi­ledges to the fore stalling of others more numerous, and able then themselves: nothing can be expected but that they will be too forward and miscarrie themselves in the work, or else by their backwardness (which will obstruct other men) the work must needs miscarry in their hands. When we grasp things proportionable to the compass of our arms, our hold of them is fast, and we easily bear them away; But when we over grasp our selves, and covet things too great for us, our hold becomes loose, and we commonly carry away nothing; but of this we need not be sollicitous, 'tis to be hoped, the Parliament will not adde to one, what must be substracted from another: or grant that in gratification of one particular branch, which is likely to be a meer detriment to the whole body: nor will they abso­lutely conclude any thing of that nature at so great a distance here without referring to the advise of their principall Coun­cellors, and Ministers upon the place there.

Thirdly, in our next steps toward this settlement, and seizin of Ireland, we shall do well to consider how we are to look upon the Irish joyntly, and how and with what discrimination we are to look upon such and such of them severally; For as to the point of future security, we may justly fortifie our selves by all due means against that Religion, as wholly dangerous; and against that Nation, as wholly perfidious: if it be urged, that all of that Religion, and Nation were not ingaged against us in the same offices of cruelty, and trechery: we answer, that the English in the day of their distresse found pitty but from very few in Ireland, and that pitty also was so weakly demonstrated, that it prooved no defence at all to them as to their estates, scarce any at all as to their lives: and therefore if ever we leave our selves obnoxious again to the like assaults of crvell Papists, and treacherous Irishmen, when prevention may be used, we shall be parties against our selves, and equally guilty with our enemies, of the cruelty and treachery that is used against us; In this our case therefore, if we secure not our selves against every one, we secure not our selves against any one, and since inculpata tutela is the only thing we aim at, (a thing so highly countenanced by [Page 33] the Laws of Nature, and all Nations) we scruple not, but we may go very far in our circumspection: yea and justifie our ut­most jealosies against the whole Religion, and Nation. Then as to the point of satisfaction, we also demand of the whole Nati­on of Ireland a full satisfaction for all the damage that has been sustained by our Nation of England, ever since the breaking forth of this most detestable conspired treason: war has its laws as well as peace, and when the Laws of peace are declined, tis a most righteous thing that the injurous party, declining the same, should be left to the Laws of War, how rigorous soever. Now against the Irish we shall cite this Law of war.

And this Law is as ancient as war it self, and likely to be as long lived. This old Canon reads them a difference betwixt the sen­tence of the long robe, and the short: The long robe had only condemned the particular wrong doers, and given damages against them, adaequate to the wrong done: but that being wa­ved, and the Souldiers adjudication being appeal'd unto, the wrongs of the English are only repaiable by the intire rights of the Irish; all the Irish, none excepted, have forfeited all that is to them appertaining in Ireland, nothing excepted. If they tell us, that Juridicall Courts may be now opened, and legall remedies may be applied for the doing of right, to all particular parties aggrieved: we answer, that the intervening confusions of war have not only made this offer now too late, but also the very aim of it impossible, and that satisfaction it self which it seems willing to hold forth to us, altogether uncompassable. The Eng­lish sufferers that should now complain, the witnesses that should now give information, the instruments, and evidences of fact, that should now stand up in judgment, & declare against the Irish were almost all overwhelmed in the generall ruin many years since: and if there be some few Plaintiffs surviving, either they find many of their proofs wanting, or the chief depraedators, & assassinators dead, fled or insolvert, or most of that which they should recover, is spilt like water upon the ground: besides in such trials what Judges, what Juries, what witnesses will be ad­mitted to be competent betwixt the Nations? and at last if par­ticular men could be still repaied by particular men: yet by what [Page 34] juridicall course shall the State of England be reimbursed by the Irish, for all its publick damages sustained in these broils; but for further answer hereunto, we add that though our justice concludes the Irish all, and singular liable to those our challen­ges of reparation, and looks upon all the late inhumanities, as Nationall, and chargable upon the whole body of the people: yet our mercy will exempt all such as really did resist the same to their utmost power: nay the Parliament questionles will not only perform indemnity to such as have been manifestly pure from rapine and violence, but also rebate much of the Laws, as­perity and rigor towards thousands, that have been in arms, or contributed assistance against them. Future generations, we hope, shall acknowledge that the English laws, and government intro­duced into Ireland, shall be as a new life to the Natives, and yet the incorporation that is intended of both Nations, shall make the Irish great gainers by all their losses, and glorious Conque­rors at last after all their defeats. And this brings us now to a fourth direction for the manner of our comportment towards the Irish, when we have advanced some steps further into this weighty undertaking: when the Irish upon the Parliaments De­claration are put to a plain discovery of themselves, that they must either humbly, and quietly conforme to it, or instantly, and avowedly betake themselves to their weapons, for withstand­ing it: they will, as it were, mark themselves out with their own hands, for pardon or the sword: and so the right dispensing of justice, and mercy will be the lesse difficult to the Parliament. For then we have a good experimented, never-failing rule to guide our selves by; and that is; not to blend severity, and cle­mency in one, and the same masse, or composition: but to di­stribute each severally, and purely by it self as occasion shall re­quire. After we have once discerned throughly, who they are that hitherto have been most authoritative, causative, & active against us: and who for the time to come, are likely to be most irreconcilable to us: (for those and these are commonly the same) we must not think such fit objects of favour or indul­nence: all relenting thoughts towards such as these, arise from effaeminate passions in us, not from true principles of commise­ration: and for the most part every ounce of blood, they save to our enemies at present, afterwards draws a pound of blood from [Page 35] our selves, or our dearest friends: in like manner, when time and proof has informed us sufficiently, who they are that hitherto have been most instrumentall, subservient, and passive in these stirs, and who by reason of their mean condition, are likely for the time to come, to be most easily obligeable to us by mercy, and humanity (for those also most commonly may be pointed at by these,) then will it be policy in us to obleige such beyond expectation, and ordinary precedents: there is an art both in exhibiting graces, and inflicting of penalties: and by the same art, our clemency is rendred far more sweet, and our rigor far more majestiall. This art fastned the Scepter in Solomons tender hands, and doubtles his quick vndanted proceedings against his elder Brother, against Joab, and some other potent Delinquents, made as deep impressions of reverence upon the peoples hearts, as all his other incomparable Princely acts of spendor, and magnificence.

The famous story likewise of that Romane Army, that fell in­to an Enemies hands, and had quarter given, but very dishonor­able, recommends this act the more to us. For the adverse Gene­rall at that time had an opportunity either of breaking the Ro­mans strength, for prevention of future annoyances; or of inga­ging the Romans to gratitude, for the procuring of a more ami­cable correspondence: according to salubrious counsell both ways given: but he chose rather to make an odde mixture of favour, and disfavour; and having not a heart large enough, to­tally to oblige, or totally to suppresse, he lost both those advan­tages; and put his Countrey upon a new, fatall triall for its li­bertie, against the same Army, vehemently now inraged with reproach, and as intensively reinforced with rage. And now it were to be wisht that the Irish Nation were in the same state, and as intirely of the same peice as the Romans Army then was; that either one severe stroke might perpetually prevent them from future insurrections, or one free condescention of grace perpe­tually ingage them to future amitie; nay it were to be wisht, that it were more safe for us to ingratiate, then to ruinate: but this is beyond all hopes and thoughts, and therefore as things now lye before us, we are necessitated to look upon the Irish as contrary, and divided in themselves: upon some of them as re­concileable, and qualified for mercie; upon others as implaca­ble, [Page 36] and so utterly uncapable of any thing but destruction. But for our distinguishing here in a right we shall not need (as was before insinuated) many documents, we shall not need such dark intimations, as the staffe of old Tarquin did once privily return to his Son from decapitated Lillies, and Popies (though the lan­guage of that staffe was very politick, and significant) our Ene­mies will soon enough make discoverie of themselves how they stand prepared for pardon, or vengeance: the principall care that lyes upon us will be, onely to administer, and deal forth pardon, and vengeance, each of them pure, and unmixed with a hand equally free, and bold.

But soft: this Discourse is alreadie spun out too long, I fear: and I would not offend by my prolixity, where I have so little hope otherwise to profit, or satisfie. If what has been here said has but evinced the work of planting to be as worthy of our States care, and as deserving of a vigorous pursuit, as any Na­tionall war is; yea as the warre of Ireland it self was in 1641. if it has but rightly stated, and facilitated some materiall points for higher debates: if it has but tenderd any one seasonable ad­vertisement for the ordering of our first motions, and addresses in this great work: I may be perhaps incouraged hereafter to ad­venture further upon the same subject, and be as free in a second discourse in conducting our plantation to its period, as I have been here in making things ready for its first procedure. But if I have fail'd in all these, for want of a judgment equall to my zeal, I humbly begg a favourable excuse from those few Readers, that shall receive the trouble of perusing these Papers.