THrough the unlimited wickedness of the London. Calvinists (the first of that Name in England) King CHARLES being taken away, His head­less Body (by order of Parliament (not to the Royall Abbey of St. Peter in Westminster, the solemne Bu­riall-place of all the Kings and Queenes of England, but to Windsor twenty miles distant from London, in HENRY the Eight's Monument) was Translated to bee interred. There was no Pompe at all to grace his Funerall, only a few Souldiers sent to Guard his Body, which some few Nobles (with the Duke of Richmond) waited on; where his Corpes being put into the Sepulcher, from out the Penetrall thereof there broke a horrid Sound, which the standers by at first a­maz'd with much wonder; But by and by a voyce attending that Noise, forc'd them All into a fearefull astonishment. And it is Credible, that ev'n the Souldiers would have taken their Heeles, but that casting away all feares and Apprehension which they had long since layd aside of either Heaven or Hell; They resolv'd to heare the sequell of that Prodigie; J also who (growne Pale with feare) had begun to flie, Recollected my Spirits, and (comforting my selfe with the presence of the Souldiers, not uncovetous of Hearing what would follow) stood my ground; And with the rest at last discovered that it was the Voice of Henry the Eight, thus complaining with a Loud and horridly frightfull Vocifiration.

HO! Who is this (with Sacraligious impietie) that dares vex the so long quiet ashes of a King so many years since deceased. This said, another voice straight rose somewhat softer, but extreamly Dole­full, which seem'd to be Kings Charles his, thus An­swering.

I Am that unhappie King of England your Succes­sor, the undoubted Heire of Sixty two Monarchs whose Scepters sometimes sway'd these Nations, and who my Selfe have (now these twenty yeares and upwards) worne the Kingly Diadem.

As though thou indeed hadst worne the kingly Diadem? Why thou hast no Head at all whereon to put it, Man.

But I had one (oh my Griefe) and very lately, though my Subjects have rebelliously taken it from me.

Have thy Subjects then thus cruelly han­dled thee, oh the hatred of both God and Men! How I pray you came these things to passe? And what wickedness hadst thou done so execrable which hath transported thy Subjects to that Madness.

That Sir, I am totally ignorant of; but this I dare with confidence affirme, That I have violated no mans Bed, have not offerd force unto any on's Daughter, driven no man from his house or Lands; of all which, yet Henry the Eight my Predecessor is held [Page 3]guilty through the totall universe. Let these say who have brought me hither whether in any thing I have bely'd the Truth? then paus'd a while as though to heare what they would say, whilest the Soldiers (with their looks cast downe) consented by their Silence to these verities. And most true it is (indeed) what hath been said; for never King since the worlds Creation was more wicked then that Henry I speake of, as who (councell'd by one CROMVVELL of those Times) ei­ther violated all Divine and humane Lawes, or gave the example to his successors of doing so. But as for Charles who is so lately deceased (only abstracting from the Blot of Herisie) no King ever (not only of his time) nor Private man was either naturally more equitable, more holy, or endow'd with greater Vertues, who (not finding what he said opposed) in this maner follow'd on his Narration; I was criminated for defen­ding with Armes what peaceably (but in vaine) J had endeavoured) those very Lawes the which my Ance­stors had left to me, and which Sixteen and upwards of yeares, I had uncontroledly Rul'd by and Reign'd. Hereupon were there Iudges appointed (by an usurped authority of Parliament) who should sit and deter­mine of my Head, witnesses against me sworne and examined, who had conspired to take away my Life; The day set downe and forces brought the w ^ch should carry me to be arraigned before their Dire Tribunall, and though I call'd both God and men to witness their violation (in this proceeding) of the Lawes, and that no Power on earth was capable of judging me; as al­so that I tooke not up Armes, before that Armes had first been actually taken against me; yet Iudgement [Page 4]or rather the shadow thereof) was given by which J suffered the decollation of my Head.

Oh wickedness, even sear'd to impudence, and of which as ages past are wholly ignorant, so those to come will hardly ever give credit to. Wee have heard perhaps of Kings and Potentates, who have suddenly been oppressed by the Fury of a Raging and incensed multitude; But that any one (a Prince of such High majesty) should be brought to death by the cruelty of his Subjects (all of one and the selfe­same Religion) under the colour ev'n it selfe of ju­stice, and be obtruncated by the publique Hangman, (but especially not found guilty of any crime, unlesse propugning his Paternall Rights.) Since Kings had be­ing was yet never heard of. For (that Mary Queen of Scots that Neice of mine, was most cruelly and inhu­manely Beheaded) that Elizabeth my unhappie daughter Queene of England (and in hatred of Reli­gion not the unnaturalness of her Subjects brought to passe; and therefore all men have that Izabell or ra­ther Jezabell in veneration, as though indeed a Mar­tyr.

Least I should seeme too much to stand up­on my innocence, I confesse I was to blame (although not charg'd therewith) when I assented unto Straf­fords dying (not least guilty on my knowledge of his Charge) through the lenitie of my Nature (though unwillingly) wherefore respecting that strict Father of justice (whose dominion is juster over Kings, then that of Kings over other mortals) I cannot waile my Blood so spilt unworthily, who ( Pilate like) subscrib'd anothers death, having declar'd him first wholy inno­cent in my judgement.

Had this been the cause of thy Calamity, those other rather much should have been puni­shed with the losse (by Heavens just vengeance) of their heads who Thee being innocent made thus guil­ty by their prejudice, and (however against thy will and Relucting) as by the shoulders forc'd thee head­long forwards into that most horrid iniquity of their judgement. Therefore some thing there must necessa­rily be more which have caused this so execrable fate to thee; nor know I why thou shouldest here be more obtruded on me, thou thy selfe canst tell me any just cause why thou wert stripp'd out of this miserable Life by so shamefull and opprobrious a death; if thou camest (as such thou boasts thy self) of Kings, had it not been meeter thou hadst layd thy Bones amongst thy ancestors then trouble here my rest and quiet?

I earnestly (indeed dying) desired to have been buried in the Tomb of my Father, but who spoy­led me of my life deny'd that boone to me. Fearing I beleeve least lying so neer them, that the voyce of my Blood would cry more loud to them. But in this they have not only been inhumane to me; Many other and most grievous indignities have I suffered in my shame­full way of Dying. At Westminster where my Self and my Ancestors (the Kings of this Nation) were Inau­gurated, was I forc'd to heare the Sentence of my Life from the mouth of a silly Petty-fogger, when accor­ding to the municipall Lawes, no Noble man can be judg'd but by his Peers. At St. Iames his was I keep'd close Prisoner, whilest my Enemies did determine of my Head, wholly cast upon their Arbitrary judging me; a Place above all others lov'd by me, through the [Page 6]memory of my past there Childhood, where my youth also had been harmlesly entertain'd with many inno­cuous and most innocent oblectations. The Scaffold for my death appointed, rais'd directly before the Court of my house, unto which that I might come with more regret and also shame, ev'n through those roomes they dragg'd me, where (to honour Forraign States Embassadors) with Royall pompe, I used and Masques to recreate them. I beheld also (but with what sence of indignation?) his head cover'd, & Eyes sternly fixed on me, Oliver Cromwell one of ordinary extraction and (abstracting from what Fortune hath rear'd him to) much more despicable then the meanest of my Nobles (how much short then of the majesty of a King) sitting umpire of my life and death. But though these things were very grievous and deplorable, yet that one was even then death it selfe lesse tollera­ble to me, when my eares (the Blood yet spinning out my veynes) swallowed in that fatall mandate from the Cryer, that it should be death to call my Son or Prince of Wales, or destine him to bee his Fathers successor. And then indeed it truely appeared, as conjectured by the wiser in the beginning, that not the King so much as Rule displeas'd the Rebels, who conspired so unani­mously my death, to the end that That aswell as I should be extirpated. Yet this one thing very much consolates my Griefes, that (at least) I have been de­stin'd to this Place, where I cannot doubt of your more courteous reception of me, as being Nephew of your Sister the Princess Margaret, her I meane who mar­rying Iames the fourth of Scotland, bore that Mary of whom so lately you made mention, and she Iames [Page 7]my late Father since deceased, unto whose Scepter she gave both England and Scotland, unto which James, I Charles the first (as Heire unto my Father) have suc­ceeded.

Hom, what's that J heare, and art thou that Charles then the Son of James, to whom from me by Elizabeth that Kingdome is divolved by Succession? art thou I pre-thee that self same Charles, and canst not see how all these evils have oppressed thee? But it seems thy eyes yet very well see not (newly come in­to into this region of Darkness) No! hadst thou re­membred how a long while agoe I drew from out that yoake my necke which in the Church I had full 20. yeares drawne in, after first I was annointed King; I, and defended with both Sword & Pen too, thou woul­dest lesse wonder that (after 20. yeares Reigne) thy Subjects should have so departed from thee; Thou canst not be ignorant that amongst all the Christian Kings J was the first that ever arrogated the Supre­macy and would be cal'ed The Head of the Church, which Titles that I might knit them to my Crowne with a knot that should never be unty'd, Oh! what Blood have I not shed of Martyrs? This sinne of mine so long since committed, being to be expiated by the blood of a King, both this Scepter and monstrous Head together were at once to perish; this was long agoe decreed by the Fates, as we may judge now 'tis come to passe. But more then all this J will tell you; There was a Person of great note during my Reigne, of whom many things thou canst not choose but have heard, whose Name was called Thomas Moore. This man (adorned with vertues so transcendent many ages [Page 8]could not match his worth) from a Pleader (at the Barre) of the Law, and (having regard unto his merit and Learning) I call'd to be Lord Chancellor of Eng­land. But I seemed only thither to have rais'd him, that I might depress him from the greater Hight; For when (following the dictamen of his Conscience) he would not owne me the Head of the Church; I commanded forthwith His to be cut off; So that whilest Playing Calisthenes hee fell into the hands of Alexander. Goe thou then now (Head of the Church) and complain, that by the Sentence of a pittifull Law­yer Thine is also cut off from thy Shoulders. Or ra­ther seest thou not plainly in these Prodigies the Te­nor of Gods admirable Iudgements? It was grievous to thee to be a Prisoner at St. James his; where thou hast so innocently in thy youth disported thy Selfe; but thou minds not that I formerly (by violence and Sacraledge) snatcht those Houses from the Church, as not long after all the Goods of the Monks, the Car­thusians, Bernardins, Cestersians, Canon Regulers, and so of all the rest; But more especially of those of St. Be­nedict, whose houses and Estates I confiscated, being the most Splended and Opulent of all the Kingdome, by an injustice till that Time not ever heard of; wher­fore as I (for that they own'd me not their Head) cast in Prison many innocent Religious, and from their Houses made them hve unto the Gallowes, so then hadst for thy Prison (where thou sufferedst) a house that had been heretofore Religious, I hang'd up seve­rall Abbots at their doores to give a terrour (by their sufferings) to the Monks. And what wonder, if (to the astonishment of Kings and Kingdomes) thou hast [Page 9]suffered at the doores of thy Pallace, an ignominious and opprobrious Death? But knowest thou not (o­ver and above) that this very Pallace (the House of thy abode) was the dwelling place of the Bishops of Yorke, which I extorted from Cardinall Wolsey; A man sometimes highly advanc'd by me, whilest ser­ving my unbridled Lust; but whom afterwards I utterly Confounded, when I judg'd it for the availe of my Avarice. Nor prophan'd I only the Episco­pall houses to ungodly and Nefarious uses, but Com­pelled ev'm themselves the Bishops (from their Obe­dience to the Roman Sea) into an acknowledgement of my Iurisdiction in Church affaires, unlesse only who presided over Rochester whom when neither with faire words nor menaces I could draw into the defection of the rest, I beheaded to compleat my Sacraledge. Behold therefore if or not it were fatall and most agreeable to the Heavenly justice, that this Head of the Church (so Admentitious) should have been cut off before the doores of the Bishop? To give Promotion to the affaires of my Primacy; I made me a Vicar of one CROM­VVELL of those Times, a man of very meane ex­traction, unto whom (and hee of Lay condition) both the Bishops and Archbishops were as under­lings: Now another of that name (and like dis­cent) Rules as absolute over all thy Nobles, and Guides the minutes of thy Life and Death. The very same I made my Principall instrument of kee­ping from their meanes the Church its children, and of bringing on the Baine of that Religion so [Page 10]long practiz'd in the Times of my Ancestors) which I would call The Reformation of the Church; I enter'd to this Kingdom (from my Father) when it was Ble­mishless, entire, and truly Regall; nor in any thing unto any one obnoxious, only (as fitting, in things that were Spirituall) paying submission to the Vicar of CHRIST. Thou received'st it when strengthless and wounded, rent, and torne from the yoke of St. Peter, (so just, so sweet and so amiable) wholy slav'd unto the Vicars of the People, chose to governe by the votes of the multitude.

Too too true (by the losse of my Head) have I found those very things which thou hast said to me, and now lately (unless by others allowance) that I had nothing either of Life or Kingdomes, which was not wholy in the hands of the Parliament, since puff'd up with fond pride and contumacy (by thy Example) I have swarved from the Church; yet fear'd I not the qublique Hatchet would have struck me by the hands of Rebels, with such pompe and seared impudence at my death, but much more dreaded Secret councels and impoisonings.

But of that thou shouldst the least have been afraid; for the punishment would not have answered the offence. Publique sinnes must have publique Ex­piations, nor sought I corners in which to perpetrate my wickednesses, but sinn'd boldly after once I had be­gun, only I drew indeed the masque of justice upon the Face of my iniquities; the Supremacy (as though my due) of the Church, unto my Self I arrogated, calling a Parliament by a Decree, whereout I quite abolished the Roman Seas authority; I repudiated (by pretence [Page 11]of Right) the woman that was my lawfull Wife; the Possessions (likewise wholy of the Clergie) under the same colour, I occasioned to be confiscated; whosoe­ver was averse to my Supremacie (as though guilty of High Treason) I put to Death. Wheresote when our sinnes (for which wee worthily are punished) are co­uered over with the veile of justice, no wonder if the selfe same vizard likewise veile us when our selves at last we come to suffer.

But these Audacities (from their Subjects unto Kings) are the effects of most unheard of wic­kednesse.

I confesse it, but with how much greater wic­kedness are those insolencies by our selves deserved? Such sin only against a mortall Prince, but we Prin­ces against an aeternall Deitie. But you (Sir (unless a mark'd out Sacrafice God so willing) for your sinnes enormities) could you not have mocqu'd that arrest of Popular judgement, by your Prerogative in dis­solving of the Parliament?

I did what I could to dissolve it, but I pray heare what follow'd after my so doing. The Scottish men (my naturall Subjects) in hostile sort invaded England with their Armies, whom opposing in their march at Yorke, an humble Booke came to my hands by Kymbolton, under written by certaine Noble men of my Kingdome. —

King Henry hearing Kymbolton nam'd after fetching first a very deepe sigh. Oh, Katherine (sayes he) [...] Kymbolton (that Woman of all other most deare to me) as excelling all her Sex in vertue, whom I Banish'd (Heav'n forgive me) from my Bed [Page 12]to make place therein for that Strumpet Anne of Bol­len, afterwards publiquely beheaded (for Adultery) hath exchanged this so hated Life! This Divorce (a­gainst both heav'ns and humane Lawes (to the end that I might make it firme) made me usurpe unto me the authority of the Church, when (unless with so horrid a Sacraledge) I could not uphold the impiety of that villany. Hence broke upon our selves and both our Kingdomes, the inundation of all these pressing miseries.

When (holding forth Kymboltons Booke) from this sayes he, as by one wave of a Deluge hath also flow'd the totall Sea of my disasters; for unadvi­sedly (O my griefe) I condiscended (they so craving) to a Treaty with the Scots, in which J bound my selfe firmly to make Good what in my name, should (by my Delegates) be agreed upon. These Deputed (O imprudent Drones or rather indeed perfidious Tray­tors) gave concessions to the insidiating Scots to take strong Holds into their hands within my Kingdom, till such time as by my Kingly authority the Parliament (then dissolved) should be revoked. Writs therefore I accordingly issued forth, The Scots are most Liberal­ly gratifi'd, nor doe they suffer them sooner to leave England, then that first J had engaged my Princely Faith (by a writing under my Hand and Seale (this Hamilton also unhappily Councell'd me, that unfortu­nate kinsman of mine) not to anull the said new Ses­sions of Parliament, till such time as they should all thereto assent.

Oh, stupiditie or rather extreamest Madness. Didst thou not see when to thy stiffe-neck'd People [Page 13]thou Granted this, that thou putt'st a finall Period to the sway of thy Kingly Authority? This was one and the self-same thing, as if thou hadst given into the hands of the Parliament thy Scepter and thy Princely Dia­dem; on condition not to have them again untill such time as they should please to restore them Thee; But much otherwise should I have handled mine; Though now it is as cleere as noone day, that the measure of my Sins hath been made-up in Thee, by Thy unhappie Participation of my Schismes, and that (by blin­ding the eyes of thy mind (in Propitiation of the of­fended Dietie) Gods just vengeance hath brought on Thee destruction. — Whom God will destroy hee taketh away their Right understanding. But when once it was come to that passe, Thou shouldst have gain'd (at least) the Parliaments votes unto Thee, by giving Honours to them and other vast Largitions.

Even that in what I could I attempted. But much otherwise (God he knowes) it come about; For my Catholique Nobility and Bishops (whose votes I most rely'd on in Parliament) were ejected by the adverse Faction. They were both indeed very Passio­nate for my good; the Catholiques as hoping I would mitigate the asperity of the Lawes in Force against them, by Queen Elizabeths and my Fathers constitu­tions; The Prelates also as probably expecting a con­servation of their Meanes and Benefices (then threa­tened in another way) From this Head of theirs (O God) how ridiculous! Having lost thus in the House of Lords (for the Lower was of little consideration to me) more then twenty and upwards of Suffrages, who remained more indulgent and Firme to me, were [Page 14]intimidated (thereto Bookes cast abroad) by the tu­multuousness of the Apprentices & Tradesmen, which Seditions the adverse party of the Parliament with all the eagerness that they could, fomented. At Westmia­ster also scandalous Bookes were written against me, at the pleasure of those Parliamentary Rebels, which (their Emissaries farre and neare dispiersing them) by some Provincials (thereto courted) were Subscribed, and exhibited suddenly after to the Parlia­ment, as though (nothing on their part suggested) the whole matter had by the People been exacted.

The very selfe-same Fraud and Collusion did I practice to the Church its ruine; For first of all (by writs and declamations) who were Refractory of the Clergie I indulged, in doing whereof I pretended Reformation, and not ruine which was really my De­signe (like your Rebels, who in the beginning of their Defection even by Oath and Publique Faith oblig'd themselves, not to attempt against your Person, Realms or Church, but to defend them with their utmost power) though however of some Defects in Church and State (by removing frō you certain evill Councel­lors) they seemed to pretend a Reformation. And least any thing should have the face of Oppression which I did, I procured certaine Bookes to flye abroad with whose Sence I was very well pleased, which the Monks in their owne names should write to me, neare accor­ding to this following Tenor. —

SInce the goodnesse of GOD (with your Highnesse concurrence) hath so wrought, that in these Later dayes (the Darkness of Times past dispierst) a new and veritable Light hath appeared unto us; We heartily and [Page 15]humbly make Request, that you will free us from this Cloistered slaverie (the very path unto most certaine Per­dition) and restore vs to our Spirituall liberty; for which doing (to express our Gratitude) wee (freely and not a­ny wayes enforced, whom nor feare nor yet collusion Drawes thereto) Give you all our Houses, Goods and Lands, nay Iurisdiction to bee your owne for ever. — These Bookes I dispierc'd through all the Monasteries, and Commanded that every one should subscribe them, who would not to be forthwith hang'd. But especial­ly all the Abbots & Superiors, that the rest might by their suffering be intimidated; so that divers through the feare of death (as though really from their proper motives) were induc'd to underwrite these Papers.

I have signed also many things constrainedly, and (what is worse) been forc'd to sweare I did so wil­lingly. But so farre was this my easiness from availing me (especially about the City of London) that (after all whatsoe're they ask'd me I had given them with a full compliance) they still more and more increased their tumults; and observing all my Castles, Strengths and Navie, taken from me (with the totall Militia) it was then (when no meanes else were left me) that I betooke my selfe first unto Atmes, whereby to Guard my life, my Crowne, and my Dignity; wherefore (set­ting up my Kingly Standart) the most faithfull of my Subjects flie to me, whose numbers in short time so increased that I wag'd seaven warre with the Parlia­ment. During which time it was Remarkable to see how (more then others) the Roman Catholiques flock'd to me, and (for my good) expos'd their Lives and for­tunes. Those to wit who were formerly traduc'd (by [Page 16]the obloquies of most slanderous Calumniators) as suspected to both King and Kingdomes, for refusing of the oath of Allegeance) in which point they never yet were found defective) though falsly therefore called Recusants, but which also exacted from their Consci­ences an abjuration of the Popes authority, and an ac­knowledgment of my Spirituall Supremacy, these ve­ry men I say, though they tooke not that Oath, yet (unsworne) they never stucke at any thing in the w ^ch they might be Loyall to me and faithfull. But the Covenanters (call them Protestants or Puritanes (what did they (though against their Oathes, and highly ab­juring any such kind of Practice) but ev'n Tooth and naile bend all their forces to deprive their King of Life and Dignity. Nor wanted these their Plots at last success; For (money falling short to pay the Sol­diers (whom I therefore was constrained to dismisse) being my Selfe of all things destitute to extremity) I was glad (as to my very last refuge) to betake my selfe wholly to the Scots. But (oh unheard of and most shamefull perfidiousness!) those sold me to who would give most for me, by which meanes thus tost from Prison to Prison, these miseries as you see have overwhelmed me.

I wonder not (by the Parliaments authori­ty and insinuations) that some of thine have left thee; But how commeth it, that thy Country-men the Scots have taken Armes against thee, joyning with thy E­nemies?

This threefold defection (by the Scots) was indeed my utter ruine and overthrow; for if only I had contested with the English (by the ayd of other faithful [Page 17]of my Subjects (more in number very many then the Rebels) aswell in England as also in Ireland, I should easily have made good my Prerogative. But the Scots (on this occasion) fell from me. I fancying (forsooth) as Head of the Church, that it belonged most peculi­arly unto me, that not only the same tenor of Faith, through the extent of my whole Dominions, but the same Service also, Rights and likewise Ceremonies, should be uniformly in the same observed (the Arch­bishop thereto most of all exhorting me, whom I Re­verenc'd as though indeed some Patriarck) I comman­ded the Book of Common Prayer (a Forme of thy Son Edwards first composing) and the Surplice to be used by the Scots, who had not any either Publique forme of worship, or other decency of Ornaments in their Church, but (as now it is the fashion at Geneva) every one Babbl'd as hee pleases his owne impertinencies; strictly threatning with Exemplary punishment who thereto should not yeeld due obedience; which the people of Scotland observing, and that already it was put in practice, cryed out Popery is now violently For­ced upon us. Then tumults day by day increased, w ^ch the Calvanist Ministers fomented, who consulting the Puritanes of England (especially Hambden the chiefe of that faction) joyntly brought in the Scots upon this Nation (then in Peace) who with their Armies inva­ded it. This incursion (so rebellious) of those Traitors (like a River when its Bankes are broken downe) o­verflow'd my totall Realmes with Sedition.

Is it not as cleare then (tell me Charles) as Noone day, that our [...] affecting Church Supremacy hath confounded us [...] which now thou seest

Very true it is nor voyd of reason for so be­ing; yet doe I not reach how all those evils rather ceiz'd not thee (the first invader of the English Pri­macie) who (conventing all the States of thy King­dome, caus'd this Title of chiefe Head of the Church to be confirmed upon thy Selfe and thy Successors) Then poore mee who have but keep'd (and that too peaceably) what my Ancestors by their wills had left to me.

Oh Charles, how art thou grosly deceived if thou thinkest J doe not share in thy misfortunes? No Sin yet ever escap'd unpunish'd, nor was impunity ever allow'd to wicked persons. And to passe by what now at present I suffer) what tortures did not then dis­tort me, when my Executioners were those three Man­spillers Avarice, Cruelty and Lust. — And as for avarice so unsatiably it raigned in me, that having sub­verted 376. Religious houses, and snatcht away their Lands and Goods (by an Edict to that purpose which I made) scarcely one yeare had yet been fully gone a­bout, before I vex'd with such high Taxes all my Sub­jects as had never been before from them exacted, by which morsell now made keene and flesh'd (as it were) not long after (oh how rich and Opulent!) I confis­cated what remain'd o'th Church revenues, in the in­terim I gave hopes unto the Laytie that those goods of the Church would goe so farre with me, as to free them for ever from exactions; a Hearing so gratefull to the People, that they impensly for it favoured my abreptions? But so fool'd they were in these their ex­pectations, that I alone a little after more oppress'd them, then in fifty yeares before my Predecessors, after [Page 19]I had spoyl'd and raz'd a thousand Churches taken all unto my use that belong unto them, all their Coine, and Sacred vessels robb'd them of, Brasse, Lead, Shards, Seelings, nay even the very Rubbish set to sale (with all else vendible) besides two Chests from out the Church of Canterbury (so massie scarce foure men could carry one of them) so well cramb'd they were with Gold and pretious Stones) after all (I say) these things had been thus rob'd by me, J was reduc'd unto such very great indigence, that whereas I mix'd at first but two of Brass only, with ten ounces (by my Edict) of good Silver, I afterwards with two of current Sil­ver mix'd ten ounces of adulterate Brass; thus tortur'd (as you see) with endless Avarice; nor less roughly by my cruelties handled; — For full 20. yeares at least together (whilest I liv'd in the Communion of the Church) no one ever of the Kings shed less Blood, in all which time two only suffer'd of my Nobility; But afterwards when I fell from the Church (not more thirsty of Gold then of Blood) of all conditi­ons, all Ages, and all Sexes I exhibited a most fearfull Massacre. And that upon no other Demerit but that onely they withstood my voluptuousnesse. Foure Queens (with either Steele or Imprisonments) I tooke away which were the Consorts of my Bed, two young Princesses, and also two Cardinals (proscribing in his absence, the Third) who was very neare in Blood to me ally'd. Dukes, Marquesses, Counts or Sons of Counts at least a dozen I put publiquely to death; Barons, Knights Bannerets, or Knights to the number of 20. wanting two, Abbots and Priors 13. Priests and Religious 77. of lesser ranke and of the vulgar infinit. [Page 20]And (whilest belching thus on all sides my cruelties) the faithfullest of my Subjects most feared me, as witness that most horrid Catastrophe of Cardinall Wolsey, of Cromwell, and the Bullens, of the Howards, of Norrice, and lastly Compton. But as for Lust so ve­ry insatiably was I lost in it, that divorcing my best and lawfull Wife, I saw not any thing of that Sex the which I burnt not for, nor scacely did I lust that wo­man whom I one way or other did not violate. Was it not also for the punishment of my Sins, that your Father and your Self have raign'd in England? Who left nothing on my part unattempted, which I could thinke of to hinder your succession, that I might fix it by a masculine Birth unto the house of which my Self was discended? Two wives I forc'd unjustly from my Bed, and as many made to quit this Life; The fifth (who fell in troublesome Labour) I commanded to be ripp'd up alive, to the end to save the Infant which she went with, thus barbarously and inhumanely ad­ding; That it was easier to get more wives then chil­dren. The 6. ^th I also afterwards married (whom when thinking to have spilt, my selfe J perish'd). Yet (for all this my caring for Posterity (during fifty yeares time of my Life) no one ever lived long of my Survi­vors. A Boy indeed (of Nine yeares old) succeeded me in the usurped Supremacie, little knowing how to Governe himself, but much lesse the helme of Church jurisdiction, who had also first departed this Life be­fore attaining to his youthfull age. Mary also my legitimate Daughter (who cast out Herisie) enter'd afterwards to the Crowne, of whose Child I could have very well hoped (five yeares married to the Ca­tholiqe [Page 21]King) But that God (the just revenger of Homicides, Rapes, Incests and likewise of Sacraledge) barr'd my seed from inheriting the Earth, nor in vaine are his words or to be laugh'd at (thus importing) that the dayes of the Sons shall be cut shorter for the Fathers offences, — She dying soone after without issue, this Empire was translated into thy Line; But Elizabeth that illegimate Daughter of mine (begot in incest, and judg'd incapable of Governing by the Parliament, and my Selfe thereto assenting) step'd however into the Kingly throne, and would be called forsooth) the head of the Church by my example, under whose womanish Popeship at least a thousand suffered death for being Priests. But ridiculous is that Head which hath no Tongue; and a Woman (as the Apostle averreth) is not allowed to speake in the Church, yet is it admi­rable to see with what audacity she tooke upon her to usurpe the Church of God, who Missioning (with a womanish solicitude) her Ministers for the Planting of the Gospell, sow'd the seeds (as yet we see here in England) of a multiplicity of sowre-levened Herisies. And (after 17. yeares keeping her Prisoner) shee had cut off the head of thy Grandmother, doing acts of most unparalell'd cruelty by the example of my former Tyrannies, she discended without into —. Thus (in the first Generation) ended my Progenie, so true it is what the Kingly Prophet said, That the seed of the wicked shall perish, Psal. 37. and accordingly in another place, Their fruits shall be extirpated from the Earth and their seed from the Sons of men. I have been admo­nished by very wofull experience of the truth of this Prophets saying. So (to wit) it hath pleased the Al­mighty [Page 22]to laugh at the Councels of men. And this Reason the same Prophet superaddeth, For they contri­ved Councels which they could not make good, Ps. 29. For there is no Councell which will stand against God, Prov. 21. — as too too late (and to my cost) I have found true, wouldst thou yet be more confirm'd of these sad verities? Unto Edward (when I dy'd) my Son, I left twelve Turors all reputed Catholiques, and (ab­stracting from the Supremacy only (which I desired he should keepe in his hands) commanded he should be otherwaies bred up Catholique. All Herisies this only excepted by my Will I wholy excluded and abo­lish'd. But (as violating the Wils of my Ancestors, and subverting what they built and Consecrated, (so many Temples and monuments of Religion) I deserv'd not that my owne should be observed; Amongst the rest the Duke of Somerset was one (Uncle to Edward the sixth by the Mother) who (at my Death) I did as Guardian preferre to him. He infected (and my Son by him, with Herifie) brought in that (which most I Hated) of the Sacrament, which Queene Elizabeth (after both) Confirmed. A Monument I appointed for my Ashes much more sumptuous then ever any of my Ancestors, and yet hitherto I have failed of the same; (though alone of all the Kings of Great Britaine; Three children have in order succeeded me; Nor need I feare (now those are dead) to be forgotten, who (for my wickedness) shall aeternally be remembred. I am the marke of all mens hate of all conditions. To the Catholiques by good reason odious, cutting England from the Communion of their Church; abominated no lesse worthily by the Religious, as whose Families [Page 23]I have destroyed and sold their Goods. Equally exe­crable to the Church and Laytie; as first raising o're the whole Body of the Catholiques, that Persecution which to this houre afflicteth them. The Heriticks ev'n to death detested me (still pursuing them with fire and sword) Luther call'd me a stall-fed Oxe, and very often a most inhumane Tirant; Calvin drew out the sword of his Pen against my Tytle of the Head of the Church, which (so monster-like) to my Self J had arrogated; and mark'd me out by the Dint of his wri­tings, as one destitute of both feare and shame, in re­lation to both God and men. All the Literate will perpetually hate my memory, that I should root out and totally destroy so many monuments of Antiquity and Learning, such as scarcely in the world are to be Paralell'd. To conclude whilest I liv'd, the most did hate me, every one fear'd me, and scarce any one lov'd me. In my Later dayes (by the Furies of my Consci­ence agitated, like to Orestes) I would faine have incor­porated with the Church all those Kingdomes which I had torne from its Obedience (and in whatsoever I was able) I endeavoured a reparation of those wrongs I had done my wife. This at last in some sort I pro­vided for, giving caution by my last will and Testa­ment, that (if Edward my Son should dye issuelesse) my Daughter Mary whom I had before dis-inhe­rited (borne of Katherine) should succeed me in these Kingdomes. Oh, how often have I talk'd with my Familiers, about this first (to wit) of bowing to his Holinesse, and being receiv'd againe into his Grace and Favour? But having formerly [Page 24]cozen'd divers by those Arts, none would trust me (as being by all suspected) whom they eluded (as though seeking to entrap them) Thus abandon'd and forsaken by every body, I departed out of the Communion of the Church (these last words before my Death inge­minating) All is marr'd, — All is marr'd, — Monks, — Monks, — Fryers, — Fryers, — my Buriall was just like that of Achab, in the ruines of a Religious house; for when my Body was conveyed hither (ev'n a Dunghill through over-eating and Oppletion) the Lead (in w ^ch it was wrap'd) unhappily unsawdering, as it was set downe within the Ruines of this house, where while a Plumber (in all hast, to helpe it) ran this way and that way for materials) his Dog lick'd up my Blood most greedily. A revenge for that of Priests and Religious which I shed (Oh God) how just and deserv'd a one? Dost thou not see Charles how in my Person thus suf­fering, God hath warn'd thee that I departed not un­punished?

These are things very grievous indeed, and which deserve to be well ponder'd to all aeternity.

But though these things may seeme to mor­tals very grievous, yet (in comparison of what I suffer in Hell) they are meere trifles, and not worthy to be commemorated. For (besides what I have merited by my own) whatsoever I have sinn'd against another, what innovations I have forc'd upon Religion, superadd unto the increase of my torments; inasmuch as (by my usurping the Supremacy) I opened a Gap to all the mischiefes of Heresies. Wherefore as (superadditio­nally) I am here tormented, by the arrivall of any new come Ghosts, so is it just (since the afflicted com­fort [Page 25]the afflicted) that those very same, should have a share in my punishments who have maintain'd and keep'd on foot my Errours, as thou hast done; who (though the scourge of heavens just Ire, hath these ten yeares through three Kingdoms closely follow'd thee, and that too chiefly (for thy hatred to Religion) yet hast thou breath'd (with thy last Breath) a disobedi­ence, to the authority of the Sea of Rome (thy Bishop so of London perswading thee) nay moreover not the Primacy only which I left thee (but new Errors (in­troduced by Queene Elizabeth and thy Father) didst thou strive to uphold (of Prince Edward I here wit­tingly am silent) and (if other things be true which J have heard) thou stampd'st thy Coyne also with the inscription of Protestancy.

Oh Heav'ns, that That fatall Protestancy had never been hatch'd at least not come unto my Eares! It began (about thy time) in Germany when (the fol­lowers of Luther were called Protestants) whence it afterwards pass'd into England. And as Queen Eliza­beth (oh Henry) and my Father, were the first of all those that went before them who protested thy Reli­gion in these Kingdomes, whereupon hath come this name of Protestant. So (soon after) rose the Puritane faction, or the Calvanist, who impugned both the o­ther, and our Rituall (or Booke of Common Prayer) set in force with the 39. Articles. Which (subverting all Episcopall jurisdiction) doth yet glory in being called Protestant. Afterwards springs a Sect of Independents which protests against the three that went before, these are devided into hundreds of other [...]e [...]te [...]malion and new-broach'd Opinions, which yet all will needs [Page 26]be tearmed Protestants, and perhaps as many more there will yet rise (from out the Hydra of this un­happie Reformation) which will alwaies be impug­ning one the other. Heaven grant that with the milke of my mother I had also suck'd in the Religion of my Ancestors; for my Grandmother not only dyed Ca­tholique, but shed her Blood in the defence of that Re­ligion. But, as others may condig'nly have been puni­shed, for introducing or promoting of Errours; For vexing with much cruelty the Catholiques, and usur­ping or maintaining this Supremacy, I certainly never innovated Religion, of all others have bin mildest unto Catholiques, nay even next of all acceded to their Te­nents. In fine I have exerciz'd this Supremacy, with a moderation surpassing all the rest, and (by reason I did not judge it fitting, or becomming any Lay-mans un­dertaking) The whole charge thereof (at least the greater part) J recommended to the Arch-bishop of Canterburie.

But hast thou not observ'd that (of the whole English Episcopacie) only Canterbury in these troubles lost his head? (both Documents of the high­est instruction!) Thou, for Kings; and, that Patri­arch, for Prelates; who (if their Heads they would have stand upon their shoulders) must not make them­selves Heads of the Church (by hereafter prejudicing the Roman Iurisdiction) but what avail'd it thee to have approximated unto Popery, unlesse throughly thou hadst embrac'd that Faith; for it sufficeth not to stand in the Portch, unless thou enter into the bosome of the Church. Moreover many (in these [Page 27]gulfes below the Earth) are much more grievously Tormented and vex'd, because they knew but have not exerciz'd the Truth; that (in some things) King A­grippa was a Christian, was not sufficient to worke his Salvation; No (for that throughly hee was not con­verted by Paul) hee now burnes with me in aeternall flames, did I not my Self sometimes professe that Faith in all particulars (only abslracting from the Popes Supremacy) but Sinning in that one sole defe­ction, I am guilty of all those other Abominations. But hee that spar'd not Paul his incredulity (doing things of which he then was ignorant) will not spare this most execrated Head of mine, who have witting­ly, nay and willingly perished. But how frivolous is that which thou pretendest to extenuate the malice of thy crime, when thou faist thou didst not exer­cize the Supremacy, onely left it unto Canterbury to doe it. As though indeed thou hadst not Exer­ciz'd that charge whereunto thou hadst deputed ano­ther? Nay more, I hold that Strafford lost his Head (so Provided by the aeternall Iustice) for that also He then carried thine (as being thy Vicar) in the Church of Ireland.

As I have not wholly been exempt from all fault, so having (proceeded) much more moderately in the Supremacy, and promoted more the Peace of the Church, then all these others (who have passed before me) I would faine know why I am the most of all punished?

Thou hast not observ'd (it seemes) that jea­lous God (who punisheth in the Child the Fathers faultiness) how he scourgeth the impieties of the wie­ked, to the third and also fourth Generation, least (if only hee should scourge us in our selves) we might think that any enormions impiety, would be easily and more suddenly expiated, nor deferres he to punish till so long after, that his memory who sinneth should die, but least it should be forgotten that he was punished for sinning; Thou art the third now (from the cra­dle of Schisme) who hath raigned King, in which Ge­neration thou sufferest; For though my two Daugh­ters (first Mary then Elezabeth) have Successively in­herited the Crowne, yet those two with their Brother King Edward (who was my Son) make up but one Generation; if you number therfore either the Kings or Generations; — Edward me, James him, and thou James, have successively and in order followed; nor hath it happened (but by the hand of God) that the heavenly vengeance should have fallen upon thy head (the most innocent and moderate of all the rest) To shew that not so much thy private Sins have been cha­stized by his Rod of Iustice, as the Hereditary evils of thy office, with what impieties still attend thy Titles, — as it is said, — The fathers have eaten sower Grapes and the Teeth of their children have been set on edge, Ezek. 18. Which take not as though Children intire­ly innocent should be overwhelmed by their Fathers faultiness; For the Soule that sinnes it selfe shall Dye. But that such who are lesse faulty, nay ev'n innocent (as it were) in comparison of their Fathers crimes) doe yet suffer often something of their merit. For if [Page 29]that punishment had happen'd in the time of any wic­ked and luxurious Prince, I should not have sought for its infliction any where else; then from the crimes of such a Trus'd-up Potentate. But that my Subjects (who stile themselves Protestants) should (by taking off thy head) thus punish thee whom thy very Enemies cannot asperce with any crime, came not indeed by a­ny other way to passe, but through that Capitall trans­gression of our Pride, in presuming to be Heads of the Church; and as I was the last of my name both King and also Head of the Church, so thou (Oh, too too unfortunate Charles) art the first of thy name that ever Raigned, and the last that shal be Head of the Church.

I feele indeed the judgements of God to have fallen very heavily upon me, for as out of one false Principle in Faith many absurdities arise of Opinions, so out of one unhapple Apostacie from the Church, many others have followed after at the heeles, which the newer and more recent that they are, the more dan­gerous, and more to be took heed of. Thou began'st others increas'd that Sacraledge, w ^ch when (afterwards) some had fully perfected, I at last bore the Heft of all, Thou (tearing from the Roman Obedience thy people and Bishops of England) would'st be accompted (J, and wert) independent; and the Head of the reformed Church? Now a Sect of Independants hath broke out (God revenging so the Sin of thy Sacraledge) who regarding neither King nor Bishops, first tooke off my Spirituall head, then my owne Cut and sever'd from my shoulders; one Cromwell in thy time then liv'd (of thy Cabinet and most secret Councels) who perswaded thee (a King) to spoyle the Church; now another of [Page 30]that name (and not unlike him) forc'd the People to destroy their King; Oh how just are the judgements of God and his wayes inscrutable. For (if not sooner in our selves) in our Posterities, shall we at last be pu­nish'd in that very kind in the which we have offended. Oh, God that whilest I lived in this world, I had seri­ously pondered these things, at the least (when so much leafure sometimes serv'd me) in the time of my most tedious imprisonment! Happie man had I paus'd up­on the series of Gods judgements (from above so threatning me) in the ama [...]itude and bitterness of my Soule; I had leasure (indeed) to dally with my Pen, and write a Booke of other things, a whole one, as my Armies how they came to be destroyed, of the mise­ries and distresses of my Life, and the insolencies those especially of the Souldiers, but never once call'd to mind those very things which I should most of all have printed on my thoughts. Oh, Juxonius (so I call'd the Bishop of London) or else Lawd my faithful Coun­celler and friend, why have neither of you admonish'd me of these things, either by Letters, or Friends that did commune with me; for being three yeares a Pri­soner before my Death I had time enough to think of all these things, But they had Eyes and they could not see. Oh, how Blind were all these that saw mee, and well may what followes be appli'd to us; ‘At Length we Phrigians (but too late) grew wise.’

This also I would have men duly Ponder, how the Parliament (the very name whereof's so I­dol'd (especially by the effacinated English) is devolv'd now into a Lower house, both the Bishops and the [Page 31]Lords Ejected) in whose Votes was once the totall Authority, the House of Commons being not any thing regarded. A just punishment indeed for their flattering me into a presumption of being Head of the Church, who themselves are now all trodden under foot (sometimes sitting as the Heads of Par­liament) And this by that third Order (without or­der, unto which they are so shamefully subjected). For England (as now plainly it appeareth) from a Paradice is translated into a Hell, in which no Or­der but perpetuall horror inhabiteth, where A man strong in Armes keepes our Court and holds peaceably his usurp'd Possessions. This third Order being growne to that height, that Kingly Government which had its Period in thy Fate, unless by Miracle can never hold up its Head. — Hence learne O yee Kings to bee wise, and take instructions you that Iudge the Earth.

The Souldiers (then at hand) of CROMVVELL, understanding this hard fate of Monarchy, which should hardly ever rise from out its Ruines tooke good heart, and (with great noise and laughter) ran in crouds from out the Church of Windsor, each one glad that he had lent a hand (by cutting off this head of the Church) to the execution of the Heavenly justice. But not knowing or lesse (happily) Rumina­ting, that the Father (oft-times) burnes the Rod with the which hee doth chastise his Child.