THE FIRST CHAPTER Proveth by the testimony of Scrip­ture, that Kings are not punishable by man, but reserved to the judgement of God.

KIngs have their authority from God Rom. 13.1. and are his Vicegerents in earth, Prov. 8.15. to exe­cute justice and judgement for him a­mongst the Sonnes of men 2 Chron. 19.6.. All subjects (as well Prelates and Nobles, as the infe­riour people) are forbidden with the tongue, to revile Kings, Exod. 22.28., with the heart, to thinke ill of them Eccl. 10.20., or with the hand, to resist them Rom. 13.2.. The great King of Heaven doth impart his owne name unto his Lievetenants the Kings of the Earth: and calleth them Gods, with an ego dixi Psal. 82.6., whose word is Yea and Amen: with this onely difference, that these Gods shall dye like men Psal. 82.7., and fall like other Princes. Wherefore Nathan the man of God, must reprove David 2 Sam. 12.7., that hee may repent, and bee saved. And the Sages, Iudges, and Nobles, (without [Page 2]feare or flattery) must advise and direct Roboam 1 Reg. 12.7.. Other attempts against Kings, the King of Kings hath neither com­manded in his law, Apolog. David cap. 10. nor permitted in his Gospell. David (saith Ambrose) nullis legibus tenebatur, &c. David though hee were an adulterer, and an homicide, was tied to no law: for Kings are free from bonds, and can by no compulsion of law, bee drawne to punishment, being freed by the power of Government. Thus farre Ambr.

Saul the first King of Israel was rather a monster, then a man: after the Spirit of God had forsaken him, and the evill Spirit was come upon him 1 Sam. 16.14.. There were not many sinnes against God, Man, or Nature, wherein hee trangressed not; yet his excesse was punished, neither by the Sacerdotall Sy­nod, nor the secular Senate: Who can lay his hand on the Lords annointed, and bee guiltlesse 1 Sam. 16.9.? The very Annointment was the cause of Sauls immunity from all humane coercion: as Augustine affirmeth, Aug. contr. lit. Petil. l. 2. [...] 48. Quaero si non habebat, Saul sacramenti sanctitatem; quid in eo David venerabatur? If Saul had not the holinesse of the Sacrament, I aske what it was that Da­vid reverenced in him? hee honoured Saul for the sacred and holy unction, while hee lived: and revenged his death. Yea, hee was troubled and trembled at the heart, because hee had cut off a lap of Sauls garment. Loe, Saul had no inno­cency, and yet hee had holinesse: not of life, but of unction. So farre Augustine.

Who questioned David for his murther and adultery? who censured Solomon for his idolatry? though their crimes were capitall by the law of God. After that Kingdome was divided, all the Kings of Israel, and most of the Kings of Iu­dah, were notorious Idolaters: yet during those Kingdomes, which endured above 200. yeares, no Priest did chalenge, no States-men did claime power from the highest, to pu­nish or depose their Princes. And the Prophets perswaded all men to obey, and endure those idolatrous Princes, whose impiety they reproved with the losse of their lives.

Christ fled when the people would have made him a [Page 3]King Joh. 6.15.. Hee payed tribute for himselfe and Peter Matth. 17.27.. When the question was propounded concerning the Emperours subsidy, hee concluded for Caesar Matth. 22.21.. And standing to receive the judgement of death before Pilate, hee acknowledged his power to be of God Ioh. 19.15.. This Saviour of Mankind, whose actions should bee our instruction, did never attempt to change that Government, or to displace those Governours, which were directly repugnant to the scope of Information that hee aimed at.

Iohn Baptist did indeed reprove King Herod with a Non licet Mark. 6.18., but he taught not the souldiers to leave his service, or by strife and impatience, to wind themselves out of the band of allegiance, wherein the law had left them, and the Gospell found them Luk. 3.14..

The Apostle delivered unto the Church the doctrine of obedience and patience, which they had learned by the pre­cept, and observed by the practise of our Lord CHRIST. Peter commandeth obedience to all manner of men in au­thority 1 Pet. 2.15.. Paul forbiddeth resistance against any power Rom. 13.1.2.3.4. Iudc 8.. And Saint Jude maketh it blasphemy, to revile government, or to speake evill of Governours i. If therefore an Angell from heaven preach otherwise, then they have delivered, let him bee accursed Gal. 1.8..

The second Chapter proveth the same by the Fathers of the first 300. yeares.

THe true Church, which had the Spirit of understanding, to discerne the voice of Christ, from the voice of a stran­ger, never taught, never practised, never used or approved other weapons, then salt teares, and humble prayers against the Paganisme, Heresie, Apostacy, and Tyranny of earthly Kings.

Iustinus Martyr, Tertullian, and Cyprian shall beare wit­nesse for 300. yeares, wherein the Kings and Potentates of the earth, bathed themselves in the bloud of innocents, and professed enmity against Christ and his servants.

Ad inquisitionem vestram, Christianos nos esse profitemur, &c. At your inquisition, we professe our selves to be Christians, though wee know death to bee the guerdon of our profes­sion (saith Iustine Martyr to the Emperour Antoninus, Secund. Apo­log. ad Ant. Imp. p. 113.) did wee expect an earthly Kingdome, wee would deny our re­ligion, that escaping death, wee might in time attaine our expectation: But we feare not persecution, which have not our hope fixed on the things of this life, because we are cer­tainely perswaded, that wee must die. As for the preserva­tion of publike peace, we Christians yeeld to you (O Empe­rour) more helpe and assistance, then other men. For wee teach, that no evill doer, no covetous man, nor seditious, that lieth in wait for bloud, can have accesse to God: And that every man doth passe to life or death, according to the merit of his deeds: Thus farre hee.

We (saith Tertullian tō Scapula the Viceroy of Carthage) are defamed, Tertull. lib. ad Scap. for seditious against the Imperiall Majesty: Yet were the Christians never found to be Albinians, Nigrians: or Cassians, (Albinus, Niger, and Cassius were Traytours a­gainst Marcus Antonius, Commodus, Pertinax, and Severus the Emperours) but they that sware by the Emperours diety, the very day before: they that vowed and offered sacrifice for the Emperours health, are found to be the Emperours enemies. A Christian is enemy to no man, much lesse to the Emperour: knowing, that the Emperiall Majesty, is ordained of God, and therefore necessarily to bee loved, reverenced, and ho­noured, whose prosperity, together with the welfare of al the Roman Empire they desire so long as the world standeth. We doe therefore honour the Emperour, in such sort, as is law­full for us, and expedient for him: wee reverence him as a mortall man, next unto God, of whom hee holdeth all his authority, onely subject to God, and so wee make him, sove­raigne [Page 5]overall, in that, wee make him subject, but to God alone: So farre Tertullian.

Saint Cyprian sheweth many good reasons, for the pa­tience of the Saints, in his booke against Demetrianus. God (saith hee) is the revenger of his servants, when they are an­noyed. Wherefore no Christian when hee is apprehended, doth resist or revenge himselfe against your unjust violence, though the number of our people bee very great. The confidence wee have, that God will reward, doth confirme our Patience, the guiltlesse give way to the guilty, the inno­cent rest content with their undeserved punishment, and tor­tures, being certainly assured that the wrong done to us, shall not bee unrewarded. The more injury we suffer, the more just and grievous shall Gods vengeance be on them that per­secute us. It is therefore cleare and manifest, that the plagues which come downe from Gods indignation, doe not come through us poore persecuted Christians, but from him whom we serve, for the wrong done unto us. So far Cyprian.

As many as lived according to Christs institution, did ne­ver revile the Government of Tyrants, much lesse by force resist their violence, following the patience of Christ, who could by his owne power, the might of his Angels, or the strength of his creatures, have at the first withstood; or, at the last revenged, the injury of the people, the buffet of the Priests servant, the scorne of Herod, the judgement of Pilate, Ioh. 19.15. Ioh. 18.22. Luk 23.11. Mark. 15.15. Matth. 27. 27.28.29. and the violence of the souldiers. Hee yeelded himselfe pati­ently to death, to teach all his Disciples, that an injury done by authority, is patiently to bee endured, not forcibly to bee repelled. As soone also as Paul became a Christian, his sedi­tious and bloudy Spirit, which he had learned of the Phari­sies, was changed into a desire of peace, and quietnesse. Hee honoured the Heathen Magistrates, as Agrippa, Faelix, and Lisias, ratifying his Doctrine, by the practise of his life. I know that Cardinall Alane, Cardinall Bellarmine, Ficlerus, Simancha, & other upholders of the Papall tyrannie, that Ste­phanus Junius, Franciscus Hottomanus, Georgius Buchananus, [Page 6]and other pillars of the Puritane anarchy, doe answere, that the Church then, as it were swathed in the bonds of weake­nesse, had not strength sufficient to make powerfull resi­stance. But these Fathers that then lived, doe convince them, and all other sectaries of falshood, by making demonstration, of the strength and potency of the godly Christians, in case they would have put their forces to the strongest proofe. Seing that all publike places as Courts, Camps, Consistories, Cities, and Countrey villages, were stored and furnished with men of that profession and quality, as doth most evi­dently appeare by the words of Tertullian, in his Apologeti­call defence of the Christians: Vna nox pauculis faculis, &c. One night with a few firebrands, wound yeeld us sufficient revenge, if it were lawfull for us to req [...]ite evill for evill. But God forbid, that Christians should either revenge them­selves with humane fire, or be grieved to suffer that where­with they are tried. Were we disposed, not to practise secret revenge, but to professe open hostility, should we want num­ber of men, or force of armes? Are the Moores, or the Par­thians, or any one Nation whatsoever, more in number then wee, that are spread over all the World? Wee are not of you, and yet wee have filled all the places and roomes which you have. Your Cities, Ilands, Castles, Townes, Assemblies, your Tents, Tribes, and Wards; yea, the Imperiall Pallace, Senate, and seats of judgement. For what warre, were not wee, able and ready, though wee were fewer in number then you, that goe to our Martyrdome so willingly? if it were not more lawfull in our religion to bee slaine, then to slay? wee could without armour, not by rebelling against you, but by departing from you, doe you displeasure enough, even with our separation. For if so great a multitude, as we are, should breake out from you, as in any other corner of the World, the losse of so many Citizens would shame and punish you. You would feare, to see your selves left solitary, even amazed, as among the dead. You should then see, silence and desola­tion every where. You would have many more enemies, [Page 7]then inhabitants. Whereas now, you have fewer enemies, because of the multitude of your Citizens, that are almost all Christians. Haec Tertullian. Wee see by these three wit­nesses, that the Church of God, in the first 300. yeares wan­ted, neither number of men, strength, nor courage to resist persecution, and to have established the Christian faith, if that course had beene lawfull: but because their Lord had given them no sword to strike withall, they chose rather to bee crowned Martyrs, for their Religion, then to bee pu­nished as Traytours for rebellion. What number of men, what strength of armes had the Church (thinke you) the next 300. yeares after it had beene backed by Princes, defen­ded by lawes, provoked by honourable favours, to professe Christianity? Yet all that while, the servants of God, neither did nor would resist Apostasie Heresie, or Tyranny: but yeel­ded their lives, with all submission, though they wanted neither meanes nor multitude, convenient for any warres, as the next chapter by impregnable demonstration, shall shew.

The third Chapter proveth by the Fa­thers, of the second 300. yeares that the pleasure of Princes, must bee endured with patence, when their decrees cannot bee obeyed with a good Conscience.

THe next 300. yeares, the Christians did as patiently en­dure Heresie, Apostasie, and Tyranny to the glorious triall of their faith, and the eternall reward of their pa­tience. Whereof wee have a cloud of witnesses, namely, Hosius Liberius Athanasius, Hilarius, Basilius Magnus, Gre­gorius Nazianzenus, Lucifer Calaritanus, Cyrillus Alexan­drinus, [Page 8]Optatus Milevitanus, Ambrosius, Augustinus, Chry­sostomus, Leo the first, and Gregory the great.

Hosius was a famous Confessor in the Church, before Con­stantine the great, a worthy Bishop during that Emperours raigne, and after his death greatly esteemed of all good men, yea even of Constantius the Arrian Emperour himselfe, for his old age, great experience, excellent learning, and good conversation. When this worthy Prelate, was commanded by the Emperour, to subscribe to the condemnation of Atha­nasius, hee returned to the Imperiall Majesty, this stout, constant, Christian, and dutifull answere; Ego confessionis munus implevi primum, cum persecutio moveretur, ab avo tus Maximiniano: I was then a Confessor, when your Grand­father Maximinian persecuted the Church. Obsequere & scribe contra Athanasium qui enim con­tra illum scri­bit ille plane nobiscum, &c. And if you doe now raise persecution, I am ready to endure any thing, ra­ther then betray the truth and shed innocent bloud. I doe not like your manner of writing against Athanasius: Cease from it, bee not of the Arrian opinion: Give no care to the Easterne Bishops: beleeve mee rather, that for age might bee your Grandfather. Leave off I beseech you, and call to mind, that you are a mortall man. Feare that dreadfull day of judgement. Interpose not your selfe (O Emperour) into the Ecclesiasticall service, neither command us in this kind, to condemne the innocent: but learne rather of us. God hath entrusted your Majesty with the Empire, and commit­ted unto us, the service of the Church: hee that with an en­vious eye, maligneth your imperiall Soveraignty, contra­dicteth the ordinance of God. Take heed (O Prince) least drawing to your selfe the right of the Church, you become guilty of grievous transgression. It is written, Give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars, Hosius apud Athan. ad so­litariam vi­rans agentes. and to God the things that appertaine to God; it is therefore, neither lawfull for us Priests, to usurpe your Kingdome: not for you Princes, to meddle with the sacred service, and sacrifices of the Church. Thus farre Hosius. You see the grounds, that this good Bishop stood upon: rather resolved to suffer any death or [Page 9]torture, then by his consent to betray the truth, or to con­demne the guiltlesse. He admonisheth freely, and reproveth sharply, hee offreth his life to the Princes pleasure: It was farre from his meaning, to revile the sacred Majesty, or to stirre up any rebellion, against this Hereticall Emperour, which infringed the Canons of the Church, without all re­gard of truth or equity, to serve the humours of the Arrians, and to wreck his anger on them all, which yeelded not to that heresie.

Liberius a Bishop of Rome, did neither excommunicate nor depose this wicked Emperour Constantius, but appea­red at his command, and endured his pleasure, to the admi­ration of the Arrians, and the confirmation of the Chri­stians, as wee find in Athanasius, Trahitur Liberius ad Im­peratorem, &c. Liberius was haled to the Emperour, when hee came to his presence hee spake freely, Cease (said hee) O Emperour, to persecute the Christians, goe not about, Liberius quo supra apud A­thanas. by any meanes, to bring Hereticall impiety into the Church of God. Wee are ready, rather to endure any torture, then to bee called Arrians. Compell us not to become enemies unto Christ. Eight not against him (wee beseech you) that hath bestowed the Empire upon you. Render not impiety to him for his grace, persecute them not which beleeve in him, least you heare, It is hard for thee to kick against the prick. Act. 9.5. Oh would to God you did so heare it that you might (as Paul did) beleeve it. Loe wee are at hand, and come to your presence, before our enemies the Arrians can invent any thing to informe against us, wee hastened to come at your command, though wee were assured of banishment: that wee might abide our punishment, before any crime could bee objected, much lesse proved against us. Whereby it may appeare, that all Christians are (as wee now bee) undeser­vedly punished, and the crimes laid to their charge not true but fained by sycophancy or deceitfull subtilty. Thus spake Liberius, and every man admired his resolution; but the Em­perour for answer commanded him to banishment. Thus [...]e he.

Pope Liberius had not learned the language of his Sucees­four Pins Quintus, when hee bellowed against our late Queene, nor that principle of the Puritans, that the inscriour Officer may use force of armes against the chiefe Magistrate that shall become a Tyrant (Whereof every seditious Secta­ry will hee judge) and not onely defend himselfe, and his owne people, but also any other that shall fly unto him. Which opinion Lambertus Danaus avoucheth, Polit. Christ. l. 6. c. 3. contrary to the Law, the Gospell, and the generall consent of all Ortho­doxall Fathers.

Hilarius, a Bishop of France, wrote the same time to this same Emperour in most humble manner, Hilarius ad Imper. Con­stant. Banefica natura tua Domine beatissime Auguste: Your mild nature, most blessed Emperour, agreeing with your gracious disposition, and the mercy which floweth aboundantly, from the foun­taine of your Fatherly godlinesse, doe assure us, that wee shall obtaine our desire. Wee beseech you, not onely with words, but also with teares, that the Catholique Churches, bee no longer oppressed with grievous injuries, and endure intollerable persecutions, and contumelies, and that (which is most shamefull) even of our brethren. Let your Clemency provide, &c.

Surely, if it had then beene knowne, that the Pope, by his absolute power or indirect authority, could have pu­nished or deposed Kings, which the Papists avouch, or for the Peeres or the people to have done it, which the Puri­tans affirme, some of these old Bishops, would have pressed that point against this Hereticall Prince, which abused his sword, to the blaspheming of Christ, the murthering of the Saints, the seducing of many thousand soules: by strengthe­ning, maintaining, and establishing the Arrian errour. But they tooke it to bee no Christian mans part, to beare armour (no not desensive) against his Prince, though never so wicked, cruell or ungodly.

Holy Athanasius confesseth the power of Kings to bee of God, and their impiety not to bee punished by man. [Page 11] Sicut in toto mundo Deus Rex est Imperator & potestatent exercet in omnibus: As God is King and Emperour over all the World, and exerciseth his power in all creatures: so the King and Prince is over all earthly men, and doth by his absolute power, what hee will, even as God himselfe. Ad Antioch. quest. 55. Haec ille.

When it was objected against this reverend Father A­thanasius, that hee had incensed Constance the Religious Emperour of the West, against Constantius, Apolog. A­than. ad Con­stant. in the behalfe of the persecuted Christians: hee cleared himselfe from that accusation, in an Apologie to the said Emperour Constan­tius. The Lord (saith hee) is my record, and his annointed your brother, that I never made mention of your Majesty for any evill, before your brother of blessed memory, that religious Emperour Constance. I did never incite him a­gainst you, as these Arrians doe stander mee, but whensoever I had accesse unto him. I recounted your gracious inclina­tion. God knoweth, what mention I made of your godly disposition. Give mee leave and pardon (most courteous Emperour) to speake the truth. The servant of God Con­stance, was not easily drawne to give care to any man in this kind. I was never in such credit with him, that I durst speake of any such matter, or derogate from one brother before another, or talke reprochfully of one Emperour, in the hearing of another. I am not so mad, neither have I forgotten the voice of God, which saith, Carse not the King in thine heart, and backbite not the mighty in the se­crets of thy Chamber: for the birds of the aire shall tell it, and the winged foule shall bewray thee: If then the things that bee spoken in secret against Princes, cannot bee hid: is there any likelihood, that I in the Emperours presence, and before so many, as continually attended his person, would say any thing otherwise then well of your Majesty: Thus farre Athanasius. This is sounder and seemelier do­ctrine for subjects, then that which Henry Garnet and Ro­bert Tesmond, caught some Romish Catholike Gentlemen [Page 12]of England, who imployed Thomas Winter into Spaine, in the Moneth of December, Ann. Dom. 1601. to make re­quest to the Spanish King, in the behalfe and names of the English Pope-catholikes, L. Cooke in his speech at Garnets ar­raignment. that hee would send an army hi­ther into England, for the advancement of their Catho­lique cause; and to promise, that the forces of the Papists here should bee ready to doe him service against the late Queene.

The selfe same Doctrine of sedition, was published in the yeare after, viz. Ann. Dom. 1602. by Gulielmus Bu­cauus, a man of no meane esteeme among the Puritans, and that, at the earnest request of Beza and Goulartius, the chie­fest Ministers of the Church of Geneva, (if the Authour himselfe bely them not,) whose words are as followeth: Subditis si fit publica & manifesta savitia, licet fieri supplices, implorare auxilia ab aliis, & suscipere corum defensi nem aliis regibus licet: Loc. [...]om. Theol. loco: 77. p. 845. Subjects, when they endure publique and ma­nifest wrong, may lawfully become suppliants to forraigne states, and crave their aid against their Princes: and other Kings ought to take upon them their defence and prote­ction. So farre Bucan.

Subjects must square their subjection, according to the rule of Gods word, not after the affection and fancies of men. 1 Sam. 22.18. Saul commanded Doeg to murther 85. Priests, to destroy their City, Men, Women, and Children with the edge of the sword. Did David, for whom they were slaine, when hee had Saul in his power, take revenge, or suffer his servants to doe it, when they were ready and offred themselves to slay Saul? David 2 Sam. 11.4.17. defiled Vrias his bed, and caused him to bee killed: Did Absolon well to con­spire against him, that was both a Murtherer and an Adul­terer? Solomon 2 Reg. 12.8. brought into the land many strange Wives, and as many different Religions into the Church: Did the high Priest, the Peeres, the Prophets, or the people, of­fer to chastice or depose him? Achab 1 Reg. 21.8.9. suffered Jeza­bel to put Naboth to death, and to kill the Lords Pro­phets: [Page 13]Did Elias depose him, intice his subjects to rebell against him, or implore forraigne aid to destroy him? He­rod Mark. 6.27. Act. 12.24. beheaded Iohn Baptist, killed Iames, imprisoned Peter, and would have slaine him also, if hee had not beene delive­red by an Angell: Did Peter take vengeance on Herod, which hee might have done with a word, as well as on Act. 5.5. Ananiae? No: he did leave him to the Lord, whose judge­ment insued in most Act. 12.23. feareful manner. In a word, wicked Princes have never beene lawfully punished by Prelates, Potentates, or people of their Kingdome, as the Papists and Puritans averre: but must bee reserved to the judgement of God, as the Protestants affirme.

Gregory Nazianzen in his oration at the funerall of Saint Basil, reporteth, that the Emperours Deputy in Pontus, commanded Saint Basil to put out a widow, Basilius Mag­nus. that had taken sanctuary to save her selfe from forced marriage. The Bi­shop (not willing to violate the Ecclesiasticall lawes gran­ted by the Imperiall Majesty) refused so to doe. The Go­vernour called the Bishop before him, threatned to whip him, and to teare his flesh with iron hookes: the people hearing that indignity offered to the Bishop, fell to an up­rore, and would have slaine the Lievetenant, Had not that in­nocent man of God, with much adoe, stayed that furious tumult, Monodia Na­zian. inter o­puscula Basil. fol. 95. and delivered his persecutour from that perill, to whose pleasure hee did afterward submit himselfe.

The same Nazianzen, for his admirable learning cal­led the Divine, writeth of Iulian the Apostata-Emperours death: Iulian was punished by the mercy of God, through the teares of Christian men: which teares were many, and shed of many, for that they had no other remedy, against that persecutour. Thus farre Nazianzen. 2 Or [...]t. cont-Julian. This godly Fa­ther lived under five Emperours. Constantius, Iulianus, Valene, Valentinianus, and Theodosius, in all which time, hee could find no remedy against the Tyrannie, Heresie, [...]d Apostasie of Princes, beside prayers and teares: The Devill of Hell had not as yet hatched the distincti­ons [Page 14]of propriè and impropriè, directè and indirectè, simplici­ter and secundum quid, absolutè & in ordine ad spiritualia, wherewith the Iesuites doe fill the schooles with clamorous evasions, the Church with erroneous superstition, and many Christian states with tragicall sedition.

Lucifer Calaritanus in sundry bookes against Constan­tius, useth many immodest and disloiall speeches: but hee perswaded not the Pope to depose him, the state to punish him, the people to rebell against him, or forraigne aid to sup­presse him, but threatned him with the dreadfull punish­ment of God. Hee that (in the fervency of zeale) durst call so cruell an Emperour, Theefe, Church-robber, Murtherer, Beast, Hangman, Heretique, postata, Idolator, the Forerun­ner of Antichrist, and Antichrist himselfe, would surely have encouraged the Pope, the Peeres or the people, to have re­moved that evill King, and placed a better in his stead: if there had beene any such opinion in those dayes, as our mo­derne Iesuites and Puritans beare now the World in hand. As this Father, in his writings, kept not the modesty of the other Fathers, which lived in that age under Constan­tius: so hee did not continue in the unity of the Catholique Church. Orat. in obit. fratris Satir. Lucifer (saith Ambrose) divided himselfe from our communion, though hee were banished with us for our Reli­gion.

When Ambrose was commanded, to deliver up his Church in Millaine to Maxentius an Arrian Bishop, hee declared his resolution in a Sermon to the people: which were very sorry for his departure; Quid turbamini? Orat. Ambro­si ad populum inter Epist. 31.33. volens nunquam vos deseram: Why are you troubled? I will never willingly depart from you. If I bee compelled, I have no way to resist: I can sorrow, I can weepe, I can sigh, my teares are my weapons against Souldiers, Armour, Gothes: such is the munition of a Priest: by any other meanes, then teares, I neither ought nor can resist: so farre Ambrose. Not disability but duty, not want of strength and ma [...] ­tiall forces, but a reverend regard of the Emperour Ma­jesty, [Page 15]commanded by the law of God, kept this blessed Am­brose from resisting. For hee might easily have wrought the Churches liberty, his owne safety, and the Arrians cala­mity by the overthrow of the Emperour, through the force of the Garison in that City, which refused, to attend the Prince to any other Church, then that wherein Ambrose was. The stout and peremptory answer of the Captaines and Souldiers, is thus reported by Ambrose in an Epistle to to Marcellina, a Religious woman; Si prodire vellet baberet copiam se praesto futures; Epist. 35. The Emperour may goe at his plea­sure, they would bee ready to attend him, if hee would goe to the Catholike assemblies: or otherwise, they would keepe on their way to that Congregation, wherein Am­brose was: Thus farre the Souldiers. They refused (as you see) to obey, and preserved Gods true service, before the Emperours favour: they reviled not his sacred person, they resisted not his soveraigne power; but yeelded themselves to his mercy and pleasure, to save their Soules from Gods wrath and displeasure, as wee find in the same Epistle; Vnum Iob miraturus ascend [...]ram, I went to Church to extoll the patience of Iob, where I found everyone of my hearers, Epist. cadem. a Iob, worthy to bee extolled. In every one of you Iob is re­vived, in each of you his patience, and vertue shined, what could bee said better by Christian men, then that which the holy Ghost this day spake in you? Wee beseech (O Empe­rour,) wee offer not to fight, wee feare not to die, wee in­treat your clemency. Oh it was seemely for Christian soul­diers, to desire the tranquility of peace and faith, and to bee constant in truth, even unto death. Thus farre Am­brose.

Saint Augustine relateth the same of the Christian soul­diers, under Iulian the Apo [...]tate-Emperour: Iulianus exti­tit Imperator infidelis, Iulian was an unbeleeving Emperour, was hee not an Apostata, an Oppressour▪ and an Idolater? Christian souldiers served that unbeleeving Emperour. When they came to the cause of Christ, they would ac­knowledge [Page 16]no Lord but him that was in Heaven: when they were commanded to adore Idoles, and to offer sacri­fice, they preferred God before their Prince. But when hee called upon them to warre, and bad them invade any na­tion, they presently obeyed. They did distinguish their eternall Lord, from the temporall King, yet they submit­ted themselves to their temporall Lord, August. in Psal. 124. for his sake that was their eternall King: So farre hee.

Optatus Milevitanus, is another pregnant witnesse: Cum super Imperatorem nemo sit nisi solus Deus. Seing there is no man above the Emperour, beside God alone, which made the Emperour; De schism. Donatist. l. 3. Donatus, by advancing himselfe above the Emperour, doth exceed the bounds of humanity, and makeeh himselfe a God rather then man, in that hee feareth and reverenceth him not, whom all men should honour, next after God. So farre Optatus.

Saint Cyril is of the same judgement. Com. in E­vang. Ioh l. 12. c. 36. Cuilegis preva­ricatores liberare licet nisi legis ipsius authori? Who can acquit them that breake the law, from transgression, beside the Law-giver? as wee see by experience, in all humane states, no man can without danger, breake the law, but Kings themselves, in whom the crime of prevarication hath no place. For it was wisely said of one, that it is a wicked pre­sumption, to say to a King, Thou doest amisse. So farre hee.

And also Saint Chrysostome. In 1. epist. ad Timoth. c. 2 v. 1. What meaneth the Apostle (saith hee) to require prayers and supplications, inter ces­sions, and thansgiving, to bee made for all men? hee re­quireth this to bee done in the dayly service of the Church, and the perpetuall rite of Divine religion. For all the faith­full doe know, in what manner prayers are powred out before the Lord morning and evening, for all the world▪ even for Kings, and every man in authority. Some man will (peradventure) say, that, for all, must bee understood of all the faithfull. Which cannot bee the Apostles mea­ning, as may appeare by the words following, viz. for [Page 17]Kings: seeing that Kings neither did then, nor in many ages after, serve the living God: but continued obstinately in infidelity, which by course of succession they had re­ceived: Thus farre Chrysostome. Our Moderne Refor­mers teach us that which Paul and Chrysostome neither knew nor beleeved, See the pre­face before Basilic. Dor. that wicked Princes are not to bee prayed for, but to be resisted, &c.

When the faction of Eutiches had prevailed against the Catholikes, Leo the first, had no other remedy then prayers to God, sighes, teares, and Petitions to the Emperour: Epist. 24. ad Theod. Imper. Om­nes partium nostrarum Ecclesiae, &c. All the Churches of these parts, all wee Priests, even with sighs, and teares, be­seech your Majesty, to command a generall Synod to bee held in Italy, that all offences being removed, there may remaine, neither errour in faith, nor division in love. Fa­vour the Catholiques, grant liberty to protect the faith a­gainst Heretiques, defend the state of the Church from ruine, that Christ his right hand may support your Empire: Thus farre Leo.

When Gregory the great was accused for the Murther of a Bishop in prison, hee wrote to one Sabinianus, to cleare him to the Emperour and Empresse. Epist. lib. 7. epist. 1. Breviter suggeras serenissimis Dominis meis: You may briefly enforme my soveraigne Lord and Lady, that if I their servant, would have busied my selfe with the death of the Lombards, that nation would by this time have had neither Kings, nor Dukes, nor Earles, and should have beene in great confu­sion and division: but because I stood in aw of God, I was ever afraid, to meddle with the shedding of any mans bloud: so farre Gregory. These Lombards were Pagans, Invaders of the Countrey, Ransackers of the City, Persecu­tours of the Saints, Robbers of the Church, Oppressours of the poore: whom Gregory the first, might, and would not destroy, Quia Deum timuit, because hee feared God. It is very like, that his Successour Gregory the seventh, feared either God nor man, when hee erected the Papall Croisier [Page 18]against the regall scepter, and read the sentence of depriva­tion, against the Emperour Henry: Ego authoritate Aposte­lica, &c. I by my power Apostolicall, doe bereave Henry of the Germane Kingdome, and doe deprive him of all sub­jection of Christian men, absolving all men, from the alle­giance, which they have sworne unto him. And that Rodolph, whom the Peeres of the Empire have elected, may governe the Kingdome: I grant all men, that shall serve him against the Emperour, Carol. Sigon. de Regno Ital. lib. 9. in vita Hen. 3. forgivenesse of their sinnes, in this life and in the life to come. As I have for his pride dejected Henry from the Royall dignity, so I doe exalt Ro­dolph for his humility, to that place of authority: Thus farre Gregory the seaventh.

It is no wonder, Benno Card. in vit. Gre­gor. 7. that Gregory his chaire clave asunder, as some Writers affirme, at the giving of this sentence; be­cause the proud Pope, and his wicked sentence, were too heavy a burthen for Peters stoole of humility to beare.

The fourth Chapter proveth the Im­munity of Kings by the Fathers of the third 300. yeares.

AFter the death of Gregory the great, which was about the yeare of our Lord 604. Sabinianus did succeed him, who lived but one yeare, after whom came Boniface the third, which obtained of Phocas to bee called Ʋniver­sall Bishop; since that time Periit virtus Imperatorum & pie­tas Pontificum, the Emperours waxed weake, and the Bishops wicked. What the judgement of those Fathers then was, concerning subjection to wicked Kings, I will make evi­dent by the testimony of Gregorius Turonensis, Isidorus, Da­mascenus, [Page 19]Beda, Fulgentius, Leo 4. and the Fathers assembled in a Councell at Toledo in Spaine.

Gregory Turonensis acknowledgeth such an absolute power in Childerick, a most wicked King of France, as was free from all controll of man. Histor. l. 5. c. 1. Si quis de nobis (Rex) ju­stitiae limites transcendere vol [...]erit, &c. If any one of us (O King) doe passe the bounds of justice, you have power to correct him, but if you exceed your limit, who shall chastice you? Wee may speake unto you; if you list not to hearken, who can condemne you, but that Great God, who hath pronounced himselfe to bee righteousnesse? Hactenus ille.

Isidorus saith no lesse for the immunity of the Kings of Spaine. Let all earthly Princes know, that they shall give account of the Church, which Christ hath committed to their protection. Yea, whether the peace and discipline Ecclesiasticall bee advanced, by faithfull Kings, or dissol­ved by the unfaithfull, hee will require a reckoning at their hands, which hath left his Church in their power. So farre Isidorus.

John Damascene pleadeth not onely for the exemption of wicked Kings themselves, but also of their Deputies. The Governours (saith hee) which Kings create, Parallel. l. 1. c. 21. though they bee wicked, though they bee theeves, though they bee unjust, or otherwise tainted with any crime, must bee regar­ded. Wee may not contemne them, for their impiety: but must reverence them, because of their authority, by whom they were appointed our Governours. So farre hee.

Fulgentius saith, that no kind of sedition can stand with religion Cum pro nostra fide libere respondemus, &c. When wee answer freely for our profession, wee ought not to bee taxed with the least suspition of disobedience or con­tumely, seeing wee are not unmindfull of the Regall dig­nity, and doe know, that wee must feare God, and honour the King, according to the Doctrine of the Apostle, Fulgent. ad Thrasim reg. Give to [Page 20]each one his due, feare to whom feare, honour to whom honour ap­pertaineth Of the which feare and honour, 1 Pet. 2.17. Saint Peter hath delivered unto us the manifest knowledge, saying, As the servants of God, honour all men, love brotherly fel­lowship, feare God, honour the King. Thus farre Fulgen­tius.

Our Countreyman Beda, for his great learning called Venerable, Lib 4. exposit. in Samuel. is of the same mind. David (saith hee) for two causes spared Saul, who had persecuted him most mali­tiously. First, 1 Sam. 21.6. for that hee was his Lord, annointed with holy oile. And secondly, to instruct us by morall precepts, that wee ought not to strike our Governours, (though they unjustly oppresse us) with the sword of our lips: nor pre­sume slanderously, to teare the hemme of their superfluous actions. So farre hee.

Leo the fourth about the yeare 846. agnised all subjection to Lotharius the Emperour: I doe professe and promise (saith Leo) to observe and keepe unviolably, Cap. de capit. dist. 15. as much as lieth in me, for the time present and to come, your Imperiall ordi­nances and commandments: together with the decrees of your Bishops, my Predecessours: If any man informe your Majesty otherwise, know certainely, that hee is a lier. So farre Leo.

The Bishops of Spaine assembled in a nationall Councell at Toledo, Concil. Tol. 5. Can. 2. circa annum Dom. 636. made this decree against perjury and treason. Quicunque amodo ex nobis: Whosoever among us shall from this time forward, violate the oath which hee hath taken for the safegard of this Country, the state of the Gothish nation, and the preservation of the Kings Majesty: whosoe­ver shall attempt the Kings death, or deposition: whosoe­ver shall by tyrannicall presumption aspire to the regall throne, let him bee accursed before the holy Spirit, before the blessed Saints, let him bee cast out of the Catholique Church, which hee hath polluted by perjury, let him have no communion with Christian men, nor portion with the just, but let him be condemned with the Devill and his An­gels [Page 21]eternally, together with his complices, that they may bee tied in the bond of damnation, which were joyned in the society of sedition. Thus farre the Fathers in that Synod.

I conclude therefore with these learned Fathers, that it is not for the people, otherwise then with humility and obedience, to controll the actions of their Governours: but their duty is onely to call upon the God of Heaven, and so submit themselves to his mercy, by whose ordi­nance the Scepter is fallen into his hand and power, that enjoyeth the Crowne, whether hee bee good or bad. A right of deposing, must bee either in him that hath an higher power, which is onely God: or in him, that hath better right to the Crowne: which the Pope cannot have, because hee is a stranger: nor the Peeres, or people, be­cause they are subjects. Bee the King for his Religion im­pious, for his Government unjust, for his life licentious, the subject must endure him, the Bishop must reprove him, the Councellour must advise him, all must pray for him, and no mortall man hath authority to disturbe or dis­place him, as may evidently bee seene by the Chapter fol­lowing.

The fifth Chapter confirmeth this Doctrine by the Fathers of the fourth 300. yeares.

IN this age of the Church, the Popes exalted them­selves above all that is called God, and upon private dis­pleasures and quarrels, did curse and banne Princes, in­censing their Neighbour-nations, and perswading their owne subjects, to make warre against them, as if Christ, had ordained his Sacraments, not to bee seales of grace, [Page 22]and helps of our faith, but hookes to catch Kingdomes, and rods to scourge such Potentates as would not, or could not procure the Popes favour. How farre these Popish pra­ctises, did displease the godly and learned, I will shew by Saint Bernard, Walthramus Bishop of Nanumberg, the Epi­stle Apolegeticall of the Church of Leige against Pascha­lis the Pope, and the Authour of Henry the fourth his life.

Saint Bernard, in one of his Sermons upon the words of CHRIST; I am the vine, commendeth the answer of a certaine King, Bene quidam Rex, cum percussus humana sa­gitta, &c. It was well said of a King when hee was shot into the body with an arrow, and they that were about him, desired him to bee bound untill the arrowes head were cut out, for that the least motion of his body would endanger his life: no (quoth hee) it doth not beseeme a King to bee bound, let the Kings power bee ever safe and at liberty. And the same Father in an Epistle to Ludo­vicus Crassus the King of France teacheth subjects, how to rebell and fight against their Princes; Quicquid vobis de Regno vestro, de Anima & Corona vestra facere placuerit: Whatsoever you please to doe with your Kingdome, Bernard. E­pist. 221. your Soule, or your Crowne, wee that are the Children of the Church cannot endure or dissemble the injuries, con­tempt, and conculcation of our Mother. Questionlesse wee will stand and fight even unto death in our Mothers be­halfe, and use such weapons, as wee may lawfully, I meane not swords and speares, but prayers and teares to God.

When Gregory the seaventh had deposed Henry the fourth, hee gave away the Empire to one Rodolphus Duke of Saxony, that was a sworne subject to that distressed Emperour; which Rodolp, in a battaile against his Soveraigne Lord, lost his right-hand, and gained a deadly wound. Af­ter his death, the Pope made one Hermanus King of Ger­many, who enjoyed his Kingdome but a little time, for hee was slaine with a stone, which a woman threw upon him [Page 23]from a turret, as hee made an assault (in sport) against his owne Castle, to try the valour of his souldiers. Ex vita Henr. quanti quae bibotur in fasciculo rerum scien­darum Colo­niae impresso. Then did Egbertus, by the Popes encouragement ascend the Impe­riall throne, whereon he sate but a while: for as hee stepped aside from his army into a mill, to rest himselfe in the heat of the day, hee was discovered by the miller to the Empe­rours friends, and lost his life for his labour. During this hurly-burly in that state Walthramus a godly Bishop, wrote to one Ludovicus an Earle of the Empire, diswading him from partaking with the seditious against that good Empe­rour, whom the Pope had deposed. Walthram by the grace of God, that hee is, to Lewes the noble Prince, with instance of prayer, offreth himselfe in all things serviceable. Con­cord is profitable to every Realme, and justice much to bee desired: these vertues are the Mother of devotion, and the consecration of all honesty. But whosoever seeketh after civill dissention, and incenseth other to the effusion of bloud, hee is a murtherer, and partaketh with him, who ga­ping for bloud, goeth about seeking whom hee may de­voure: The worthy vessell of election, that was taken up to the third Heaven, protesteth, saying. Let every Soule sub­mit himselfe to the higher power, there is no power but from God. Hee that resisteth power, resisteth the ordi­nance of God. If that bee true (which some men prate a­mong women and the vulgar sort) that wee ought not to bee subdued to the Kingly power, Then it is false which the Apostle teacheth, that every Soule must submit him­selfe under power and superiority. Can the truth lie? did not Christ the Lord speake by the Apostle? Epist Wald. quae habetur in appendice Marian. Scot. Why doe wee provoke the Lord? are wee stronger then hee? Doth not hee thinke himselfe stronger then the Lord, that resisteth the ordinance of God? seeing there is no power but of God: what saith the Prophet? Confounded bee they that strive against the Lord, and they that resist him shall perish. Ro­dolphus, Hermanus, Egbertus, with many other Princes, re­sisted the ordinance of God, in Henry the Emperour, but for [Page 24]they are confounded, as though they had never beene, for as their end was ill, their beginning could not be good, &c, Haec ille.

Pope Paschalis seeing the bad successe of those seditious subjects, which his Predecessours Gregory and Vrbanus had armed against Henry, that worthy Emperour: did per­swade the Emperours owne Sonne, against all Law of God, Nature, and Nations, to rebell against his Father. The Bishop of Leige tooke the Emperours part, against this young Prince, for the which hee was excommunicate, his Church interdicted, and Robert Earle of Flanders comman­ded by the Pope, as hee hoped to have the forgivenesse of his sinnes, and the favour of the Church of Rome, to destroy that Bishop and his false Priests.

The Churchmen of Leige terrified with the Popes ex­communication, and fearing the Earles oppression, wrote an Apologie for themselves about the yeare 1106. Wee are excommunicate (say they) because wee obey our Bishop, Epistol. Leo­diensium apud Simonem Scard. who hath taken part with his Lord the Emperour. These are the beginnings of sorrow: for Sathan beeing loosed, compasseth the earth, and hath made a division betweene the Prince and the Priest: who can justly blame the Bishop that taketh his Lords part, to whom hee hath sworne alle­giance? perjury is a great sinne, whereof they cannot bee ignorant, that by new Schisme and novell tradition, doe promise to absolve subjects from the guilt of perjury, that forsweare themselves to their Lord the King, &c.

In the progresse of their Apologie they determine three great questions: First, whether the Pope hath power to ex­communicate Kings? Secondly, to whom it belongeth to inflict temporall punishment, when Church-men offend against faith, unity, or good manners? And thirdly, what remedy subjects have against their Kings, that are impious or tyrannous? Si quis respectu sancti Spiritus, &c. If any man having respect to the Spirit of God, shall turne over the old and new Testament, he shall plainely find that Kings, [Page 25]ought not at all or very hardly be excommunicate, whether wee consider the Etimologie of their names, or the nature of their excommunication. Even till this day hath this point beene questioned, and never determined. Kings may bee admonished and reproved, by such as bee discreet and sober men, for Christ the King of Kings in earth, who hath placed them in his owne stead, hath reserved them to his owne judgement, &c.

Their answer to the second question, is grounded on the testimony of Saint Augustine, the practise of Princes, and the authority of Paul. Kings (say they) and Emperours by their publike Lawes, have forbidden Heretiques, to enjoy any Worldly possession. Wherefore seeing wee are no Heretiques, and that it belongeth not to the Pope, but to Kings and Emperours to punish Heresies, why doth our Lord Paschalis, send Robert, his Armour-bearer, to de­stroy the possessions and to overthrow the Villages of the Churches, which in case they deserved destruction, ought to bee destroyed by the edict of Kings and Emperours, which cary the sword not without good cause? &c.

For answer to the third question, they shew by sundry places of Scripture, that there is no other helpe against evill Princes, then prayer and patience. Nihil modo pro Impera­tore nostro dicimus, &c. Wee will for the present say no­thing in defence of our Emperour, but this wee say, though hee were as bad as you report him to bee, wee would en­dure his government, because our sinnes have deserved such a Governour. Bee it: wee must needs grant against our will, that the Emperour is an Arch-heretike, an invader of the Kingdome, a worshipper of the Simonaicall Idoll, and accursed by the Apostles and Apostolike men, as you say of him: even such a Prince ought not to bee resisted by vio­lence, but endured by patience and prayer. Moses brought many plagues upon Pharaoh, whose heart God had harde­ned, but it was by prayer and the lifting up his hands to Heaven. And Saint Paul requireth prayers to bee made [Page 26]for all men, for Kings and such as are in authority: which Kings were neither Catholikes nor Christians. Baruch also from the mouth of the Prophet Jeremy, wrote unto the Iewes, which were captives unto the King of Babylon, that they must pray for the life of Nabuchodonoser the King of Babylon, and Balthazar his Sonne, that their dayes in earth may bee as the dayes of Heaven, Epist. Leod. &c. Saint Paul teacheth why wee ought to pray for evill Kings, namely, that under them wee may lead a quiet life. It would become an Apo­stolike man, to follow the Apostles Doctrine: it were pro­pheticall to follow the Prophet, &c. Thus farre they in their Epistle Apologeticall.

Hee that wrote the life of this Emperour Henry the fourth, Vita Henr. 4. quo supra. an ancient, a modest, and an impartiall Relatour of such occurrents as happened in his time, declareth his dislike of the Popes practises, and the Germanes tumults against their said soveraigne Lord. Magnum Mundo documentum datum est: A great instruction was given to the World that no man should rise against his Master. For the hand of Ro­dolph being cut off, shewed a most just punishment of per­jury; hee feared not to violete his fidelity sworne to the King, and his right hand was punished, as if other wounds had not beene sufficient to bring him to his death, that by the plague of the rebellious, the fault of rebellion might bee perceived: Thus farre hee.

The sixth Chapter proveth the same by the testimony of the Writers from the 12. hundred yeares downeward.

I Will for conclusion produce Otho Frinsingensis, Thomas Aquinas, Gratianus, Philip the faire King of France, the Parliament of England in the time of Edward the first, Vin­centius, [Page 27]and Aeneas Silvius that afterward was Pope, by the name of Pius secundus.

Otho Frising. in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Chronicle. Otho Frisingensis hath an excellent saying in his Epistle Dedicatory to Frederick Barbarossa; Cum nulla persona mun­dialis inveniatur quae mundi legibus non subjaceat, &c. Al­though no earthly man can bee found, that is not subject to the Lawes of the World, and in respect of subjection, lia­ble to correction: Kings as it were placed over Lawes, are not restrained by them, but reserved to the examination of God, according to the words of the King and Prophet, Against thee onely have I sinned. It becommeth therefore a King, both in respect of the noble disposition of his mind, Psal. 51.5. and the spirituall illumination of his soule, to have God, the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, ever in his mind, and by all meanes possible, to take heed, that hee fall not into the hands of God, seeing it is (as the Apostle saith) a fearefull thing to fall into the hands of the living God. It is more fearefull for Kings, then for any other; because Kings have none but God himselfe above them, whom they need feare. It shall bee so much more horrible for them, by how much they may offend more freely then other men. So farre Otho.

Thomas Aquinas, (if the Tractate De regimine Princi­pum bee his) maketh three sorts of Kings: Aquin. de re­gimine Princ. lib. 1. cap. 6. Kings by ele­ction, Kings by subordination, and Kings by succession. For the first hee saith, that they which did establish, may abo­lish: for the second, wee must have our recourse to him that did surrogate the subordinate King: as the Iewes did to Caesar against Herod: for the last, his resolution is Recurren­dum esse ad omnium Regem Deum, that wee must flie to God, the King of all Kings, in whose onely power it is, to mol­lifie the cruell heart of a Tyrant. And that men, may ob­taine this at the hands of God, they must cease from sinne; for wicked Princes, by Divine permission are exalted to punish the sinnes of the people, Tollenda est igitur culpa ut cessat Tyrannorum plaga; Wee must therefore remove our [Page 28]sinnes, that God may take away his punishment: Thus farre Thomas.

Gratianus, which compiled the decrees, is very perem­ptory, that the Bishop of Rome, ought not to meddle with the temporall sword, the state of Common-wealths, or the change of Princes. Hee saith nothing indeed De Regni ordinibus, which in his time, and a 100. yeares after him, never dreamed of any such authority. Cum Petrus qui pri­mus Apostolorum à Domino fuerat electus, materialem gla­dium exerceret: When Peter whom the Lord had first cho­sen of all the Apostles, drew the materiall sword, to de­fend his Master from the injuries of the Iewes, hee was commanded to sheath his sword: Math. 26.52. For all that take the sword, shall perish by the sword. As if Christ should have said, Hi­therto it was lawfull for thee a thine Ancestours to per­secute Gods enemies with the temporall sword, hereafter thou must put up that sword into his place, and draw the sword of the Spirit, Caus. 23. quest. 8. pa­rag. 1. which is the word of God, to slay the old man: whosoever beside the Prince, and without his au­thority, that hath lawfull power, and as the Apostle teach­eth, Rom. 13.4. Beareth not the sword in vaine, to whom every soule must bee subject, whosoever (I say) without or beside the Princes authority, beareth the sword, shall perish by the sword: Thus farre Gratian.

About the yeare a 1300. beganne a quarrell betweene Boniface the eight, and Philippus Pulcher the French King, about the collation of benefices, Prebends, and other Eccle­siasticall promotions. Whereupon the Pope wrote un­to the said King, as followeth: Boniface Bishop, the ser­vant of Gods servants, to his wel-beloved Sonne Philip, by Gods grace King of France, Greeting, and blessing A­postolicall. Feare God and keepe his law: Wee give thee to understand that thou art subject to us both in spirituall things, and temporall, and that no gift of benefices or Prebends belongeth to thee. If thou have in thy hand a­ny vacant, keepe the profits of them to the Successours, [Page 29]and if thou hast bestowed any, wee decree the collation void, and recall it, how farre soever it hath proceeded. Whosoever beleeveth otherwise, wee account him a foole: Dated at Lateran the fourth of the Calends of December, and in the sixth yeare of our Papacy. King Philip returned his haughtinesse, a correspondent answer, viz. Philip by tho grace of God, King of France, to Boniface bearing him­selfe for Pope, Salutem modicam sive nullam. Sciat tua maxima fatuitas. Little health or none at all. Philip. Pul­cher. Let thy great fooleship know, that in temporall things wee are subject to no man. And that the gifts of Prebends and Ec­clesiasticall promotions, made, and to bee made by us, were and shall bee lawfull, both in time past and in time to come. For such collations belong to us in the right of our Crowne: wherefore, wee will manfully defend the Possessours of the said dignities, and doe judge them that thinke otherwise fooles and mad men; Given at Paris the Wednesday after Candlemasse, 1301. Questionlesse this King that did so scornefully reject the Popes chalenge pretended from Christ, would little regard the claime of the Nobles, derived but from the people.

The same busie Boniface, of whom some write, that hee came in like a Fox craftely, raigned like a Lyon cruelly, and died like a Dogge miserably, would take upon him the de­cision of a controversie betweene the Kings of England and Scotland, and commanded King Edward of England either to cease his claime, or to send his Procuratours to the A­postolike sea, to shew his right, and to receive such or­der from the Pope, as justice and equity would require. The Lords and Commons then assembled in Parliament at Lincolne sent Boniface this answer in the Kings behalfe. Whereas our most dread Lord Edward by the grace of God, the Noble King of England, caused your Letters to bee read openly before us, touching certaine occurrents of state betweene him and the King of Scotland, wee did not a little marvaile at the contents thereof, so strange and [Page 30]wonderfull, as the like hath never beene heard of. Wee know (most Holy Father) and it is well knowne in this Realme, and also to other Nations, that the King of Eng­land ought not to make answer for his right before any Iudge Ecclesiasticall or secular: Parliament at Lincolr c quoted by M. ekenshaw. by reason of the free estate of his Royall dignity and custome, without breach at all times unviolably observed: Wherefore after treaty had and diligent deliberation, this was our resolution, that our said King ought not to answer in judgement, nor send Pro­curatours or Messengers to your Court: seeing that ten­deth manifestly to the disinheriting of the right of the Crowne, the overthrow of the state of the Kingdome, and the breach of the liberties, customes, and lawes of our Fa­thers, for the keeping whereof, wee are bound by the duty of an oath, and will (by Gods helpe) maintaine and de­fend with all our power and strength, &c. Dated at Lin­colne Ann. Dom. 1301. & Anno Edwardi primi 29. This was then the resolution of the State of this Land: if our late Sectaries Popish or Puritan, bring in any other Do­ctrine, wee may not leave the cawsey of truth and obe­dience, whereon our Fore-fathers walked to their commen­dation, to follow these new guides, in their bypaths of pride, disobedience, and contempt of authority, to our de­struction.

Vincentius in his Speculo Historiali hath a notable place to disswade from sedition and perjury. Lib. 15. c. 84. Vt pace omnium bonorum dixerim, haec sola novitas (ne dicam Haeresis) nec dum è Mundo emerserat. That I may speake with the favour of all good men, this meere novelty (if not Heresie) was not sprung up in the World, that Priests should teach subjects, that they owe no subjection to wicked Kings, and albeit they have given an oath of fidelity unto them, they are not bound to keepe it: Nay, they that obey an evill Prince, are to bee held as excommunicated, and all such as rebell a­gainst him, are free from the guilt of the crime of perjury. So farre hee.

I will end this Chapter with Aeneas Silvius, Pius 2. de or­tu & author. Imperii c. 23. who died in the yeare 1464. Sit tandem finis litium, Let there bee an end of contention, and one principall head to determine all temporall matters: let the occasion of perpetuall debate bee taken away, let men acknowledge themselves subject to their Prince, and give reverence to him, whom God hath made his vicegerent on Earth. As that which God commandeth must bee obeyed without contradiction, so the temporall Commandements of Caesar, may not bee re­sisted. But let the Kings themselves beware that they op­presse no man unjustly, nor give their people cause to crie to God against them, for the Earth is the Lords and the ful­nesse thereof: hee will not forget the crie of the poore: and for the sinne of the Prince hee translateth the Government from one Nation to another. There is nothing more of­fensive to the greatest God, the King and Creatour of Hea­ven and Earth, then the neglect of justice, and the oppression of the poore: as the Psalmist saith, The poore shall not al­way bee forgotten, and the patient abiding of the needy shall not perish for ever. So farre Silvius.

The seaventh Chapter sheweth the concord of Papist and Puritan for the deposition of Kings, and their discord about the meanes and persons to bee imployed in the execution of their designements.

CHilderick was deposed, and Pipine crowned King of France about the yeare 750. The truth of which Hi­story is this. Childerick void of all princely gravity, gave himselfe over to pleasure and wantonnesse, leaving the bur­then of the state to Pipinus, that was his Lord Marshall: [Page 32]Who conspired with the Nobles, to advance himselfe, by the deposition of the King his Master. To set a better co­lour on the matter, Pipine sent his Chaplaine to Pope Zacha­ry, to have his answer to this Question: Whether should bee King, hee that bare the name and did nothing, or hee that gover­ned the Kingdome? The Pope gave sentence with the Mar­shall against the King, whereupon, Childerick was made a shorne Monke, and Pipine a crowned King.

It is a wonder to see how these opposite Sectaries, doe insist upon this fact of the French-men, to justifie their dange­rous doctrine, and seditious conspiracies against Princes. As Cardinall Bellarmine de Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 17. Thomas Harding against the Apologie of the Church of England, fol. 181. Franc. Fevardentius in his Commentaries on Hester, pag. 85. Boucher alias Raynolds de justa abdicatione Hen­rici 3. lib. 3. cap. 14. Ficklerus de jure Magistratuumfol. 30. Alexander Carerius patavinus de potestate Papae, lib. 2. cap. 3. D. Marta de temporali & spirituali Pontificis pote­state, lib. 1. c. 23. and Doleman in his conference touching suc­cession part. 1. cap. 3. pag. 48. And also these Puritans, Christopher Goodman in his treatise of obedience, pag. 53. George Buchanan de jure Regni apud Scotos. pag. 47. Danaens de politia Christiana lib. 3. cap. 6. pag. 221. Brutus Celta dejure Magistratuum, pag. 286. Phyladelphus dialogo 2. pag. 65. Franc. Hottomanus in his Francogallia cap. 12. and Speculum tyrannidis Philipi Regis pag. 27. The Papists which ascribe this deposing power to the Pope, endeavour by tooth and naile, to disprove that interest which the Pu­ritans grant the Peeres, or the people. First, this example served Gregory the seventh to excuse his presumptous pra­ctises against Henry the fourth. Quidam Romanus Ponti­fex: A certaine Bishop of Rome deposed a King of France, not so much for his ill life, as for that hee was not fit for govern­ment, Lib. de unit. Eccles. apud Scard. pag. 3. and placed Pipine, which was Father to Charles the great in his place: absolving all the French-men from the oath of allegeance, which they had sworne to their King. Thus [Page 33]farre Gregory in an Epistle to one Herimanus, that was Bishop of Metz in France.

Thomas Harding concludeth from this fact, a Divine power in the Pope. Consut. of the Apolog. fol. 181. Can you not see (saith Harding) what strength and power is in the Pope, which is able with a word, to place and displace the mightiest King in Europe? with a word, I say, for I am sure you can shew us of no army, that hee sent to execute his will. Is it in the power of man (thinke you) to appoint Kingdomes? can the Devill himselfe, at his pleasure set up and depose Kings? no surely. Much lesse can any member of his doe the same. Remem­ber you what CHRIST said, when the Iewes objected, that hee did cast out Devils in the name of the Prince of Devils? beware you sinne not against the holy Ghost, who confesse that the Pope hath pulled downe and set up Kings. Which thing undoubtedly hee could never doe profitably and peaceably, but by the great power of God, &c. So farre Harding.

Cardinall Bellarmine the Grand-master of Controver­sies, De Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 17. cannot endure to heare that this deposition was done by any other then the Papall authority. The Pope (saith hee) Iudicavit licere Francis, regnum Childerici in Pipinum trans­ferre. The Pope gave judgement that the Frenchmen might lawfully transferre Childericks Kingdome to Pipin: and did absolve them from the oath which they had sworne unto him. No man that hath his right wit can deny this to be lawfull. For the very event hath proved, that change to bee most fortunate: seeing the Kingdome of France, was never more potent, nor Religion more flourishing, then under Pipin and Charles his Sonne. Thus farre Bellar­mine.

This Cardinals reason from the successe to the approba­tion of the fact, will conclude well for the Turke, who hath longer continued, more flourished and inlarged his state, then the House of Pipin. Heare in a word the true successe of Pipins posterity out of Beneventus Imolensis and Paulus Beneventus, Imolensis. [Page 34] Aemilius. The first of that line was Charles the great in whose time the Empire was divided. The second was Ludovicus Pius, against whom Lotharius, an unnaturall Sonne, did conspire: who thrust his Father to a Cloister, and placed himselfe in the Throne, where hee sate like a Ty­rant, till hee was also deposed. The fourth was Ludovicus secundus, a man unfortunate in all his doings. The fifth was Ludovicus tertius, whom they call Ludovicus nihili, or Lewes no-body. Paulus Ac­milius. The sixth was Charles the Bald, a very Coward. The seventh was Carolus Crassus, as very a Foole. Arnulphus the eight of that progeny was eaten with lice. The ninth was Ludovicus quartus, in whom that race ended.

Alexander Carerius inferreth the absolute soveraignty of the Pope over all Kings, even to depose them, and to transpose their Realmes, from the insufficiency of the No­bles and People. De potest. Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 3. num. 6. Esto quod verùm sit Papam, non deposuisse Regem Franciae: Bee it true that the Pope did not depose the King of France, but gave consent to the Peeres and People to depose him, this is a most manifest profe of our intent: that Kings have one, if not many superiours, viz. the Barons and people of their Kingdome: and over throweth their posi­tion and conclusion, That Kings have in temporall things no superiour, no, not the Bishop of Rome. But seeing the Ba­rons and People could neither judge nor deprive him, be­cause they wanted coactive power, which Vassals or Sub­jects have not over their Soveraigne, it followeth necessari­ly, that the Pope by his Princely power, as superiour to the King in temporalties, might lawfully depose him. Thus farre Carerius.

D. Marta, is as peremptory for the Pope, against the pretended claime of the Peeres, or the People. Childeri­cus privatus est Regno Francia ob stupiditatem & ineptitudi­nem in administrando: Childerick was deprived of the King­dome of France, for his stupidity and unfitnesse to governe. They that say hee was not deprived by the Pope alone, but [Page 35]by them that desired another King, doe not answer the reasons alleadged for the Popes Soveraigne power in tem­poralties: nay, they confirme the Popes power. Baldus asketh this question, when the Emperour is unprofitable, or mad, or a drunkard, may the people depose him, or assigne him a Coadjutor? No, saith hee, the Pope must doe it, De temp. & spir. Pontif. potest. part. 1. cap. 23. num. 15.16.17. for the Pope is the crowne and braine of the people. And wee have proved before, that God did give no jurisdiction to the people, but to Moses and his Successours. Wherefore the Vassals or Peeres which represent the people, have no power common with the Pope, in the deposing of Princes. And in that they say, that the Frenchmen desired another King, it is a great confirmation, that the Pope hath right to dispose of Kingodmes. Hee useth to desire, who hath not of his owne: or cannot of himselfe effect that, which he would have done: Thus farre Marta.

They that plead for the state of the Laity, are as confident against the Pope and Clergy. Vt paucis dicam (saith Iunius) hoc secit Zacharias ut Dominus aut ut mandatarius, authori­tate instructus à Domino, that I may use few words, the Pope deposed Childerick either as his Lord, or as a manda­tary having authority from the Lord; but hee did it neither way. Not as Lord, how could hee bee Lord in France, that in those dayes had no Lordship in Rome? hee did it not as mandatary, for then hee ought to have shewed his authority, which hee neither did, nor could shew. CHRIST would not divide a private inheritance, shall Zachary then pre­sume to depose Kings, or transpose Kingdomes. Thus farre Junius.

Caeterum quod Monachus iste (saith Lambertus Danaeus) whereas this Monke Bellarmine contendeth, that Childerick was lawfully deposed by Pope Zacharias, a stranger, a Priest, no Magistrate, but (in this respect) a private person, though hee were Bishop of Rome. Resp. Danae. ad Bellar. l. 2. cap. 17. pag, 316. Will hee ever bee able to prove or defend his assertion? Can Zachary have authority in France, being a stranger? can hee depose the publike Magi­strate, [Page 36]being but a private person? or transferre that princi­pality to Pipin that hee hath no right unto? and commit so many sacriledges and impieties, stealing from Childerick, and giving to Pipin another mans right? authorising subjects to violate their oaths, which they had sworne to their King? transposing Kingdomes from one man to another, whereas it doth onely belong to God to depose Kings, and dispose of Kingdomes? thou maist see (Bellarmine) how many outrages this thy Zachary hath committed, beside that hee did thrust his sickle into an other mans harvest, and med­led with the cobler beyond his last, in that, being but a Priest hee tooke upon him the decision of the right of King­domes. Thus farre Danaeus, who is not so violent against the Pope, Danaeus pol. Christ. l. 6. c. 3. pag. 414. as hee is virulent for the deposing power of Peeres, or States of the Kingdome. The Kings (saith hee) of Lacedemonia had the Ephori to controll them. The States­men of the Romane Common-wealth, deposed the Empe­rours, which were Tyrants, and abused their authority. The French-state hath often dethroned their Kings: The Nobles of Spaine may doe it by their Law: And the History of the Scottish affaires (excellently well written by Mulus mu­lum scabit. Bucha­nan) doth report that the States-men of that Countrey, have many times deprived the Kings of Scotland. Finally, na­turall reason, and the practise of all nations doth confirme, that the States-men in every Kingdome, may depose Kings, that are peccant. Cap. 13. So farre hee. Hottoman in his Franco Gallia, hath a long Chapter to prove that this might bee done lawfully, by the Peeres, or the People, but in no case by the Pope or the Clergy.

Men cannot say (as it is in the proverbe) Nimium alter­cando veritas amittitur, seing that in this opposition, the truth is not lost, but divided among them. For their pre­misses, brought together, will unadvoidably conclude, that this deposing power, is neither in the Pope, the Peeres, nor the People. Though it were, the reason of the seditious Papists and Puritans, à facto ad jus, is sophisticall in the [Page 37]Schooles, where nothing can bee concluded Ex meris parti­cularibus, of meere particular instances. Absurd in law, Quia legibus non exemplis vivitur, for men must doe as the law re­quireth, not as other men practise. Erroneous in Divinity, Non ideo quia factum credimus, faciendū credamus, ne violemus praeceptū, dum sectamur exemplum. We may not do that, August. ad Consen. de mendac. cap. 9. w ^ch hath bin done by other men, least we break the law of God, in following the example of man. And dangerous in poli­cy, as my Lord of Northampton, the ornament of learning, observeth. The flie (saith that noble Earle) setting on the cart wheele, might as well wonder at the dust raised in the way, as Gregory or Zachary, draw counsell to power, and make that fact their owne, which was hammered in the forge of ambition, countenanced with the colour of necessity, and executed by Pipin, a Minister, that being weary of subordination, resolved by this trick, when the meanes were fitted and prepared to the plot, to make himself absolute. The case of Kings were pitifull, if Ex fa­ctis singularibus, it were lawfull to draw leaden rules in their disgrace. Thus farre the Earle.

The eight Chapter sheweth the dan­ger of this Doctrine, and the originall of the Puri­tan position, concerning the power of States­men to punish and depose Princes in Monarchies.

THese desperate attempts, suggested by the Devill, exe­cuted by the people, encouraged by the state, and appro­ved by the Pope, must serve as admonitions to Princes, to humble themselves before God: Qui non dabit sanctos suos in captionent dentibus corum; Who will not give his Saints [Page 38]for a prey to their teeth. For it is not heard (as our great King remembreth) That any Prince forgeteth himselfe in his duty to God, Law of Mo­narch. p. 60 or in his vocation? But God with the greatnesse of the plague revengeth the greatnesse of his ingratitude.

These practises therefore must bee no president for Peeres, or People to follow, because God hath forbidden Christian subjects to resist, though Kings raigne as Tyrants; and commanded them to endure with patience, though they suffer as Innocents. And also, because that in stead of relec­ving the Common-wealth out of distresse, which is ever the pretence of seditious practitioners, they shall heape mischeefe on it, and desolation on themselves: as (Aquinas) if hee bee the Authour of the Booke De Regimine Princi­pum, sheweth manifestly. Esset multitudini periculosum & ejus rectoribus: De reg. Princ. lib. 1. cap. 6. It were dangerous to Subjects and Gover­nours, that any should attempt to take away the life of Princes, though they were Tyrants: for commonly, not the well disposed, but the ill affected men, doe thrust them­selves into that danger. And the Government of good Kings, is as odious to bad men, as the rule of Tyrants to good people. Wherefore the Kingdome, by this pre­sumption would bee rather in danger to forgoe a good Prince, then a wicked Tyrant. So farre Thomas.

They that are the Authours or abettors of sedition, can neither avoid shame in earth, nor escape eternall damna­tion. Though God the great Iudge doe sometime permit rebels, in his Iustice to prevaile against Kings, for their con­tempt of the law of the highest, and the neglect of their owne duty; The reward of rebellion shall bee no better then the recompence of Sathan, who is the instrument of the Lords wrath for the punishment of all disobedience. Chrysostome: It is most true that as sick men, neere their death, have many idle fancies, so the World before the end thereof shall bee trou­bled with many errours. In these declining dayes of the World, many Countreyes, Cities, and Cantons, renounced their old Government, and submitted themselves to such a [Page 39]new regiment as they best liked: for confirmation of which practises, there wanted not politike Divines, (what wine is so sourc that some hedge grapes will not yeeld) to invest the people and Nobles with the power over Kings, to dispose of their Kingdomes. The Heathen Politicians from whom this politike Divinity is derived, knowing not the true God, and having no rule to direct them, but naturall reason, thought him no murtherer, but a Defender of his Countrey that killed Tyrants. But this pagan principle, be­ing a plant that CHRIST hath not planted, must bee pluck­ed up by the rootes. I can find no ground of this lend lear­ning, beyond 220. yeares in the Christian World: The first Authours of it being Johannes de Parisiis, Iacobus Almain, Job. de Paris de potest. Re­gia & Papali. cap. 14. and Marsilius Patavinus: Vbi peccat Rex in temporalibus, saith Iohannes de Parisiis, Papa non habet ipsum corrigere: When the King offended in the temporall Government, the Pope hath no authority to correct him, but the Barons or Peeres of the Realme, and if they either cannot, or dare not meddle with him, they may crave the Churches aid to suppresse him: so farre Iohn of Paris.

Tota communitas (saith Iacob Almain) potestatem habet Principem deponere. Iacob Almain de potest. Eccl. cap. 1. All the communalty, hath power to de­pose their Prince, which power the communalty of France used, when they deprived their King, not so much for his impiety, as for his disability to mannage so great a charge: so farre Almain. Regis depositio & alterius institutio (saith Marsilius Patavinus) the deposition of a King, Marsil. Pa­tave. de transl. Imperii cap 6. and the in­stitution of another in his place, belongeth not to the Bi­shop of Rome, to any Priest, or to the Colledge of Priests, but to the universall multitude of the Subjects. So farre hee.

From these, the Puritans have learned their errour of the power of States-men over Kings, then which, no opinion can bee more dangerous: where the Nobility are as ready to practise, as the Puritan Preachers are to prescribe. What presumption is it in men, to passe the bounds which God [Page 40]hath set them, to controll the wisedome of the Lord, and his unspeakable goodnesse, when hee maketh triall of the patience of his Saints, by the outrage and tyranny of cruell Kings, that they which are found patient in trouble, con­stant in truth, and loyall in subjection, may bee crowned with glory. Were wee perswaded, that the hearts of Kings are in Gods hand, that the haires of our head are numbred, and that no affliction can befall us, which God doth not dispose to the exercise of our faith, the triall of our constan­cy, or the punishment of our sinne, wee would as well ad­mire the justice of God, in permitting Tyrants, that our sinnes may bee judged, and punished in this World, as praise his mercy and favour, in giving rest to his servants, under the protection of godly and gracious Princes.

The ninth Chapter sheweth the gene­rall consent of the Moderne Puritans touching the coercion, deposition, and killing of Kings whom they call Tyrants.

THe Citizens of Geneva, changed the Government from a Monarchy to a Democrity in the yeare of Christ, 1536. In the which yeare, Iohn Calvin came into that City, to vi­sit his friend Farellus; And was chosen the publike reader of Divinity. At his first comming thither, hee published his Theologicall institutions. Wherein hee doth very lear­nedly, and Christianly intreat of the authority of Princes, and the duty of subjects. One onely place is harsh, and dangerous: delivered in obscure, and doubtfull tearmes, to excuse (as I conceive) the outrage of the Citizens, against their Prince, whom they had not many weekes before expelled: not to authorise other men to attempt the like [Page 41]against their soveraigne Magistrates. His words are these, Si qui sunt populares Magistratus, ad moderandam regum li­bidinem constituti. If there bee any popular Magistrates, to restraine the licentiousnesse of Kings, of which kind were the Ephori opposed against the Lacedemonian Kings, Instit. lib. 4. cap. 20. Sect. 31. the Tribunes of the people, which curbed the Romane Con­suls, and the Demarchy which brideled the Senate of A­thens; And such peradventure as things now stand are the three states in every Kingdome, assembled in Parliament. I doe not deny, but these in regard of their duty, stand bound to represse the unrulinesse of licentious Kings: Nay, I affirme, that if they doe but winke at those Kings, which peevishly make havock of their people, and insult against their communalty, that they want not the guilt of hainous treachery, because they betray the liberty of the people, whose guardians they know themselves to bee appointed. Thus farre Calvin. Since which time all Puritans have turned his conjunction conditionall, into an illative, his ad­verb of doubting to an affirmative, and his permissive, Non veto, into a verb of the imperative mode, in their bookes of re­giment secular, and Discipline Ecclesiasticall.

Christopher Goodman, published a treatise of obedience at Geneva, not without the very good liking and approba­tion of the best learned in that City, 1557. wherein hee af­firmeth. Pag. 119. That if Magistrates trangresse Gods law them­selves, and command others to doe the like, they loose that honour, and obedience which otherwise is due unto them: and ought no more to bee taken for Magistrates: but to bee examined and punished as private Transgressours: So farre Goodman.

Much about the same time was Knoxe his appellation printed in the same place, wherein hee feareth not to af­firme, Geneva fol. 56. That it had beene the duty of the Nobility, Iudges, Rulers, and people of England not onely to have resisted Mary, that Jezabel whom they call their Queene, but also to have punished her to the death, with all such as [Page 42]should have assisted her, what time that shee openly be­ganne to suppresse Christs Gospell, to shed the bloud of the Saints, and to erect that most Devilish Idolatry, the Papi­sticall abhominations, and his usurped tyranny. Thus farre Knox.

Ann. 1560. Theodore Beza printed his Confessions, wherein hee avoucheth, That there are vices inherent in the Persons of Princes, though they bee lawfully established, by succession, Pag. 216. or election, viz. Vngodlinesse, convetous­nesse, ambition, cruelty, luxury, lechery, and such like sinnes which Tyrants delight in. What shall bee done in this case to these Princes? I answer (saith hee) that it belongeth to the superiour powers, such as are the seven Electours in the Empire, and the States-men of the Kingdome almost in every Monarchy, to restraine the fury of Tyrants, which if they doe not, they are Traytours to their Countries, and shall before the Lord give an account of their treachery. Thus farre Beza.

1561. The very yeare after, there was a contention betweene the Nobility and Clergy of Scotland about this matter, Rerum Scot. lib. 17. pag. 590. (as Buchanan reporteth:) let him tell his owne tale. Calendis Novemb. Regina ad Missam: The Queene upon the Feast of All-Saints, added to her private Masse all the solemnities and superstitious Ceremonies of the Papists; The Ministers of the Gospell tooke it very ill, complained thereof to the people, in their publike congregations, and admonished the Nobility of their duty in that behalfe: whereupon rose a controversie in a house of private meet­ing, betweene the Nobles and Preachers, whether the No­bles may restraine Idolatry, that is like to breake out to a generall destruction: and by rigour of law, compell the chiefe Magistrate to his duty, Note how basely the Puritans e­steeme the Nobility when they towart them. when he exceeded his bounds? The Ministers of the Church stood stedfast in opinion, as they had formerly done, that the chiefe Magistrate may bee compelled even by forcible meanes to live according to law: but the Noble men because of the Queenes favour, hope [Page 43]of honour, or love of lucre, did a little waver, and thought otherwise then the Ministers: and so in the end judgement passed with the Nobles, because they were more in num­ber and of better esteeme and reputation. Thus farre Bucha­nan.

1568. The outlandish Churches in London concluded this Canon in a classicall Synod, Bezae epist. 24. Si quisquam repugnantibus legibus Patriae: If any man usurpe Lordship, or Magistracy, against the lawes and priviledges of the Countrey, or if hee that is a lawfull Magistrate, doe unjustly bereave his sub­jects of the priviledges, and liberties which he hath sworne to performe unto them, or oppresse them by manifest ty­ranny, the inferiour officers must oppose themselves against him, for they are in duty bound before God, to defend their people, as well from a Domesticall, as a forraigne Tyrant. Thus farre they.

1574. Wee had swarmes of caterpillers: namely, Fol. 105. Disci­plina Ecclesiastica from Rochel, to teach us, that the Senate Ecclesiasticall hath the chiefe moderation of the Christian society, and ought to provide that no Magistrate bee de­fective in his charge, and by common care, counsell, and authority to oversee, that every Governour cary himselfe faithfully in his Magistracy. Thus farre that authour.

Franco Gallia from Colen, Pag. 48. wherein wee find that the peo­ple hath power to dethrone their Princes.

Iunius de jure Magistratuum (as some thinke from Gene­va, Pag. 306.) wherein it is said, that the people have the same right to depose Kings that are Tyrants, which a generall counsell hath to displace a Pope that is an Heretique.

Eusebius Phyladelphus from Edenborough, Dialog. 2. pag. 57. wherein wee read, that it was as lawfull for his Brethren of France, to defend themselves against the tyranny of Charles the ninth King of that name in France, as for wayfairing men to re­sist and repell theeves, cut-throats, and wolves: nay further, I am (saith hee) of opinion with the old people of Rome, that of all good actions the murther of a Tyrant [Page 44]is most commendable. Thus farre hee.

1577. Came forth the Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, Pag. 206. with this resolution, That Princes are chosen by God, established by the people: every private man is subject to the Prince: the Multitude and the Officers of State which represent the Multitude, are Superiours to the Prince: yea they may judge his actions, and if hee make resistance, punish him by forcible meanes. So farre hee.

1584. Danaeus finished his booke of Christian policy, wherein among many other hee propoundeth, and an­swereth a Noble question, Lib. 3. cap. 6. as hee termeth it. Nobilis quaestio sequitur. A noble question followeth, whether it bee law­full for subjects to change and alter their Government? Yea, whether it may bee done by godly men with a good conscience? his answer is. The chiefe Magistrate, that notoriously and wilfully violateth the fundamentall Lawes of the Kingdome, may bee displaced by godly subjects, with a good conscience. And this is his reason, Reges sum­mique Magistratus, Kings and chiefe Magistrates are the Vassals of the Kingdome, and of the Common-wealth where they rule: Wherefore, they may bee dispossessed and dejected when they shall obstinatly attempt any thing, a­gainst the feudall Lawes of the Kingdome where they governe, as Kings and chiefe Magistrates. And it is truly said, that as a generall Councell, is above the Pope, so the Kingdome or the Peeres of the Land, are above the King. Thus farre Danaeus.

1585: De jure Reg. pag. 31. George Buchanan proclaimed Rewards as well for murthering Kings as killing Tygers: If I (saith hee) had power to make a Law, I would command Tyrants to bee transported from the society of men into some solita­ry place, or else to bee drowned in the bottome of the Sea, that the evill savour of dead Tyrants should not annoy li­ving men. Further more I would award recompence to bee given for the slaughter of Tyrants, not onely of all in generall, but of every one in particular, as men use to reward [Page 45]them for their paines which kill Wolves or Beares, and de­stroy their young ones. Haec ille.

The same yeare Thomas Cartwright commended Dud­ley Fenners his Sacra Theologia (as they call his booke) to the World, wherein men are warranted by sundry Texts of Scripture, most miserably abused, to destroy Tyrants. Therein hee (following the Common opinion of the Pu­ritans) maketh two sorts of Tyrants, Tirannus sine titulo, Lib. 5. cap. 13. pag. 185. and Tirannus exercitio. For the Tyrant without title: Hee is confident, that any man may cut his throat. Huic quisque privatus resistet, etiam si potest è medio tollat, Let every pri­vate man resist him, and if hee can, take away his life. For the Tyrant exercent: having described him to bee a Prince, that doth wilfully dissolve all, or the chiefest compacts of the Common-wealth, hee concludeth against him, Hunc tollant, vel Pacifice vel cum Bello, qui ea potestate donati sunt, ut Regni Ephori vel omnium ordinum conventus publicus: The Peeres of the Kingdome or the publique assembly of States, ought to destroy him, either by peaceable practises, or open warre. Haecille.

Anno. 1588. Hermanus Renecherus published observa­tions upon the first Psalme, wherein hee investeth the Pres­bitery with all the Popes Prerogatives. Concerning the Presbiterian power over Kings, this is his notable annota­tion: God (saith hee) hath ordained the Civill Magistrate for the good of the Ecclesiasticall order, Pag. 72. therefore the Ec­clesiasticall State is the highest throne of Gods earthly Kingdome, the supreame seate of all excellency, and the chiefest Court wherein God himselfe is president, to distri­bute eternall gifts to his servants. Whereas the politicall Empire is but as it were an inferiour bench, wherein justice is administred according to the prescription of the Eccle­siasticall soveraignty: Thus farre Renecherus.

Robert Rollocke, a man otherwise very learned, is carried with the current of this errour, and borrowed his affertion of Master Fenner, whose words hee expoundeth by way [Page 46]of paraphrasis, In Daniel. cap. 5. pag. 150. in his commentaries on Daniel printed at E­denborough, 1591. Though the chiefe lawfull Magistrate (saith Master Rollock,) doe many things unjustly and tyran­nously, hee may not rashly bee violated, by them especially which have not authority: but the Nobles or the publike assembly of States, must reduce him to his duty by reproofe and all other lawfull meanes, 1 Sam. 14.46. If hee doe still persist in open and desperate tyranny, wilfully dissolving all or the chiefest compacts of the Common-wealth, private men must not yet meddle with him, onely the Peeres, or the publike assembly of all States to whom that charge be­longeth, must provide that the Church and Common-wealth come not to desolation: though it cannot other­wise bee done, then by the death and destruction of the tyrant. Better it is that an evill King bee destroyed, then the Church and State together ruined. Thus farre Rollock, For proofe hee referreth his Reader first to the 1 Sam. 14.46. viz. Then Saul came up from the Philistims, and the Phi­listims went to their owne place: ergo Kings that are wicked may bee reduced to their duty by the Peeres, or assembly of States according to the rules of the new Puritan logicke. Secondly, for the killing and destroying of Kings, hee re­ferreth his Readers to the 2. Reg. cap. 11. verse 4.5.6.7. which place I thinke hee never vouchsafed to looke upon, but set it downe as hee found it quoted in Fenners Divinity, from whom hee hath taken all the rest.

I will make an end with William Bucanus, whose Booke was published at the request, and with the approbation of Beza and Goulartius, maine pillars of the Church of Gene­va. 1602. Loco 76. pag. 844. They (saith Bucanus) which have any part of office in the publike administration of the Common-wealth, as the Overseers, Senatours, Consuls, Peeres, or Tri­bunes, may restraine the insolency of evill Kings. Thus farre hee.

This Puritan dangerous errour is directly repugnant to the Law, the Gospell, the Precepts of the Apostles, the [Page 47]practise of Martyrs, and the Doctrine of the Fathers, Cōun­cels, and other classicall Writers, as I have proved in the six former Chapters: and will more directly shew (by the grace of God) in my other Booke: wherein the holy texts of Scripture, which the Papists and Puritans doe damnably abuse against the Ecclesiasticall and Civill authority of Kings, shall bee answered by the godly Protestants: whose labour God used to reforme his Church since the yeare of our Lord, 1517. and by the ancient Fathers and Ortho­doxall Writers in every age of the Church. This Puritan position, which authoriseth Nobles and assemblies of States against wicked Kings, is the very assertion of the most seditious Iesuites, that have lived in our age, as I will demon­strate by two or three: Iohannes Mariana, De Regis in­stit. l. 1. c. 6 [...]. whose Booke seemeth to bee written in defence of Clement the Frier, who stabbed Henry the third King of France. The faults and licentiousnesse of Kings (saith Mariana) whether they raigne by consent of the people, or right of inheritance, are to bee borne and endured, so long as the Lawes of shamefastnesse and honesty, whereto all men bee bound, are not violated: for Princes should not rashly bee distur­bed, least the Common-wealth fall into greater misery and calamity. But if the Prince make havock of the Common-wealth, and expose the private fortunes of his subjects for a pray to other men, if hee despise Law, and contemne Re­ligion, this course must bee taken against him. Let him bee admonished and recalled to his duty: if hee repent, satisfie the Weale-publike, and amend his faults, there ought (as I thinke) to bee no further proceeding against him. But if there bee no hope of his amendment, the Common-wealth may take away his Kingdome. And because that cannot bee done (in all likelihoode) without warre, they may levy power, brandish their blades against their King, and exact money of the people, for the maintenance of their warre: for when there is no other helpe, the Peeres of the Common-wealth, having proclaimed their King a [Page 48]publike enemy, may take away his life. Thus farre Ma­riana.

The States-men of the Kingdome (saith Franciscus Fe­vardentius) have a soveraigne power over their Kings: In Hester c. 1. pag. 88. for Kings are not absolutely established, but stand bound to ob­serve lawes, conditions, and compacts, to their subjects▪ the which, if they violate, they are no lawfull Kings, but Theeves and Tyrants, punishable by the States. Thus farre Fevardentius.

Inferiour Magistrates (saith Iohannes Baptista Ficklerus) are the Defenders and Protectours of the Lawes and rights of the State, De jure Ma­gist. fol. 18. and have authority (if need require) to correct and punish the supreame King. So farre Fick­lerus.

An English fugitive, which was the Authour of the booke De justa abdicatione Henrici tertii, affirmeth, That all the Majesty of the Kingdome, is in the assembly of States­men, to whom it belongeth to make covenants with God, to dispose of the affaires of the Kingdome, to appoint mat­ters pertaining to warre and peace, Lib. 3. cap. 8. to bridle the Kingly power, and to settle all things that belong to publique Go­vernment. So farre hee.

And the most seditious Dolemon saith, Part. 1. cap. 4. pag. 72. that all humane Law and order Naturall, Nationall, and positive, doth teach, that the Common-wealth, which gave Kings their autho­rity for the Common good, may restraine or take the same from them if they abuse it to the Common ill: So farre Dolemon: and of this opinion are many other as may appeare by Doctor Morton by whom they are discovered and re­futed.

How farre this gangrene will extend, I know not. The Kings of Christendome are dayly crucisied, (as CHRIST their Lord was) betweene two Theeves; I meane the Pa­pist and Puritan, which have prepared this deadly poison for Princes, whom they in their owne irreligious and trayterous hearts, shall condemne for tyranny. I hope neither Peeres [Page 49]nor people will bee so fond to beleeve them, or wicked to follow them, which pretend the Reformation of Religion, and defend the subversion of Christian States. If inferiour Officers, or the publique assembly of all States, will claime this power, it standeth them upon, (as they will avoid ever­lasting damnation) not to derive a title from Rome, Lace­demon, or Athens, (as Calvin doth, whom the rest follow) but from the Hill of Sion, and to plead their interest from the Law or the Gospell. Si mandatum non est praesumptio, August. in quest. mixt. & ad paenam proficiet, non ad praemium: quia ad contumeliam pertinet conditoris, ut contempto Domino colantur servi, & spreto Imperatore, adorentur Comites. If their opposition against Kings bee not commanded of God, it is presumption against God: for it is a contumely against God the Creatour of all States, to despise Lords and honour servants, to con­temne the soveraigne Emperour, and to reverence the Peeres of the Empire. So farre Augustine. Prov. 24.21. My sonne (saith Solomon) feare God and the King, and meddle not with the seditious: for their destruction shall come sodainly, and who knoweth the end of them? The conclusion of all is, That Kings have supreame and absolute authority under God on earth, not because all things are subject to their pleasure, which were plaine tyranny, not Christian soveraignty: but because all persons, within their Dominions, stand bound in Law, allegiance, and conscience, to obey their pleasure, or to abide their punishment. And Kings themselves, are no way subject to the controwle, censure, or punishment, of any earthly man, but reserved by speciall prerogative to the most fearefull and righteous judgement of God, with whom there is no respect of persons. Hee whole servants they are, Will beate them with a rod of iron, and breake them in peeces like a potters vessell, If they abuse that great, and soveraign pow­er, (which God had endued them withall,) to support er­ror, to suppresse truth, and to oppresse the innocent. God, of his great mercy, grant us the Spirit of truth, to direct us [Page]in all loyalty, that wee being not seduced by these sedi­tious Sectaries, may grow in grace, stand fast in obedi­ence, embrace love, follow peace, and encrease more and more in the knowledge of our Lord JESUS CHRIST. To whom bee all praise, power, and dominion now and for ever. Amen.