THE freedom we were born to, is so justly due to every English man, that whosoever shall remember the vehemency wherewith the people did thirst af­ter a Parliament before they had this; the zeal wherewith they contributed to the late War, for defence of this freedom, and the success wherewith it hath pleased God to bless those endeavours, will soon be satisfied, that there is no better cause in the world to engage upon. And therefore,

The cause we undertake at present, (for which we carry our lives in our hands) being the very same, will certainly need no Ap [...]logy for it self; the only thing that may seem strange in these our actings being the irregular manner of prosecuting our un-doubted rights.

Herein we desire it may be considered, that all ordinary means, and some extraordinary have been already attempted, and after much patience proved altogether fruit­less. That the Parliament hath made no other use of those many signal opportunities put into their hands, then to continue their sitting at Westminster, and dividing the publike treasure among themselves. That the chief Officers of the Army, though pretending to keep up the Forces under them, to see the same for the peoples good, accomplished in a short time; have yet made no other use of their power, then to continue and enlarge their own commands. That besides our being disap­pointed of the fruit so long expected, and being made more slaves every day then other, to Committees, and sundry other like arbitrary courses, even in the most legal proceedings we find so much corruption, tediousness, chargeableness and obscurity, practised and abetted by Officers of all sorts, that the Law it self is become no protection to us in our Properties or Liberties.

We find that barbarous course still maintained of imprisoning men for debt, thereby, hindering them from the use of their lawful callings, though they have nothing else wherewith to satisfie their Creditors, or to preserve themselves and their families from starving.

We find, that the restraining mens persons at pleasure, without cause rendred, and during pleasure, was never more frequent.

We find, That Tythes, whose beginning was superstitious, and is found by experience to oppress the poor husbandmen, to be vexations to all manner of people, and prejudicial to the Common-wealth, were never so rigorously and cruelly exacted as at this present.

We find Taxes to be so multiplyed without number or hopes of end, and Excise so cruelly exacted, that no man knows what is, or what shall be his own: And al­though many millions of moneys have been levied and paid, both voluntarily and by compulsion, yet no accompt is given how they have been expended; but the publike debts are dayly increased, instead of being satisfied, and such vast sums of money paid dayly out of the publike treasury for interest, unto some rich Usurers, as is almost incredible.

We find the Trade of the nation (which the Parlia. at first promised to advance) to be so generally decayed, that without speedy remedy the nation cannot long subsist.

We find the poor to be wholly dis-regarded, and most oppressed, and thousands of families suffered to beg their bread, and many to perish with hunger.

But herein our condition hath been rendred most desperate; That we have not been suffered to Represent our Miseries to the Parliament, and Petition for Re­dress, but persons have been imprisoned for Petitioning, and Orders issued out from Parliament to suppress Petitions.

Considering therefore this deplorable estate of the Common-wealth, and the apparent danger of being imbroyled again each in others blood, unless a speedy settle­ment prevent it and considering not only that we have attempted all Regular ways, to procure relief for our long oppressed Country, but also that we cannot with safe­ty any longer offer our grievances, and desires to the Parliament in Petitions; and likewise considering, that our slavery under Arbitrary powers, is occasioned by the want of a settlement of a just and equal Government, which, if it were established, would speedily ease us of all our common burthens; we cannot bethink our selves of a more probable remedy then to put our selves, and invite our Country-men to joyn with us in a posture of defence, whereby we may be secure from danger, and from being prevented of our good intentions by the opposition of such as have designed our slavery, while we propound to all our dear Country-men (who are sure to be concerned as much as though they were in office) some certain grounds of common Right and Freedom, wherein they and we might see reason to agree among our selves, and thereupon to establish a firm and present peace. The Particulars we offer are as followeth:

1. That a period of time be set wherein this present Parliament shal certainly end.

2. That the people be equally proportioned for the choyce of their Deputies in all future Parliaments, and that they do of course meet upon a certain day once at least in two years for that end.

3. That a Contract be drawn and sealed between the People and their several Deputies respectively, upon the day of their Election, wherein the bounds, limits and extent of their trust shall be clearly expressed. As that they be empowered with sufficient authority for enacting, altering and repealing of Laws; for erecting and abolishing Judicatories; for appointing, removing and calling to account of Magistrates and Officers of all degrees; for making War and Peace, and Treating with Forraign States. And that their power do not extend to the binding of any man in matters of Religion, or in the way of Gods Worship; not to compel the person of any innocent man to serve against his will either by Sea or Land; nor to the making of any Law that shal be either evidently pernicious to the people, or not equally obligatory to all persons, without exception.

4. That for the security of all parties, which have acted on any side in the late publick differences since the year 1640. and for preventing all contentions amongst them, the people may agree amongst themselves, that no future Parliaments shall question or molest any person, for any thing said or done in reference to those publicke differences.

5. That the great Officers of the Kingdom as well Civill as Military, be often removed, and others put in their roomes, either every year or every second year at the farthest, to the end that the persons employed may discharge their places with the greater care when they know themselves lyable to a speedie account, and that other men may be encouraged to deserve prefer­ment, when they see the present incumbents not affixed to their Offices as to free-holds.

6. That all determinating Committees (except such as are necessary to be kept up for the managing of Forces by Sea or Land) the Chancery with all other Arbitrary Courts, be forthwith dissolved, or at least all power taken from them, which they have hitherto exercised over mens persons or Estates, and that henceforward as well Ordinances as acts of Parliament be executed in the Ancient way of Tryalls by Juries.

7. That the huge volumes of Statute-Laws and Ordinances with the penalties therein imposed, as well corporall as pecuniarie, be well revised, and such onely left in force as shall be found fit for the Common-wealth, especially, that mens lives be more precious then formerly, and that lesser punishments then death, and more usefull to the publique be found out for small offences. That all Laws, Writs, Commissions, pleadings and records be in the English tongue, and that proceedings be reduced to a more certain cheap and expeditious way then formerly. That no Fees at all be exacted of the people in Courts of justice, but that the publick Ministers of State be wholly maintained out of the publique Treasurie.

8. That Estates of all kinds reall and personall be made lyable to debts, but no emprisonment at all by way of punishment, nor in order to making that satisfaction, which possibly can never be made, but onely by way of securitie in order to a tryall for some criminall Fact, to be determined within some short and certain space of time, and that this power of restraining mens persons be very cauciously allowed, to which end the benefit of Habeas Corpusses to be in no case denyed by those whom it concerns to grant them.

9. That Tythes be wholy taken away, the parishoner, from whence they are due, paying in liew thereof to the State where they are not appropriate, and to the owner where they are, a moderate and certain rent charge out of his land. The Ministers to be maintained either by the voluntary contribution of such as desire to hear them, or else by some settled pensions out of the publike treasure.

10. That as speedy and as perfect an Accompt as may be, be given and published for the satisfaction of the people, how those vast sums of money have been disposed of that have been dis­bursed voluntarily and otherwise, since the beginning of these troubles.

11. That so soon as publike occasions will possibly permit, the imposition of Excise and all other Taxes upon the people be wholy taken away; and that in the mean time all care and dili­gence be used, in taking away those occasions, and in the husbandly managing of the publike purse, and to that end that a balance be made and declared of all publike revenues and expences; and [...]hat a course be taken for paying all publike debts and damages so far as may be; that the debts upon interest be discharged by sale of such lands and goods as are either properly belong­ing or any ways accrewed to the State, and that they be sold to the best advantage.

12. That there be no less care taken for the growing wealth of the Nation, consisting principally in trade, which being our strength and glory, ought by mitigating of the Customes, and by all other good means, to be cherished and encouraged.

13. That (though restoring peace and commerce be the surest way of providing for the poor) yet some more effectual course may be found out then hitherto hath been for setting those to work who are able, for bringing up of children to profitable employments, and for relieving such as are past their labor, especially such as became so in the service of their Country, during the late War.

14. That the affairs of Ireland be taken into a more serious consideration then heretofore, and that a peaceable way of reducing that Nation may be once endeavoured, and in case that succeed not, the War be prosecuted with that vigor and unanimity, as by Gods blessing, we may promise to our selves a speedy end of those troubles, a timely relief to many famishing fa­milies there, and better intend the affairs of England.

15. That all Monopolies and restraint of trade, under colour of any Companies, Fraternities, or otherwise be forthwith abolished.

16. That the Ancient and almost antiquated badge of slavery, viz. all base Tenures by Copies, Oaths of Fealty, Homage, Fines, at the will of the Lord, &c. (being the Conquerors marks upon the people) may be taken away; and to that end that a certain valuable rate be set, at which all possessors of Lands so holden, may purchase themselves Freeholders, and in case any shall not be willing or able, that there be a prefixed period of time after which all Services, Fines, Customes, &c. shall be changed into, and become a certain Rent, that so perso is disaffected to the Freedom and welfare of the Nation, may not have that advantage upon the people, to draw them into a War against themselves upon any occasion, by vertue of an awe upon them in such dependent tenures.

Now considering that the settlement of the Nations Peace and Freedom hath been constantly declared by the Parliament to be their only end in engaging in the late War, and considering their many promises, solemn vows, and oaths made by them to the people to confirm them in the belief of their sincere intentions therein, we should hope to find no opposition from them in these our desires; but however we cannot but be confident that the Souldiery of the Army (who solemnly ingaged at Newmarket, in June last, to procure the same things in effect for the people which are here propounded) will so remember that solemn ingagement, as to shew their ready concurrence with us; And we hope it will be clear to them, that there is no other possible way to provide that sufficient Indempnity (the want whereof first occasioned their refusal to disband) then what is here propounded; neither that there is any other probable way to secure the Arrears of the Supernumeraries, who are disbanded, contrary to the solemn Ingagement, or of those continuing in Arms; And at least we cannot but promise our selves the assistance of all the Com­mons who are not either blinded by some self-interest, or ingaged to continue the present consuming distractions by vertue of some office or imployment depending thereon.

But however we intending wrong to no man, nor any private advantage to our selves, and the cause for which we appear being so clearly just, and of common concernment to all parties and honest interests, we repose our confidence in the most high God to protect us from the malice and rage both of all self-seeking ambitious men, who affect Lordliness and Tyranny, and have designed the Peoples slavery, and a perpetuation of their own rule; and of all such m [...]rcenary vassals as they shal hire to destroy us, and keep the yokes of slavery upon the Peoples necks; And we do hereby promise and ingage to all our Country-men, that whensoever the settlement of the Peace and Freedom herein propounded shal be effected (all delays wherein we shall to our utmost possibilities prevent) we shal gladly and cheerfully return to our private habitations and callings, enjoying only our equal share of Freedom with all others in the Nation.