OUr Authors words are theſe: [The Royaliſt and Engliſh Proteſtant, beſides that his Principles oblige him chearfully to pay his obedience where it is due, and look no further, is likewiſe by his Intereſt concerned to be content with ſuch a reſtitution of the King, as alloweth no private reparations for paſt ſufferings, they thereby acquiring full poſſeſsion of what remains; and as the ſettlement of the Nation would make the ſmalleſt eſtate more advantageous than the greateſt would be, acquired by violence, which unavoidably would defeat all terms of Union, and involve the Nation in new Wars; ſo likewiſe, if the neceſſary parts of their way of worſhip be ſecured, other circumſtantial things will be eaſily ſetled by a fair and amicable Treaty.]

Before we proceed, let us animadvert a little upon particular expreſſions in this Paragraph. By his joyning the word Royaliſt and Engliſh Proteſtants, he intimateth, as if none were good Proteſtants-but Royaliſts: and truly this is generally the phantaſie of that party, who look upon all others with an evil eye, as Hereticks and Schiſmaticks.

And whereas he ſaith, The Royaliſts principles oblige him chearfully to pay obedience where it is due, this toucheth upon a new queſtion, intimating that he oweth not obedience to the preſent power, which doctrine, having been hotly banded heretofore, this is no place to diſpute about, and therefore I refer the Reader to another piece, which will ſhortly come forth, one part whereof will-be to confirm the point of Subjection, though the dueneſs thereof to the preſent Powers hath been formerly proved, both by reaſon▪ and by teſtimonies drawn from the moſt eminent Penmen of all parties, whereby all Objections (as to our preſent caſe) have been abundantly anſwered.

Another expreſſion is, That an estate acquired by violence, will unavoidably defeat all terms of Ʋnion, and involve the Nation in new Wars. If ſo, then by telling the people ſo, he ſpoils the deſign of his Pamphlet which is to raiſe the Countrey; for, what man will be ſo mad as to run into arms, by violence to inſtate Charls Stuart? ſeeing by conſequence it would (as our Author foretells) ſow everlaſting ſeeds of diſunion and civil War among us? It is plain enough to be foreſeen, and it concerns us to believe the Gentleman, rather than make the experiment.

Another word is, Neceſſary parts of Worſhip; theſe he would have ſecured, and what the Royaliſt eſteems neceſſary in matter of worſhip, we all know, even nothing leſs than the old Prelatick H • erarchy with all its dependants; and the queſtion then is, Whether in concluſion, the Epiſcopal Lands and Revenues would not after a ſhort ſpace be required▪ as the principal medium for the maintenance of that worſhip. In the mean while, he a little after doth as good as tell us, that the old Church Government muſt be reſetled.

The laſt expreſſion which we take notice of, doth concern the Royaliſt himſelf, who is told that in the reſtitution of the Stuarts. He is not to look for any reparations for paſt ſufferings; and truly herein he may believe our Author upon his word, without an Oath, or lo • g diſcourſe to convince him: However, becauſe the poor Royaliſt hopes to reap a great harveſt by the Regal Reſtitution, it will not be amiſs to give him a little • ye-ſalve, that he may be able more clearly to diſce • n his own condition.

The Royaliſts are of two ſorts, firſt▪ ſuch as adhere to Charls out of neceſſity; ſecondly, ſuch as adhere to him out of humor. The former are thoſe, who being hopeleſs of a return, or of the recovery of their Fortunes by way of reconcilement, are conſtrained to run any hazard abroad with the head of their party; and therefore would turn every ſtone to over-turn the preſent power of the Commonwealth▪ that they may ſet up themſelves. The latter ſort of Royaliſts are ſuch, who though they ſerved heretofore under the Royal Standard, yet through favor of the Parliament have regained poſſeſſion of their Eſtates, and equal immunities with the reſt of the people ſave onely that they are not yet thought capable of publick Truſts in great Offices, or to ſit in Parliament, but otherwiſe they enjoy the full benefit of that Oblivion which the Parliament gave; in hope thereby to oblige them. Theſe may (not improperly) be called humorous Royalists, bec • uſe they have onely an obſtinate and vainglorious humor for the ground of their behavior, without any poſſibility of advantage thereby unto themſelves, but are ridden by the other ſort, to carry on the Highboy deſign of particular perſons. Theſe, to reſtore the ſingle Family of a Prince, caſt out by a wonderful hand of providence, ſeem willing to hazard the ruine of all their own Families, and to ſerve the ends of certain perſons about him (men whoſe fortunes are deſperate) they are ready to fool themſelves into a loſs of their own, as certainly they will, if Charls miſcarry in his enterpriſe, whereas on the other ſide▪ if he ſhould carry it with ſucceſs, they will be then but where they were, they can be but maſters of what they have already; for, this Trumpet to Rebellion hath already proclaimed it in his Pamphlet, That they muſt not l • ok for reparations for paſt ſufferings▪ and ſo though they ſhould help to reſtore him, yet they muſt not expect to mend their Fortunes. The High-Rantors and Fugitives are they that ſhall be looked on at Court, thoſe Bell-weathers of Royalty will bear away the Bell of preferment, whilſt the poor Country Royaliſts (both Gentry and Yeomen) ſhall be glad to drudge and plow, to pay the yet unknown Taxations which muſt needs be eſtabliſhed to ſatisfie the Forlorn Brethren of the Sword, and the Grandees of the party, and finally be entailed upon the whole Engliſh poſterity, to maintain the pomp and pride of a luxurious Court, and an abſolute Tyrannie. Which being conſidered, it is a wonder to ſee how they feed themſelves with phantſies, who pretend to his reſtauration, ſuppoſing that the golden Age muſt needs return again with him, whereas (alas!) they will be but made uſe of as the Cat's paw was, to pick the cheſtnuts out of the fire for the ſervice of the Monkey. This being ſo, and ſeeing they have beforehand been told ſo in print by this Royal Advocate, certainly we may conclude, it is the true Intereſt of the great Body of thoſe, who pleaſe themſelves with the repute of Royaliſts in this Nation, by all means to leave the High-boys and Fugitives to themſelves, and avoid thoſe Inſinuations which are contrived by them, and preached by their Clergie, to draw them into Rebellion, and from thence into the net of new Compoſitions, or rather total Confiſcations. They cannot but remember, how ſignally God hath blaſted that Family, and all their Inſurrections, from time to time I Put caſe they ſhould be ſo mad as to ſtir again, yet what can be done by unweildy Bodies of raw men, taken from the ſtreets, the Alehouſe, the Plough and the Harrow, rude and unacquainted with Military diſcipline, againſt a well-diſciplined Army of old Soldiers? Remember what became of thoſe vaſt numbers Anno 1648. in Kent and Eſſex, &c. how quickly they flockt together like ſheep, yet when upon the advance of our Soldiery, they ſaw there was danger of being had to the ſlaughter, with the ſame quickneſs they diſperſed themſelves, and after a weeks airing▪ found it was their Intereſt, and the wiſeſt way to return to their Beef and Bacon. And if the Gentlemen Royaliſts ſhould venture to make another experiment with them, what can they in reaſon expect in the end, but an execution of the Law upon their perſons, and the deſtruction of their families? Such broken reeds as popular Commotions, if ye lean upon them, 'tis a thouſand to one but they fail you; conſult Hiſtories, and you ſhall alwaies find it ſo; whereas if ye mind your true Intereſt, that will neither fail you, nor deceive you. The Royaliſts (we know) are perſons generally ſo ingenuous as to underſtand that every man hath a little Commonwealth within himſelf, and that the Affairs thereof he is naturally obliged to look unto, by vertue of that duty which he oweth to himſelf and his neer Relations; and they cannot but know likewiſe, that if the great Commonwealth or Body politick happen by Providence to be eſtabliſhed in a new form otherwiſe then they think it ſhould be, as it is in ſuch a caſe but folly to imbroil their Country, and engage all that is dear to them for the old form, which is in it ſelf a mere ſhadow, and like a ſhadow gone away; ſo 'tis but vain for them to ſcruple a ſubmiſſion, or adherence to the new, upon pretence of obligations to the old by Oath, becauſe all Caſuiſts who write touching Caſes of Conſcience, yea, their own Doctor Sanderſon (a moſt learned man) in his Book de Juramento, will tell them, that if they find a Government altered, and another power in poſſeſſion of it, they, being private men, are bound to ſubmit to the preſent Powers, becauſe ordained of God (for ſuch the Apoſtle hath declared all Powers in being whatſoever to be) and that the former Government ceaſing, which was the object of obedience, the Obligation thereunto muſt of neceſſity ceaſe likewiſe, whatever Mr. Pryn prattles to the contrary: For, no man can be concerned in any reſpect or relation to that which is not; and ſo when a thing cannot be done, the Obligation to it muſt needs be void (as their Doctor ſaith) Ex Impoſſibilitate Facti. Tis high time then for them to lay aſide diſcontents and frivolous pretences; and to obſerve their true Intereſt, as perſons conſcientiouſly concerned to doe it, in reſpect to all manner of Relations both private and publick; This is the way to ſecure themſelves in their poſſeſſions, and after they have manifeſted repentance of paſts Follies, to introduce them into an equal participation of Priviledge • with others in this ſtate of Freedom; which will however render their poſterity happy, though the Parents in a pettiſh humor, ſhould alwaies look on it with an eye of diſdain and prejudice: But if at length they would lay aſide animoſities, and ſeek peace and enſue it, then the State not being conſtrained to keep up Forces at ſo vaſt a Charge to watch over them in their deſignes, the publick neceſſities would ſoon weare off and with them the greateſt part of our Burthens, and themſelves might perhaps live to ſee that happineſs which they would not believe, but might have ſooner enjoyed, if they had not been ſo obſtinate againſt Reaſon, and the Peace of their native Country.

But if for all this, they ſhall ſtand up and ſay, They cannot be ſatisfied without Epiſcopal government: They may talk what they will, yet there being no viſible footſtep in Scripture of its inſtitution, more than there is of the other waies of Government practiſed by others, why ſhould wiſe men contend for that as divine, which is merely prudential? ſeeing the late King pleaded conſcience for his inſiſting to maintain it only upon this account, that he was ſworn to do ſo, and we ſaw he did his utmoſt for it; which when he had done▪ then, ſeeing the neceſſity of Affairs required the abolition of it, he in the Iſle of Wight-Treaty became content it ſhould be aboliſhed; to let his Friends ſee, that having done what he could to preſerve it, the thing it ſelf was of no ſuch ſacred Authority, but that it might be caſhiered by Authority when prudence did require it to be done. And therefore our Author likewiſe, having a point of prudence to diſpatch, which is, to hedge in the Presbyterian to his Royall party, he alſo makes the divine darling of Epiſcopacie a mere prudential matter, to be diſmiſſed as his Maſters occaſion ſhall require, that ſo the Royal Cauſe being to be ſwallowed, it may go gently down with the Presbyter, and not offend his tender ſtomack Upon this account, pag. 3. he tells his brother-Royaliſts, it will be difficult to ſet up the primitive Government of the Church ſo he calls Epiſcopacie,) at leaſt in its full height, becauſe againſt ſo great a multitude of eager diſſenters, according to probability it will not ſtand. Therefore pag. 11. he inviteth the Presbyterians to an Accommodation, telling them, the differences are ſpeculative, and that their Conteſts with the Epiſcopal Divines are in the opinion of moderate men of either judgment, eaſily attoned. Now if the Divines of both parties ſhall by conſent accommodate and complie with each other, (which appears to be one part of the preſent deſigne for bringing in Charls Stuart) what elſe do they both thereby but plainly confeſs, that the Frames they have ſo long contended for are but political▪ and liable to alteration as prudence ſhall direct? Seeing then, that the Royaliſts obligation to the old State, whether Eccleſiaſtical or Civil, is wholly defunct, and that the generalitie of them may much ſooner marr their own condition, by endevoring to bring Charls in, than mend it, and that other things of Church and State are above their ſphere (as private men) to meddle with, what remains, but that they look through the Grandees Intereſt, which is merely to draw them in, and purſue their own Intereſt only in ſubſerviencie to the Publick; which is not to be done but by preſerving the Peace, and that cannot be otherwiſe than by a cordial uniting with us, to ſhut all the dores of hope againſt him that would come in to diſturb the Nation, and make all things worſe; as I ſhall ſufficiently ſhew in the enſuing parts of this Diſcourſe.

THe words of our Author concerning them, are theſe, [As to the Intereſt of the Baptiſed Churches, their pretenſions of throwing down all other parties not being feizable, it is their Concern to acquieſce in the moſt moderate Church-Government, which is certainly the Epiſcopal, &c.]

For anſwer to this, Pray you remember onely, how moderate and tame a Government the Epiſcopal was, and how gently it dealt with tender conſciences, and men of different judgments, and then conſider, what may be expected for the future by you, againſt whom (of all other parties) the late King and his Prelacy did manifeſt (when time was) a moſt implacable enmity, as I ſhall prove by inſtances by and by; in the mean time, pray obſerve here, that while our Author courts you with the one hand, he throws dirt with the other, baſely branding you as a ſort of people, whoſe very pretenſions are deſtructive of all other parties: And if the Royaliſts dare thus openly tell you already, to your faces, what monſtrous opinion they have concerning you, ye may eaſily imagine what Quarter ye muſt look for under them and their Epiſcopacie.

But that you may more clearly foreſee, take notice what our Author ſaith further concerning you in another place, page 6. [The pretenſions of the Baptiſed Churches have theſe Inconveniences attending them; As firſt, importing the ruine of all other Profeſſions of Religion.] This is ſo odious a ſcandal, but ſo common in the mouths of the Cavaliers, that you cannot chuſe but imagine beforehand how kindly they will uſe you. But it's ſtrange, that ſo wiſe a Politician as our Author would ſeem to be, ſhould ſo far forget himſelf, and his deſign, as to betray it. You ſee in the former Section, he made it his buſineſs to court the Presbyterian to a compliance with Epiſcopacie, for a ſettlement, yet preſently after ſaith, the Riſe of their Presbyteria muſt be the Ruine of all other Parties; which being cleerly contrad • ctory to what he pretends, he hath a wondrous method of perſwading men to a clo •• with his purpoſe: In like manner, while he is perſwading you to come into a ſettlement with the Cavaliers and the other Parties, his ſtomack is ſo high▪ that it muſt have vent, to tell you, that no other Party can ſettle with you, you alſo will be the Ruine of all other.

Yea, he goeth higher, in the ſame place, and ſaith, [That your 〈◊〉 , if attained, cannot poſſibly ſubſiſt, it being a Maxim in Policie, • Religion is the Cement of Government, without a publick Profeſſion of which, and the maintenance of Learning and Miniſtry, Atheiſm and diſorder must needs break in] So that the Author having ſcandalized you as incoherent with, and deſtructive of, all other parties he would alſo make the world believe you have no foundation to ſtand upon, intimating, as if by your principles there could be no publick Profeſſion of Religion nor Learning, or Miniſtry, but onely Atheiſm and diſorder. Yea more than all this, he will have you, by your principles likewiſe, to be enemies of Government it ſelf, either in a ſingle perſon, or a community: men that cannot incorporate into a Civil Society of any kinde, but would t • ke away all prop • rty of Eſtates, and found it onely in Grace and Saintſhip; for the exemplification of which, he referreth his Reader, to the practiſes in Germany by the Anabaptiſts there.

Now, admit there ſh • uld be any ſorts of men in theſe Nations, who agree with you touching the controvertible point of Pædo-baptiſm: but in other things differ extreamly from you by new extravagant opinions, there is no reaſon that the extravagancies ſhould be faſtned upon all of you that are for the firſt point and opinion; for it is known that many learned men and others, have been, and are of the ſame judgment▪ who touching other particulars are as Orthodox (if I may uſe the word) as any; beſides, Mr. Cawdrey ſaith, The Scriptures are not clear, that • nfant-baptiſm was an Apoſtolical practiſe; and Biſhop Morton in his Appeal, lib 2. c. 13. ſect. 3. acknowledgeth there was antient practiſe for admitting Infants to the Sacrament of the Supper▪ as well as to Baptiſm, and it held Six hundred years in the Church, yet in later time it was thought fit to be laid aſide. Shall any preſume then to faſten an odium upon a whole party which abounds with pious men (truly Proteſtant in the other points) meerly becauſe ſome others who think as they do concerning Pædo-baptiſm, do flie out into other Notions? By this rule of proceeding, I will eaſily condemn, not Popery it ſelf, and Prelacy onely, but other profeſſions of men, whom (to avoid offence) I will not now name, becauſe there is no one party of them but have their Tranſcendentals, which render them u • pleaſant to the Civil power, and to diſſenting parties, and would, if they might have their way, prove as dangerous as any: But this ſhall not therefore be an argument againſt the whole parties themſelves, among whom the moſt are men of ſobrietie and gravitie and ſuch we muſt allow to be the conſtitution of the baptiſed partie, which our Author here would kiſs and kill, complement and cut the throats of both at an inſtant he pretends to ſettle with them, yet at the ſame time declares in effect, That it is impoſſible there ſhould be any ſettlement by them, with ſecuritie to any other partie. But enough of this

It is no wonder then if Charls Stuart the Son who is heir to the revenge, as well as to the partie and principles of the Father, ſhall endeavor to blaſt you of the Baptiſed Judgment before all others; but from thence you may collect what a portion of vengeance againſt you eſpecially, lies at the bottom of his heart, and the hearts of his party: In the beginning of the Civil War, the blame and envy of it was by the King, in his Declarations, caſt upon you as the principal cauſers; and now, could his Son by fine words allure you to a cloſe with him upon terms (which, conſidering you as men in your right ſences, I count utterly impoſſible) I might ſuppoſe you ſhould be the firſt that would finde what his intents are concerning his Fathers oppoſers, did I not fear he would prefer his new Presbyterian friends before you. But hear a little what the old Man ſaid of you in his Papers, which are to be ſeen in the Book of Collections. In a Declaration of his, publiſhed in anſwer to a Declaration of the Parliament, for raiſing all force and power, as well Trained Bands as others, &c. He chargeth the Parliament, that by their infinite arts and ſubtilty, and by that rabble of Browniſts, Anabaptiſts, and other Sectaries, which were ready at a call, they were enabled to carry on their work. And in his other Declaration, dated Auguſt 12. he iterateth the ſame, ſaying, The Parliament made their power up to oppoſe him, by a multitude of Browniſts, Anabaptiſts, and other Sectaries about London, who were ready to appear in a body at their command. And before he ends that long Declaration, he hath another fling at the odious licence (ſo he termeth it) which the rabble of Browniſts, Anabaptiſts, and other Sectaries took to themſelves▪ In like manner he brandiſheth his fury againſt thoſe (ſo called) in another Declaration which he publiſhed after the Battel of Keinton. And in his Paper, entituled▪ An offer of Pardon to the Rebels (ſo he was pleaſed to call the Parliament) he ſaith, Religion and his poſterity was threatned to be rooted out, and his life ſought after by Anabaptiſts, Browniſts, and Atheiſts, &c. in Rebellion. And in his Meſſage to the Lords of his Privy Council in Scotland, he faſtneth all manner of foul imputations upon the ſame party of men. The like in his Declaration, upon occaſion of the Ordinance and Declaration of the Lords and Commons, for aſſeſſing all ſuch as had not contributed ſufficiently, &c. As alſo in his Anſwer to the Petition of the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Commons of the Citie of London. And laſtly, in his Proclamation directed to the Counties of Surrey▪ Kent, Suſſex, and Hampſhire▪ wherein he once again reckoneth thoſe whom he calls Anabaptiſts and Brow • iſts, in the ſame predicament with Atheiſts, and the onely perſons that threatned to deſtroy him, and to root up Religion and his poſteritie: All which (how falſe ſoever it was) may be ſeen in the aforeſaid Bo • k of Collections; and the like with much more, in the Book publiſhed as his own, entituled, ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΚΗ.

Theſe things being ſo declared by the Father, no matter whether they be true; but if Charls be his Son, he is in duty bound to believe him, and then there need not many words to minde you of your Intereſt and Concernment, which cannot lie to you nor deceive you; but if you keep cloſe to it, and at the remoteſt diſtance from that Family, you may promiſe your ſelves both Libertie and Safetie; otherwiſe, I leave to your own judgment, whether (in a Moral or Political ſence) it be not utterly impoſſible to ſecure it.

A Great part of the Nation may be ſaid to be Neuters; that is to ſay, perſons not addicted to any one Party, but would fain have Peace, and no Taxes, and are poſſeſſed with a phantaſie, that there is no way to procure • he one, of be rid of the other, but by letting in Charls Stuart, and then 〈…〉 to promiſe themſelves good daies, with the enjoyment of Laws 〈…〉 , which they are ready to think they have loſt, if they be put to a ch •• ge m •• e than ordinary for the real ma • ntenance of them. For the undeceiving of ſuch▪ let me ſpread theſe following Conſiderations.

Firſt, That the Parliament have for the maintenance of their Authority, a moſt conſiderable Power in their hands. They have their Army conſiſting ſtill of their old Officers, and the Soldiery trained up in their old moſt • xcellent way of military diſcipline; moreover, they have the Militia formed (or actually forming) in all parts of the Nation, beſides the hearts of h • ndred thouſands engaged by Intereſt to fight (if the matter ſhould be at pinch) for keeping out the Stuarts; and you cannot but remember what B • d • es of them appeared in Arms, when this Young man heretofore inva • ed E • g • and, and ſeated himſelf at Worceſter, by which means a ſetled war was at that time happily avoided. Now, if by Inſurrections way ſhould be made for him to come in again and he by that means fix himſelf in any place of ſ • reng • h, what can the iſſue of mens going in to him to augment this power be, but a rending of the Nation again by a war of continuance, ſeeing the Parliament have the Strong holds of the Nation, and ſeveral Armi • s imme • iately raiſable, if occaſion require: And if things ſhould come to this paſs▪ 'tis lamentable to conſider what would then befall the Country; the Harveſt (now ready for the ſickle) would be devoured by horſe; Freequarter muſt unavoidably come on again, and that would be a welcom gueſt to call upon you in Winter, after you had loſt all the Fruits of the Summer: I ſuppoſe you have not yet forgotten the teeth of that devouring Monſter, and you would have cauſe to remember it to ſome purpoſe, if Foreiners ſhould be poured in again upon you, which we muſt thank our own Countrimen for, if they prepare the way for their com • ng, as they already begin very fairly. And if Forein force come in▪ (as who knows what may follow when a war is once begun?) then what can the preſent pretenders for Liberty with ſwords in their hands expect, but that Charls and his Cavaliers, with the help of Foreiners, will erect their Triumphs upon the ruine of all oppoſite parties (even thoſe of them who now wheel about for him) and the ſubverſion of the Rights and Liberties of the People, under the inſupportable yoke of an abſolute Monarchy? (for, what will promiſes ſignifie when he ſhall get the power?)

Secondly conſider, That after a dreadful War paſt, you are yet in poſſeſſion of the Bleſſings of Peace; and though you taſte not the ſweets of it ſo fully as we could wiſh, becauſe of the Payments now lying upon you, yet be patient and conſider, whence do theſe Payments ſpring? not from the nature of the Government it ſelf, nor from the Wills of the preſent Governors, whoſe Intereſt it is to have it otherwiſe, if they knew how, but from pure neceſſitie; and whence comes that neceſſitie? Charls Stuart and his Cavaliers can tell you, for, they make it their buſineſs to create it more and more by framing deſigns againſt the Peace and Government of the Commonwealth; and how come they to be able to do this? even by the folly and madneſs of Malecontented perſons and parties, who ever and anon ſuffer themſelves to be drawn in by them: It is this that puts the Parliament upon the neceſſitie of keeping Forces on foot, and conſequently of continuing Taxes to pay Forces, defray Publick Debts, and other neceſſary incident Expences, without which the Peace, Safetie, and Government of this People cannot be maintained. Therefore if Burthens be continued, blame not your Governors, but ſuch Boutefeus as are apt to take fire at the Enemies perſwaſions, and are now in Arms to ſet on fire the three Nations. If ſuch as they would be quiet and ſetled in their mindes, that the Parliament might have leave to ſettle free from the attempts of rebellious ſpirits, Neceſſities would begin to wear off from the face of the Commonwealth; by degrees we might be eaſed of Grievances and Preſſures, and be made ſenſible of the rich benefits of a State of Freedom; but if men will be hankering after the publick Enemy, and flying out by Inſurrections, neither peace nor eaſe can be expected

But if Charls Stuart (ſay ſome) were brought in and ſetled, then all things • ould ſettle too. For Anſwer to this, though the vanity of expecting a convement ſettlement by him, be made clear enough to the parties treated of in the foregoing Sections, yet having faln upon a more popular way of arguing, to convince men of a Neutral temper, that are of no party, but all for peace and eaſe, let me apply my ſelf to them accordingly. Pray you let us reaſon the Caſe a little; If ye think ye ſhall be eaſed of Exciſe▪ Taxes, &c. by letting in him▪ ye will be miſerably miſtaken: For, theſe vaſt charges will preſently enſue; 1. A large expence for maintaining the ſplendor of a Royal Court, which muſt be had either by reſuming King, Queen and Princes Lands▪ though ſome think that cannot be done, the thing in it ſelf not being feiſible, becauſe of the incredible confuſion it would introduce generally upon Property; or elſe, if it cannot be had that way, it muſt be drained perpetually out of the peoples purſes. 2. There muſt be a courſe taken to finde rewards for Foreiners, if any come in (as it is paſt queſtion they will, if a war go on again) and if they ſhould not come, yet Charls his Followers and Leaders, the yonger Brothers, with the Sons of Fortune, and the Brethren of the Blade, muſt all be provided for, at that day, thoſe who have been of no ſide ſhall be found as great ſinners as any, and the City of London, who (as the Cavaliers ſwear) have gained by the Wars, ſhall be remembred as the Beginner of them; and then it will be too late for the vaporing Companions of the ſmoaking Clubs to ſay, I, and I, and I was always (as our neighbors know) a Friend of his Majeſty. 3. Beſides the publick Debts of the Nation, which muſt be paid, the Yong Man hath innumerable vaſt Debts contracted by himſelf beyond Sea; thoſe muſt be paid too▪ and which way (I pray you) but out of the general Purſe? Think ye then, that this is the way to be eaſed of Exciſe and Taxes? The neceſſities would ſo encreaſe by Charls▪ that they muſt upon his coming in be trebled to what they are now upon you.

Thirdly conſider That as by his Reſtitution we ſhall be far from eaſe of Burthens, ſo we muſt of neceſſitie be much farther from attaining peace and ſettlement, becauſe the diſcontents of all parties, which muſt be taken in, in order to a ſettlement, will be raiſed to a higher pitch of animoſitie; which is eaſily concluded from the hints given by our Author, already noted in the former Sections. For, he tells us, Epiſcopacie ſhall be the chief Corner-ſtone in the Building of the ſettlement; the Presbyterian Intereſt (he ſaith) ſhall be taken in to carry on the work, and you know they were ever wont to be like two Pellets, one driving out the other; ſo that it would be a luckie hand that can make them agree now: Well, but admit they could walk in couples and comply, what then will become of the poor Sectaries (as they call them?) they alſo, being a huge body, ought to be taken in likewiſe with ſatisfaction, viz Independents, Baptiſed, Fifth Monarchy men, &c. or elſe where is your ſettlement? And how that wi • l be done, God knows, ſeeing the two firſt (as they reckon themſelves) will be reputed the eldeſt Sons of our Mother the Church, and though they agree in nothing elſe, are like to agree in this, that having brachium ſeculare, the Arm of Secular power to uſe, they will be too ſtraitly lacing the tender Virgin, Liberty of Conſcience, or elſe raviſh her, and that will ſtir up all her Friends to the Reſcue. Our Author hath told you, that the Royal and Epiſcopal man looks upon the Presbyterian (as one whoſe Diſcipline cannot be ſetled without the overthrow of all other parties, beſides that it ſuits not (he ſaith) with the Laws, nor with the genius of the Nation; the like harſh ſentence he paſſeth upon thoſe of the Baptiſed way; and the Presbyterian, he thinks as hardly of the Royal Epiſcoparian, and of the Baptiſed, as theſe latter do of both them. There had need be extraordinary skill then in tempering Morter before you can daub or cement all theſe together; but that being impoſſible, the iſſue will be that his Majeſties darling, Epiſcopacie, being like to rule the roſte, may think it wiſdom to hold in a while with Presbyterie, to make uſe of her ſpleen in perſecuting and weakning the other diſſenting Parties▪ and afterward wipe the noſe of Presbyterie her ſelf, and at length attempt to clap them all together under Hatches; now what would this be, but to put them to begin the world again, to redeem themſelves once more from that yoak of antient Tyrannie, after it had been but newly caſt off? But ſuppoſe that the Epiſcopal Project may not preſently mount ſo high, yet it will alwaies be Trump where there is a Stuart in the Throne (for old Charls in his Book ſtrictly enjoyns it); and what can either of theſe things produce but the ſame neceſſity of his keeping Forces on foot to ſecure the Tyrannie in his own and his Biſhops hands, againſt the reſt of the People, as the Parliament is conſtrained now to doe, for ſecuring Liberty of Conſcience, and all other Rights and Liberties of the People, againſt the Return of that Tyrannie? If ſo (as things would certainly, unavoidably ſo fall out) ſurely its evident the ſame Taxes, and Payments as are now, muſt be continued under Charls, with additions of new ones as yet unheard of, to be entailed upon the generations after us. Things therefore being thus, it is clearly concludible, that the way the Parliament is now in deſigne upon, viz. to ſ • cure the Libertie of theſe Nations in Spirituals and Civils, and eſtabliſh Affairs upon that Foundation, which doth really take in the Intereſt of the whole people (except ſome who have contracted an unmanly falſe Intereſt to themſelves, in deſiring to be ſlaves) is the only courſe whereby men may rationally expect to arive unto a ſettlement▪ and conſequently open a way for diminiſhing Taxes; whereas the other way of Charls Stuart is ſo narrow▪ that it admits the Intereſt only of ſome few, a ſort of men who will alwaies be practiſing to domineer, to the diſſatisfying and diſobliging all other parties, the Conſequence whereof will be a continuation of ſuch diſcontents, as muſt put the Monarch to ſtand alwaies upon his guard to preſerve his Power, which cannot be done without great Forces ever to be kept on foot, and ſo the ſame or greater Taxes ever to be paid, and no way in reaſon left for a remedie while things ſtand upon a Monarchick Epiſcopal, or a Mongrel-Epiſcopo-Presbyterian Bottom (call it which ye pleaſe)

THe Parliament being the Butt, at which the Adverſaries ſhoot all their bitter Arrows of reproach and envy, it will be neceſſary to be particular in curing the Wounds which have of late been given to their Reputation, becauſe their Being is the grand Bulwark of our ſecurity.

But in the firſt place, to ſandalize them our Author ſaith, It is the deſign of the Parliament, to continue themſelves in abſolute Power by the ſpecious name of a Popular Government, and finally to ſet up an Oligarchy.

By this you ſee. 1. That which the enemy principally fears, is, leſt this Parliament ſhould continue over-long; could they but be rid of this Parliament, they preſume they ſhould do well enough afterwards, either with or without another, and therefore their Work is (if they knew how) to precipitate the ending of it: But to confute the folly of this Scandal, tis known they have by a ſpecial Vote already fixt a time (ſhort enough indeed, conſidering the greatneſs of their work, and the oppoſition like to be againſt them) beyond which they intend not to ſit.

2. As to the other Point of erecting an Oligarchy or Government by ſome few Perſons, this is as great a ſcandal as the other, and it were to be wiſhed, that the over-buſie talk and Prints of ſome of our own had not given too much occaſion for opening the mouth of the Enemy touching that particular. But how ſhould there be any ground for ſuſpition about an Oligarchy? ſeeing no ſuch thing can be (as by many reaſons might be proved) where a ſupreme Legiſlative Power is intended to be fixed in an orderly ſucceſſion of Parliaments, managed by elections rightly qualified and bounded: for which with all convenient ſpeed, a courſe will be taken by this Parlament.

Secondly, our Author endeavours to make this no free Parlament, by reaſon that a great part of its Members remain Secluded. This Argument hath been handled likewiſe with great fury by Mr. Pryn, and now the preſent Malecontents in Arms make uſe of it to countenance their Rebellion, and require that either the Secluded Members may be admitted to ſit again in this Parliament, or that a New one may be called. So that you ſee, they and our Cavalier Author do meet in one Point. For Anſwer to this, I wiſh Mr Pryn, and the other diſſatisfied Gentlemen, would take heed of this way of arguing; for, by it he may chance to condemn himſelf, and all others of his own judgment for their acting along with the Parliament, firſt, • fter the King went away f • om Weſtminſter, and then, after part of the Members of both Honſes withdrew, and ſate as a Parliament at Oxford, ſeeing thereby he will juſtifie the King in what he declared at that time againſt the Parliament, viz. That it was no free Parliament, and ſo that nothing they ſhould do, in the abſence of himſelf and thoſe Membe • s, could be counted valid of Parliamentary, becauſe they had, in countenancing tumults, driven him, and their Follow members away by force, and ſo gained the Major Vote of the remaining part of the Parliament: Nevertherleſs, when the remaining part ſate and continued to Act, the Parliamentary partie made no ſcruple to Act with them, and Mr Prynne among the reſt as highly as any, as alſo did all thoſe of the Presbyterian Judgment, who, though the Parliament wanted the legal for malitie of the Kings preſence, and ſo great a part of its Members (who Printed in ſeveral Declarations, That a force was upon them;) yet rather than the publick Cauſe ſhould fall to the ground, they by Sermons, Purſes, and all other ways, ſeconded that remaining part of the Parliament in their actings, acknowledging them a free Parliament, to all intents and purpoſes, as if every Member had been preſent. But you will object and ſay, The Caſe of this Houſe now ſitting, is different from that Houſe who then ſate; for, they were deſerted by thoſe Members that went to Oxford, but theſe ſuffered the Army by force to ſeclude thoſe now commonly called the ſecluded Members. I anſwer; that before theſe Members were ſecluded, they firſt ſecluded and ſeparated themſelves from the publick Intereſt, as thoſe did, who ſome years before withdrew themſelves, and went to Oxford; beſides, the ſecluding of them is juſtifiable againſt▪ them by Lex talionis, the Law of Retaliation; for even they had ſometime before ſecluded that honeſt partie of the Houſe (of which the Members now ſitting are the principal) by raiſing tumults in the City, and encouraging the Apprentices, who came to the Houſe door, and drave away the ſaid faithful partie, ſo that the Speaker and they were for ſafetie forced to go out of Town, and ſhelter themſelves under the protection of the Army: In the mean while, thoſe who now complain of ſecluſion, reckoning themſelves Lords of all, continued ſitting, choſe a new Speaker, (Mr. Pelham) acted all things as a full and free Parliament, and reckoned their Votes and Proceedings as Legal and Authentick, as if all the Members had been preſent; and would ſo have proceeded to compaſs and eſtabliſh the corrup: Intereſt contended for againſt the faithful partie: And Mr. Prynne, and all his partie, approved this proceeding, and ſufficiently ſhewed, that they meant to own all as Legal, that ſhould be do e while the faithful ones were under a force, had not the deſign been prevented by the Generals bringing back the Speaker, and the Members with him, to their Seats again in the Houſe. What ſhall we ſay then? Let me uſe the words of the Apoſtle to him, and the reſt of his ſecluded partie, and their Abetters, [Therefore thou art inexcuſable, O men, whoſoever thou art that judgeſt, wherin thou judgeſt another, thou condemneſt thy ſelf; for thou that judgeſt, doeſt the ſame things.] If you, after a violent ſecluſion of ſome, upon a corrupt account, could approve and cloſe with the proceedings of a remaining part as a Parliament, and intende the Nation ſhould do ſo to; why are not we, after a like ſecluſion made of your partie upon a juſt accotins, and a reſtoring of the faithful partie to be juſtified for acting along with them, and ſubmitting to their Authoritie as a Parliament? And the Nation hath as much reaſon to pay their obedience and acknowledgments thereto, as ye intended they ſhould have done to you. Therefore whatever other men may fa) Mr. Prynne and his ſecluded party muſt hence forth be ſilent, and for ſhame lay their mouths in the duſt for ever, a to th • s particular.—But that we may give a more full anſwer to this ſo conſiderable a Point, and that the world may ſee how far the Houſe which now 〈◊〉 , is to be juſtified before their ſecluded oppoſites, who make ſo great a clamor to imbroil the Nation: I ſhall a little retrive the proceedings of former days touching that Secluſion, which is become the great Subject of Controverſie now among us.

Firſt, I ſhall ſhew, there was a juſt cauſe, and a real neceſſitie, for the doing of it. Secondly, How the faithful Members (now the Parliament) behaved themſelves after it was done. Thirdly, How it came to paſs, that the ſecluded partie did never ſit more ſince that time, and are ſtill excluded.

1. That there was juſt cauſe, and a real neceſſitie for the doing of it, is evident in theſe particulars: For, after that upon weightie conſideration, the Houſe had reſolved to make no more Addreſſes to the King, this ſecluded party (who then were in play) joyning Councils with the King and his party, caſt about which way to revoke and reverſe thoſe Votes of Non-Addreſs, and to bring in the King upon ſuch Terms, the effect whereof, in a ſhort time, would (of neceſſitie) have been a giving up into his hands the whole Cauſe that had been contended for. To this end, they by ſubtile degrees drew all things on fair toward a compliance with the Kings Intereſt, wherein there were ſome honeſt men (even of the Presbyterian partie) who ſeeing it was the way to caſt dirt in the face of their former Engagements, did deſert them. Nevertheleſs, they were engaged now upon new grounds, in oppoſition and hatred of thoſe, both in Parliament and Army, who deſired to remain faithful to the Cauſe and Intereſt of the Nation; therefore the next ſtep they made in the Houſe, was, to contrive how to ſtrengthen their partie there, and by indirect courſes to gain the Major Vote: For this end, it was the great endeavor of them, and of that Remnant of the Royal, and the Neutral partie, which yet remained in the Houſe, becauſe of the vacancy of Burgeſſes, to fill up the Houſe with Malignants or Neuters; and for that purpoſe, Writs were ſpecially procured and ſpeeded out for new Elections to fill the vacant places, and they were directed to ſuch places and poor Boroughs in Cornneal, Wales, &c. where the Procurers before-hand knew, that perſons would be enoſen ſit to ſerve their turns. Thus a Floud of new Burgeſſes were brought into the Houſe, ſome of them men that had been engaged againſt the Parliament, and incap • ble of Truſt, yet were through the procurement alſo of the aforeſaid partie, admitted and kept in the Houſe; for, when divers of theſe were queſtioned as unduly elected, matters were by others ſo ordered, that the ſame new elected perſons under queſtion, ſitting in the Houſe while their buſineſs was in agitation, they eaſily wrought, that the ſence of the Committee concerning the undueneſs of their Elections was never reported, but held off from the Houſe.

Having thus fitted the Houſe for their turn, they then begin to play Rex for the King. They firſt debate the buſineſs of Ireland; from thence they recalled the Lord Liſle, and put the command into the hands of Inchiquin, a Native Iriſhman, one that had firſt ſerved the King, afterwards revolted from the Parliament, united with the Iriſh Rebels, and is now a Fugitive with Charls beyond Sea. They endeavored to bring in the King upon his Meſſage of the ſeventh of May▪ 1647. (that is to ſay, upon his own Terms) and to this end to disband the Army before any peace made of aſſured. They would have raiſed a new War, by lifting and ingaging many Reformadoes, and other Officers and Soldiers in and about London, in June and July, 1647. To this end they by Tumults drave away the Speaker and faithful Members, choſe a new Speaker, paſſing by their ſingle Authoritie divers Ordinances, and giving large powers to raiſe a new War, by arming alſo the Prentices and other perſons which had acted that violence upon the Houſe, and this they did profeſſedly before the world, in maintenance and proſecution of that treaſonable engagement. Being thus gotten into poſſeſſion, they recalled the Votes of Non-Addreſs, and went down-right the way to bring back the King, without ſuch ſatisfaction as might ſecure the Kingdom. Voting that they would treat with him upon ſuch Propoſitions as himſelf ſhould make, ſo that had they had their purpoſe, the whole Cauſe. Parliamentary, and its faithful friends muſt have been clearly betrayed into his hands.

But it muſt not be forgotten, how craftily they went to work for the completing of their deſign; and it is the more needful to revive the proceedings, becauſe the ſame ſpirit appears at work again, in the like method, by thoſe who have now taken Arms, & thoſe who favor the preſent treaſonable undertaking; Their method (I ſay) and pretences appear one and the ſame; for thoſe did what they could to irritate and engage the Citie of London: In all Counties they had their Emiſſaries and Agents concurring with thoſe employed by the King, to form new Inſurrections (which you know afterwards brake forth all over the Nation;) and to uſher in theſe, the people were ſtirred up to frame Petitions, all cloathed in fine language, with fair pretences; viz. That they might have a full and free Parliament; they pretended for the Liberty of the Subject alſo, to free them from the oppreſſion of an Army, and to be for the Law of the Land againſt the arbitra y power of a Faction in Parliament ſetting up and ſupporting themſelves above Law by the power of an Army. They pretended likewiſe to be much for the eaſe of the people, to free them from Taxes and Contributions to an Army, and to be for ſettlement, that there might be no need of an Army. They pretended for Religion too againſt Sectaries; yea, and that no pretence might be wanting, they pretended for the army it ſelf alſo (as to the body of it) That all, but a Faction of ſome Officers, might be ſatisfied their Arrears: Pray you now compare theſe pretences with thoſe publiſhed by the preſent Rebels in Cheſhire, and the language of thoſe that ſavor them in other places, and judg whether the ſpirit of the ſame corrupt party be not now at work again by new Inſtruments, who would likewiſe (if they might have their ways) give up, not onely the preſent Parliament, but with it the whole Parliamentary intereſt of the Nation, and all men of all parties, yea, and themſelves to be diſpoſed of at the will of the Son (for what can hinder that Sea of boundleſs tyranny from overflowing, when the breach is once made, and he let in?) juſt as the other would by bringing on a Perſonal Treaty to conclude with the Father, have yeilded all up to his pleaſure. Actors (you ſee) are now on foot again, diſguiſed and cloathed with the very ſame pretences; and therefore what can be more clear than that theſe men are ſtudying to bring the Yong Man upon the ſtage, to perfect the Tragedy which was plotted ſo many years ago, in that endeavor for a reſtitution of his Father? which would aſſuredly have been compleated in an abſolute Tyranny, had not the Army then taken up a noble reſolution to prevent it, by ſecluding that deſperate party which ruled at that time in Parliament. So much (though much more might be ſaid) for the juſtice and neceſſitie of the Secluſion.

2. Let us ſee how the remaining Members behaved themſelves upon this Occaſion. They did not, as Mr. Pryn, and our Author, and others, have ſcandalized them, drive away their Fellow-Members, nor encourage the Army to do it (as Mr. Pryn, and his fellows had before encouraged the Apprentices to drive away the Speaker, and the beſt part of the Members) but when the Secluſion was made, the Houſe preſently ſent out the Serjeant with the Mace to the place called the Queens Court (where thoſe Members were then detained) to command their Attendance in the Houſe, but the Guards of Souldiers would not permit them to come. So the Serjeant was ſent out a ſecond time▪ and then the Officers would not permit him to paſs, which was entred as a Contempt in the Journal-Book, they being ſtartled at the ſudden force upon the Houſe; and therefore they concluded alſo, not to proceed in buſineſs until their Members ſhould be reſtored, and in the mean time ordered, That the General be ſent to, that the Houſe might know the reaſon of the Armies ſo proceeding: Which being done, the General and Council of Officers ſending to the Houſe their Reaſons which neceſſitated them to the Action, and manifeſting therein, That there was no other way to preſerve the Rights and Intereſts of the Nation, which thoſe Members had laboured to deſtroy: thereupon the Houſe (who of their own knowledge could tell the particulars charged were true) being earneſtly importuned by the Army, That they would proceed to ſave the Nation, and ſecure the good Cauſe they had fought for againſt the King and his Party, choſe to ſit, (notwithſtanding all the difficulties and clouds of envy that were gathering over their heads) and to proceed towards the Nations ſettlement in ſuch a way as God in his Providence according to his Will, ſhould direct them, rather than deſert their Truſts; not conſulting therein with Fleſh and Blood (which becauſe of the hazard of their own perſonal concernments, might have taken them off), but with a Good Cauſe, and the common Good, which then lay at ſtake, and had been utterly loſt if thoſe Secluded ones might have had their wills, who now again make it their buſineſs, by clamours, to ſet the world on fire about their ears, & care not though themſelvs periſh at laſt in the combuſtion.

3. Let us ſee the Reaſon why it is, that being once Secluded, they have never ſince been admitted, and are ſtill kept out. The Reaſons are evident; for they were no ſooner Excluded but they went on Plotting and contriving as a diſtinct Aſſembly, without the Houſe, to carry on their deſign as they did before within. To this purpoſe they joynely put forth a Declaration, Entituled, A Solemn Proteſtation againſt the Houſe and the Army, declaring all void and null that ſhould be done their abſence; and inflamed Mr. Pryn (a neceſſary Tool of the Party, becauſe be can ſay and Print any thing for them, and yet not be in danger of his head) who put forth in his own name, a violent, virulent Proteſtation againſt the Houſe, the Army, their Cauſe, and all Proceedings, and divers other fierce Papers he hath let flie from time to time; ſo did his Parry alſo the like, under the Title of Declarations, &c. And to this day they have never omitted any occaſion they could lay hold on, to juſtifie themſelves, and revive that deſtructive deſign, for which they were at firſt Secluded; this is enough to ſhew, There was and is reaſon to keep them out of the Houſe ſtill: Unleſs any will imagine it reaſonable they ſhould be re-Admitted to take an opportunity, which they can never otherwiſe have, for the finiſhing of that miſchief which they (like a ſort of Madmen) by reſtoring the Ejected Family, would bring not only upon the Parliament and the well-affected, but on all Parties of men; yea, and themſelves in concluſion; as they may ſufficiently perceive, if God gives them hearts to weigh what hath been from reaſon deduced in the former Sactions.—But now let us return to our Author again.

He ſaith, This Parliament is no Parliament, becauſe by Law it is Diſſolved through the Kings Death that Called it. So ſaith Mr. Pryn alſo, and others. Thus when men are over-heated with Prejudice and Paſſion, they know not, or remember not, what they ſay: They affirm, The Parliament dyed together with the King, and ſo can no longer have a Being, yet they keep a clamour to get into the Houſe, and then they will be content it ſhall be a Living Parliament again, although the King be Dead, and ſhall ſerve the turn, and he … ed a Full, a Free, and a Good Parliament; but (you may ſuppoſe) to no other purpoſe but their own. Why elſe did William Pryn, and his fellows, make ſuch a ſtir to get in? And why doth the 〈◊〉 Pa • er (ſubſcribed G. Booth) intimate. That if the Houſe will let in the Old Members again, all ſhall be as well as if it were a new Virgin Parliament? By th • s the world may plainly ſee, it is not the Publick Intereſt of the Nation (though they pretend it) but their own which they ſeek. If the ſecluſion of them be taken off, that they may ſit, then it will be as good a Parliament as it was at firſt, or as any new one can be: Speak out then, and ſay, O Houſe of Parliament, ye ſhall reign, and we will be content, provided we may reign with you: And who knows forſooth (if ſuch a bargain could be made) whether they would not upon thoſe terms leave Charls Stuart to commence his Reign Ad Græcas Calendas, or Latter-Lammas? But they have more wit than to believe ſuch a bargain poſſible; therefore not being able to get into the Houſe, their beſt way is to ſay it is no Parliament, and upon that account keep up a faction to bring in Charls, and try whether they can reign with him, by perſwading the Nation they are undone; and neither have, nor can have, any Government without him.

Thus far I have argued this buſineſs Argumento ad hominem, that is to ſay, in a way of Argumentation good againſt Mr. William Prynne, and the men of his party, quatenus Prynne and that party; ſo that they, above all other men, ought to hold their tongues: But becauſe it is neceſſary that both they and the Cavalier Objectors ſhould be confuted, and that others ſhould be ſatisfied, and likewiſe that the mindes of friends ſhould be confirmed, and all mens ſcruples be removed touching the legality and equity of this Parliaments ſitting, I ſhall now deſcend to handle the queſtion Argumento ad Rem, that is to ſay, by an Argument to the purpoſe, making good the thing it ſelf (as it now ſtands) againſt the world of Malecontents (of what party ſoever they be) and this I will do, not by ſuch principles as may be ſaid to be onely our own, but from ſuch as are owned by ſome of thoſe of the Presbyterian party who appear oppoſite to the Parliament, and by others alſo, Royaliſts of high reputation and judgment in the world.

This leads me to make Reply unto what our Author further ſaith, viz. That not onely many of the Members of this Parliament are ſecluded, but they were firſt diſſolved by reaſon of the death of the King that called them, ſo that legally they could ſit no longer, and at laſt by the late Protector: Which diſſolution was acknowledged by as many Members againſt themſelves as ſat in intermediate Parliaments. Here you ſee the utmoſt that the Cavaliers, and which Mr. Prynne and the other Malecontents do, or can ſay againſt this Parliaments ſitting. For Anſwer whereunto, give me leave to lay down theſe Prolegomena or Previous Poſitions, which are not points of my own invention, but as well founded upon the judgment of the learned, as agreeable to my own, which perhaps is but weak.

1. The firſt Poſition is drawn from Mr. Baxters own words in his late Book, entituled, A holy Commonwealth, and I ſuppoſe whatever he ſaith, his Brethren will approve. He, to juſtifie himſelf for his finding with the Parliaments Arms againſt thoſe of the King, declareth, That the King by the conſtitution of the Kingdom, had the Title of Soveraign, but not ſo as that the Soveraign Power was wholly in him; for, that according to the conſtitution was divided betwixt him and the Parliament; and ſo p. 46. he ſheweth, how that in this Kingdom the Title of Soveraign given to the King was Honorary, and ought not to be interpreted contrary to the conſtitution of the Kingdom, which allowed him but a part onely of the Soveraignty. So that though the perſons repreſenting the people in Parliament, were, being taken in their perſonal condition each of them but Subjects, yet in reſpect to the publick conſtitution of the Kingdom, they revera had one part of that Soveraign Power of Parliament, as the King had another part, and could really claim no more but his part in the Acts of Supremacy For proof of this, Mr. Baxter in Page 463, 464, 465, 466. citeth the Kings own Anſwer to the Nineteen Propoſitions, and from thence inferre that large his Royal acknowledgment of the truth of this aſſertion; therefore I ſuppoſe neither the Cavaliers will contradict this, ſeeing the King acknowledged it, nor the Presbyterians, becauſe not onely Mr. Baxter writes this, but becauſe alſo they all engaged in the War upon this principle, for the Parliament againſt the King; and queſtionleſs, a righteous principle of engagement it was.

2. This leads me to a ſecond Poſition, viz. That in a Kingdom where the Soveraignty is ſo divided, if the King ſhall grow inſolent, and by Arms ſeek to invade that part of the Soveraignty which belongs to the people in Parliament, he may by arms be lawfully oppoſed. For proof of this, Mr. Baxter becauſe he would now be courteous with the Cavaliers and win them, citeth the judgments of two the moſt learned Royaliſts that this later Age hath produced, viz. Barclay and Grotius; which citations being large, I for brevities ſake omit them; onely one out of Grotius give me leave to repeat in Engliſh, becauſe it hath the full ſence of the reſt: It is this, [If the Authority be divided betwixt a King and the People in Parliament, ſo that the King hath one part of is, the people another, the King offering to encroach upon that part which is none of his, may lawfully be oppoſed by Arms, becauſe be exceeds the bounds of his Authority. And not only ſo, but he may loſe his own part likemiſe by the Law of Arms.]

3. The third Poſition is That a King carrying on a War upon ſuch terms againſt the people, to the death and deſtruction of his people while they are contending for their right, remaine no longer a King, having diſſolved the conſtitution of the Kingdom, but hath loſt his Kingdom, and becoms an enemy, and a private perſon. For proof of this againſt the Cavaliers, Barclay, the great Champion of Monarchy, in his Book Contra Monarchomacos, doth grant it, onely he ſaith, Vix videtur id accidere poſſe in Rege meni is compote, It ſeems almoſt impoſſible a King ſhould be ſo mad as to proceed on that manner; and yet we all know who was ſo mad as to do it: And for further proof of it, both againſt Cavaliers and Malecontented Presbyterians together, the ſame Mr. B. in Page 483. tells us, That Grotius and other learned Politicians conclude, That if a King ſhall thus make himſelf an enemy of the people, engaging in War againſt them, he depoſeth himſelf, and may be uſed by them as 〈◊〉 enemy.