A CLEAR OPTICK DISCOVERING To the EYE of REASON;

  • That Regality is not inconsi­stent with the Ends of Government.
  • That Episcopacy and Presby­tery are of the Essence of Government.
  • That Independency is in­corporated into the Body of Government.
  • That Levelling is allowable in the constituting of Government.
  • And that the Recusants are hugely mistaken in the Constitution of their Roman Hierarchy.

Roughly set out in an humble addresse TO THE PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND.

By ANTHONY NORWOOD, A cordial Votary for the Peace of the Nation.

London, Printed for Richard Moon, and Edward Thomas, and are to be sold at the seven Stars in Pauls Church-yard, and in Green Arbour, 1654.

To the Right Honourable the Speaker of the Parliament of Eng­land, and to the Earls, Lords, Knights, Gentlemen and Burgesses respective­ly, now invested by the Suffrage of the People, with the Supream Authority of the Nation.

Right Honorable,

THe reasonable Caveat of a poor obscure man may sometimes save a City, and may possibly therefore be serviceable to a Commonwealth. I owe a duty to my Nation, and must either endeavour to perform it, or be condemned of want of Religion and humanity. This hath obliged and emboldned me to tender this Mite as an oblation for the peace and welfare thereof to you the honourable Trustees of the Nation, by whom the people are in a longing ex­pectation to be restored to their often promised and dearly purchased Rights and Liberties.

Sir, I have been too long a sad Spectator of those bloudy imbroylments, which have pierced through the Heart of this Nation, whereof I am a sympathizing Member, and have observed that the diversity of opinions in point of Govern­ment, is that which hath been a principal motive to the mournful Tragedy, and still renders the people unsatisfied and unreconciled. This cause being taken away, the effects may happily follow; and therefore I humbly crave [Page 2] leave to present these my solitary conceptions upon that subject.

Not to trouble you over long with their vanity who are enemies to all Government, I shall only say, that albeit it be true, that during the short time that Man continued in his innocency, there was none manifestly appearing, be­cause then there was no need of any, and none might have been had he continued still in the same spotlesse condition: yet sin being since crept into the whole mankinde by the fall of Adam, to question now whether God doth tolerate and approve of Government, is to question whether he hath left Man power to prevent those infinites of inconveni­ences, which every day are multiplyed by the growth and overspreading prevalency of sin, and by consequence to draw a suspect upon the Creator, as if he were too unminde­ful of the preservation of his own creatures.

This being blown over, I shall now with your patience, endeavour to demonstrate upon what right the Authority of your Assembly is founded, what power you have by virtue of that right, and how invalid their pretences are who stand in competition with that right. That so the lawfulnesse and fulnesse of your Authority being made clear, you may cheerfully proceed in the managing of that trust which the people of this Nation have reposed in you, and they reduced to their wonted complyance with your Authority.

Sir, That which hath appeared your most eminent oppo­nent is Monarchy, which being by the Abetters truly de­fined, to be a sole Government in one without Co-partners or limitation, is totally destructive to your Authority: Yet this form of Government (say they) is of divine Or­dination. But he that compares the definition with the do­ctrine that hath been every where published by those of that opinion, wherein some of them contend, that the Go­vernment of a Christian Commonwealth ought to be part­ly Regal, and partly Episcopal; othersome partly Regal and partly Presbyterian, and that both the one and the other (though in the hands of distinct and contemporary persons) are of divine institution, will hardly apprehend [Page 3] any safety in adhering to a doctrine wherein he findes so much contradiction.

Indeed in the judgement of any considering man the do­ctrine will seem extreamly impertinent, not only because, if it should be admitted that Monarchical Government is of divine Ordination, yet it will rest disputable who amongst infinite millions of men ought to be the only Mo­narch: But also because according to their own definition and doctrine, he only can be said to be a Monarch, who, as Nebuchadnezzar had, hath from God the sole dominion over the People of all Nations, and in the Beasts of the field the like sole propriety; and if it be true of that, or of the Monarchy of Augustus Coesar, which comes neerest to it, which they pretend of others, that they ought to descend he­reditarily, either the late world knew no lawful Monarchs, if it did, it will be no lesse lawful to subdivide every of them into as many more as they contain families, then to divide those Monarchies into so many as are now said to be in Christendome.

This then may be concluded from their own premises, that it is as agreeable to the will of God to reduce Monar­chical Government into Families, as to continue it in Com­monwealths. And this seems to be the clear intendment of the institution, aswell by the example of the sons of Noah, who without regard to the priority of bloud in the elder brother did each of them govern his own family Monarchi­cally; as by that of Abraham, who having the advantage of extraordinary illumination, years and bloud, did not take cognizance in a case of difference between his own and the servants of his Nephew Lot, but rather advised a sepa­ration to prevent the growing contention.

There needs no more to prove, that every Master of a fa­mily did or might originally govern his own dependents Monarchically and independently of any other humane authority: the disposing therefore of the world into several Colonies or Commonwealths composed of divers families, cannot truly be taken to be the product of divine Ordinati­on; but of some political humane institution, which how­soever they may probably at the first be quartered out by [Page 4] the violent decision of the sword thirsty after rule and do­mination; yet where God, who only may dispense with his own laws, made it not lawful by some particular known Commission, could not be legally established, but by the voluntary combination of agreeing families, over every of which the Superiour being by nature independent, and ha­ving a sole jurisdiction within his own verge, whosoever did assume a power in prejudice to that right did commit an act inconsistent with the end of associating, which main­ly regards the preservation of each incorporated Members propriety, and made himself guilty with Nimrod, of that vi­olence which was never yet approved by Divinity.

Be pleased to take a scantling by a family, wherein, be­sides only where nature seals the obligation, what allegi­ance is created is by consent, as between Masters and ser­vants, Husbands and Wives, though that sex be condemned to servitude by God himself, and you will easily admit that the Masters subjection is not lawfully acquirable up­on lower tearms: for it is too much below reason to think that the Superiour is naturally in a more servile condition then his subordinates; or allowing him the same freedom not to allow the same rule to hold in Commonwealths, which are but larger copies of that smaller Original. And therefore whosoever hath not a disposition to contend (against all right) that the customary pretences and pra­ctices of man have power to supercede everlastingly a posi­tive Law of God, will grant, that the Supream Autho­rity of this Nation is of right really and independent­ly in the Fatherhood, not to be alienated but by con­sent.

Sir, For the further manifestation of this truth, give me leave to offer to you these following reasons; The first drawn from the necessity of a known allegiance; that is a necessity of knowing that Magistrates and subordinates have a lawful personal relation one to another; and a ne­cessity of knowing what the power of the one, and duty of the other is being so related. And this aswell in respect of the Governour, as of the governed: because as the first may sin by imposing upon those over whom, and in such cases [Page 5] wherein he hath no warrantable jurisdiction, so may the other by betraying their own persons, liberty or propriety to an obtruded power, or by declining the duty he ows to his real Superior to comply with the more irregular power of an Alien.

Now amongst Masters of Families equally free, indepen­dent and uncompellable to associate, who have a sole and equal jurisdiction over their respective subordinates, it will be but lost labour to finde out such an allegiance but by consent; and this, being passed, without limitation, by associated Masters of families, to such of the Association, as they esteem most trusty and able to manage publique con­cernments, convayes to the elected a sole and independent power over the persons and estates of the Electors, and all those who doe depend upon them, to all intents and pur­poses relating to common accommodation.

To make out such an Allegiance between a King and a People, or between the Lords and them, in the way where­in they usually claim: is altogether impossible; For first, they have no warrant to lay a foundation for Government, they cannot lawfully compel people to associate. Next because the Royal pretences are generally drawn from the quality of the Office, that of the Lords for the effects of that qualification, and admitting that every Nation ought to be governed by a King, yet it will rest questionable, whe­ther every King ought to have that latitude of power which may be pretended; and that being allowed will not assert the lawfulnesse of his personal calling to that Office, or determine what people are unquestionably under his jurisdiction.

The next is from the nature of municipal laws, by which it is unavoidably necessary, for the peaceable being of eve­ry populous Commonwealth, that many actions be made criminal, and many crimes lyable to punishment diversly from what is prescribed by the finger of God. Such as are many of the several sorts of Treasons, petty Treason, Felo­ny, & the like, punishable by death, or confiscation, or both. Some whereof differ little from that of Shimei his going over the Brook Kedron, for which Solomon his King had no [Page 6] power to take away his life, had not Shimei himself first con­sented to forfeit it upon that condition.

In the making of these Laws there is an absolute necessi­ty, that the Law-makers have a right of power over the per­sons and Estates of the whole People of that Nation where­in they are to be executed: because no man may dispose of that wherein he hath not a lawful interest. That such a right is not annexed to the Regal Office, is plainly demon­strable by that sowre vengeance, which God took upon Ahab and his house, for tampering to take away the Vine­yard and life of his known subject Naboth; and if Kings have not, neither have the Lords who derive only from Regal Prerogative; and if neither of these two have such a right, it remains wholly in the Representatives of the People, and they are the only Law-makers; unlesse there be something more in the Clergy then in other Christians, which will winde them in upon another score to be sharers in the same Authority. And that (with your patience) comes in the next place to be experimented.

What claim they lay is said to be derived from the Apo­stles, of whom it is written, that they did not take upon them to dispose of the goods of Ananias without his con­sent, nor punish the detention without Miracle; and I think that unlesse they can entitle themselves to the like qualifications, they will hardly Ex Officio prove themselves competent Law-makers.

Sir, I remember that Linsy-woolsie garments were for­bidden to be worn by the children of Israel, as those which being composed of ingredients of discordant and fretting quality, would not endure long in one and the same piece. Gods Word is positive, that no man can serve two masters. And when I observed how wide the rents are which have been every where made in the Church of Christ by dividing the polity thereof into Ecclesiastical and Civil, and how lit­tle light there is in the Word of God to direct people into a due and safe course of obedience to each of these two ca­pacities respectively, I was not apt to think the continu­ance to be at all consistent with the wayes of God, or peace of the Nation.

Yet something they have to shoar up the Tradition, and that is the Priesthood of Israel, which they say doth typically relate to these Gospel-times. Which no doubt is true; & let them but suspend their Hierarchy till they can produce one Law made by that Priesthood whilest it conti­nued in its purity, and I think that will put an end to the businesse. But here seems to me to lye the great mistake: They would have that Nation to be a type of one, or of all Chri­stian Nations only, whereas it was a Type of the whole world; the Levitical Priesthood representing who are, the rest of the Tribes who are not of the house-hold of faith, who though they be not within the pale, yet are not out of the purlew of the great Forest of Christ; and though not actually in, yet potentially and in expectancy are of the Church; for the benefits of Christs merits are extendable to all, though not taken hold of by all mankinde. And thus between the Type and the Antitype, there hold still due correspondence, which would not hold so currant­ly if the Type were applyed only to the Christian part of the World: because Christ hath made all those Priests to God his Father, who have laid hold on him by faith.

Their spiritual Charter of Authority is vacated, if they cannot prove themselves to be solidly invested by God with the Priesthood. And since the Son would not suffer his Disciples to forbid that stranger to cast out Devils in his Name, who followed not him their Master, me think I may easily infer, that no man who is endowed with so much grace as to believe all the Articles of faith essenti­ally necessary to Salvation, is prohibited by the Father to impede the Devils entrance, by interposing those out­ward ordinary means which he hath prescribed. And this not alone in themselves, but to all others: for love is a general duty, which hath reference to all mankinde; and it is little lesse then blasphemy to think that God requires that at mans hand, without giving him a plenary Com­mission to expresse it, nor can it be any way so well ex­prest as by endeavouring to make people capable of the me­rits of their Saviour. Amongst Christians then there is none of the Quorum in this Commission, and I see not how any can be without the approbation and consent of [Page 8] their associated fellow-Commissioners; and I need not say, that the same reason which holds for Discipline that does for Doctrine.

I might here for a further confirmation of the premises, minde you of some pertinent Texts in Scripture both un­der the Law and in the time of the Gospel; and shew you that before God permitted the Israelites to have Kings, which was upon an emergent occasion, he gave a general Commission to the People to chuse them Judges and Offi­cers in all their Tribes. That David and Hezekiah, two Kings of that Nation, who have left behinde them as good a Character of righteous Government as any, called the people to consult with them about two businesses of great­est importance, the one touching fetching home of the Ark, the other about keeping the Passeover. And that the Apostles, in taht weighty controversie concerning Cir­cumcision, advised with the Elders and Brethren; and by their approbation sent letters of reconciliation to the dis­senters. Whereby it is manifest in what regard the con­sent of the People was had in those first and best ages, whe­ther it were in spiritual or temporal concernments. But I must not spin out an Epistle into a Volume.

Sir, by what hath been already offered to your conside­ration, I suppose that the necessity of a known mutual Al­legiance between Magistrates and subordinates is made ma­nifest to you; and I conceive it no lesse apparent that such an Allegiance cannot be created but by consent: but see­ing there is no truth that meets not with some opposition, besides those already mentioned, bear a little longer I be­seech you with my boldnesse, whilest I endeavour to re­move some other rubs of a later date, which possibly may yet be thought equivalent or superlative to this con­sent.

Suppose the provident hand of God in sending down so many pregnant blessings upon the Army, should be urged as an evidence of Gods pleasure to confer the right of Authority upon the Instruments. To manifest that this will not beget that known mutual Allegiance which is necessarily insisted upon, I shall humbly beseech you to [Page 9] call to minde that the Parliament did first vote the War, and then form and give Commission to the Army. That the People did elect, and thereby give power to the Mem­bers of that Parliament, and assist the Army in their per­sons, by their prayers, contributions, and correspondence. That together with the Commanders, the Infantry and Cavalry bore no inconsiderable share in the great adventure for Liberty; and amongst all these I beleeve you will finde it as hard to determine upon whom Providence hath cast the lot of Government, as to understand by what Or­gan it was conveyed; and no lesse difficult to discover pre­cisely who are subjected to the effects. Many publique spi­rited men there were, who laboured hard to prepare the way before ever the Parliament could be convened, or the Army march into the field; and not a few under whose con­duct, during the long contest, God sent the People sea­sonable and signal deliverances; and though the good Master of the Vine-yard gave as large a salary to the last comers as to the first, yet he gave to all alike.

I offer this only in relation to those who have not been tainted with Delinquency to the State: for I should not speak my own reason, should I say that an Army raised by Authority of Parliament to protect the Nation hath not power, so long as the Government continues unsetled, to use all requisite means to discover and prevent clandestine machinations, to suppresse outrages and conspiracies emi­nently destructive to the Peoples peace, to punish those who are convicted offenders, and to hold those under sub­jection who have forseited their freedome, by being par­ties in an offensive War against the Supream Authority of the Nation: for they have appealed to their own swords, and being cast at a Bar of their own chusing, they cannot truly be said to suffer without their own consents.

Should it again be supposed, that, as it hath been of old insisted upon by the pretended Clergy, some peculiar and singular dispensation of grace to some Christians above other some, doth carry with it a right to Soveraignty: I am confident you would not think that this rule will [Page 10] reach all those who are endowed with the same spirit; and I think not infallibly those who are not therewith endowed: because all other graces waiting upon, and receiving their vertue and efficacy through faith, and that being a hidden Mystery wrapt up in the soul of man, and visible only to the Eye of God, amongst those who professe to this faith, it is not discoverable by any third person, who is and who is not capable of the same priviledges with real Beleevers.

I consesse that it is undenyably true, that whosoever hath a true and lively faith, will shew it by his works: but good works (that is, morally good) may be done by those who have no faith. Besides, if works be the only out­ward cognizance of grace, and that of Soveraignty, it may be concluded from the rule of contraries, that sin denotes a want of grace, and a secluding from Soveraignty. And this will be so far from begetting a known mutual Allegiance between the Governours and governed, that it will ei­ther destroy all Government, or tolerate those to be Go­vernours who are void of Grace: because upon this ac­count, either there will be no more Magistrates found to punish Malefactors, then there were accusers remaining to cast the first stone at the Adulteresse, or such only as by professing themselves to be without sin do disclaim any in­terest in a Saviour.

Sir, It is not many moneths since there came a little pamphlet to my hands, which had something in it not impertinent to the present purpose, the Author said to be a person, who formerly had written a larger Tract in vindication of the power and proceedings of the Peoples late elected Representatives: but in this last urgeth that of the Apostle Paul to the Romans, advising them to be obedient to Nero, who (without all contradiction) far surpassed the late King in all kinde of wickednesse, as an obligation upon all Christians to submit to that power whatsoever it be under which their lot is fallen. I shall leave it to your better judgement to calculate what a huge weight of bloud this doctrine (if it be true) will lay up­on the then Parliament, their Army, and all those who [Page 11] did adhere or contribute to them, and waving the dispute as that which hath been the subject of many satisfactory im­pressions, apply my self only to shew how far the Authors opinion goes along with the Premises. From whence first it may be concluded, that if those primitive Christians, who doubtlesse had then as much of the Spirit, and there­by as great priviledges as any since their times, were en­joyned by the Apostle to submit to an Infidel power, cer­tainly the gifts of the Spirit do not render the Receivers unquestionably capable of command.

Secondly, He acknowledgeth that if Nero had attained the Throne by the suffrage of the people, it had been more orderly then by the Senate, which it seems by him was not so elected; and if by the Senate lesse disorderly, then by the artifice of his mother, and help of the Cohorts and rest of the Souldiery. All this comes very neer to what I have delivered. And had he not been short of telling his Readers of the sin that Nero committed by falling upon the most disorderly way of the three, he had fully justified my saying; for I endevour to maintain, that the right to chuse their own Magistrates is in the people, and if it be granted that he that takes upon him to superintend them without their consent, is guilty of sinne, their right is fully asserted.

If not in Nero an Infidel, yet to usurp a power upon a self-account is certainly a sin in a Christian, and that not of the smaller size: yet I will not determine that that Scri­pture in the Thessalonians, wherein the Man of sin is said to sit in the Temple of God as God, may in a degree be ap­plied to any persons, who being Members of Christs Church, do under the pretence of some peculiar divine dispensation, exercise a coercive jurisdiction over their brethren of the same faith, though that in Peter, wherein Christians are forbidden to Lord it over Gods inheritance, seems very much to countenance the application: But I may say, and yet preach no false doctrine, that it is not the vocall ap­pellation, but the actuall prelation or Prelating that con­tracts the guilt.

Be this the sense of the Holy Ghost or be it not, it had [Page 12] not been unworthy the late self-voters serious thoughts to consider, whether he that makes a Law to compell others to pay Subsidies and Contributions, or to hazard their lives in the face of an enemy, or by which any other is de­prived of his Liberty, Goods, Lands, or Life for counter­feiting the publique coyne or Seals, do not thereby com­mit a sin little inferiour to that of Ahab, and make him­self obnoxious to the like punishment, unlesse he have some such warrant as Solomon had to take away the life of his subject Shimei.

Liberty hath been proclaimed, which, amongst associated people, who must live under a Law, consists only in the free­dome of electing Law-makers. Indeed consent is that alone that takes the stain of oppression and antichristian usurpa­tion out of the authority of Christian Magistrates. It is the spring that gives motion to all the wheels in the Watch of National Government. And whether the case of Government be handled under a Civil or under an Ecclesi­astical notion, your Authority springing from the con­sent of the people, still remains the same sole and intire, without any dependency or commixture, what pretences so­ever have been interposed. The peoples independent power is consigned over to you, by which you are invested as well with the Supreme as with the Legislative power, for they are twins not to be separated, but by a mutual and total Annihilation. This is the authority and priviledge of Parliament; and you are the Guardians of this Priviledge and Authority. If it miscarry through your default, you fail in your Trust, and the sin will lye at your own door.

You need not object the want of Presidents, you have the example of the peoples last Representatives, who un­dauntedly acted by these justifiable Principles, and were cheerfully seconded by the people with liberal Contribu­tions. You have the concurrence of the Scottish nation before it was seduced; and the agreement and cooperation of the Commanders in chief, and of the rest of the Com­manders, Officers and Souldiers of both Armies. You have the same Army still under the same Commanders, who [Page 13] would not certainly have ingaged so deep in the quarrel, had they not been fully satisfied of the justness of the Cause. And therefore seeing your authority is the same, and that you are not convened without their approbation, to fear to proceed upon the same just and honourable principles, were to seem to suspect them of the ignominious crime of Apostasie, and that would be taken as ill, as to tell a Soul­dier that he is run from his colours.

You have had a fair Copy set you, and the people will have little cause to give you thanks, if you suffer it to be fullied in your transcribing. By their insisting upon their own power the Lawes of the land are rendred more au­thoritative: for the legislative power being solely in the Representatives of the People, there wanted not cause to apprehend that all the former Statutes and Charters of this Commonwealth, not excepting Magna Charta, or any other Statute or Charter whatsoever, being hammered out under a kinde of controlment of Kings and Lords Spirituall and Temporal, who seldome were remisse to improve their own pretentions, were (if not illegitimate and invalid, yet) not vertual enough to prevent unquiet expostulations; and whatsoever virulent and exasperated tongues may suggest, posterity will entertain it as an act of prudence, justice and honour in your Predecessors, who were intrusted with the interest of the people, to free the legislative power out of the former Wardship, and to reassume it to themselves, by whose sole authority the Lawes and Statutes of the Nation might be tendred lesse subject to querulous censure, and more obliging.

As it is in making, so it is in executing of Lawes, the power by which they are executed will be doubtfull and controvertable, if it be not derived from the clear stream of the peoples consent. This was plainly experimented the late Kings case, whose claim being of another nature, and his title and power therefore uncertain, fill'd the Na­tion full of consuming dissensions. Whereas had he insist­ed only upon the consent of the people, he might have pre­served the peace of the Nation, rescued his person and fami­ly from those sharp encounters under which they have [Page 14] since suffered, and secured his office from that hideous storm with which it was at last overwhelmed: for had he owned his investiture from the People, by which all those litigations that caused the distempers had been removed, the Regall office (besides that it had the trust of seeing the Lawes duly executed) being military, and so taken to be in the sense of Scripture, there was no cause why it should be thought an office prohibited by God, or why the com­plement of a title should make wise men stumble at so necessary a supplement to their own defence and safety.

But no title would serve turn, but divine right, and that mounting him upon too elevating wings, precipi­tated him to destruction; and prevailed with his adhe­rents, apprehending thereby something in his person or office, above the ordinary pitch of humanity, to hazard their persons and estates in a war against that authority, against which had they prevailed, they had fought them­selves into such a servitude, as their own vassals will not brook to hear of without regret and indigna­tion.

The very same Simple was found out, aswell by the Episcopall as by the Presbyterian party, and each of them apply'd it as a cordiall to their Ecclesiasticall polity. You will best judge of the vertue, if you please to ob­serve the operation. That you may see how low they have brought it, give me leave to uncase this their Pa­tient.

Grant they must, that the primitive Christians had within themselves a peculiar kinde of Government, or else their insisting upon the like in the present Church is meerly idle, and they cannot make any pretence to any Government peculiar to Christians of the first ages, but what was in their hands who were distinguished by the denominations of Bishops, Presbyters, or Elders and Deacons. So that although all of these did or might preach, yet their office was not Doctrinal but Discipli­nary. And this I shall endevour to make further ap­pear by these reasons. First, because they were approved [Page 15] fit for those Offices by their known care and skill to govern well their own families. Next, because the di­rection of the Apostle to chuse some to officiate in con­cernments relating to discipline, to the end, that they who were set apart for Doctrine, might not be with­drawn from that more necessary duty, would have ex­empted them also from any office of that nature, had those Bishops and the rest been of the Doctrinall order.

They were then no more but civill Magistrates in a Christian colony; and I think that the Government of this Nation by a Representative Councel of the Father­hood, wherein the Speaker may be properly termed the Bishop, Superintendent or Prelate, and the rest of the Mem­bers the Eldership or Presbytery, is not at all different from that of the primitive Churches, save only in the variation of title, which, though it hath made a huge noise in the Christian world, are no more but the same sense in a different dialect.

It is as possible to stop water from returning to its pro­per Center, as to dam up authority from the Sea of the people. But the opinion of holinesse dazles the eyes of wise men. It will cast a sad reflection upon the soule of every ten­der hearted Christian, who is no enemy to the unity and prosperity of this Nation, when he considers how many of her natives, men of able and active parts, who might therefore be of singular use to this Common-wealth, have made themselves uncapable of being imployed in the man­agery of publique affairs, and of joyning together in Communion with their brethren of the same faith and Na­tion, by drawing counter to a milde and warrantable Au­thority, in the more rigid and chargeable yoke of the Ro­man Hierarchy, that hath not whereupon to lay a foundati­on, but what hath been here exprest.

The attribute of holinesse is common to all Beleevers; and, although in the primitive times, when Christians were under a twofold kinde of Government, the one pecu­liar to themselves, the other Emperial and in common [Page 16] with them to all other people under that jurisdiction, they might make use of the terme, to distinguish between their own and the Emperial polity, yet being in that point now all equal, their polity cannot be otherwise formed but by moral and prudential Principles, which had it been so understood, would have long agoe reconciled the na­tive Recusants to the English Discipline; and the non­conforming Protestants to those indifferent things of de­cency and order, which have been heretofore bogled at as superstitious and idolatrous, in regard they were stai­ned with the suspicious spots of imputative sanctity.

This, together with the activity of the Ministry in in­truding themselves into disciplinary negotiations, is that which hath wrought the Office into distast with the peo­ple; but were this Remora removed, and they content to conform themselves to the Apostles Rule, not to leave the Word of God to serve tables, I cannot think that in this Common-wealth, any ingenuous man would ima­gine it lesse convenient to have a setled Ministery for all publique oratories, then to have Judges selected from amongst others of the same profession to sit in places of judicature, as that which is providentially necessary to avoid confusion where there is a parity. And thus the quarrellings about the ordination and maintenance of Ministers, together with those formal accommodations, which do pertain to their officiating, may receive a sa­tisfactory composure, being taken only as civill institu­tions, and regulated by the Representatives of the nation, who by the unlimited consent of the people interested in all capacities, are qualified to prescribe, aswell unpresi­dented formes of administration in publique devotions, as unexampled punishments for new coyned crimes; and with the same obligation upon the consciences of the con­senters.

Some object that the Galatians had Congregations inde­pendent one of another, which were accounted and called Churches, and therefore they think that national Churches are not allowable. What then? A Parliamentary power [Page 17] they acknowledge. Must then every Congregation or Clas­sis smell of the old leaven, and have within it self an Ec­clesiastical jurisdiction? Admit they must. From whence comes this Jurisdiction, but from the consent of the parties congregated? and by the like consent it is conveyed again to the Representatives of the Nation, by which they are invested with their sole power, unlesse they can produce some clause of reservation.

But truly I conceive their allegation will not hold: for it is plain that in the first ages, there were Churches in private houses, which by their own confession did not goe against Gods order in forming themselves into Con­gregations; and to enlarge Congregations into National Churches, seems not to be lesse agreeable to his pleasure: because it comes neerer to that great design of God, to bring all true Beleevers into one fold under one Shep­heard Christ Jesus. And therefore this of the Galatians I conceive to be caused by the interposition of their cir­cumferencing neighbours, who being Infidels hindered that free intercourse and Communion, which had been more agreeable to their profession.

What should I say more? You are the independent Presbytery or Eldership of this Classis or Congregation of the Christian World, who have the sole power of making and repealing Laws, and of placing and displacing sub­ordinate Officers, whether Magisterial or Ministerial, as shall in your judgements seem most conducing to pub­lique accommodation. And this form of Government wherein the native equality and liberty of every indivi­dual Member of this Commonwealth is indifferently and unanimously submitted to persons elected by themselves, for the advancement of every mans private together with the publique interest, may (besides those that I have al­ready run over) fully satisfie the Levelling party, who have as well an equall freedome to elect, as an equall possibility to be the elected; except their design runs so high, as an aym to cast all sublunary blessings into one joynt stock, for an equal benefit to all mankinde; and [Page 18] if this be their plot (though it were the way to re­store me to the capacity of eating daily bread, yet) I must not bear a part in it: because the command of God to relieve the poore is a void command, if in the Goods of this world they have a right to an equall proportion; nor may it be admitted that God forbids not Man to cover his neighbours, but his own pro­priety.

Thus have I wound my self out of the maze of Na­tional Government assisted by the clew of Consent. And now (me thinks) I might more properly call it a Na­tional Directory, instructing associated families to con­tinue in an honest and peaceable correspondence one to­wards another for publique preservation; and this drawn out by their own Representatives, prescribing civil rules, and ordaining Officers aswell to see those rules observed, as to punish offenders according to the rules by them prescribed, wherein there is no injury or com­pulsion, because acted by consent, which being volun­tary layes upon every man an equall obligation; and these rules being repealable by the Trustees of the Na­tion, and by what titles soever those Magistrates who are by them constituted, are distinguished, the power of the people is not taken away, but they continue still the Vice­gerents under Christ their King.

Sir, What desolations have befallen this Common­wealth by the fatal divisions which happened amongst the Members of the late elected Parliament, cannot be re­membred without a sad resentment; and it is not im­possible that some of those different opinions, which have hitherto nourished private animosities amongst the people, may yet have too great a reflection upon your Assembly. Your unity may binde up these wounds; and truly in this which I have offered to that end, I see no­thing deviating from the Will of God, or inconsistent with the just ends of Government; and therefore not the Jesse likely to be instrumental to concord.

It is the restraining of sin, and a tendency to his glory, [Page 19] that renders National Government accepted with God. There is a failer in both these, if Government be not built up upon a just and right foundation; and sin seldom draws along with it Gods protection. Justice exalteth a Nation, but sin is a shame to any People, is the aphorism of the wisest Solomon. Besides that it cannot be without sin, this Nation hath experimentally felt that two coun­terpoysing powers in one politique, is as monstrous as a heart and a heart in one natural body.

Sir, My zeal for God and my Nation hath made me too much a trespasser upon your patience. But prosperity flowes there, where righteousnesse and peace doe kisse each other. This is the object of my prayers, this the object of my wishes, this the object of my endevours, and this is that which hath drawn upon you the trouble of this rude pre­sentment. I have heard the sad complaints of the People who justly cry out for redresse, and I despair not of see­ing some healing applications. I know that the many tempestuous counter blasts, which have broken in upon this Nation, have driven in before them exasperating ir­regularities. But let him that expects a strict observance of rule amidst such high distractions, betake himself to frame some curious master-piece, in the main top of a ship tossed with ahideous storm, constant in no point of the Compasse, and there try what credit he can get by the un­dertaking. The rigor of the Law is often injurious, where it meets not with some qualification. In those actions which are not steered in a direct course, necessity excuseth the Pilot, if they be directed to a right Haven.

Sir, I have heard that one of the bravest Generals that ever commanded the Roman Legions, after he had victori­ously asserted the peoples liberty, and put an end to a Civil war, offered up his power and Commission to the then assembled Senate, by whom he was re-invested and gratified with more triumphant dignities. Here was a fair and honorable correspondence. And this procured a present and lasting peace to that Empire, and rendered it flourishing and formidable.

Sir, I have now discharged my Conscience without de­sign, without partiality, without prejudice. Your busi­nesse is great, Your trust great, I have now no more to doe but to prostrate my self at the feet of him who is the Fountain of all goodnesse, humbly praying that he will direct you in all your consultations to reflect still upon his glory, the salvation of your own souls, and the uni­ty and welfare of this disjoynted Nation. This will draw down the blessings of Heaven upon your endevours. And for this shall be the daily oblations of

Your Honours poor Orator And humble Servant Anthony Norwood.

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