AMong the manifold fallacies, which that great Sophister (who deceiveth the whole World, Revel. 12.9.) im­poseth upon people, of all times and States, there is none by which a grea­ter number (with more apparent dan­ger) are deluded (and therefore none more necessary to be discovered) then the mistitling of morall qualifications of Vertue and vice: which is, as if an Apothecary should write the name of a Medicine, upon a Gally-pot of poison, and contrariwise, the name of poi­son, upon an Antidote against it.

[Page 2]For so it is, where Wisedome and Folly are mutually mistaken, and miscalled, as when they whom God ap­proveth, and accepteth as truely wise, are (by those who are not such themselves) accounted fooles, 1 Cor. 4.10. 2 Cor. 11.16, 17. or (as our Saviour Christ (though he were the wisedome of God, 1 Cor. 1.24. was intituled, Iohn. 10.10.) Mad-men, and such as are worthy of no bet­ter Titles then those, are taken by themselves, and some­times also by other men, to be the onely Wise-men of the World.

Against the latter part of this Imposture, (as more neerely concerning our present condition) I shall endea­vour to derive a remedy, out of these two Verses read un­to you, but especially out of the latter of the two, and that remedy, will most consist of the discovery of the de­ceit, and that discovery may (by Gods assistance) helpe forward our deliverance (which is the maine designe of this dayes worke) out of these distresses, which (by the malignant subtilty of the Popish party) are cast upon two Kingdomes, Ireland and England: on that first, as a pre­parative to the ruine of this, and on this afterward, lest it should be a succour, and restorative to that; and on both of them, by that confounding and destructive Engine, whereof the Standard and Trumpet, are the noted Ensignes, vers. 21. Of them, (as in relation to Military mischiefe) the Prophet puts the Question, How long shall I see the Standard, and heare the sound of the Trumpet? to which, the Answer is given by God himselfe, in these words, My people is foolish, they have not knowne me, they are sottish chil­dren, they have none understanding, they are wise to doe evill, but to doe good they have no knowledge.

First of the Question, How long shall I see the Standard, and heare the sound of the Trumpet? The vulgar Latine, and as many Commentators as oblige themselves to it, reade [Page 3] Vs (que) quo videbo fugientem, How long shall I see flying (i.e.) a Man, or the people flying before, or from the face of the Enemy, bcause the same consonants of the Hebrew word, thereafter as the pricks are varied, may signifie ei­ther flying or a thing lifted up, as a Standard is, Isa. 13.2. and Chapt. 62.10. but the latter acception of the word (as our translation hath it) hath better approbation of the best Interpreters, and it holds better accord with the sound of the Trumpet, they being both of them monitory signes of military exercise and execution.

Neither the Standard (of it selfe) was an unpleasing sight, nor the blowing of the Trumpet, of any ill sound, but both of them, were offensive to any good man, (as intimating that unto his mind) which is very grievous to be seene, ( as garments rouled in blood, Esa. 9.5.) and dolefull to be heard, (as the cryes and groanes of wounded or dying men,) and dreadfull too, as the Allarme of the Trumpet, Amos 3.6. the confused noyse of the Warriers, noted in the fore-named 9 ^th. and 5 ^th. of Esa. the noyse of stamping of the hoofes of strong Horses, Jer. 47.3. and (as it fol­loweth in the next words) the rushing of Chariots, and rumb­ling of wheeles; that which is much more formidable then all this in our dayes, viz. (the horrid tune of our Martiall times) in the roaring, or thundering noyse, of the great de­vouring Ordnance, was not found out in those dayes.

And therefore, that is from the intimation foremen­tioned, when the people are most terribly threat­ned, a Standard is said to be set up, Jer. 51.12. and a day of Warre-like wrath, and execution, is called a day of the Trumpet and Allarme, Zeph. 1.16. Which importeth so lamentable a misery, as made Ieremy (though a man not only of an holy, but of heroick spirit) thus to be­waile it. My bowells, my bowells, I am pained at mine heart, mine heart maketh a noise within me, I cannot hold my peace: [Page 4]because thou hast heard, (O my soule) the sound of the Trumpet, the Allarum of the warre, destruction upon de­struction is cryed, for the Land is spoyled, sodainely are my Tents spoyled, and my Curtaines in a moment, verse 19, 20. And (in the next words) hee windes up his patheticall Compassion in this Question, How long shall I see the Standard? and heare the sound of the Trumpet?

As God is Lord of Hosts and Armies, he both stirs and stops them, when he will: And so they are shorter or longer, as he thinkes good to draw them out or shut them up: He can set the Alpha of Alarum, and the Omega of retreat, as neare together, or as farr asunder, as he is plea­sed to make the measure of their distance.

Some warres are begun and ended in a few moneths, such an one might that have been (which God put to Da­vids choyce, which was measured to three months space, 2 Sam. 24. v. 13. And such was the Pirats warre, to which Cn. Pompeius (as Augustine observeth) put an end Incredibili ce­leritate et tem­poris brevitate confectum, Aug. de Civ. Dei l. 5. cap. 22. with incredible celerity, and shortnesse of time, which took up but a few moneths: as Intra paucos menses. Orosius l 6. c. 4. Orosius noteth.

Some are reckoned by yeares, and those in much diffe­rent proportions, as the warr made by the Romans (against the fugitive Fencers) lasted Aug ubi sup three yeares; The third Cartha­ginian warre Orosius ibid. ubi supra. four yeares. The second Aug ubi sup. eighteene yeares. The first Aug. ibid. twenty and three yeares: The Roman warre with Mithridates, was drawne out to Aug. ibid forty yeares, and the Sam­nits warre to Aug. ibid. fiftie yeares, so long had the warre (betwixt the Hollanders and Spaniards continued at the yeare, 1624. (as a Balsack let l. 3. let. 10. French Oratour hath given in the account) but it is much more which his Country-man Phil. Com His. lib. 8 c 3. Commineus observeth of the warre betwixt the Florentines and the Pisans which exercised those States three hundred yeares toge­ther.

Of this Warre (which put the Prophet into such an [Page 5]affectionate affliction) the time is variously conjectured: It might seeme long, though it were but short, because the sufferings under it were very sharpe, but indeed the whole time of Ieremiahs Prophecying (which was about forty one yeares) was a time of great tribulation, by warr-like Commotions and miseries under the raignes of Iosiah, 2 King. 23. Iehojakim and Zedechiah Kings of Iu­dah, 2 King. 24. in whose dayes Ierusalem was besieged by the Babylonians, from the tenth day of the tenth month (in the ninth yeare of his raigne) to the ninth day of the fourth month, in the eleventh yeare of it, 2 King. 25.1. upon that, followed the desolation of the Temple, and City in the 3365. yeare of the world, and six hundred and six yeares before the Incarnation of Christ; and if he re­counted all the calamities of warre in his time, he might very well enquire of their continuance, How long?

The Question brought in by such a passionate Preface (as you have heard out of ver. 19. & 20.) will guide our thoughts, to a consideration of the evill of warre, which made the Prophet to be so mournfull for it, and so weary of it. And for that evill (though in many places of the Kingdome) too many feele too much of it by reall di­stresse: It will not be needlesse to say somewhat of it, by way of verball discourse, that we may have such a compen­dium of it in our minds and memories, as may set our hearts & hands against it, I say our hands, as well as our hearts; for warre is not alwayes to be taken up, by Treaties of peace, but peace sometimes to be procured by and Ipsi qui bella volunt,—ad gloriosam pacē bellandocupiunt pervenire—pa­cis igitur inten­tione geruntur & bella Aug. l. 1 [...]. de Civit. Dei cap. 12. alwayes to be intended in a prosecution of warre. And therefore when David questioned with Vriah concerning the besie­ging of Rabbah, 2 Sam. 11.1. He demanded how Joab did, and how the people did, and how the warre prospered: So in our English Translation; but according to the Hebrew reading, he asked him of the peace of the warre, that is, [Page 6]in what forwardnesse the warre was for a peaceable con­clusion.

The definition of warre (to beginne with that, though it be too unruly an evill, to be confined to bounds and li­mits, as he gives it, who hath written most exactly of it) is this Bellum est status per vim certantium, qua tales sunt. Gro­tius de jure bel­li. lib. 1 cap. 1. Warre is the state of them that strive by force (as they are such) that is under the notion, and consideration of for­cible striving against each other, or to speake of it (as it hath proved in the experience of all ages, where the most Malignant men, have had the greatest stroake in it) It is a wicked, and wretched compound of all sorts of injuries, and miseries of injuries committed by the stronger, of mi­series sustained by the weaker part.

The name of it in Latine is of good sound, for it is cal­led Bellum, and of good sence, for it signifieth good, and so it hath it's name by Antiphrasis (i.) from the quite contrary; for it is so farre from good indeed, (when wicked men are prevalent in it) that it is the worst of e­vils, on this Hell; and therefore with a little alteration of letters, it might rather be termed Belluinum, bell [...]ine (i.) Brutish, then Bellum good, which Epithite most properly belongeth onely unto God, Matth. 19.17. though (to say the truth) it be much worse among men, then it is among the unreasonable creatures: For the most of their quarrels, are but single combats, for they seldome set themselves in heards or droves, one against another, as men in troopes and numerous Armies. And as it brings with it a multitude of men; so doth it also a multitude of mischiefs.

Where envie and strife is (saith St. Iames) there is confu­sion, and every evill worke, Iam. 3.16. And this may be in some places, where there is no warre, for there may be a striving of mentall emulation, or a meere logomachy of wordie contention, 2 Tim. 6.4. without any hostile force, [Page 7]or violence at all; or if there be violence, it may fall out betwixt some few, who (by Law) may be judged, and by degall force (if they be injurious and tumultuous) suppres­sed: But the violence of warre (as the wicked, that are most addicted to it use the matter) is a lawlesse and bound­lesse confusion, such as that complained of by the Prophet Isaiah, The people shall be oppressed, every one by another, e­very one by his neighbour; The child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient, the base against the honourable, Esa. 3.5. And by the Prophet Ieremie, They that were brought up in scarlet, were brought downe to embrace the dung-hills, Lament. 4. ver. 5. and a confusion wherein such as are not meetly qualified for servants, will take upon them to be Masters ( servants ruled over us, say the degraded Masters of Israell, by way of complaint, Lamen. 5.8.) and those usurping upstarts, when they are so leud and dissolute, as no good-man would wil­lingly endure them to lodge a night in his house, will boisterously breake open his doores, rifle all his Roomes, Closets, Chests, Caskets and Cabinets, and if he were as rich as Iob was in the height of his prosperity, they will make him as poore as Iob, in the depth of his adversity, and much poorer too: For Iob had the goods in his house spared from spoyle or pillage (though he lost all his come and cattell in the field) whereas many, who carve out their owne portion of other mens goods, by the Sword, have not left the right owners, so much as a ragge to co­ver their nakednesse. So in the Country, and if they could advance to rifle some rich City, they that are not worthy to be trusted for a yard of Inkle, would come into Shops, and measure Velvet for themselves, by the We will enter and measure with the long Ell, Phil. Com. l. 1. c. 11 p. 30. Upon which words the margin note is this, by the long Ell, he meaneth the Pike, where­with Souldiers at the sack of a Towne, use to measure vel­vets, silks and cl [...]ths. long Ell (that is by the Pike) take it away and pay nothing for it.

And their lust will be as unruly as their thest, making [Page 8]no scruple to commit a Rape upon a mans Wife or Daughter, or Maid-servant, and in that wickednesse have some been so impudent, as violently to bind the Husband to a Bed-post, while they abused his Wife before his face.

That was one part of the barbarous wrongs of the Irish Rebells, not long agoe committed as I have been con­fidently enformed by a Gentleman of good credit. And it is upon perpetuall re­cord in Cu [...] Franc [...] app [...]i [...]uissent, exis [...] [...] [...]am viris, quam mulieribus, tempore missarum in Ec [...]esia, ad ea [...] [...] Ecclesiam cum [...] festinatione concurrerunt, & inter [...]cie [...]es multos, & depr [...]antes Ecclesiam▪ aspexerunt (inter caeteras) quandum feminam p [...]iram [...], & e [...]e [...] [...]orme, qu [...]um [...]in [...] converetat ut audiret missas. Ad quam Nebu [...]es satis intemperanter, in eadem [...]cclesia [...] denies, mox suae libidini (ut er [...]nt ar­ [...]a [...]i, prostraverunt etiam di [...]e [...] unus post aliam [...], donec mulier [...]a [...]ara spir [...]tum exhalaret, Tho. Walsingham, H [...]. Edw. 3. p. 166. Walsinghams History of England, that such an abominable filthy fact, as you may reade of (touching the Levites Concubine) Iudg. 19. was commit­ted, in King Edward the thirds time up­on a Holy-day at the time of Divine service by French Souldiers, in a Church at Winchelsey in Sussex, taking their lustfull turns upon a beautifull wo­man, untill they had turned her out of the world.

And commonly as those three Commandements, Thou shalt not kill, Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou shalt not steale are ranked together in the Law, so are they violated together in the lawlesse violence of Warre, and so you find them threatned together, in the 13. of Isaiah. Their children shall be dashed in pieces before their eyes, their houses spoiled, and their Wives ravished, Isa. 13.16. and Maidens too, for that is complained of in the Lament. of Ieremie. Chap. 5. Ver. 11.

For those that have but little wit and no grace, (which is the ordinary qualification of meere mercinary Soul­diers) let loose the reynes of their corruptions to all licentiousnesse, making so little account of the Lawes, as gave occasion of the common Proverbe Inter arm [...] silens Leges., The noyse of [Page 9]Warres drownes the voice of Lawes, which are sure to be trod­den under foote, while the Sword of violence hath the upper-hand: with this accords the complaint of oppressed Hierusalem in the Lament. of Ieremie, The Law is no more, Lam. 2.9. no more in force, because (by force) suffered to be no more in use: and when Lawes are hush't, matters are hurried by a boishterous prevalence, not governed by right or reason, Every one doing that which is right in his owne eyes, Judg. 17.6. and that will be whatsoever is wrong in the eyes of God, and all good men.

But of all Warres that which is called Summum (Brute) nesas, civilia Bella, fatemur. Cato apud Clandian. lib. 2. Civill, hath in the experience of all times proved most pernicious: when a Kingdome is not united against a forraigne foe, but divi­ded against it selfe, and by that division, in great danger of a desperate downefall, Mark. 3.24, 25. It is called intestine Warre, which is as a burning in the bowells or intrailes; and of all Civill Warres, the worst and most woefull that can be, is that, which is managed under such Titles, as import the most perfect Unity, and the greatest estrange­ment from war-like hostility. Such is that which is now waged under the Colours, and with the sound of our Eng­lish Standards and Trumpets.

Which if it should goe on, as the wicked wish, and all good-men abhorre to thinke of, would make this King­dome, of a famous Sanctuary of peace, a Seminary of dis­cord, of a Granary or Store-house of plenty (or garden of delights, as Vere hortus noster delicia­rum est, puteus inexhanstus est, Math. Paris, Histor major. in Hen. 3. p. 936. Pope Innocent the 4 ^th. called it) a wildernesse of Want; for such is the Wast of Warre, as makes the Land which before an Army was as the Garden of Eden, behind it to be no better then a desolate Wildernesse, Joel 2. v. 3. which, (if it long continue,) must needs bring forth a devouring famine throughout a very spatious and plen­tifull Kingdome. And famine hath made even pitifull women to be cruell to their owne children, as to act the [Page 10]parts of Butchers, Cookes and guests at the same Messe, the flesh of their little ones, their little ones of a span long, Lam. 4.10. & 2.20.

But there is another Famine (sometimes an effect of Warre,) much worse then this, proceeding from the in­terruption of Religion, and the desolation of the Sanctua­ry, which (though by the ungodly it be little regarded,) to such as are truely Religious, will be matter of the hea­viest apprehension that can be. How will it afflict their hearts, to call to mind, what comforts they have enjoyed, while they had the holy Gospell of peace, and civill peace with the Gospell, what sweet refreshing they have for­merly had, in the Communion of Saints, on the Sab­baths, and other seasons of sacred Assemblies, yea even in their meetings of humiliation, when by Civill Warre they see great Congregations are dissolved, the Shepheards and their flocks seperated, the Sheepe scattered, if not both he, and they butchered, without any glimpse of hope, (of a long time) to be absolved from that great and terrible excommunication of Pastors and People.

This is that Calamity which the Prophet Amos com­pareth to a famine of bread, (but makes it much more grievous) when men (saith he) shall wander from Sea to Sea, from North even to the Easst, and shall runne too and fro, to seeke the word of the Lord, but (in that pure, and plen­teous, and peaceable manner wherein they have had it) shall not find it, Amos 8.11, 12.

Dub. If Warre be a compound of so many evill Ingredients, how can any good man have anything to doe with it, ei­ther as a Counsellor of it, or an Actor in it?

Answ. For Answer to this Doubt, two Questions are to be pro­pounded, and resolved.

The one, Of the lawfullnesse of Warre in generall;

The other, What are the Conditions of lawfull Warre in particular.

Quest. 1 For the first, there have beene some of old who have condemned all Warre, and those not only such, as have beene condemned (by the Church) for Hereticks, as the August cont. Faustum Ma­nich. lib. 22. c 74. Manicheans: but such also as have been honoured in the Church, as Cyprian a famous orthodox Divine, and a Martyr, who in his Epistle to Donatus, enveigheth vehe­mently against it, as not only an unlawfull thing, but as ab­surdly sinnefull, and inhumane; Homicidium cum admittunt singuli, cri­men est, virtus voca [...], cum publicè geri­tur; impunitatem sceleribus acquiret, non Innocentiae ratio, sed sevitiae magnitude. Cyprian. Epist. lib. 2. cp. 2. p. 7. edit. Paris. 1633. when any (saith he) commits a single Mur­ther, it is a Crime, a Vertue, when the like is done by many; and then not re­spect of innocence, but magnitude of the mischiefe procures impunity to it: and they make Ʋt quis possit occidere, usus est, ars est. Ibidem. an use of it, and Art of it, (saith he) and cruelty is not only com­mitted, but taught; Scel [...] non tentum geritur, sed & docetur, quid potest inhumanius, quid acerbius dici▪ disciplina est ut perimere quis possi [...], & gloria est, quod perimit. Ibidem. what can be cal­led more inhumane or more grievous, then that men should make it a discipline to destroy men, and a glory when they have destroyed them.

And Lactantius being (in disposition answerable to his Name,) a mild and milken man, abhorring blood-shed, thought it was not lawfull, for a Ne (que) milltare just [...] licebit, enjus mi­litia est ipsa Iustitia, Lactan instit. lib 6. cap. 10. Iust man to be a Warriour, whose Iustice was to be his Warfare: and his tendernesse of nature, made him so partiall to pitty, so unjust to Justice, that he held, a just man should Ne (que) vere [...]conser [...] quenq [...], crimine capitali, quia [...]ibil distat, utrum verbo, aut serro pot [...] occidas; quoni [...] occisie ipsa p [...]hibe [...] Ibidem. not be a witnesse against any one in a Capitall crime: for (said he) killing being forbidden, it is all one, whether one kill another, with a Sword or with a word.

Of later times, some of the more moderate Papists, have written against it, as Cornelius, Cornelt A­grip; de vant­tat. sciens. cap. 79. Agrippa, [Page 12] Jo: Ferus in 4 ^to. Lib. commen. in Math: super. v. 52. cap. 26. Ferus, Erasin. Epist Anton. a Bergis. lib. 2. ep. 27. Annotat. in Luc cap. 3. & c. 22. Bnchirid. Militis Christ ian: pas sim. Chiliad. Adag. Ʋulce Bellum inexpertis, pag. 256. typis wechel An. 1629. Erasmus, but especially Eras­mus, who divers times, in his Bookes, hath made an assault with his Pen, up­on the profession and practise of War; and hath pursued the quarrell against it, sometimes in very large discourses, and by some of the Anabaptist: Melancthon in loc. com­mun. cap. de Magistrat. most rigid Anti­papists, it hath been condemned, as un­lawfull, though for the most part, the later sort of Ene­mies to the enmity of Warre, have disallowed it not sim­ply, or universally to all the godly, in all times, but unto Christians only under the time of the Gospell.

But most of the best, and most Judicious Divines, in all ages have beene of the contrary judgement, and not with­out good reason: for

First The holiest and most accepted with God in the old Testament, have beene Warriours, as Abraham, Moses, Ioshua, Gideon, David, and others.

Secondly, If the profession, and practise of Warre were utterly unlawfull, it must be, because it is inconsistent with holinesse, but that it is not, as it is plaine, Deut. 23. where it is said: The Lord thy God walketh in the midst of thy Campe, to deliver thee, and give up thine enemies before thee, therefore shall thy Campe be holy, that he see no uncleane thing in thee, and turne away from thee, ver. 14. and I know no cause, but the Campe may be as holy as the Church, nay a Campe may be a Church, so was the Campe of Constantine, and Theodosius, and of many other godly Warriours in their times, but very good reason, why a Souldier should be very holy, and it is, because he is by his Adventures of his life, to accompt himselfe as a daily dying man, and the consideration of that, may make him so penitent for offences past, and so provident for his [Page 13]future happinesse, that (betwixt both) his life while it la­steth, may be more religious, and his death when it comes more advantagious.

Thirdly, For those that allow warre to the Iewes and deny it to the Christians under the Gospell, they may be refuted.

First, By the example of the Centurion, Math. 8. who by his owne authority, and command over Souldiers, il­lustrated the power of Christ over the creatures, in such sort, as that our Saviour, (without any touch of reproach) to his profession, gave this praise of his faith, I have not found so great faith, no not in Israel, ver. 10. And of Cor­nelius (the Centurion of the Italian band) the testimony (given by the Holy Ghost) is, That he was a devout man, one that feared God with all his house, who gave much almes to the people, and prayed to God alwayes, Act. 10.1, 2. and his Military calling is made no exception to his great commendation, because it gave no impediment to his holy conversation.

Secondly, When in the third of Luke, the Souldiers (with others) came to Iohn Baptist, as Disciples to a Master to be instructed, what to doe, he returned them this an­swer: Doe violence to noman, neither accuse any man falsely, and be content with your wages, ver. 14. The first prohibiti­on may seeme to bind them to the peace, and so to re­quire a renunciation of their military profession, but it is to be understood of private or irregular violence, and not of such force as is exercised according to the rule and disci­pline of warre, but the last part of his advice, (which bid­deth them to be content with their wages) alloweth them to take wages, and if, he allow them to take the wages of Souldiers, he alloweth them to doe the worke of Soul­diers.

Thirdly, The Magistrate hath the power of the Sword, [Page 14] Rom. 13.4. not onely against one single offender, but a­gainst many, if many deserve it, and to doe Justice upon many, may require many Swords (so many as may make up a whole Army) and if there be military force raised to hinder justice, there may military force be used to pursue it to effect.

Fourthly, as it is lawfull, by the dictate of nature, for a private man to defend himselfe against an hostile assault of a private man, so it may be lawfull for a number of men assaulted or endangered, by an Army of enemies (by force of arms in a Military manner) to free themselves from their oppression and tyranny.

Fiftly, If any people or kingdome should disclaime all use of Armes, in such a case they could not long subsist, in any condition of safety, from invasion or assault: for such a tame disposition, would give advantage to invite [...] ene­my to set upon them, and give them opportunity either to inslave them, or to slay them: As we see by the example of the Jewes, superstitiously forsaking their own just defence on the Sabbath day, wherby they were exposed to the spoyl of those that hated them, 1 Mach. 12. from ver. 33. to 41. and by such deserting of a just defence, may men betray themselves, their lives, Lawes, Liberties and Estates, in­to the hands of ambitious or bloody enemies, which by the light of nature they are obliged with all their power to preserve.

Sixtly, God hath many times shewed his approbation of warre, on the better part, by miraculous assistance to it, and resistance and confusion of the contrary party, and that since the publishing and spreading of the Doctrine of Christ: whereof there are many examples in Ecclesiasti­call Tert Apolog c. 5 Euscb in vita Constant. 1969 Eccles. Hest. l. 9. c. 10 Angust. de Civ. Dei. l. 5. cap. 26. Quest. 2. Authours. And these reasons are of force, as well in the time of the Gospell, as under the law, or before it.

Now for the conditions of warre, which may qualifie it, against just exception.

[Page 15]First, No warre can be lawfull without the allowance of lawfull authority, and the authority that must allow it, is only that, which is legislative, or a law-making autho­rity.

Secondly, For the cause of it, it must be just, and not only just, but it must be weighty too, for every just cause is not sufficient warrant for a warre.

A third condition of lawfull warre is, a good end or [...]ime in it, it must not be undertaken, either for ambition or revenge, or prey or pillage, but as Christians must pray, so Christian Souldiers must fight, That they may lead a Meritò in ter­ra homini non gloria, sed pax est quaerenda, pax cum Deo, pax cum proxi­mo, pax cum se­ipso. Bernard. in Fest. Omni­um Sanct. Serm. 5. cal. 297. peaceable and quiet life, in all godlinesse and honesty, 2 Tim. 2. and v. 2.

Fourthly, As the end must be good, so must the means and manner of mannaging the Warre (the way to that end) be good also: The innocent (as much as may be) must be spared, and none must be made guilty, (that is not) that he may be ruined, which Iohn Baptist might meane, when he said to the Souldiers, Accuse no man false­ly; Call him not Traitor or Rebell, that you may have a pretence to spoyle him, when he is a true Subject to his Soveraigne, a true Patriot to his Country, and the Camp must be well disciplin'd, as well in a religious, as a Milita­ry manner, lest Nostris pec­catis barbars fortes sunt, no­stris vitijs Ro­manus supera­tur exerci [...]us. Hieron. Epit. Nepot. Tom. 1. p. 27. the sinnes of those, who have the better cause, should fight on the enemies side, against themselves, and in the Name of the Lord of Hosts must the Banner be set up, Psal. 20.5. and Petitions put up for those that fight by them that fight not, Exod. 17.11, 12. that the successe of the battell may be swayed on the better side.

Fifthly, For the season of warre, it must not be taken up too soone, nor too hastily untill other meanes of peace and Justice have been tryed to prevent it, and those meanes proved vaine and frustrate. The Dlci vix potest quam multa sunt, quae antea fieri oportet, quam ad bane extremam rati­onem devenire. Cic [...]r. Orat. pro Qu [...] [...] 30. Orato [...] well said, There are many things to be done before matters are to be put to an undoing extremity: Wherefore is was an Act. of [Page 16]more pride then prudence, an argument rather of rashnesse then valour, (like that of Valer. Max. lib. 9. c. 3. Semiramis, who hearing that the Babylonians rebelled, while she was dressing up her head, went presently, partly drest and partly undrest to the warres without any more preparation, either for pacifi­cation or suppression of them) in our King Walsingham Hypod. Neu­striae. Richard the first, who being told (as he sate at Supper) that the French King had besieged his Towne of Vernoil in Normandy, pro­tested that he would not turne his backe, untill he had con­fronted the French, and thereupon he caused the wall of his Pallace, that was before him, to be broken downe to­wards the South, and posted to the Sea-coast immediately into Normandy.

Such inconsiderate quicknesse proves (many times) as unhappy, as an over-hasty birth, the designe in such ca­ses doth commonly miscarry, and (sometimes) works as much misery to the undertaker, as the might and malice of the enemy could doe: So did the precipitation of Cam­byses, who for want of due providence and provision for his Army, within a few dayes brought a fearefull famine upon it, so that his Souldiers were soone put to it, to cast lots, Cum sortiren­ter milites ejus, quis malè peri­ret, quis peius viveret. Senec. de tra lib. 3 c. 20 who should die an evill death, or to avoid that doe worse, by preying on anothers life, to preserve his owne.

Sixthly, and lastly, when the Warre is ended, there should be an end of all warlike enmity, as Post acies, odi­js idem qui ter­minus armis, Claudian. Claudian spea­keth in the praise of Theodosius, whose armes and anger, he used to put-off at the same period of war.

With these conditions is warre not only lawfull, but so necessary, that to forbeare it is unlawfull, and so he that can and will not assist in it (to his power) commeth under the curse of Meroz, Iudg. 5. Curseye Meroz, curse ye bitter­ly the Inhabitants thereof; because they came not to help the Lord, to help the Lord against the mighty, v. 23. And of the Prophet [Page 17] Ieremy, speaking of the destruction of Moab, Cursed be he that keepeth backe his Sword from bloud, Jer. 48.10. If he be a man sit for warre, to doe execution upon the wicked; and the more wicked the enemy is, the more warrantable is the warre, the more necessary the resolution to with­stand him.

For though warre it selfe be a grievous calamity, yet if the enemy be not couragiously resisted, in his owne way of violence, a worse thing then warre will follow upon it, that is perpetuall tyranny and slavery upon the consciences and persons of the vanquished, so that the evill of warre, both concomitant with it, and consequent upon it, well considered, may serve as incentives of courage, to ingeni­ous and generous spirits, to resist it, to repell it, since a noble death (especially for him whose reward is in Hea­ven) is much rather to be chosen then an ignominious and miserable life.

Applic. It is one part of the happy priviledge of the godly, and that an excellent one, that all things shall some way or other, worke for their good, Rom. 8.28. And there is nothing, no not warre, though it be as bad as hath been said, but may be so handled, as may serve for their be­nefit.

That it may be so (in respect of the precedent Discourse) I shall now endeavour to apply it so.

As

• 1. To cast us downe by a lowly humiliation of our selves.
• 2. To raise up in us a just indignation against the cau­ses of warre.
• 3. To uphold those in due reputation, who are friends to peace.
• 4. To exhort the better sort, to be at unity among themselves.
• 5. To reprove those who desert their own side, and [Page 18]take part with the adversaries, both of their Religi­on and Country.

For the first, While we thinke of all this evill, which partly is come upon us, and the rest and worst may follow after, if the warre (which God forbid) should proceed to the utmost period, how can we but lament the losse of our peace, and repent for our ingratitude, for so great a blessing, as (for the greatest part of an 100. yeares) our kingdome hath both enjoyed and abused; and for our want of com­passion, to our distressed brethren abroad; the relation of whose miserable condition we have read of, heard and talked of, but seldome taken to heart, either by a sympa­thy of sorrow with them, or hearty supplication for them.

And secondly, how can we but set our hearts against those mischievous make-bates, who have robbed us of so pretious a Jewell as Peace, and broken us in peeces, by their distracting devices, which have set us in a way of de­structive Commotion against one another. And who be they? Besides our sinnes (which I shall have occasion to complaine of, in the answer to the Question) there be many, who have done very much ill service in secret, to so pernicious a purpose; but the most pestilent enemies of our publike peace, are they in whom all Malignant mo­tives are concurrent: I meane the Papists, for they have been of old, and ever will be the most bold and busie In­cendiaries in all Protestant States, by them have been cast about the Coales of contention among us, which now they have blowne up into this dangerous combustion.

It is the principall Maxime of those (who would be greatest in Ecclesiasticall and Temporall preeminence all over the Christian world, and the truly Catholike craft and ambition of the falsely called Catholike Religion to devide those into as many fractions as they can, over [Page 19]whom they desire to domineere by united Tyranny; and according to that rule, they have acted the parts of subtile Seperatists (in an active sense) sowing the Tares of strife, betwixt severall States and Kingdomes, They entred the State in disguise, and counterfeited letters, not on­ly in the names of particular, persons but of whole Soci­eties, as of the Republike of Genoa, and the city of Ʋe­rona. Hist of the quarrels of Pope Paul the fifth with the State of Ʋe­nice. l. 2. p. 134. as the Jesuites did to advance the Popes quarrell against the Venetians: and in the same State labouring to fill the minds of Governours with jealousies and suspitions, and to alienate their affecti­ons from each other, who should be as one man, in joynt considerations and cares for the publike happinesse. And for the people, they ply them with artificiall fomentations of different fancies and opinions, to raise an hearty disaffe­ction betwixt them, which may put them upon a prosecu­tion of contrary designes, and (when opportunity serves) may raise them up in open warre against one a­nother.

To this purpose were the Instructions given by Cardi­nall Allen at Rhemes, anno 1579. to such Popish Seducers as then were to be sent from the Seminary in France into England, to with-draw the people of the Kingdome from their due obedience, and to make way for their great pro­ject of perdition in 88. by deviding them, under the titles of Protestant and Puritane, and provoking them (under those different denominations) to reall and mutuall both hate and contempt: which I take not upon trust from any private report, nor from that great and lying Authour. [They say] but upon the authority of an Arch-bishop (in this case of very great moment) avowing it to the face of a Popish Adversary, and divulging it to publike intelli­gence in print, in these words. Arch-bishop. Abbot his An­swer to Duct. Hills 3 ^d reason p 103. If you chance to deale with a Puritan (saith that Cardinall) you must say, truely (Brother) for you there is more hope, then for those that be Protestants; because they (for feare of the Prince and the Law) are ready to say any thing; and therefore (me thinketh they be Atheists) but for you there is more hope, being either hot [Page 20]or cold; If you deale with a Protestant, tell him there is more hope of him, then of rash haire-brain'd Puritanes, be­cause they (with Religion) have put off all humanity, and civility with all other good manners, who would not think that for such mischievous devices, this head of Allens was soone after thought worthy to be covered with a Car­dinals Hat? So farre the Arch-bishop.

Here I shall crave leave of the more knowing and more observing part of this Auditory, that I may descend to the Information of the weaker sort of people (for their better warning, who either have not read, or doe not remember or not consider, or cannot apply the Plots of the Papists to the present condition of our time and State) of the crafty and cruell sollicitations of that party, to enkindle the fire of warin Ireland, and from thence (notwithstanding all the water betwixt us and that Kingdom) to disperse it abroad ver all the Counties of England, as now they have done.

And to this purpose they have impudently given out in Ireland; Sometimes The Irish Remonstrance. p. 5, 48, 4 [...], 77. that His Majesty was personally (though disguised) present with the Rebells there; Sometimes Ibid. p. 6. that he was dead, and that the young King went to Masse; but most commonly, that which they did was by the Ibid p. 45, 48, 56 Kings autho­rity, and that they had the Broad-Seale for it, and that it was the Kings pleasure Ibid p 68. that all the English should be banished and loose their goods, because the Queenes Priest was hanged be­fore her face. And that there was a Covenant (betwixt the Irish and the Scots upon these tearmes) that the Irish should never take part with the English against the Scots, nor the Scots with the English against the Irish; And Ibid. p. 38. that all the Scottish Nation was joyned (with them) for the extirpation of the English: So that the Ibid. Scots were to leave never a drop of English blood in England, and that the Irish had command to leave never a drop of English blood in Ireland; and that (for that purpose) they had the Ibid. Earle of Argiles hand, together with the [Page 21]hands of the greatest part of the prime Nobility of Scotland.

And that many might more readily come into an Asso­ciation in their damnable League, and might carry it on with more courage, and higher hope of happy successe, they coyned such comfortable Lyes as these. That there was an Army to come to their aide from Spaine, Ibid p. 10. another (of no fewer then 40000.) from France, another from Ibid Flanders, that Ibid p. 54. Dublin was taken, and that the distressed in Ireland might have no hope of succour in England, or Scotland, they told them, that there was the like Ibid. p. 35. stirres in both these King­doms: meaning that the Papists pursued, and prevailed over the Protestants there, as they did in Ireland: a thing then (no doubt) both in their desire, and designe, and like to be also in their indeavour, when they might begin with hope, to goe on with successe.

And that they might have the more colour for their bloody combination, these seditious Seeds-men gave out, that the Puritane Parliament in England was the cause of all this; in that they have made an Ibid. p. 4 [...]. Act, that all Papists in Ire­land must goe to Church, or otherwise be hanged at their owne doores: and therefore they began with the Protestants first, least they should begin with them, who had resolved to Ibid. p. 35, 45. mur­ther all the Papists throughout the Kingdome, and yet (like odious hypocrites as they be) they sometimes Ibid. pretended, that if the Lord Lievtenant of Ireland (that last was) had not been put to death, by the Parliament, they had not made this Insurrection: whereas (indeed,) they held and hated him, as the most heavy-handed Deputy, that was set over them, (though Protestants had as great cause to com­plaine of the weight of his hand, as Papists had, if not greater) and plotted this mischiefe (as upon Confession is recorded) Ibid. p. 35. [...]. seventeene yeares before their Rebellion brake out.

Their hatred of the best Protestants, under the name [Page 22]of Puritans is notorious throughout the three Kingdom, of England, Scotland and Ireland: but they hate them most, where they thinke they are most able to doe them hurt, that's in Parliament: and therefore they have been alway forward to falsifie their Acts and Intentions, to blast that venerable Assembly with the blackest calumny they can conceive, and to doe as desperate acts against them as the Devill himselfe can put into their heads.

King Iames premonit p. 328.King Iames chargeth them with three Lyes together of the Act of Parliament, concerning the Oath of Alle­giance, and all the Kingdome, yea all the Christian world knoweth their devillish malignity towards that most Ho­nourable Court in the Powder-plot, King Iames his second Speech in Par­liament. p. 501. purposely devised against the place of their meeting, that where the crull Lawes (as they call them) were made against their Religion, both place and persons, should be blowne up at once, which plot, had it taken effect, they purposed to have laid it on the Speeds Chron. lib. 10. p. 1252. col 2. Puritans.

And what they could not then bring about, by that se­cret satanicall treachery, they have of late attempted and undertaken by open Warre, and the Warre we now see translated out of Irish into English, and their hate and spight written (in Capitall Letters) with the blood of English Protestants.

I am not so vainly presumptuous, as to present such par­ticulars as these, to instruct the sage and prudent Senators of this most High and Honourable Court, (who see, and fore-see, a thousand times more, and further into the Po­pish mistery of Iniquity, (with all the Engins that are working under it,) then many thousands of such private persons as my selfe can possible conceive; but (by such a breviate as I have brought in) to make some more cau­telous resentment of Popish plots in the common people and of their common perill, thereby, if there be not a ve­ry [Page 23]watchfull jealousie in the great Counsell of the King­dome, over them, and a zealous and unanimous industry of all true-hearted Protestants, to disappoint them; but I shall meete with them againe before we part.

Thirdly, The Miseries and Mischiefes of Warre, being such as have been shewed, it cannot but well become every good and wise man to shew himselfe disaffected to it, and much troubled for it, as well as by it. So did the Prophet (when he bewailed the condition of his time by the oppression and desolation of Warre, as out of this Chapter I have told you) and to doe all good offices they can to promote peace, as the Parliament by their many humble and pressing Petitions, and other prudent addres­ses to his Majesty, have indeavoured to doe: yet so (as well became their piety and prudence) as to desire no peace but such an one, as whosoever treats of it admits of God to be of the Quorum in it, and (in ballacing the con­ditions on both sides) will suffer his glory and the con­scionable discharge of their trust (to the King and King­dome) to make downe weight in the finall determination thereof: against which an agreement would prove but a conspiracie, for betraying of trust. But for a peace upon such tearmes as those we now mentioned, that Englishman who would not like Ionah (when to appease a tempest and save a Ship from splitting, he was content to be cast into and swallowed up of the Sea, Ion. 1.12.) willingly lay downe his life, is not worthy to live.

And the more zealous should every one be of making up the breach of peace, by how much more worthy they are who are divided, and betwixt whom the neerest Union that can be, is required, if there were but a single seperation, of a paire of excellent Friends, we should have an affectionate sorrow in our hearts for their sakes: as Heu mibi qui vos simul i [...]u [...] ­nire nonpossu [...], ut inovear, ut doleo. ut Itmeo, proc [...]derem ad pe les vestros, sterem quant [...] valerem, roga­rem quaotu a amarem, nu [...] utrum (que) vestrâ pro setpso, nunc utrum (que) pro al­terutro & pro alijs ac maxi are infi [...]mu — qut vos tanquam in Theatro vi­tae bujus cum mag [...]o sur peri­cu [...]o. pectant. August. Epi [...]l. [...] Tom. 20 inter opera H [...] ­eron p 350. & 391. Augustine passionately expressed, upon the quarrels [Page 24]and invectives betwixt Hierom and Ruffinus, Woe is mee (saith he) that I cannot find you both together, how am I moved? how am I grieved? how doe I feare, how willing would I be to fall downe at your feete, I would weepe according to my power, and begge according to my love, now of the one for the other, and then of both for both, and for others also, who with great perill and scandall see you, (as in a Theater) con­testing and contending as Enemies. Hoc magnum & triste nara­culum est, ab am [...]ijs tali­bus a I has mi­mt [...]as per to n [...]sse. [...]. It is a great and a sad Miracle, (saith he) from such Amity as hath been to be chan­ged to such emnity as is now betwixt you; And yet this Em­nity was not exercised, with the Pike, but with the Pen, the dropps that were spilt (in their Warre) were not dropps of blood, but of Inke.

How would the good man have been grieved to have seen such an estrangement, betwixt so great and (of himself) so good a King as our dread Soveraigne, and so wise and worthy a Counsell as the High Parliament? how would his heart have melted into tender commiseration, of so ma­ny slaine, so many spoiled, and ruined (for this world) so great a desolation, as is made in many parts, of this late flourishing Kingdome, by a most unnaturall Warre, and that (under adverse Titles) in their Names, who are or should be, as neerely allied and linked together, as the in­gagements of Religion, Law, Conscience, Prudence and Fidelity to God and man can possibly make them.

Ob. But what hope of Peace when both sides have so farre proceeded in Warre, When a man seeth Armies prepared, it is a madnesse (as the Prat a mentis, cu [...] ac [...]em vi­deres [...] co­girare [...]. O [...]t de Dejo taro [...] 6 Orator sa [...] [...] o expect a peace?

Answ. I Though I shall shew a Reason why I am not of his mind, I confesse I should conceive more hope of a pacifi­cation of our stormy distempers, if no Divines, but such as are of S. Augustines sincerity, and charity, did of­ficiate (as Chaplaines) and that while perswasions to peace are proposed on the one side, incentives to warre were not sounded on the other.

[Page 25]Of the Parliaments propension to peace (by offering and accepting of such conditions as may consist, with the great trust reposed in them, (both for the reforma­tion of matters amisse in Church and State, and pre­servation of their own priviledges, and the peoples rights and Liberties.) I have intimated enough already, for this time and place, there can be no doubt for their part in this Audience, no need therefore here, either to give intelli­gence, or make apologie on their behalfe, though else­where there may be use of both.

Thirdly, For his Majesties part (to whom humble ad­dresses of reconciliation have been many times presented, and in whose power it was and yet is to crowne them all with a comfortable conclusion.) We have had so many emphaticall professions not only of his peaceable mind to­wards the Parliament, but of his pittifull disposition to­wards all his people, that we cannot but wonder by what impostures, or presumptions in usurping his power and abusing his name, his subjects, (especially those who in a common calamity should have been severed from the com­mon sort by a marke of security, as Ezek. 9.46.) have suf­fered, and yet doe suffer so wofull a change of their Peace into Warre, and of prosperity into misery, as of late (un­der pretence of his Commands, or Commissions) they have done. His Majesties expresses (such as become a true The Kings of Palestine were commonly cal­led Abimelechs, a Name compounded of benig­nity and Authority, signifying a Father and a King, for Rulers (and among them Kings are [...]) are Fathers to such as are subordinate to them, as a King [...].18 Iob 29.16. and under that Title they are to be honoured by the fift Com­mandement, whereby is implyed that they must rule with indulgence as Fathers, and their Sub­jects obey with benevolence as children. Abimilech (that is both a Father and a King, the Roy­all Sonne and Heire of him, who gloried in the Title [Rex Pacificus,] and said King Iames true Laws of free-Monarchy, pag. 195. of his works in Folio. a King by the Law of Nature, becomes ana­turall Father to his Lieges at his Coronation) are as followeth, that So in his Majesties answer to the Parliaments Petition, and reasons against his going into Ire-land. p 9. his life (when it is most [Page 26]pleasant is nothing so pretious to him, as it is and shall be; to governe his people with honour and Iustice: In his Ma­jesties Answer to the Declara­tion of both Houses con­cerning H [...]ll, sent May, 4. 1642. p. 17. that it is not in the power of any person, to incline him to take Armes against his Parliament, and miserably to imbroyle this Kingdome in a Civill Warre, and that his Affections abhorre, and his heart bleeds at the apprehension of Civill Warre, and he doth in­gage himselfe (in the word of a King) In the second Remonstrance of the state of the Kingdom, p. 4. That the security of all and every one of the Parliament from violence is, and ever shall be, as much as his care to preserve himselfe, and his chil­dren: and Declarat: Par­liament. March 12 p 9. that he will be as carefull of their priviledges; as of his owne Prerogatives. In his Speech to the Mini­sters and Free­holders assem­bled at He­worth Heath in Yorkeshiere. Iune 3. 1642. That in all his time (before the Parliament) having never caused the effusion of one drop of blood, in his riper judgement in government, he will never open such issues of blood, as might drowne himselfe and his po­sterity in them His Maje­sties Answer to the de­sires and Pro­positions of both Houses, Feb: 3. 1642. p 10., that he hath given up all the faculties of his soul to an earnest desire of Peace and reconciliation with his people. And we had experience of truth, as well as of power, in the word of a King, Eccles. 8.4. in his Majesties accom­modation of Accord with his Subjects of Scotland, which he professed when he shewed himselfe most displeased with them, in these words, His Majesties large Declara­tion upon the tumults of Scotland, p 5. if some of their bad blood were shed, he should make accompt that the blood was let out of his owne veines, nor shall we (saith he) draw one drop of it, in any other case, then a faithfull Physitian will, and must doe, for the preservation of the whole body. And after a great deale of sharpe expostulation with them, in a Booke con­sisting of 430. pages in Folio, he thus concludeth. Ibid p. 430 As we have found the aide and assistance of our loving Subjects to­wards this Iourney, so we heartily desire their prayers, all the time of our absence, for a good successe unto it, and that (if it be possible) we may returne with peace, and without the effu­sion of any drop of our Subjects blood.

Besides these gratious words he gave reall proofe of his Royall and Christian compassion, in committing the [Page 27]Treaty of Pacification, unto such pious and Honourable Lords, as whose consciences liked no compliance with the Popish Religion, whose innocence was not affraid of peaceable Justice, whose wisedome fore-saw the destru­ction of two Kingdomes if they should assault one another with Armed furie, which their goodnesse abhorred as his Majesty did.

And as David (when he was diverted by Abigail, from his designe of destruction of Nabal, and his family for his churlish ingratitude towards him:) blessed God, and her, and her advice, for keeping him from comming to shed blood, 1 Sam. 24.32, 33. so his Majestie (though neither so rough or rash in a resolution of revenge, as David was at that time) In his Ma­jesties Speech in Parliament, Novemb: 5. 1640. gave thanks to those Lords for their paines, and industry before they had brought their Mediation to an happy period: which I doubt not but he did more fully, when afterward it speeded to a perfect accomplishment.

And though, (as Solomon saith) the heart of a King is un­searchable, Prov. 25.2. Unsearchable by any, except by the King of Kings, we may probably conceive, upon the consideration of and in conformitie to such premises, that when both the English and Scottish Armies were in Array (for a posture of encounter) his Majesty might have such meditations as these.

‘And for the cause of this quarrell, of my Scottish Sub­jects, it is a question of Rights and Priviledges and lawfull li­berties of their consciences, persons and estates, fitter to be decided by the prudence of Parliamentary Commis­sioners, then by the violence of Military executioners, whose Sword hath not an eye, to see any difference, be­tween right and wrong, nor can shew in the last resolu­tion it makes, which side had the better cause, or better mind,’ either in an open Warre, or in a private Duell, or Bishop Hall, Decad. 4. Ep. 2. pag. 338. single Combat: though in times and places, (where Po­pery hath prevailed, it hath oftentimes, been taken up for a tryall of truth and right. Once indeed did that Prince of [Page 29]most admired prudence Solomon call for a Sword to decide a controversie betwixt two mothers, pleading about their right to a living and a dead child, 1 King. 3.24. but he did not use it as a Sword, nor did he meane it, but onely (by pretending perill to the living child) to discover the true mother, both of the living and the dead, by the evidence of her compassion who would rather have none of it at all, then not all of it alive.

And if one child were so tenderly beloved by a true mo­ther, I that am a true Father (not a tyrannicall Usurper) of my people, cannot but be more chary of many thou­sands of them, then to put them into a bloudy combustion among themselves. And my royall Father, who (for his wisdome) hath been magnified as a second Solomon is highly Sir W. Raw­leigh Hist. world. l. 5 c. 3. § 17. commended, For having done a most Kingly and Chri­stian-like deed in Scotland, which the most renowned of all his Predecessours could never doe, in beating downe and extinguish­ing that hereditary prosecution of malice (called the deadly feud) A conquest which shall give him the honour and power of kingly prudence for evermore.

And that done, and both Scotland and England united in his Royall Right, K Iames his Speech in Par­liament, anno 1603. p. 488, 489. and in his third Speech in White-ball, p. 511. he proposed and zealously pursued their union under the generall title of great Brittaine. And I will not so degenerate from his gracious disposition, as to set them at emnitie, whom he so desired to settle in u­nitie.

And though the Souldiers be ready and forward to fight, better it were that the most valiant Captains should yeeld to the perswasions of a weake woman, as Plut. in the life of Coriola­nus, p. 239. Coriola­nus to his Mother Volumnia, or that two compleat Armies (readie to dash one with another,) should suffer their man­hood to be overcome by female mediation; (as did the Ar­mies of King Servce French inventor, p. 193. Edward the third, and King Philip of France,) then that they should make such a confusion and dashing [Page 30] ‘together, as might be like to breake both in peeces, and to bring them to a feeblenesse which might make them, and perhaps my selfe and my posterity with them, a prey to that party whose ambition and bloodinesse have no bounds, but such as an over-prevalent power doth force upon them.’

Such was His Majesties good meaning to his Subjects of Scotland (published in print, not much above Auno 1639. two yeares ago) which may be a just ground of all, that hath bin hitherto said in his Name, and we have no cause to con­ceive that his goodnesse and kindnesse should be lesse to his people of England, then to them: since though his Maje­sty was not borne among us, he is pleased to make his choyce to live among us, as accounting this Kingdome, for the chiefe part of his Royall birth-right, and therefore fixing his abode here.

And I doubt not but the lives of his true Christian Sub­jects in common (both as Christians, according to the pious compassion of Charles the Emperour, Bu [...]lz. Jud. chronolog ad [...]. 1541. p. [...]. Who had rather save one Christian, then kill a thousand Moores or Turks or other perfidious enemies) and as Subjects to whom he hath the relation of a father (as hath been shewed) may be still pretious in his sight (his owne sight I meane, not in others who looke upon a Protestant Parliament, and people with blood-shotten-eyes) whereby he may more comfortably remember, that Mavult com­memor are se (cum posser per­dere) p [...]per [...]sse, quam cum par­cere potuerit, perardisse, C [...] ­cer Orat pro Quint. [...]. 3. p. 2. He hath spared their blood, when he might have spilled it, then contrariwise that he hath killed, where he might have saved alive.

4. Preparations to warre are many times (and alwayes should be) made with purposes of peace (as we have ob­served before) which each party is so much the more en­gaged to accept of (upon so honorable tearms) as they make more profession of Justice and Religion.

5. If we saw no hope of peace by any mediation of man [Page 31]or woman, we may yet desire it, pray for it, and hope to speed in our prayers, by the favour of God to his people, and his power over such as are most powerfull by the Sword: for he hath over-ruled, not only the hands, but the minds of such, as have been most forward for warre, as in the difference betwixt Frederick the Prince Elector of Saxonie, and another Germane Prince; when Frederick prepared warre against him, and he (without any prepara­tions to that purpose) had resolved to commit his cause wholly to God; Bucholz Iud. chron. ad An. 2450. p. 420. Let another man (said he) be so mad (but I will not) as to make warre with him who committeth his cause unto God.

Now if our desires, endeavours and hopes of peace (which we should keepe, if it were possible with all the world, Rom. 12.18.) should all prove frustrate, we must by our Christian Prudence doe our best to make a vertue of necessity, and as cunning Physitians doe our endeavour to turne a poyson into a Medicine, then

For a fourth Application of the Point (the sharpe point of the Sword of warre) let it be our warning against divisi­on among all those, whom the adverse power would unite in a society of sufferings, if they should successefully pro­ceed; and how many are they?

All true Protestants must looke for nothing lesse from Papists, if (they get the better) then the losse of their liber­ty of conscience, and of their persons, their lively-hoods and lives; the regular and conscionable Christian must expect scornes and contumelies of all kinds, and he is like also to have his eares, and heart smitten with execrable oathes and blasphemies of impious Atheists; the civill, so­ber and temperate man, shall be urged, and it may be for­ced to swallow downe needlesse draughts (as an Horse doth a drench) by domineering drunkards; the rich man shall be sure to be made a prey to the needy, or greedy [Page 32]Souldiers, whose luxury will lavish out in a day or night, what a provident worldling is laying up all a whole years together: And if he have a wife or daughter, whom their carnall appetite will not refuse for a familiar companion, he may suffer in the sensuall and shamefull abuse of their per­sons; and he that hath but his personall liberty to loose, shall if warre conquer him be made a slave to the conque­rour.

If therefore men have any private emulation or excepti­on against each other, they must now set them aside, as the creatures (in the Arke) laid by their Antipathies within, because of the common danger of an inundation without; our danger is much more then theirs, of drowning in the water: For ours is a drowning in blood, and our reason and Religion both, oblige and enable us to be more chary of our mutuall concord, and more ready to cement up e­very little chinke in the Fabrick of our State: we should now (above all times) unite our hearts in affectionate well wishings to the common welfare, our heads in a commu­nion of counsels and cares to recover it, and our hands for support of our selves, and suppression of those, who (if they had us in their power) would fall upon us more fierce­ly then the evening Wolves, ( Hab. 1.8.) upon aprey of fat­ted lambes.

And is this a time for the Protestants of England to fall to variance among themselves? to breake in peeces, and as it were to crumble away into petty breaches of particular Societies, into new Sects and Factions? Is it a time for a­ny of them to desert the common cause of their Brethren, by Nation and Religion, and against them both to par­take with Papists, and to put to their helping hand on their side, not considering or not caring (what shallow heads or hollow hearts have they the whiles) what intent first set their wheeles in motion, or what event is hoped [Page 33]for and pursued by the furious driver of that Hell-fiery Chariot of Popery, which is no lesse nor better, then to wrap up their native Country in most lamentable ruine, and to bring downe the straight and golden Scepter of Je­sus Christ (by which he governeth his Church) under the sway of the crooked and wooden Crosier of Anti­christ, who pretends title to the chiefe office of a Pastor of Christs flock, but acts the part of a wolfe toward the Sheep of his fold.

They could not surely be so wanting, much lesse so ad­verse to so weighty a cause in so cleare a case, so necessarily requiring a most cordiall union of us all, if they conside­red how our adversaries, though of It is ordered and est ablished, and that (upon pain of the high, est punishment to be inflicted by authority of this Assembly) that every Roman Catholick, En­glish, Welch & Scottish (who was of that pro­fession before the troubles) who will joyne in the present union, shall be preser­ved and cheri­shed in his life, goods & estate, as fully & free­ly as any native. So in the orders made at the Po­pish generall Assembly at Kilkenny, Octo. 24. 1642 Ord. 14. & Order 33 severall Counties and Countries, are associated in an unreconcileable quarrell a­gainst us, and all our fellow Professours of the same faith, And what they have determined for the destruction of us all. It is worthy the notice of those that have not read it in the Irish Remonstrance, and of their remembrance that have read it, what order they have agreed upon for our confusion, which is this.

First, They have resolved to extirpate all the English out of Ireland, as hath been shewed, Irish Remon­strance, p. 31. That Kingdome setled and peopled only with sound Catholikes (it is their title not mine; for in very truth they are neither sound nor Catho­like) Thirty thousand men must be sent into England to joyne with the French and Spanish forces, and the service (they should say the Sacrifice, for they meane a slaughter of the English) in England performed, then they will joyntly fall upon Scotland, for the reducing of that Kingdome to the obedience of the Pope; which being finished, they have en­gaged themselves to the King of Spaine for assisting him a­gainst the Hollanders, that was their plot, discovered by ex­amination taken upon Oath.

There is then more cause, that England, Scotland and the [Page 34] Netherlands should be united in a league of mutuall de­fence, then that we of this Kingdome should first breake asunder by division, and then breake in upon each other with enraged violence; For if all the crafty Counsels of Spaine, of the Conclave of the Pope and Cardinals, of the Con­gregations of Iesuites and other Assemblies of pestilent Polititi­ans (our sworne Enemies) should lay their heads together, for an undoing device against us, they could not imagne any one more dangerous and desperate, then that which we are now act­ing upon our selves; The Lord open the eyes and turne the hearts of those in whose power it is, to found a Retreat to this Martiall fury: That English valour may be diverted from the ruine of England to the recovery of Ireland, or if the Sword of warre must be the Sword of divine Justice, to avenge the quarrell of thy Covenant against a rebellious people, Let it, O Lord, (we beseech thee) doe most ex­ecution upon thine obdurate enemies, and sway thou the victory upon their side, whose cause and persons have bet­ter title to thine Almighty protection.

Thus farre of the Question, How long shall I see, &c. as importing the Prophets strong apprehension of, and vehe­ment aversion from the evill of warre.

Now of the Answer, For my people is foolish, they have not knowne me, they are sottish children, they have none under­standing, they are wise to doe evill, but to doe good, they have no knowledge.

They neither know God nor acknowledge or glorifie him as God, but set their wits on worke for wickednesse, therin having a kind of cunning, (which the unwise world calleth wisdome) while they remaine ignorant, inconsiderate, dull and stupid towards the doing of good.

The words are considerable

• 1. In generall.
• 2. In particular.

In generall they containe two parts.

• 1. An Accusation, My people are, &c.
• 2. An Exception, They are wise to do evill.

Under the accusation are comprehended two points of Importance. The one expressed; The other implied; that which is expressed is the cause of the calamities fore-men­tioned, For my people, or because my people is foolish, &c. And that will direct us to a two-fold Observa­tion.

First, The one of the Malignant operations of sin, in pro­curing heavy punishments upon a people.

2. The other the disgracefull denomination of sinners, or the contemptible titles given unto them, as foolish, sottish, without knowledge or understanding.

The particular implied is the continuance of sin, for the Question being expressely made of the continuance, How long? and implicitely of the cause; the answer is sa­tisfactory to both, shewing not only, why the people are plagued, but that so long they shall be plagued, untill they be reformed: untill the cause of their sinfull folly be remo­ved, they shall not, or not in mercy be eased of their mise­ry; as long as they be so bad in their disposition towards God, they must looke for no better a condition from God.

First, For the cause in the 18. verse, the Indictment a­gainst them is framed under other titles, Thy way and thy doings have procured these things unto thee, this thy wic­kednesse, because it is bitter, because it reacheth unto thine heart. So likewise in the Lamentation of Ieremy. Ierusalem (saith the Prophet) hath grievously sinned, therefore shee is removed. Chap. 1. ver. 8. And that it is not the peculiar case of Ierusalem, he sheweth in more generall tearmes: Wherefore doth living man complaine, and man for the punish­ment [Page 36]of his sinnes? Lam. 3.39. or (as the Geneva hath it) Wherefore is the living man sorrowfull? He suffereth for his sinnes. And Ierusalem her selfe, as if she made answer to some such Question as this, pleadeth not any excuse of her ignorance, but cleareth Gods Justice, and freely and fully taketh the Accusation of her sinnes upon her selfe. The Lord is righteous, for I have rebelled against his Com­mandements, Chapt. 1. ver. 18. We have transgressed and thou hast not pardoned, Chap. 3.42. Which is not to be understood of the people only, but (with them) of the Pro­phets and the Priests, for the sins of her Prophets, and the iniquity of her Priests, did Jerusalems misery come upon her, Chap. 4.12. for the Prophets prophecied falsly, and the Priests bare rule by their meanes, Jer. 5.31. And they ru­led with bloudy and unrighteous rigour, For they shed the blood of the Iust, in the midst of Jerusalem, Chapt. 4. ver. 13. And in the 30. Chapter, God emphatically avow­eth his owne Justice against their wickednesse, in these words, I have wounded thee with the wound of an enemy, with the chastisement of a cruell one, for the multitude of thine iniquity, because thy sinnes were increased. Why criest thou for thine afflictions? Thy sorrow is incurable, for the multitude of thine iniquity: because thy sins were inereased, I have done these things unto thee, ver. 14, 15.

So that we must not take this Text, though it impute ignorance unto these Jewes, to import any extenuation of their transgressions which may serve to excuse them, either a toto, or a tanto, as sometimes ignorance is pleaded, by way of argument, or inducement to compassion, and par­don, as it is by God himselfe, in the Prophecie of Ionah, Should I not spare Nineveh, that great City, wherein are more then sixscore thousand persons, that cannot discerne betweene their right and their left hand, and also much Cattell? and by our Saviour, Father, forgive them, they know not what they doe, [Page 37]Luk. 23.34. and as S. Paul giveth instance in his own case, I was before a blasphemer, and a persecutour, and injurious: but I obtained mercy, because I did it ignorantly in unbeleefe, 1 Tim. 1.13. for such ignorance was partly inevitable, part­ly involuntary, but this was neither, and therefore it is ur­ged rather by way of aggravation, to augment their guilt: as in the first of Esay, Heare O ye Heavens, and give eare O earth, for the Lord hath spoken, I have nourished and brought up children, but they have rebelled against me; the Oxe knoweth his owner, and the Asse his Masters cribb, but Israel doth not know, my people doth not consider; ah sinnefull Nation, a people laden with iniquity, &c. chap. 1. ver. 2, 3, 4.

Now since the Prophet, the people, and God himselfe, so expresly put together the cause and the effect, (sinne and punishment) and that the punishment expressed in the que­stion, sinne is implied in the Answer, for not to know and acknowledge God, (as God) is a sinne as sure as well as a folly, we must first observe, the Malignant operation of sinne in procuring punishment upon a people, and it is doctrinely or historically so universally diffused throughout the whole Bible, from Gen. 2.17. to Revelations 22.19. that (besides the testimonies alleadged) there will be no need of farther proofe, (from divine Authority) to confirme it, though some parts of it, doe more fully cleare and presse this point, then others doe; as the 26. of Levit. the 28. of Deut. the Lament. of Ieremy.

And for them who never read a leafe of these divine Dictates, as they have by the light of nature discerned a great difference betwixt Vertue and Vice, (as their Bookes of Ethicks, or morall Philosophy sufficiently shew) so have their consciences cheared them up in well doing, and check­ed them for evill, Rom. 2.15. and by the same light they have apprehended Ammian Marcelli (an Heathen Soul­dier) observeth the just judge­ment of the Almighty-powers in pu­nishing Max­iminus and o­ther bloody butchers. Mar­cel. hist. l. 25. c. 5. See also the discourse in Plutarchs Mo­ralls, de Sera numinis vin­dicta. a divine Judge or Justiciarie, obser­ving the minds, and wayes of wicked men, and imprinting [Page 38]his displeasure upon them, in outward plagues: and have thence inferred their duty, to addresse themselves unto him in supplications, and other meanes of pacification of his anger: as the Mariners (in whose Ship Ionah would have sayled to Tharshish,) shewed, by their inquiry by Lotts for the guilty person who was the cause of the Tempest, Ionah cap. 1. ver. 5, 7. and by the continuall practice of the Hea­thens in sacrifices to the gods they served, (acknowledging sinne to be the cause of their common calamities,) and offe­ring them up for pacification of an offended Deity.

I need not then spend time, either in clearing of this ob­servation by examples, or assuring it by Authorities and reasons: nor will it be necessary, to bring downe the ge­nerall guilt, and hurt of sinne, by shewing how troublesome a thing it is in breaking peace betwixt God and man, La­ment. 2. ver. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. and 17.21. chap. 3. ver. 3, 5. and 15. chap. 4.11. Esay. 57.20. a man and his owne conscience, and betwixt Man and Man in Forraine and Civill Warre, Hab. 1.8. Esa. 19.2. this (I doubt not) is done to mine hand already, neither is there cause I should be copious in appli­cation of it to your consciences, since some of my reverend Bretheren (I conceive) who have had precedence before me in this place) have anticipated the delivery of this do­ctrine, and driven it home to your hearts.

All I conceive requisite for this point at this time will be, to make a briefe Application of it, to our present state, and so to proceed to the other point, of the folly of sinne and sinners, which I suppose hath been lesse insisted on by any, (though it be not lesse worthy of prosecution at large, nor will be lesse profitable to those that give due attendance unto it.)

First then for the present point, the guilt of sinne being expressely shewed by this answer of God, to be the cause of all the evill (which was so grievous to the Prophet.) It [Page 39]is our parts what tribulation soever light upon us, to give God the glory of his Justice, without murmuring at any thing he doth, or we suffer under his correcting hand: and to make a free confession of our sinnes, (without mincing) as Dan. 9. the holy Prophet having a joint apprehension of the peoples provocation of God by their sinnes, and of Gods indignation against them, expressed in his punish­ment of them, for that cause, maketh his confession to God in this manner, We have sinned and have committed iniquity, and have done wickedly, and have rebelled: the abundant ha­tred of sinne, in his heart, made him so full in the mouth, with multiplication of words, of the same sence, for the ag­gravation and detestation of sinne: yet he goeth on, we have rebelled, even by departing from thy precepts, and from thy judge­ments, ver. 5. and then he cometh to the cause, whereby they came to such a guilt of sinne, it was from their refusall of their guidance, whom God had sent to leade them in the right way, (and how could they but wander when they forsooke the light) neither have we harkened (saith he) unto thy servants the prophets, which spake in thy Name, to our Kings, our Princes and our Fathers, and to all the people of the land, ver. 6. he spareth no person, great or meane, past or present, ver. 6. Because of all this, hee taketh both the sinne and the shame upon himselfe and his Countrey­men, and giveth God the due glory of his owne Justice in their punishment. O Lord Righteousnesse belongeth unto thee, but unto us shame and confusion of face as at this day, be­cause of their trespasse that they have trespassed against thee, ver. 7.

And from this generality of sinners and sinnes to des­cend to a search of particulars in both, both for every man that sinneth, and every sinne that he committeth: and then if we looke back upon our precedent carriage towards God, and his present dealing towards us, we may have [Page 40]cause to conceive, not only that the burden of our sinnes (in common) have pressed him even as a Cart is pressed with Sheaves, Amos 2. ver. 13. and that he hath great cause in the generall, to ease himselfe by diseasing them, who over­loaded him with such a wicked weight, as he saith he will doe, Ah I will ease me of mine adversaries, and avenge me of mine enemies, Esa. 1.24. But withall that there be some sins in particular more provocative then others, which spurre on vengeance to a swifter pace; and those were come to some height, in our State, before these calamities, (which many have felt, and all have feared) came downe upon us, and chiefely these three. First, Idolatry. Secondly, Pro­phanation of the Sabboth. Thirdly, Contempt of Gods most faithfull servants; and then wee shall proceed to a con­futation of the misconceits of the wicked touching the cause of calamity, and so conclude with an apology for the godly.

First, For Idolatry, I will not tell you (of my selfe) how much it hath increased in a few years before the summons of the Honourable Senate now assembled, you may receive information for that, See Ord p. 143, 144. by better warrant, then any private or particular intelligencer can give, in the First Remon­strance, p 18, 19. first Remonstrance of the Parliament, in these words;

The Popish party enjoyed such exemptions from the Penall Laws, as amounted to a Toleration, besides many other encourage­ments, and Court Favours: They had a Secretary of State, Sir Francis Windebank, a powerfull Agent for the speeding of all their desires, a Popes Nuntio residing here to act and governe them according to such influences as he received from Rome, and to intercede for them with the most powerfull concurrence of the Forraigne Princes of that Religion: By his autherity the Papists of all sorts, Nobility, Gentry, and Clergy were convoca­ted, after the manner of a Parliament; New Iurisdictions were erected of Romish Arch-bishops, Taxes levyed, another State [Page 41]moulded within this State independant in Government, con­tyary in interest and affection, secretly corrupting the ignorant, or negligent professours of our Religion, and closely uniting and combining themselves against such as were sound, in this posture waiting for an opportunity by force to destroy those whom they could not hope to seduce.

If compliance with Popery, should advance so many de­grees, in every 12. or 13. yeares space, as it hath done since the yeare 1628. they that have been solicited (for above threescore yeares) in vaine, to abate some (at the best indif­ferent) Ceremonies, for more conformity with the refor­med Protestant Churches, might within a Jubile (of the A Iubile of 25. yeares, shortened from 50. by Sixt: 4. Anno 1475. Bucholz p. 425. shortest size) become as compleate Papists as any reside at Rome or Rhemes.

And what an incentive of wrath Idolatry is, we may conjecture, by the neere relation betwixt God and his peo­ple, as by the conjunction of Wedlock, Hose. 2. ver. 16, 19. whence Idolatry is accompted by God spirituall whore­dome; Ezek. 16. ver. 22, 26, 28, 32, 35, 38. Hose. 2.1, 2. which enkindleth the rage of jealousie against the disloyall party, for jealousie, saith Solomon, is the rage of a man, therefore he will not spare in the day of vengeance, he will not regard any ran­some, neither will he rest content, though thou givest many guifts, Prov. 6. ver. 34, 35.

And that the wrath of a jealous God, is not more re­misse in such a case then that of a jealous man, we may be sure of, by the patheticall expression of the Prophet Na­hum, God is jealous, and the Lord avengeth, the Lord avengeth, and is furious, the Lord will take vengeance of his adversaries, and he reserveth wrath for his enemies, Nah. 1.2. and he counteth those rather his adversaries and enemies, who breake covenant with him, (as the Iewes did in their Idola­trous desertions of him) then the most notorious trans­gressours that never entred covenant with him, as the Sodo­mites, [Page 42]and therefore doth Ierusalem, or the Prophet (in her Name complaine,) the punishment of the iniquity of my people, is greater then the punishment of the sinne of Sodome, Lament. 4. ver. 6. and so indeed it was, if we limit our consideration of it to a temporall calamity: for that of Sodome (in that re­spect) was but of one sort, and it was sodaine, quickly at an end, whereas the Jewes, (by warres, famine and captivity) indured many kinds of misery, vehement in degree, perma­nent in time, whereof they would have taken a sodaine death, for a certaine remedy by what Element or instru­ment soever.

The second particular sinne is the breach of the holy rest of God, in the violation of the Sabbath; which was ne­ver so prophaned, with heart, and hand, and foote, and ton­gue, and pen, and presse, as of late yeares it had beene, six­teene hundred yeares (from Christ downeward,) have not disgorged so much gaule against the Sabbath, nor spent so much Inke, or brought forth so many tracts of detraction of the divine dignity, and holy duties of that day, as these last 40. yeares have done, and is it not just with God, that those who would justle his religious rest out of it's right, should be restlesse in their condition? as the Jewes com­plained, our necks are under persecution, we labour and have no rest, Lam. 5.5. by continuall agitations of hostility. The reformed Churches (never throughly reformed in this point, (though of late better then they have beene) have been grievously scourged, and the more it is like for this sin; and we since we have been deformed like them, and would conforme to them in their liberty on the Sabbath, but will not indure any of their strict discipline of manners, we have beene made partakers of their pressures.

The third provoking impiety is, the contempt of the Ministery (wherein the dishonour of the divine Majesty is involved,) Luk. 10.16. and with him his ordinances, his [Page 43]word and Sacraments, and whatsoever he hath consecra­ted as serviceable to the glory of his name, and salvation of his people; and when were Ministers more contemned then of late yeares they have been, when by greater num­bers, or by greater persons, or in deeper degrees of disgrace and disdaine, and yet are even at this day?

I deny not but divers of our Tribe, have been entertai­ned with a civill respect, in regard of their good parts, as for their wit or learning, eloquence of speech, elegancy of carriage, perhaps (somewhat too Court-like) and for their riches, or refference to great persons; their siding with some potent party, in times of faction. And I confesse the Bishops have found great friends, to support their preeminency, as well the Temporall as Ecclesiasticall which (of old, and even of late at the Praedicatio­nis munus quod Episcoporum praecipium est, Concil. Tri­dent. Sess. 24. c 4. Councell of Trent, was thought to consist rather in the Pulpit then in the Chaire.

But abstracting from these and such like secular plausi­bilities, if a Minister have set himselfe in good earnest to preach and presse sound doctrine to the conscience, and punctually to exemplifie it in his owne life and conversa­tion, if as an Embassadour from Christ (as he is by his calling, 2 Cor. 5.20.) and (as in duty he ought) he deliver all the councell of God, Act. 20.27. lest keeping back any part of it, he should be guilty of the blood of souls, v. 26. if he have taken the boldnesse to admonish and rebuke the rich as well as the poore, as he may and must doe, 1 Tim. 6.17. Iames 5. ver. 1. if, in the administration of the Sacrament, he have endeavoured to put difference betweene the holy and prophane, the uncleane and the cleane, Ezek. 44.23. to keepe such as are like doggs and swine (Mat 7.6.) from the holy Table of the Lord, least they should eate and drinke their owne damnation, 1 Cor. 11. and have not denyed to deliver the consecrated symboles of the body and blood of Christ, to such as made scruple of the gesture, enjoyned [Page 44]by the Canon, though otherwise most worthily prepared, for the receiving thereof ( That this is no time-ser­ving Denet, my discourse is witnesse (pen­ned and per­used by divers learned Di­vines 14 years ag [...]) to prove that [...]h Canon cannot discharge a Mini­ster from his duty, charged upon him at his Ordina­tion for prea­ching the Word, and ad­ministration of the Sacra­ments to any, unlesse greater exception can be taken a­gainst thē, thē their doubting of the lawful­nesse of any particular ge­sture. in which case it is not only lawfull to receive them, but unlawfull to reject them) if he have opposed prophane pastimes, or superstitious customes, such an one (and he that is not such an one, howsoever ac­compted of by men, is not approved of God) hath been more hated, contemned, reviled and persecuted, by the most, and some of the greatest, in many places (as we see at this day) then such as shew little care, or conscience of sa­ving, either their own soules or others (whereof they have usurped the charge) and are so farre below the endow­ments of sufficient shepheards, that they are not compe­tently qualified to be a sheepe of the fold.

And how much this bad usage, of the best of Gods ser­vants, may provoke their great Masters wrath against a people, you may guesse, by Davids high displeasure against the Princes of Ammon, and the revenge he tooke of them, for their base abuse of his Embassadours, 2 Sam. 10. from the fourth verse to the end of the Chapter; but you may be sure, the Lord will severely punish this high contempt of his most holy and worthy servants, by that you may reade, 2 Chr. c. 36. the Lord God of their Fathers sent to them, by his messengers, rising up betimes and sending, because he had compassion on his people, and on his dwelling place: but they mocked the messengers of GOD, and despised his word, and misused his Prophets, untill the wrath of the Lord arose against his people, till there was no remedy, 2 Chron. chap. 36. ver. 15, 16. no remedy, but he must take revenge of the un­sufferable wrongs done against his owne Majesty and his Ministers fidelity, such indignities against them, cannot but provoke great indignation in the Almighty; and that may be like to fall upon the offenders, in a storme of War, as the next verse sheweth, therefore he brought upon them the Sword of the Chaldees, who slew their young men with the [Page 45]Sword, in the house of their Sanctuary; and had no compassion upon young men or maidens, or on the old man who stooped for age, ver. 17.

And it is no lesse, but rather a greater Judgement, when in the same Nation, a Civill Warre is enkindled, as when the Egyptians were set against the Egyptians, and they fought every one against his brother, and every one against his neigh­bour, City against City, Esa. 19.2. but especially when Gods owne people, professers of the same Religion, are up in Armes (one against another) as Manasseh against Ephra­im, Ephraim against Manasseh, and both against Judah, Esa. 9.21. And (as now we feele to our sorrow) in the stormy commotions of our owne Kingdome, wherein Protestant is stirred up against Protestant, City against City, yea in Cities, Townes, villages and Families, many Esau's and Iacobs strugling, (as in the wombe of Rebeccah) Husband and Wife, Fathers and Children, Bretheren and Bretheren, breaking through the strongest bonds of covenant and nature, (obliging them to love and peace) into division and dissention, and yet better so divided (I confesse) then that all should hold together to drive on a designe to the undoing of three Kingdomes.

And if we looke beyond the reward of wickednesse, (in this world) to the judgement to come, we shall discover a danger, to such contemners of the Lords Ministers, far worse, then any that attendeth on the Trumpet or Stan­dard? It is that which our Saviour threatneth in the tenth of Math. Whosoever shall not receive you, nor your words, when you depart out of that house or City, shake off the dust of your feet, verily (I say unto you) it shall be more tolerable for So­dome and Gomorrah, in the day of judgement, then for that City, Mat. 10. ver. 14. & 15.

And if it be a thing so displeasing to God, so dangerous to men not to receive his servants into their houses, what is [Page 46]it then, to drive them out of their Countryes? or shut them up in prison? to strip them of their cloathes, to put them in nasty dungeons, to deprive them of diet necessary to the support of nature? And if the dust of their feet shall be a witnesse against them that receive them not (for that is the meaning of that fore-cited command given by our Saviour, and practised by the Apostles, Act. 13.51.) what a Conviction will be against them, by the words of their mouths, by many sound and excellent Sermons, preached unto them by their exemplary lives in holy con­versation set before them.

Those who contemne the true Ministers of the Gospell in these times, will haply say, that if they were men of such extraordinary gifts, in prophecying and casting out De­vils, and in miraculous and mighty operations (as those in whose behalfe our Saviour gave out so severe a Com­mination) we might expect more respect, and have it too, otherwise not. To which the Answer may be,

First, That the acceptation of Gods Ministers, should not be made for those extraordinary Acts, wherewith themselves may be damned, Mat. 7.22. and others decei­ved, 2 Thess. 2.9, 10. and none saved without other helps, 1 Cor. 13.2. but for the glad tidings of the Gospell, for dis­pensation of the word and Sacraments, the only ordinary meanes of mans salvation, for their delivering Gods will unto the people in preaching, and the peoples desires to God in praying; whereby they may be saved without miracles, but not by miracles without them, and for such gifts and acts, as serve more for the peoples profit, then the Preachers credit; and yet this ministration of righte­ousnesse, the righteousnesse of faith by the Gospell is ex­ceeding glorious, 2 Cor. 9. ver. 8, 9, 10. So that the feet of those that bring it, should be beautifull to those to whom it was brought, Rom. 10.15.

[Page 47]Secondly, Though they pretend to put such difference betwixt those extraordinary messengers of old, and these of later dayes, as if (had they lived with them) they would not have dealt with them, as they doe with these of their owne time: their tongues either hypocritically be-lie their malit ous hearts, or their fallacious hearts cunningly de­lude themselves, as theirs did, Who builded the Tombes of the Prophets, and garnished the Sepulchers of the righteous, and said, If we had been in the dayes of our Fathers, we would not have been partakers with them in the blood of the Pro­phets, Math. 23.30, 31. When in the meane time, they did farre worse: for they thirsted after the bloud of Christ, the Sonne of God, and pursued him with implacable spight to the death, to whom all the Patriarks, Prophets and Apostles, Martyrs and Saints (how many, how wor­thy soever, yea and all the Angels of Heaven taken to them) were not so much as one Grasse-hopper, to all the Inhabitants of the world, were all of them as glorious, as Salomon in his Royalty.

And I doubt not but if Christ himselfe, were now a­live upon the Earth, and yet (by his passion) to make an expiation of the sinnes of the world, and should so make himselfe knowne to be the holy one of God, as he did at his first comming, and should be so severe in his life, as never to laugh, se impartiall in reproofe as to spare neither King nor Subject, Luk. 13.32. Priest nor people, friend nor foe, Math, 16.23. and so sharpe in rebukes and com­minations, as you may reade him in the 23. of Math. from the 13. verse to the end of the Chapter: there would be found (among the men of this faithlesse and treacherous generation those, who are neither true to King nor King­dome.) not one, but many a Iudas to betray him; many Scribes and Pharisees to pursue him with slanderous accu­sations, an irreligious rabbleto make a clamorous out-cry [Page 48]against him, Crucifie him, crucifie him, an Heathen Pilat to passe a deadly sentence upon him, a Longius or to cor­rect the Legend, a Lonchius (that is a Speare-man souldi­er) to pierce him, and many one of that pillaging profes­sion (as it is used at this day) to spoyle him of his garment and not as the Souldiers (who were his guard to Mount Calvary) to dispose of it, with a formality of Justice, as either equally to devide it, or entirely to allot it to one, by casting of lots for it, as they did, Iohn 19.23, 24. but (with a plundering expedition) to snatch it away, and so keep it as an incommunicable prey.

And that I am not uncharitable in this conjecture, you will easily acknowledge, if you doe but observe, how the most faithfull, constant and powerfull Preachers, and the most sincere and conscionable Christians in all places, (where the prophane and Popish Tyrants doe prevaile) are persecuted, and if overtaken, oppressed with all kinds and degrees of contempt and cruelty; and that for Christs sake, even for endeavouring to do his will, and to be confor­mable to him in life and conversation.

And yet these men (such as the Prophet Ezekiell shew­eth to have affinity or rather consanguinity with beasts, Brutish men and skillfull to destroy, Cha. 21. ver. 31.) take upon them the Name of Christians, and which is more, most of them pretend themselves Champions for the true Protest­ant Religion, when they doe what they can to root it out, by ruining those, who most sincerely professe it, and (which is yet more then that, and an undoubted evidence of his egregious imposture, who so blinds the minds of men, as to make himselfe (though a Devill, to be taken for a God, 2 Cor. 4.4.) There are many who believe what these professe (though their practise be most contrary) and ad­here unto them to the hazard of all their owne temporall being, and eternall well-being, for with them they pur­sue [Page 49]the slaughter of Gods dearest servants, with such a mad Malignity, as if it were a service acceptable to him­selfe.

Thus we see that fullfilled on our Saviours Disciples in our dayes, which he fore-told (of his Apostles) many hun­dred years ago, whosoever killeth you will thinke that he doth God service, Joh. 16.2.

And they are moved to this madnesse (many times) by a misconceit of the soundest Christians (which we must confute & return upon themselvs) as if they were the causes of the common calamities of a Kingdom or Nation: a stale slander of Satan, cast upon the best in the precedent Ages (as Arnob lib. 1. contra gent. Tertullian Apo­loget 640. Origen l. 3. con­tra Celsum. Euseb l 4. Hist. Eccles c. 12. Ciprian. l. adver. Demetrian August Retract. l. 2. c. 43. & de Civ. Dei l. 1. c. 30 & l. 4. c. 30 31 many of the Ancients testifie) and easily taken up at any time against the most godly, to whom all publike plagues (whether from Si Tiberis as­cendit ad mania si Nitus non as­cendit in avna, si caelum stetit, si terra movit, &c statim Christianos ad Leoxes. Tertul. Apologet p 36. 40 Edit. 2. Nic Rigaltij Luret. 1641. Heaven or earth or water, whe­ther of warre, famine or pestilence) were imputed, as pro­cured by their impieties: because they did not worship Heathen Deities, and thereupon (as convicted of the guilt, and desert of all those miseries) they were presently hur­ried to be devoured of Lions. Of the like doting idolatry and calumny the besotted Iewes in Ieremiahs time were accused and by him convicted; for they ascribed their prosperity to their service of the Queene of Heaven in offering up Cakes and burning Incense unto her, and their adversity to their o­mission of that Idolatry, Ier. 44.17, 18. When the quite contrary was true, and so much was averred by that holy Prophet to their faces, ver. 20, 21, 22, 23. of the same Chapter.

So when Heathens have cast the calumnies of their cala­mities upon Christians; the learned and religious Fathers of those times, have both refuted and retorted them upon themselves, for example Aug de Civ. Det. l 5. c. 24, 25 26. August. (in answer to their slan­ders of the Christians Religion) sheweth the happy condi­tion of Christian Emperours, and Romani qui v [...]tae integrita­to mala metue­bant ab hostibus (perdita inte­gritate vitae) crudeliora pati­ebantur à civi­bus. Ibid. l 1. c. 30. That they who durst not [Page 50]be good for feare of warre from abroad, for their being bad, suf­fered farre more cruelties of their owne Country-men at home, then of forraigne enemies they had done.

If then we must frame an indictment against the Trou­blers of our Israel, either according to the tenour of Scrip­ture, or experience of all times, we must doe it (and we may doe it most justly) in the names and for the crimes of such as are adverse to the vertue and power of godlinesse for their speculative and practicall Atheisme, their rob­bing of God of his right in honouring of Idols and disho­nouring his name, and prophaning his Sabbath, and for being no lesse injurious to man, then sacrilegious to God, for they usurpe a power (both personall and reall) over whatsoever their hearts desire, and hands can compasse with the angle, net or dragg, Hab. 1.15. or any other in­strument, which brings in more by rapine then by right; and for their intemperance in meats and drinkes, their in­continence in delights (whereof some are such as in mode­sty we may not so much as mention) and all this com­mitted with such high degrees of excesse, as makes the king­dome of Heaven suffer violence in a forcible pulling down of divine vengeance upon the earth.

Therefore when any epidemicall danger is come upon a people, these Malefactors (whose wickednesse hath drawn it downe upon them) should like Achan be stoned, Iosh. 7. veo. 25. or as Ionah be cast into the Sea, Ion. 1.15. or as Zimri and Cozbi thrust through with a Javelin, Numb. 25.8, & 9. verses, that humane Justice, might make men cape­able of divine mercy, as in those cases it did.

And on the contrary the Godly (that we may con­clude this point, with their just Apology) by their interest in Christ (which gives them right to the enjoyment of all good things) 1 Cor. 3.22, 23. are the meanes of much hap­pinesse to any State or Kingdome, and for their sakes, doe [Page 51]the wicked enjoy the benefit of light and heate, of fruits of the earth and riches of the Sea, plenty and peace, and all the comforts of this life; and by the sincerity and impor­tunity of their supplications, are the plagues (God sends among men) either remitted or removed, and sometimes the greatest crosses converted into blessings.

But when they dye, it is many times like Sampsons pul­ling downe the pillars of the house with him, Iudg. 16.29, 30. (their prayers and acceptation of their persons with God, being as the props on which a Temporall prosperity is supported,) and they leave a Kingdome destitute of de­fence, for they are as Elisha said of Elijah, the Chariots of Israel and the Horse-men thereof, 2 King. 2.12. and therefore woe unto the wicked, when God takes the godly away from them: while Lot was in Sodome the City was safe, though prodigiously sinfull, Gen. 19. for God was so gra­tious to him, as to say he could doe nothing against the So­domites, untill Lot had taken sanctuary in the City of Zoar, ver. 22. but when he was departed from them, a showre of Brimstone was powred downe upon them, ver. 24.

And at the finall consummation of all things, so it shall be with all the godly and wicked of the world, when the number of the elect is fully made up, and all the wheat for Gods Store-house growne full ripe, the Tares that were mingled with it, shall be bundled up for burning, af­ter the fanning of his floore by Christ, whereby the solid graine and light chaffe are severed, that shall be first ga­thered into his garner, and then this burned with unquench­able fire, Mat. 3.12. and when the Sheepe and the Goates are separated, the one on the right hand of the Iudge, the other on the left, and the Sheepe invited and admitted to his so­ciety, with Come ye blessed of my Father, &c. Mat. 25.34. the Goates shall be presently cast off, with, Depart ye our­sed, ver. 44.

[Page 52]Therefore if they were so wise, as to know their friends and Benefactours, they would endeere themselves in their society, as Ruth did in Naomie's, when she said, Intreat me not to leave thee, nor to returne from following after thee, for whither thou goest I will goe, and where thou lod­gest I will lodge, thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God, where thou diest will I die, and there will I be buried, the Lord doe so unto me and more also, if ought but death part thee and me, Ruth 1.16, 17.

But my Text saith, they are foolish and sottish children, they have none understanding: So their folly is now (in it's proper place) to be considered; and from the Malig­nant operation of sinne (procuring plagues upon a people) we may now come to the disgracefull denomination of sinners.

Where we shall principally observe the connexion of sinne and folly: for their sinne is rendred as a cause of their suffering the calamities of Warre, but under the name and notion of ignorance, folly and sottishnesse, and being bound in dutie and conscience both, to know God and glorifie him, as God: their not knowing of him, and aversenesse from him, was their sinne (for other­wise it would not make them worthy of Gods wrath, as Ierem. 11.25.) so that sinne and folly be associates, for where sinne is there is folly, as Abigail said of Nabal to David, Let not my Lord regard this man of Beliall ( even Nabal) for as his name is, so is hee, Nabal is his name, and folly is with him, 1 Sam. 25.25. She entitles him two wayes: First by a Periphrasis, Man of Beliall. Second­ly, by his proper name Nabal. The word Beliall signifieth one that is nothing worth, starke naught, yea the worst of wicked ones, even the Devill is called Belial, 1 Cor. 6.15. And for his other (which is) his proper name Nabal, it signifieth first a saplesse and unprofitable thing, as a drie [Page 53]leafe fallen from a Tree, which hath no moisture in it, and then it is taken for an unprofitable person, and for a Foole, and a wicked man: and both in Some fetch the affinity of folly and sinne, from Cains dwelling place the Land of Nod. Gen. 4.16. calling a wic­ked man Nodite, a Cainite, that is, one of Cains condition, or one that as Iude speaketh, goeth in the way of Caine, therefore a Foole, Noddy or Nodite, a fit man to be an in­habitant of that Countrey, where he dwelt, but we need not looke so farre back for affinity betwixt folly and sin, for the word rendered foolish, in my Text, and so used and transtated, Zach 11.1 [...]. is the same with [...]u [...] wonted word, for a wicked man, or wicked one, to wit, the word [evill] for that word is both Hebrew and English, and it signifieth not only foolish and ignorant, but rash and froward: from the word Nabal may come the Latine Nobulo, which as the word Nabal may note a Knave and a fool; the Greeke word [...] folly, and [...] sinne, differ but a letter, and it is like our English word [Foole] was derived of the Greeke word [ [...]] a wicked one. Hebrew, Greeke, La­tine and English, there is a cognation of Names, which notes the concur­rence of folly and sinne in the same subject.

So Abigail made the application forementioned: and as if they were not onely inmates in the same person, but Twinnes of the same birth, they are both of one age, of one stature; if sinne be bigge like a Giant, folly is not little like a dwarfe, according to the degrees of the one, is the growth of the other, as we may observe by the confession of David, I have sinned greatly (saith he) in that I have done, and presently after, I have done very foolishly, 2 Sam. 24.10. great sin and great folly goe together, and so a very wicked man is a very foole.

In prosecution of this point, I looke for a paradoxall prejudice, to oppose me, for there are many that strongly believe, there is more affinity betwixt folly and piety, then betwixt folly and sinne. I shall therefore hold my selfe obliged in discretion, more cleerely and fully to set forth the folly of sinne, and the more firmely to assure and prove it; and that by a double light, the one of Scripture, the other of Nature, so that if a man have either of the eyes of his soule open, the eye of Faith as a Christian, or the eye of Reason as a man, he shall easily discerne it.

First for Scripture: they that reade it, and marke it, can­not [Page 54]but observe, in the holy dialect thereof, that where fol­ly is spoken of, or any of the denominatives of it (which are to be found above an hundred times) there for the most part a wicked man or wickednesse is meant. To present you with some passages, for instance, as with a little poesie of flowers culled out of a large and fruitfull garden.

In the Booke of Deut: Moses complaining first of the people, then to them, exchangeth both the person, and the phrase thus; they have corrupted themselves, their spot is not the spot of my children, they are a perverse and crooked genera­tion, Deut. 32.5. and the next words are, Doe yee thus requite the Lord O foolish people and unwise? ver. 6. a corrupt, spot­ted, perverse and crooked people, (which are fit Titles for a wicked people,) is a foolish and unwise people.

So David varying his Title, but keeping to the same sub­ject, Psal. 73. saith, I was envious at the foolish, when I saw the prosperity of the wicked, ver. 3. he might as well have said, I was envious at the wicked, when I saw the prosperity of the foolish: for he meanes the same men, and the same vice, by both appellations; and in his owne case he passeth sen­tence on himselfe, in the like disgracefull language, Psal. 38. Mine iniquities are gone over my head, (saith he) as an hea­vy burthen, they are too heavy for me, my wounds stinke, and are corrupt, because of my foolishnesse, ver. 5. the same cause is conteined by turnes, in two termes, as the same sand of the Houre-glasse in two bottles, thus is finfull simplicity or foolishnesse simply condemned, and it is aggravated, by way of comparison, where a wicked man is set to Schoole to, and shewed to be more ignorant then an Oxe or an Asse, Esa. 1.3. then a Storke, Ier. 8.7. then the Pismire, Pro. 6.6.

In the Proverbs of Solomon, the nomenclature, or phrase of the affinity betwixt sinne and folly, is too samiliar, to re­quire quotations out of them: and now (as in the mid-way) betwixt Religion and Reason, and in our passage, from the [Page 55]one to the other, we may take a testimony or two, out of the Booke of Ecclesiasticus: which is a kind of Participle of Scripture Divinity, and Morall Philosophy, and so we use it, not as for a proofe or assurance of Faith, for no humane Dictates, (as that is) have place on the Tribunall of in­fallible Truth, but onely at the Barre of rationall Evidence: which yet in this cometh neerer demonstrative conviction, then topicall probability; the wise Authour of that Booke (speaking of the sinner) saith, hee shall be left to his foolish­nesse, Ecclesiasticus 23.8. and in the 16 ^th. Chapter, he that is God (saith he) was not pacified towards the old Giants, who fell away in the strength of their foolishnesse, ver. 7. he might have said, in his sense, in the strength of their wickednesse: (for their sinnes were like themselves, Giant-like, or mighty sinnes (as the Prophet Amos gives the Epithite, Chap. 5.12.) and their foolishnesse was equall to their sinnes, mighty or strong foolishnesse: and speaking of a very wise Father, and of a very foolish Sonne, ( Solomon and Rehoboam) his words are, Solomon rested with his Fathers, and he left behind him Rehoboam, the foolishnesse of the people, and one that had none understanding, and turned away the people through his counsell, Ecclus. 47.23.

Here was counsell, but none understanding, (wise coun­sell the while) he turned away the people from serving the Lord, the counsell that was turned to such an evill purpose, must needs be as wicked as unwise, so the peoples wicked­nesse was his wickednesse, because he seduced them to it, and he not their foole, but their foolishnesse in abstracto, because his wickednesse was very wicked.

And that there is sound sence, and good reason (for the equivalence of these termes) sinner and foole, sinne and folly, the most prudent Doctor (of that sect, which of all that are not Christian, come neerest, to the rules of Christianity) sheweth where he saith, that a Stultus omnia vitia babet Se­nec, de benefic. lib. 4. cap. 26. Foole hath all manner of [Page 56]faults in him, which we may invert, and as truely say, a wic­ked man hath in him every folly.

Now as in this Chapter, the people are charged first with wickednesse, and then with folly, so in the Position we undertake to prove, wickednesse shall have the prece­dence, as the subject, and foolishnesse shall follow it, close at the heeles, as the predicate, thus, wickednesse is folly, or because it may make a better impression (in concreto) a wic­ked man is a foole, by his indisposition either to be or to doe good: which though I mention but once, must be vertual­ly presupposed, in every proofe I shall produce, and I am glad I have so many wise men to be judges of the evidence, I shall bring in for his conviction, and that shall consist of severall Arguments.

First Some taken from the causes of folly.

Secondly, Some from the signes, markes and effects of it.

First for the causes: folly is a defect, and therefore the causes of it are rather deficient then efficient, and they are,

Either

• Without a man,
• Or
• Within him.

Without him is the want of a good Instructer and good Bookes, which wicked men willingly and witlessely re­fuse to heare and to reade, or if they doe, it is with so little heed as brings little fruit unto themselves.

For the first, The best Instructer for any thing that is truely good, is God: by whom they that are not taught, can never be truely wise, or learned; but they that refuse or con­temne his Instruction, are many times punished in their un­derstanding, and that justly, with very foolish and mad mistakings, and sometimes given over to strong and strange illusions. And the wiser any Instructer is, the more doth the wicked man reject him, as we may reade in the [Page 57]third of the Proverbs of Solomon, Wisedome cryeth without, she uttereth her voice in the streets, ver. 20. How long (ye simple ones) will ye love simplicity, and the scorners delight in their scorning, and fooles hate knowledge? ver. 22. Wisedome her selfe offereth to be their Instructer, but they would none of her counsell, ver. 30. and whereas there is a spirit in men (as Elihu said to Iob,) and the Inspiration of the Almighty giveth them understanding, Job 32.8. the wicked are adverse to his spi­rit, and if it offer to enlighten them, and inflame them, they are ready (by their reluctancies) to quench the light and heate presented unto them, for that is it which the Apostle forbiddeth (and the wicked forbeare not) 1 Thes. 5.19. and so in effect they say unto God, depart from us, for we desire not the knowledge of thy wayes, Job 21.14. and so the Father of lights, (as he is called, Iames 1.17.) withholdeth the light of instruction from such, because they love darkenesse rather then light, Joh. 3.19. and sheddeth forth his beames of il­lumination upon such, as have eyes to see it, and hearts to rejoyce in it.

And therefore, there is in this respect the like difference betwixt the Godly and the wicked, as was betwixt the Is­raelites and Egiptians, in respect of the Cloud that God put betwixt them, which to them was a bright Cloud, but to these a Cloud of darknesse, Exod. 14.20. So the Lord will enlighten his people, to see and to know, what is good for their safety: but those that list not to take him for their teacher, as the wicked doe not, are left to the blindnesse and darknesse of their own understandings, and by that being no better then bruitish, (for every man is bruitish by his own knowledge, Ier. 10.14.) we may say of them, (as the Lord doth in my Text,) they are a foolish people, sottish chil­dren, they have none understanding.

Secondly, for the Booke, which is the treasurie of sound and saving instruction, (to wit the word of God,) wherein [Page 58](as Aug. confess. l. 12. c. 14. S. Augustine said) there is a marvellous profoundnes, and he trebles his words of it by way of admiration, it is that which maketh wise the simple, purifieth the heart, and enlight­neth the eyes, Psal. 19.7, 8. and makes a man wiser then his ene­mies, Psal. 119. ver. 98. yea wiser then his teachers, ver. 99. (if he ply that Booke more diligently then they,) But the wicked hath no liking of it, takes no delight in it, and if sometimes he reade or heare any part of it, he never learnes it by heart, but so little remembers or respects it, as to doe quite contrary to it: and they that reject the word of the Lord (and therein they reject him also) what wisedome is in them? Jer. 8.9. if they be such Rebels against the light, Job 24.13. God can and in Justice he may, make their Sunne is goe downe at noone, Amos 8.9. and make all their wayes dark­nesse, Prov. 2.13. he can smite the Horse with astonish­ment, and his rider with madnesse, Zach. 12.1. he can make Iudges (that should excell in wisedome) fooles, Job 12.17. Diviners mad, turne wisemen backward, and make their coun­sell folly, Esa. 44.25. as he did Achitophels, 1 Sam. 15.3. he can (and he hath threatned to doe it, and he hath done it,) smite the wicked with blindnesse, madnesse and astonishment of heart, Deut. 28.28.

At least when they reject God for their teacher, and his Booke for their lesson, and like not to entertaine, or retaine the knowledge of God in their minds, he will give them over (and such wilfull fooles well deserve it) to a reprobate mind, Rom. 1.28. Because they receive not the love of the truth, this they may be saved, God sends them strong delusions, to beleeve a lye, that they may be damned, 2 Thes. 2.10, 11. and he may justly, (and often doth) give them up to his impostures, who of fooles, will make them mad-men, as he did the Scribes and Pharisees, Luk. 6.11. and who (when he hath them wholly in his power) will use them like to mad-men, keeping them in darke lodgings, under chaines and scour­ges.

[Page 59]Now for the causes of the folly within themselves: they areas deficient, concerning such as would conduce to their prudent direction, as in their want of a good teacher, or of such good lessons of his Booke as would make them wise, if they did not very unwisely reject or neglect them both, their defect in themselves, (which increaseth their folly) is manifold; as

Their want

• 1. Of Intelligence.
• 2. Of Memory.
• 3. Of method.
• 4. Of Diligence.
• 5. Of Consideration,

concerning those things, which are of greatest moment, to make them truely wise, and happy: for their wise wickednesse, (for the Pro­phet saith, they are wise to doe evill) we shall speake of that under the other generall part of the verse, which is the exception.

For the first, if we consider the godly and the wicked in their physicall temperament (which hath an influence I confesse upon the operations of the mind:) the observation of Gentes septētrionales sunt plurimùm inge­nio inferiores, sed rebore supe­riores Austra­libus: cujus ra­tio est, quod sub frigido ext membra indu­rentur ad quid­vis telerandū, sed ab inclusum interius cale­rem babent san­guinem crassto­rem, contra quā usa venit, au­stralibus quippe quibus in calere illo externo san­guis & spiritus subtilior, unde & ingenio & sapientis pre­valent. Ioh. Gerard Voss de orig. & pro­gressu Idolat. Iib. 2. cap 34. Tom. 1. p. 484. Vossius, belongeth equally to both, which is; that the Inhabitants of the Northerne Climats are more strong in body, but inferiour in wit to the Inhabitants of the South; because the heate in those, is more kept in, and so the blood groweth thicker, and the spirits grosser in them, then it is in those of the Sou­therne parts, whose spirits being more subtle, make their wits more sharpe. But as in this respect, (the godly and wicked) (who live under the same elevation of the Pole) may be even: so the godly have an advantage (for understanding) above the wicked, by the help of piety and temperance, for the wicked being destitute of divine light, (as hath beene said before) that which is but meerely humane in them, is too dimme, and weake (towards the most excellent ob­jects) to denominate them wise, or understanding men.

[Page 60]For as the Apostle saith, the naturall man receiveth not, or (as the Geneva readeth the [...]. Greeke word) perceiveth not, (and that will beare both interpretations) the things of the Spirit of God: for they are foolishnesse unto him, neither can he know them, because they are spiritually discerned, 1 Cor. 2.14. and with the want of divine illumination, concur­reth, (many times) a mist of satanicall illusion, blinding the minds of the wicked, 2 Cor. 4.4. as was intimated before. And if he did not so farre benight them, (by putting his darke veile upon their intellectuall eyes) their understan­dings would yet be and certainly are ecclipsed, many times, by the excesse and disorder of their unruly passions, and corrupt affections, as the light of a Candle is obscured by puffs of smoake, from the pipes that tooke fire from it. I will give instance in the particulars, as

In

• 1. Love.
• 2. Desire.
• 3. Anger.
• 4. Hate.
• 5. Hope.
• 6. Feare.
• 7. Sorrow.
• 8. Ioy.

All which, (if they exceed moderation) as they are hin­derances to the health of the body, and hastners of death, (as In my Moni­ [...]r of Mortali­ [...] p. 14, 15, 16, [...]. elsewhere I have shewed) so are they great impedi­ments in the mind, to true apprehension; and so great cau­ses of errour and folly, and this most of all, in wicked men in whom they are commonly most predominant.

As for the excesse of Love, how it be-mists and misleads the understanding, we may see by its working severall wayes, the love of beauty, is a Pearle in the eye of the mind, hindering it from discerning the difference betwixt Love and lust, and sometimes pursuing its own contentment, untill it bring forth the meere contrary affection: as we find in the story of Ammon and Thamar, 2 Sam. 13.15. it makes a man (though not otherwise unwise) to be easily deceived, and (after deceipt deiscovered) to be taken again and again in the same snare; as we see in Sampson, the eye of whose understanding was blinded, by his fond love [Page 61]and delight in Dalilah, before the Philistines put out the eyes of his body: else he would never have trusted her, (as he did) after she had thrice betraied him, Iudg. 16. from v. 6. to the 17. The love of gaine is a pin and webbe in the eye of a covetous man; thence a gift is said to blind the eyes of the wise, Exod. 23.8. Through immoderate love of glory in the Pharisees of our Saviours time, though he did such workes as no man could doe, and therefore his workes did sufficiently testifie of him, that God had sent him, as his Sonne, Iohn 5.36. And spake such words as never man spake, Iohn 7.46. yet they did not know him, and were so farre from acknowledging of him, and belie­ving in him, that they held the people both ignorant and accursed, because they did both, Iohn 7.48, 49. and the rea­son was, because they loved the praise of men, more then the praise of God; Joh. 12.43.

The like deceit doth darken the Conclave of the Ro­man Rabbies (the Pope and Cardinals, the Pharisees of the latter times) to this very day, by shutting out all in­formations of truth, which comport not with their proud ambitious and pragmaticall humour; hence it is that men perceive not the vilenesse of their owne excesses, so as they doe other mens, as a covetous man will cry shame of a drunkard, and he againe will exclaime against the co­vetous: Little love or charity to their brethren and neigh­bours, making them quick-sighted enough, for discovery of a mote in the eye of another, while self-love so blindes them towards themselves, that they cannot discerne a beame in their owne eyes, Mat. 7.3, 4, 5.

Desire is an affection of neare alliance unto love, for what men dearely love, they eagerly desire to enjoy, and it is of as neare affinity to folly and sinne, if it be excessive: Such was the desire of Amnon towards Thamar, whose lu­sting after her, made him in his body leane from day to day, [Page 62]2 Sam. 13.4. and in his mind so besotted, as not to dis­cerne that his love was lust, his lust incest: that incest was not onely a great sinne in it selfe, but would prove a great shame to them both; to him, so as to make him accounted as one of the fooles of Israel, ver. 13. to her, by taking from her, the honour of her virginity, and stayning her name with the ignominious note of an harlot: As the sonnes of Iacob said of their defloured sister Dinah, Gen. 34.31. And lastly in making him believe, he should find much content in the enjoyment of what he desired, whereas his lust was soone turned into hate, and the hate more, when he had abused her, then the love wherewith he had desired her be­fore, v. 15.

It was not so base a desire (I confesse) which David his father had of the water of the well of Bethlem; yet it was as blind an one, through the vehemency of it (as the ex­pression, 2 Sam. 23.15. sheweth) which suffered him not to apprehend (untill it was brought unto him) that it was the price of blood, because it could not be had without breaking through the Host of their enemies (the Philistins) ver. 16. nor that done without the jeopardy of their lives, that fetched it, and therefore accounting it too deare a draught for himselfe, hee powred it out unto the Lord, 2 Sam. 23.16, 17.

The desire of Rachell was more warrantable (for the object) then either of these; yet the degree of it, raised above all due moderation (when being a wife, but not a mother, which she longed as much to be, as any breeding woman longeth for that which her appetite most affect­eth) put her upon this passionate request unto her hus­band, Give me children or else I die, Gen. 30.1. her desire was so vehemently set upon Mother-hood, that either she thought she should die, if her life were not saved by that painfull and perilous adventure of child bearing: or that [Page 63]she should have no delight in life, and so be (as the Apo­stle speaketh of a wanton Widow) though from a contra­ry cause, as dead while she lived, 1 Tim. 5.6. if she conti­nued childlesse; and that made her so foolish, as to con­ceive, that the power of Conception was in her husbands disposall: and that folly was no lesse then Idolatry, with a spice of blasphemy, for so much Iacobs reply (as passio­nate as her demand) importeth: Am I in Gods stead, who hath with-held from thee the fruit of the wombe? Genes. 30.2.

There is the like opposition in quality (but greater in degree) to the light of reason, and rule of grace in the op­posite affections anger and hate.

First for anger, Salomon saith, It resteth in the bosome of fooles, Eccles. 7.9. It may sometimes steale into or rush into the bosome of a wise-man; but a wise-man will not suffer it there to rest: an unwelcome guest it may be un­to him for a while, but it shall not habitually reside there, as one of the houshold; and only where it dwels it domi­neers, and that is only where a foole is master of the Fa­mily; and when the habit is stirred up into act, and that rai­sed from the bosome to the head, it distempereth the braine; and so he that is hasty of spirit exalteth folly, Prov. 14.29. and that folly (many times) is exalted tomadnesse, for (as Senec. de ira. l. 1. c. 1. Seneca saith of it) it is the foulest, fiercest and mad­dest affection of all others, and the angry person shewes it by his words, his lookes, his actions; his words are wild, and (many times) thrust forward; so many at once, in such hast, as puts him presently to silence; as a crowd hasting to get out of an house at once, stop up the passage, so that they sticke at the doore; his lookes are some­times furiously red, sometimes ghastly pale; His lippes trem­bling, his teeth grinning, his haire staring, as Labra quati­untur, dentes comprimuntur, horrent & sub­riguntur capilli, Sence de ira. l. 1. 1. c. 1. Seneca maketh the description of him, mad-man-like: for Quidam e sapientibus vi­ris, iram dixe­runt brevem in­saniam. Ibid. Wise-men (saith [Page 64]he) have said of Anger, that it is a short madnesse; and (for the time it continueth in act) the Affectum maxime ex om­nibus terrum & rabidum. Senec. de ira l. 1. c. 1. foulest and maddest of all the affections: So it was in Achitophell, who enraged that his counsell was rejected, sadled his Asse, gat him home, set his house in order, and hanged himselfe, 2 Sam. 17.23. He should first have set himselfe in order, altering his counsels and reforming his affections, and then he might have hanged his house with Coverings of Tapestry, Prov. 7.26. and with the broidered worke of Egypt, Ezek. 27.7. and if he had bridled his anger when he sadled his Asse, he would not of an oraculous Counsellour (2 Sam. 16.23.) have turned such a notorious foole or mad-man, as to put his house in order, and himself into such a desperate and irrecoverable confusion.

It was as foolish an act of King Cyrus (though not so sad or tragicall, as this was, but rather ridiculous) who having raised his wrath against the River [...]dem ibid. l. 3. cap. 21. Gindes for drow­ning of a white Horse of his, exalted his folly so high, as to turne his intended Warre against Babylon upon that Ri­ver (the greatest next unto Euphrates) whereof hee threatned to take revenge by deviding it into so many streames, as to make it passable on foot, and so he set his whole Army to worke, and parted the maine water into 360. Channels: wherin he buried the treasure and strength of his Army, and so lost a faire opportunity of invading his enemy.

Now as anger is called a short madnesse, so may ha­tred or malice be called a long madnesse; the sinfull ab­surdity of which, we may observe in wicked King Ahab, who when he might have knowne the truth of Micaiah (the man of God) had no mind to heare him, because, He hated him for prophecying no good concerning him, but evill, 1 King. 22.8. for the wicked are like unto the beast (some say it is the Cammell, some the Elephant) that [Page 65]cannot abide to drinke of a cleare water, least it should shew him his unseemly shape, and therefore before he drinke of it, he first stirres it and troubles it with his feet: So the wicked of him that will clearly shew them the evill that is in them, or imminent over them, will take none in­telligence, unlesse they can trouble his cleare streame, with flattering accommodations to humour and please; as the false Prophets did, and Micaiah was solicited to doe in that Chapter at the 13. verse.

And may we not observe the like blindnesse in the minds of many, even of the learned Papists, out of the hatred of Protestants? Which they shew by their imposing false opinions upon them, and opposing the truth of God, delivered by them, and that out of meere malice against them, as did the Pharisees against both the doctrine and person of our Saviour?

The first you may see (as in many Popish Writers) so especially in the booke of that fiery Friar Fevardentius cal­led Theomachia Calvinistica. Printed at Pa­ris n folio 1604. Theomachia Calvinistica, wherein his fancy (being infatuated by his malice) makes him to faine 1400. er­rours, and to impute them all to the Professours of the Protestant Religion, under the name of Calvi­nists.

And as they impose falshood, so (upon the same mi­staking motive) they oppose truth, as Erasmus observed in an Epistle to the Cardinall of Mentz. Those things (saith he) were condemned ( in Compertum est ab his dam­nata ut haereti­ca in libris Lu­theri, quae in Bernardi Au­gustini (que) libris, ut orthodoxa, immò ut pia le­guntur. Erasm. Epist. Alberto Cardinati mo­guntino, l 12. ep. 10. col. 585. edit Lond. 1642. Luthers workes) as savouring of Heresie, which were read in and received from more ancient Writers, as very sound and Orthodox Divinitie. This misguiding Malignity made Genebrard(who tooke up his pen many times with as much passion and wrath, as any Souldier takes up his Sword) to impute to Calvin as an errour, that hee taught God to be [...], that is, God of himselfe; whereas Bellarmin. l. 2. de Christo ca. 19. Bellarmine (a man [Page 66]of more moderation then he) understood the truth of that Tenet, and so defended an enemy against a friend, Calvin against Genebrard.

And though Maldonat. Comment in Joh. 6. Maldonat were a Jesuite as Bellarmine was, yet his hatred of Calvin made him as adverse to the truth (for his sake) as Genebrard was: for he deserted an Expo­sition of Scripture, and tooke up another, though lesse warranted (by the testimony of the Ancients) because it was more crosse to the Tenet of Calvin; and even to this day, we may observe many whose malignity (like that of Ahab's towards Micaiah) shutstheir eyes against the light of Information; and therefore they will not reade what an Adversary writes against their conceits; for having ta­ken in their opinions by a partiall affection, they keepe out the contrary by prejudiciall disaffection, though it be ne­ver so true, and in rejecting truth (by what hand so ever it be offered unto them) they are both unwise and wic­ked.

The like operation (to the prejudice of reason) may be observed in hope and feare, sorrow and joy; for the first, how are men befooled by their hopes in entertaining for truth many improbable and (sometimes) impossible re­ports: because they wish things were so, they hope they are so, as they are reported; Quod valde volumus facile credimus. for men easily beleeve and confidently hope for that they heartily desire, though there be little ground for it, as the foolish Merchant, who having a Ship abroad, tooke every Vessell that coasted toward the Port to be that of his lading. The excesse of such hope (in spirituall matters) hath been an occasion of Ship-wrecke to many a soule; for it hath made them so to presume of mercy, as to put themselves more audaci­ously upon the desert of Justice, and in stead of working out their salvation (with feare and trembling) Phil. 2.12. to worke out their damnation with a confident jolli­ty; [Page 67]This hope (contrary to that well-grounded hope, Roman. 5.5.) maketh men ashamed, (as being a meanes to make them fooles) and a signe they are so: and it will end (if thus they hold on) in shame and everlasting con­tempt, Dan. 12.2.

And how foolishly doth extremity of Feare make the wicked fly (when no man pursueth him) Prov. 28.1. And what a grosse and mad mistake doth a wicked fugitive make, when (through feare) hetakes the sound of a sha­ken leafe for a drawne Sword, Levit. 26.36. and flieth from it to save his life; he that shall judge of his head by the faintnesse of his heart (in such a case) cannot but thinke him a very foole or a mad-man, to conceive such danger (where there is none at all) as well as a Coward, running away to some refuge of safety.

And what folly, and how frequent a folly is it in many, out of feare of the creature to rush upon the displeasure and indignatiō of the Almighty Creator ( who is a consuming fire, He. 12. and the last) when they dare not (for fear of offence and danger from man, (whose life is but a vapour, Jam. 4.14.) be really and zealously religious, least the pro­phane should set upon them with reproachfull contume­lies, whereby they expose themselves (which none but very fooles would doe) upon the greatest perill that can be imagined, the fearefullest doome of the holy Ghost, Revel. 21. concerning the fearefull (such as are afraid to be good and to own God for their Lord) Who with the unbeleeving and other offenders, shall have their parts in the lake, which burneth with fire and brimstone, v. 8. of that Chapter.

It is said of Sorrow that it is an Res est inge­niosa dolor. ingenious thing, yet the excesse of it, makes a man foolish, as it did Ahab, who (when he was denied the vineyard of Naboth the Iesrae­lite) betooke him to his bed, would looke upon no man, [Page 68] for he turned away his face, and shut his mouth against his meat, he would eat no bread, because he could not drinke the wine of that vineyard (as his owne) 1 King. 21.1. There was folly and sinne in his concupiscence of another mans goods, having better of his owne, vers. 2. Folly and sinne in his sorrow, because it was without cause, with­out measure, and it brought forth madnesse and mischiefe for a remedy or cure of his discontent, as you may reade in the same Chapter from the seventh verse for­ward.

And in the Story of Nabal it is shewed, that (when Abigal had told him in what danger he had been by Da­vids indignation upon his denyall of his humble, mode­rate and necessary request) His heart died within him and he became as a stone, 1 Sam. 25. v. 37. which was not (it is like) through feare, for the danger was past, but through sorrow, that he had so unwisely and ungratefully retur­ned David evill for good, to the great perill of himselfe and family; and when his heart was like a stone, how stupid was his head?

But howsoever it be doubted what passion was so pre­dominant in Naball as to put his understanding, and it may be his senses also, out of office: certaine it is that excessive sorrow makes many foolishly neglectfull of themselves, and irreligiously defective in their duty to God: for some when they have buried a friend, forbeare the Church, be­cause they cannot endure the sight of an Hearse, or any me­morandum of his mortality, whom it is like while he lived they had entertained as an Idoll, and by such sorrow (their sinne and punishment both) is their carnall Idolatry scour­ged, and their sinne punished with sinne.

I may not here omit a pertinent observation out of the Booke of Wisedome (which though to us it be Apocriphall, with Papists it is Canonicall, and against them it is a good [Page 69]proofe, as now I shall produce it,) It is this, a Father af­flicted with untimely mourning, when he had made an Image of his Child, soone taken away, now honoured him as a god which was then a dead man, and delivered to those that were under him ceremonies and sacrifices, Wisd. 14.15. and a few verses af­ter, so the multitude allured with the grace of the worke, tooke him now for a god, who (a little before) was honoured as aman, ver. 20. and this was an occasion to deceive the world, ver. 21. by drawing on Idolatry.

Immoderate sorrow for the dead, required comfort to the living, that comfort was ministred, by a resemblance of the dead, that resemblance was made an Idol, that Idol was worshipped with ceremonies and sacrifices, and with that worship was the world deceived; here is a chaine of many sinnes and follies, and the first linke of that chaine was excessive sorrow.

Which sometimes makes a wise-man to thinke and speake, and doe like a foole, David was the man who was much commended for his wisedome, 1 Sam. 18.5, 14, 15, 30. 2 Sam. 14.17. and he shewed himselfe wise, in acting the part of a mad-man, 1 Sam. 21.13. but when Absolom was dead, his sorrow for him was so exuberant, that it drowned his discretion, and made him such an immoderate and un­advised mourner, as if Ioab had not recovered him out of that fit of fond lamentation, he had brought upon him­selfe a greater evill, then any befell him from his youth untill then, as you may reade, 2 Sam. 18.33. and chap. 19. from the first vers, to the end of the seventh; and it was the generall folly of the Israelites, (under the Egyptian bon­dage) that for sorrow and griefe of heart, they would not hearken unto Moses, Exod. 6.9. who came unto them from God for their deliverance.

Ioy (if kept within due compasse) cheereth up the spi­rits, quickneth the braine, and sharpneth the wit, but (if [Page 70]it goe beyond it) doth hurt it much, but not help it at all, for as folly is joy to him that is destitute of understanding, Prov. 15.21. so is joy a folly in him, both a meanes to ef­fect it, and a marke to discerne it; and in some degrees it proceedeth to madnesse, else the Wise-man would not have acknowledged, that he said of laughter it is mad, Ecel. 2.2. and how madly doe many delights mislead a man, when they bring him to be a lover of pleasures more then of God, 2 Tim. 3.4. though in his presence be the fulnesse of joy, and at his right hand pleasures for evermore, Ps. 16.11.

And even of those joys which have a good relish in Re­ligion, some of them (in their predominancy) are impe­diments to a right apprehension of things; for when our Saviour (after his Resurrection) appeared to his Disci­ples, and offered them the assurance of many of their sen­ses, for they saw him, heard him, and he said unto them, be­hold my hands and my feete, that it is I my selfe, handle me and see, for a spirit hath not flesh and bones as ye see me have Luk. 24, ver. 39, 40. yet they beleeved not for joy, but wondred, ver. 41.

And in the twelfth of the Acts of the Apostles, we reade that when Peter (upon his miraculous deliverance out of prison) came to the house of Mary (the mother of Iohn whose surname was Marke,) ver. 12. and knocked at the doore, a Damsell coming to it, and having heard his voice, went hastily back, and told them within who it was that was without, they said she was mad, ver. 15. but sure she was (at the least) somewhat foolish, and her excessive joy was the cause of her folly, for she opened not the doore for joy, ver. 14. whereas if her mind had been prudently com­posed, she should rather have made them within to stay a little for the joy they expected not, then have kept Peter without from the entrance he knocked and looked for.

And surely we find in the experience of our own times, [Page 71]that those who addict themselves so much to delights, as to have their carnall sports and pastimes, (on the Sabbath day) are the most ignorant hearers of Sermons, to whom (before many others) that of the Apostle may be ap­plyed: when for the time they ought to have been teachers, they have need againe to be taught which be the first principles of the Oracles of God, Heb. 5.12.

And for men of more eminent parts, we may observe in some of them, how their misplaced joyes and delights have corrupted their judgements, as Augustine was so ta­ken up with contentment in the Oratory Aug. Confess. lib. 5. cap. 13. of Ambrose and of Faustus the Manichean-heretick, that he contemned the Scripture, as neither eloquent, nor learned enough for the elevation of his witt, yet Idem Confess. lib. 7. cap. 21. afterwards, when he was both a better and a wiser man, he saw his own shallownesse, and admired the Idem lib. 12. cap. 14. profundity of Gods holy Oracles, and held the style of them very venerable, and betooke him to the reading and studying of the word of God, with a very vehement and ardent devotion.

And a M ^r R. Bolton. late Divine of our own Church, well knowne to my selfe by familiar acquaintance, and very well accep­ted of in the world for his worthy Works; was before his calling (though otherwise both witty and learned) so vaine a M ^r. E. B. in his relation of of his life, p. 12. voluptuary, (much delighted with Stage-playes, Cards and Dice, and thereby so unable to judge of true, sound and solid Divinity) that he tooke M. Perkins but for a Ibid p. 13. barren empty fellow, and a passing meane Scholler, whose ex­cellent Learning, the best Divines (both at home and a­broad) have highly approved of, and he himselfe, when he had taken double degrees (both of Grace and knowledge) afterward acknowledged his errour, and professed Ibid. p. 14. hee thought him as learned and godly a Divine as our Church for many yeares hath enjoyed of so He was but little above 40. yeares old whō he died. young a Man.

I will adde to these observations of the excesse of passi­ons [Page 72]and affections, and their impeachment of the apprehen­sion of man, the saying of Basil in his tract of reading pro­phane Authours, which is that a man cannot come to the knowledge of himselfe (and he is an ignorant or proud foole that knowes not himselfe) if his mind be not purged from ex­cesse of passions; and the sentence of the Areopagite Judges, who judged inordinate passions, to be such enemies of true judgement, that they would suffer no pleaders before them, to make any Exordiums of insinuation into their affe­ctions, least that should erroniously mislead them to an un­righteous decree.

Thus you see when passions are rampant, true Judge­ment is couchant, when they are raised to their Zenith above, judgement is put downe to the nadir be low. If to this distemper of minde there be joyned the intemperance of the palate, and excesse of diet, there will be place for the vulgar proverbe, Loaden bellies make but leaden witts, for thereby the braine is floated with too much moisture, and over-clouded with abundance of muddy vapours and ex­halations ascending from the stomack to the head, and the blood ingrossed and thickned, whereby the spirits that are engendred of it, are not so spirituall and active as those that proceed from purer blood, the proper effect of temperate dyet.

Both these excesses, viz. of the passions of the mind and pampering of the body are the sinnes of wicked men, and so make up a part of the conviction of their foolishnesse: for as the Wise-man saith, their owne wickednesse hath blin­ded them, Wisdom. 2.21.

Thus much of the impediments to true intelligence and right understanding: whereof I have said the more, be­cause I conceive, the manifold aggrievances, under which many mourne, and many bleed, and many are dead, and all that remaine alive, doe suffer, and are running on towards [Page 73]an universall ruine; may be referred (as to one chiefe cause) to the usurping power of passion over reason; for when the wisest counsell of the Kingdome (so much the wiser as it is lesse subject to passions; and in the This wise body politick can have no passions. Lord Digby in his Speech in Parliament, April. 21. 1641. in the Booke of Speeches, p. 220. Lord Digbys judge­ment it seemes to be a priviledge of Parliament, to be freed from them) is called, and come together with mature deli­beration, and judicious advice, to give redresse for what is amisse; what is it but passion, which will renounce such a judicatorie? and expect a juster award from the Sword, then from the sentence of such an Assembly?

And may we not observe, in this obstinate reluctancy to the prudence of the Parliament, a muster of passions? sure there is too much love towards some, too much selfe-love in many, els they would not have the publike peace given up in sacrifice to their particular interests, there is too much desire in divers, for somewhat (which their covetousnesse or ambition aimeth at) though they cannot obteine or re­teine it in a peaceable state; there is (I doubt not) a height of wrath and hate in many, which will not be asswaged (without wrong;) there is a guilt and feare in offenders, which cannot endure a diligent inquiry into their crimes, much lesse the due punishment which (for them) they doe deserve.

And there are that have hope the shaking of the King­dome by War-like commotions, will make somewhat loose, which may fall to their lot, to mend their estate, though their manners be much worse then ever they were: and how jocund are such as never had much of their ovvn, or have prodigally spent it, when they come to rifle the rich, and to commit so great robberies at once, as divided into many parcels of pilfery, would serve to furnish all the Goales with thieves, and to garnish all the Gallowses in the Kingdome, with pendents of exemplary Justice.

These passionate excesses (like wild Horses) having broke [Page 74]the reynes of regular government, run riot with all manner of rudenes and outrage, and so by refractory oppositions to reason and religion, so violent, so generall, the greatest part of Great Brittaine is at this day become a great Bedlam of mad-men, by acting such bloody Tragedies upon each o­ther, as the Popish party (throughout the Antichristian world) will entertaine as sportfull Comedies; so Calvin con­ceived of the contentions of Protestants in his time, though they did not proceed to blood-shed or blowes, Deus bone quales & quā jucundos Iudes praebemus pa­pistis, quasi illis locaverimus operam nostrā. Calvin. Epist. Melanct. p. 52. good God (saith he) what delight and sport doe we make the Papists? (viz. by our dissentions) we could not gratifie them more if they had hired us to doe them some acceptable service.

To cast up the particulars into a Totall (under the Title to which they belong, least any forgetting my grounds, should suppose I have digressed) the summe of what hath been said, and particularly proved is this: Whatsoever is an hinderance to Intelligence, or true understanding (especially in good things) is a cause of errour and folly.

But such is the excesse of passions and affections as of Love, &c.

Therefore the excesse of passions and affections is a cause of errour and folly, and to make the argument personall as well as reall we may thence deduce thus much,

Whosoever is swayed by the excesse or predominance of passions and affections, is most subject to errour and folly.

But so is a wicked person;

Therefore is he most erronious and foolish.

I should in order now proceed with, and prosecute the other causes of the conjunction of wickednesse and folly, but since they are many (and I have held you long already) I will reserve the rest for such an opportunity of time and place, as shall be allotted unto me by the all-wise provi­dence and disposall of Almighty God, to whom be glory, honour and praise for evermore.