Sect. 1.

WE are constrained by the ignorance and pravity of the Multitude, to Tautoligize it in repetitions, even to a wearying of our selves and the world with words, and yet it will not do, and therefore we must yet do it; So we are forced to present our selves on the Thea­ter once more in behalf of The peo­ples safe­ty and welfare. Salus her Soveraignty, so in behalf of Salus her The Go­vernour. Soveraign, &c.

Her Soveraignty we make good by the Arguments following. His by Sect. 43. to 53. so 78. to 83.

§ 2. We wil first begin with Scripture Arguments the better to infallible it, yet as fortified with right Reason also, in things of this nature, else were they for­feited, &c. We will next pursue it with right Reason, which wil self-ly infallible it, yet not to the Igno­rants and conceiteds self-ish; but together we dare inscribe it with— Scriptum est.

[Page 2]For Scripture.

§ 3. Christ saith, the Sabbath was made for man, yea for Individuals, how then for the Universal. It was made for him chiefly in points of humanity, as in Acts and Offices of Mercy, Charity, Love, Justice, and just necessities; see Deut. 5. That thou and thine, both servants and beasts may rest, and remember that thou wast a servant in Egypt, and how acceptable and welcome Rest was, or would have been to thee, &c.

4. Thus, in just competition, all things comply to Humane necessities, and God is then best served, in the omission of Sacrifice for Mercy; so you cannot glorifie, honour, serve, love, obey, and worship God better, then to decline him, and incline to, or prefer Mercy before Sacrifice, that is, wave the Sabbath in its religious rites, duties, and observations, if they clash with Mercy, make God then on just occasions and grounds, a God of mercy, and you magnifie him most, for his mercy is above all his works, and doth magnificent him, but yet take heed you incroach not on mercy's good nature beyond our cautions, which if you do, Justice will be meet with you, for shee is bound not to see Mercy abused.

5. Again, its better that one man die, then all the peo­ple perish; and now all the people must perish, to in­right one unrighteous man.

6. The Man then to die, was a righteous Man, the People he was to die for, were most unrighteous, & yet he must die, that they may live. Now all the righteous people must die, for one unrighteous man, that he may live, to live on them, and Lord it over them.

7. The Man then to die, was a God also, the People he was to die for, were By do genera­ting. Divels, and yet he must die, but now, &c.

[Page 3]9. Thus much for Scripture Arguments in behalf of Salus Soveraignty, as justly necessitated: We come next to right Reason, which agrees with Scriptures, so its the same in Nature, though not in Name.

10. Right Reason saith then, That Physick and Food are servants to their ends, life and health: So Kings, Princes, and Powers, are the like to the Peoples safety and welfare; there being no other end and use of them as such, but such, &c.

11. Moreover, we see that all sorts do, and must one ways or other as they are able, venture their single In­dividual persons, lives, estates, and rights for the Pub­like, or may be justly enforc'd, else the Publike might perish, and so the Individuals thereof.

12. Magna Charta, so Law, Priviledges, and Rights, are pleadable twixt Individuals, and justice is their due accordingly; but not by any one against the highest publike Governour, in opposition to publike necessi­ties, or as they clash therewith, of which, how, and on what terms he is Judge, judge ye by Sect. 83. &c.

13. Here no Law for, or if a Law against, is of no value, the Principality of our Principle will not allow thereof, as you shall find ere we have done, and you do find afore what God hath, doth, and will do in the like case, in what relates to him. In short, we cannot allow Law, which is but a bare name, a very nullity in this case, a dead thing, enlivened onely by letters and words, but most by opinion, to Lord it over its the Pub­lick. Lord, whose servant it is, and by and for whom it was made, and may (if it carry it self amiss) be chastised: Sure it was not rais'd to raze him, &c. The Par­liament Law-makers, were Law-breakers, as the Pub­like was necessitated.

[Page 4]15. I conceive by all the aforesaids, that Salus Sove­raignty stands clear, and is apparent, and so who are true, and who are Traytors thereto; so that now we may venture to inscribe it with Scriptum est.

We next reason and infer from the aforesaids as fol­loweth, That

16. Seing God and his Laws, so Religion, Reason, the Sabbath, and Sacrifice, likewise Individual rights, yea the very lives, honours, and estates of good, honest, just and innocent men, have, do, and must on just ne­cessities, lose and decline all self-rights, and comply to necessitated Salus. What then can nocent Charls Stuart, or his siders with, say for themselves, who for forfeited deputative Rights, forfeit their faith, love and loy­alty to their Lord, the Publike welfare, by exigenting it to intolerable sufferings and dangers, yea to ruine by factioning their Country into Divisions and Parties one against another in an hostile way? Do they not by this render themselves Traytors, as contrary to trust, duty, and engagement, to trecherize it? Are they not Murtherers and Thievs of all slain, and lost, and taken from on both sides, as inforcers thereto? I appeal.

Again,

17. His Right to the Crown is not Natural, or self­ly Hereditary, but politick, and deputative, and so is, as are other Laws, alterable, (though they had not forfeit­ed it) as is conducing to the welfare and safety of Salus, how then as forfeited also? On which grounds they did make it Null by an Act, and by another Act con­demned him, as siding with his Father &c.

18. And as there is a Law that made it Treason, and so to forfeit self-rights of life, and livelyhood, as of lands and estate, &c. for attempting against the King, [Page 5] as the Publike welfare was concerned in him, and the King did, and might by Law and Reason exact the same, as so relating to the publike good of peace and safety; by the same Law of Reason, or lex talionis, as much is due upon the King, or any of his, yea more, as more engaged by trust, oath, honours, and tribute or revenues, of and from the people for that end and purpose; and the King himself by his opinion, and ex­action of the same, saith as much, and so condemns himself and his for Delinquents, as so acting, and justi­fies his executioners for their acting thereafter on such. If it be said, that the King traytor'd such, or as it related to himself only, and not as to the Publike. I answer, It may be so, but it rendred him weak, or wicked and unjust, or both if so; for it was, and is in Nature and Reason, and intention of Laws, so the Law-makers, as we say afore, as it publikely related, &c. for what's Unus to the Universe, or to our highest principle, also of one so engaged as afore, by trust, oath, and tribute, and so his end of being what he was, and having what he had?

But to absolute this point, I will make bold to insert a few lines just as they are in my Army Armed, which sure with what's said, will satisfie or silence each one.

We will suppose then as high as we can, as that Charls Stuart is innocent, and absolutely wronged of his right, What then? yea further, suppose they were his self-rights, as they are not; and not forfeited, as they are; what then? Where doth any one find it in the Law of Religion and Reason, that to inright one, they may hazard the ruine of millions; if the wronged could right themselves the right way, as on the wrong­ers only, I dispute not against it; but to wrong infinite [Page 6] innocents to right one nocent, or admit innocent, o [...] which yet they may fail, is unspeakable madness, fol­ly, and injustice: by this why may not Clients clearly injured by their Lawyer, or their Adversary, hostile it, and gather an Army of men, Esau-like, and so in­force his Adversary to do as much for his defence; so these two Murtherers must meet with their multitudes, and the innocent fools on both sides must murther each other, under the notion of siding with for rights, and yet may this be much better done for known self-rights, then for known forfeited deputatives, not to the ruine of a multitude only, but of a Nation, to whom they were bound by Oath, Honour, Trust, and Tribute, and so owe duty and service answerable.

How also can Forraign Religious Princes and States then in Honour and Honesty answer it, to Murther and Thieve it, in pretending to help such to their Rights; but the truth is, they help them only to be helpt in the like cases; so we are like to have a mad world of it, when Religious Princes and States, as call'd, shall help to support one another in Tyrannies, Thefts, and Mur­ders, under the Notion of Rights; but wo to those that call good evil, and evil good; I marvel exceeding­ly that such just, religious, and honourable Princes and States, do not send over their Armies now and then, to help each innocent individual wrong'd of his self-rights by his Adversary, or his Lawyer: for its a much fairer, goodlier, and juster ground and pretense then the other, though both be naught, as teaching both sides naughti­ness, as to invade each others rights, under pretense of righteousness. Thus much for our Army Armed.

19. Shew they then not great weakness or wicked­ness, not to know, or not to acknowledge, things of [Page 7] so easie a comprehension, made good as afore, by Scri­ptures, Religion, and Reasons, or to perpetrate such trecheries and perfideous actions, contrary to all.

20. Shew they not both great Wickedness and Weak­ness, to expose their own Honours, Lives, and Estates, who many of them did and might have lived happily and Prince-like, or in a sweet, comfortable, and com­petent condition, but have now forfeited and lost all the aforesaids, upon ignoble, base, and trecherous ends, courses, and designs, and so undone also their Wives and Children, and brought themselves to end their days dishonourably, miserably and untimely: Is't nothing to expose all as afore, so their kindred and friends, and their native Country to the Sword, Fire, and Famine, besides many other miseries and suffer­ings, as now in its prime of plenty, beauty, and bra­very to devastation and ruine; as if Winter had anti­cipated it in time to seize on, and surprize the Summers Riches and Treasure, and all her goodly ornaments and endowments, and so to render our Fields, Meads, and Downs, Golgotha's and Akeldama's.

21. Well, but all we have said, or can say, will not do, for they love Charls Stuart, and hate the Lord Protector; the First also hath Right on his side, the Last is very Unrighteous.

21. Goodly Arguments for love and hate, so for judging about right or wrong; however by this they are orthodox and authentick, in judgement there­fore they may love and hate any one, also act any thing as relates to either, &c.

22. But are not these trecherous colours and preten­ses? for do they not rather trecherously love and hate themselves, as their own ends, lusts, and desires, which in conclusion will ruine them? &c.

[Page 8]23. What are their allowable grounds for loving Charls Stuart at all, or at such a rate and degree, as to degrade themselves, and theirs, and their native Coun­try, as afore: Will they ruine the Universe for Unus?

24. As for his Right, it hath in part been answered at § 16. and see in full § 75. But for the wrongs done by his Father and Himself to the English, they are past over in silence. Is't not an argument of impudence, or inso­lence, or both?

25. They love not the Lord Protector, also he hath no right on his side, as they say; but we say, for his Right to the Government, see § 43, to 53.

26. And truly we find by their dealings, that they love Him not, yea we find that they hate him, &c. But why not love? or why at all, or thus Hate? I conceive they are to seek of Reasons or causes for either, but admit in admittals, as that cause were for both, and to their degree also, yet where learn they to revenge at all, how then to such a height, likewise, to the hazard of their Countries ruine, by involving it into Factions and Parties, for that end; for is not his Highness at this time the very hinge on which the safety and welfare of this State hangs, rests, and depends?

But for all their objections and exceptions hitherto against him, they are I conceive, sufficiently answered in our Army Armed, and Protector protected; so that reservedness were better, and more becoming, also more fair and just, till they find the said Answers an­swered, as insufficient or unjust; as we have cautioned and qualified them.

27. Many good things hath he done, why are they past over so, Equity requires Retaliation, &c. for which [Page 9] of his Good Deeds then would you stone him; or if for any Evil, make it appear, or that it amounts to a stoning? Oh you his immediate Assasi­nators, you Madmen, you Mur­therers, you Traytors to your Country, by indangering its ru­ine: Are you hired? so was Judas to murther himself as well as his Master. You fools, how think you to scape? The Jesu­ites have befool you, as they did Raviliac, to be presently conveigh­ed away by an Angel; but the Divel prevented the Angel, and Tyburn the Traytor. or if it did, its for the Innocent to cast the first Stone, and not the Guilty, so none shall be cast: But were he guilty, and that to your degree, yet who au­thorised you to cast stones, &c. which we shall make appear you may not do at all; How then as Salus safety is concern­ed in Him: For,

28. Know Friends, that had such or such an one murthered my Mother, and now opportunity of war favours me so, as that he being plac'd just opposite to me, I could kill him, but my Father is accidentally placed just afore, also close to him, so that I cannot shoot, or kill one, but I must kill both; what fine pre­tense trow will bear me out to attempt it, and so turn paracide to my Father, under colour of love, duty, and justice to my Mother, and of hate and revenge, to, and on her ruiner; surely, as so postured, I will not only spare, but protect what I can such a naughty man. How then ought I to protect what I can, mine, and my Parents, and my Countries Protector, that hath oft ventured his life, and all his fortunes, to redeem and recover my well neer lost Mother Our Country so each one, and theirs., and doth still save and protect her; why then at all offend him, &c. much more seeing you cannot wrong him, but our Mother must suffer also.

29. On what grounds now take up Arms for Charls [Page 10] Stuart; as for his Right, so your love to him: We have already, and will further answer you in due place; So for your groundless hate to his Highness, or though grounded, &c. So that now your Arms taking up un­der the Notion of and for Charls Stuart, must needs be for your own by and base ends, as to side with him, hoping to insinuate into him, and deceive him with such and such pretenses, and so gain him to side with you, for your own ends sake; though he also have his own ends also, as well as your selves; yet both of you, Si­meon and Levi-like, agree in your Levities, your wick­edness, &c. against your selves and yours, and so your Country, &c.

30. Your ends must be then to be righted of your wrongs, as you will call them, so to help you to your Fields and Vinyards again which you have lost by your former trecheries, also hoping of an addition and fur­ther enlargement of them; likewise of advancement to places of profit, power, honour, and command, &c. to these, and not to Charls Stuart are ye Stewards.

31. But is not this to build Castles in the Ayr, as to hazard the certainties you have, and so go on in your Trecherizings, in hope of revenge and advancement, which are so remote in point of likelyhood as afore: Is not your advancements more like to be Hamon like, then that of Mordecat? Have not divers of you been already advanced and mounted to Hamons height, to your downfals? Will not Love and Loyalty to your Na­tive Country, its Peace and Safety, so the experience of others sufferings by such attempts, and the infinite hazards you self-ly run, also involve your Country into, nor the loss of what you have and sweetly enjoy, &c. Will none of these I say warn you [Page 11] against your selves, who are only your own ene­mies, &c.

32. How can you digest it? How answer it; thus to Traytorize, Murther, and Thieve it, to bring your ends about, under pretense for Charls' Stuart? and admit this also, how yet I say can you in points of wis­dom, reason, humanity, and justice, answer it? Care you not what you do, to undo all, and your selves also? There is not one Argument of wisdom, sense, reason; justice, or humanity on your side, in your way of pro­ceedings, pretend what you will, find one if you can; and if not, what are you in the mean while, that are in this neither wise, rational, true, nor honest, but the quite contrary to all; contrary then your selves in the aforesaids; and so you shall know what you are, by what you should be.

33. Should your Charls conquer, as its very unlike­ly, also infinitely dangerous, mischievous, and hazar­dous to an universal ruine, &c. yet he conquers not: for whats that conquest to you, that conquers you, and yours, and your Country also, & makes you all absolute slaves to the conqueror so call'd, and the conqueror a slave also to his competitors: can you promise to your selves the priviledges you now enjoy from your con­queror, who is more remote in nature and grace Good qualitiies and abi­lities: al­so he is a stranger &c., so also in power to help himself and you; for the Kingers of your King will be his and your King, &c. and shew him only to hide their own King-hoods, so also their Tyrannies to, and abuses of the people, which his name and presence of King must cover, and these also will befool you with promises and pretenses, to gain you to second the King, that so ye may second, and so first them, in points of Conquest, and so of Linghood, [Page 12] and then you shall have plenty of Chymera's, and Ca­stles in the Ayr, and Aery Utopia's for your pains: thus Joab-like, with their smiles, they smite you under the fifth rib; you shall have Butter and Milk also in Lordly dishes, &c. but not one word of the Nail Yours & your Coun­tries sla­veries. that must pierce your Temples, and fasten you to the ground past rising, &c.

Know you the end and issues of war, when once begun, and on foot? Doth it not usually immortalize it in Mortalities, and make sport of casting Firebrands in good earnest, as if in jest, like Joab and Abners gallants, that rose up to play, but never lay down again till tum­bled down? Is not lovely, youthful, and natural green, a more seemly, comfortable, and acceptable colour for your grain and grass, so for your Orchards, Gardens, Edens, and Paradises, then is the bloody, the gory, the savage, or sanguine hew? Would you have Foot and Horse, Troops and Companies, devour up, demolish, or trample down your goodly Corn-fields, so your Granaries and Grass, and render all as dismal as a deserted Desert? Must the Summer, and you be thus surprised, prize you all at no better rate then so? Would you return to Egypt again, the house of Bon­dage, and so have the Star-chamber stare over you as afore, and the High Commission commit you ad placi­tum? Would you that Doctors Commons should once more turn you to graze on the Commons? Would you that Pole-money, and Monopolies, also Ship-money, should oppress you again? Think you that Taxes, Cu­stome, and Excise shall cease? No, no, weaklings they are, as is the Militia, Flowers of the Crown; if these wither, whither will the Crown go? for so the Militia will be mastered, for want of its Mistress Pecunia., &c. But [Page 13] this must not be; as for us, we are forc'd to have the said Sesments for defence sake, they for offence sake, though none offend them: Would you that Prelacy and Priesthood should perk up again, and under pretense of Religion, Gods honour, worship, and service, and non-conformist &c. be-heretick, and sect you, and then dissect you by persecutions, punishments, and banish­ments, also hamper your licentiate liberty of Consci­ence, as they will call them, as so many extravagancies from the Orthodox Faith, and their implicite foole­ries; then when too late, your prudence will see your improvidence, to lose such a favour, through your in­sensibleness, ingratitude, and licenciateness, &c. then may you (like the Brazen-head) cry out, that time was, but is not, for now its past.

35. Nor do I reason cunningly, on purpose to esta­blish his Highness in the Government, otherwise then I conceive is right, also conduceth to the peace, welfare, and safety of our Nation, &c. beyond any change that can be accidentally or forcibly made; but as for what may be carefully, wisely, and peaceably contrived for his Highness Honour, and his Posterities safety, and our Nations, &c. surely will in prudence and providence be complyed to; for, the safety of the Nations is his, so each ones safety, &c. so its hazards, dangers, exigents, or ruine, are his, so his posterities, so each ones also; for they are so interwoven, that the web will be quite lost, if either be lost, &c. Personal greatness may be good and necessary for the honour of our Na­tion, as the Presenter of such a People is ocularly con­spicuous, as well as in Fame and Name; for that such appearances begets it: as they did in Salomon, who made use of both, to beget, amplifie, and continue [Page 14] his greatness: and as the Mayor of London must not only in name Lord it, also in power and extent of Com­mand and Government, exceed Barnets, or St Albons Governours, but also in ocular and specious present­ments, else his Sun of glory may decline, and retro­grade it, as on the Dyal of Ahaz. With all humility I do therefore presume, as love, duty, and loyalty binde me for his Highness, so our Countries welfare and safety, so each Individuals, that in season, before death natu­ral, or casual prevent, thoughts may be how to leave this our Country, now under his Highness charge, so his Posterities, safe and secure, in its after way, manner, and kinde of Government, lest Greatness alone without Safety bring us all to little or nothing; it will much conduce to his Highness honour, so to his safety, whilst living, for when the adversary sees his hopes dasht by a future certain way of safe Government, he will find it bootless to attempt on the present Governour, or fu­tures, and for my part, let his Highness Posterity have the name and honour of the Presentment thereof; yet in such a secure way, as may secure themselves and us all; which sure for their safety, so our Countries, his Highness will comply to, and cast for, as for his own life time, I do think that all or most do conceive them­selves to be as well and safe under him, as under any other Governour whatsoever, from experience of his care and wisdom hitherto. But Sir, you are Mortal, and withal momentary, therefore honour your Name, and your Posterity, whilst here, and when gone, by so providing for them, that so al sorts may account you their Countries Saviour, next their Saviour: Sure, I am a Member of our Nation, and so concern'd in duty and with all humility, to exhibit my conceptions, by [Page 15] way of hints and memorandums; for its and your good Sir, as the Syrians servant said, to his Lord and Master familiarly; Father, what if the Prophet had said for your good so and so; how then when he only adviseth you to wash and be clean, return home, safe, sound, and secure, &c. and his servants advice he took well, and obeyed it, and so was saved, &c. else &c. Did not the Lord Joab also hear a poor woman from the Wall, &c. by which King David's City was saved, so the Citizens, and the Lord Joab and his Army also? All which else in opposition might have been lost, and destroyed one another. And Salomon hints also of a poor man that saved another City, but &c. Its the highest of honours to leave all safe; and they and theirs are worthy of honour and dignities that do it; but ho­nours and greatness without safety, is to stand on the precipe of a Precipice, as pinacled on the highest point of the Temple, ready for precipitation; which thou O God in heaven, and you gods on earth, I humbly pray you forbid, by timely providing for and against, all for, and against; which till it be, this whole Nation stands so placed as afore, though not minded, if your Highness should miscarry which God forbid; for I see such clandestines and ambushments attend continually for your surprisal, that I faint on thoughts thereof, both for you, and yours, our selves, and the whole Nation, &c.

36. But yet fully to clear it, that I partialize not in my plea in behalf of his Highness, let's suppose that Perkin Warbeck, or the Traytor Raviliac, or the Rayler Rabshekah, or the Excepters own self, had inforcedly, and so usurpingly gained the Government, and govern­ed much amiss also, but not destructively, I yet would, yea I ought to support them, though not [Page 16] for their own sakes, yet on the terms and cautions at Sect. 28. viz. as my Father, my Mother, my Countries safety is concerned in them, except I could evidently find a way to displace them without endangering our Country to murthers, slaughters, fire, famine, and all sorts of devastations to ruine, also safely and certainly, without the aforesaid miseries, supply their places with better men, &c. else as good abide as we are, as run such hazardous adventures, &c.

37. Why then attempt against the Lord Protector? whom we have or will prove no Usurper, but to have a true and just Right to the Government, as also governs well, though not to each ones fancy or minde, nor may, nor can, &c. For God himself in Samuel could not do it; for no remedy, but they would discharge him, though they could no ways charge him, &c.

38. Would his Highness resigne, and will us to fit our selves with Governours and Government to our minds, the whole Land would be in a confusion; fa­ctions (like Hydra's heads) would multiply, and so di­vide us, we should never agree, cause each one would have his friend, or one of his Church or Faction to rule, that so that party or faction might rule in and by him: Are we not in a happiness then that the place is possessed, by which means we are kept from ruining our selves, to place one there; who when there, though it were God himself (as afore) he cannot please men of contrary minds, humors, and ends, nor the same man in his several humors; so humorous and vain a thing is man.

39. Let the Exclaimer and Excepter (by imagina­tion) place himself in the Government, and cast how to come off without casting, so with honour in corre­sponding [Page 17] it wisely with other States and Princes, and giving his own people content, let him present before him the continual Suits and Petitions of different Sects and parties, and that he is never free from complaints of one nature or other, nor from Visits and Addres­ments to and from Forraign States and Princes, or his own people; how also he is never quit nor quiet from clamors and exclamations of crost parties, that he can­not, nor in justice may not comply to; then likewise, the continual dangers that attend him from the re­vengeful, envious, and hateful, as any way crost, or not complyed to; and how he cannot please any, though he endeavour to please all; so that surprisals do continually haunt him, by reason whereof he can­not have time to come off in his thoughts and cares about the aforesaids; and a world of things more, which much check him in his recreations and refresh­ments, so in his retreats; besides the awe and fear of trecherous surprisals: Surely all things afore fully pre­sented to him, would awe and affright him from ap­proching the Throne, and go near to cause him to Reproach it.

40. Take up Arms then (if Arms you will take up) even with your Enemy (as you esteem and call him) seeing he sides with, and protects your friend, yea your self, and your Mother, your Country, that bare you, and brought you up, yea oppose with him your dear friend, your King, so called; for your Kings sake, your Country, and for shame be no longer be-foold with pretenses, hopes, and promises of Castles in the Ayr, and aery Utopia's; nor with smiles and salutes of how dost my Brother? and by and by you are thrild or smit under the fifth rib; remember all the hazards you [Page 18] undergo at Sect. 34. so divers other places, and for fu­ture, compress and comply, and do no more so, and so recover your selves like men; for I will assure you, you now act like children, babes, and sucklings.

41. Its our wisest course then to comply to the pre­sent Government, and so settle an Agreement amongst our selves, to prevent divisions; for there is no likely­hood of bettering our selves, had we free liberty to do it, but of ruine rather; and did Forraign Princes and States see us so setled, it would stave them off from attempting on us, and so secure us, and enable us to attempt on them, especially on those that have wrong­ed us, and will not right us, &c. But

42. I will now make head against all excepters and objectors whatsoever against his Highness as an Usur­per, and so to have no right to the Government, &c. which is sufficiently done in our Army Armed, and Pro­tector Protected, with what else is (for ought I know) objectable against him; but I will (with addition of this) fortifie it (I hope) past forfeiting &c.

43. Be then ingenious, upright, and fair condition­ed (my Reader) I pray thee, and do as thou wouldst be done to; cease judging, censuring, and condemn­ing, till thou hast seen what's said in his behalf; and then let not the passions of partiality, love or hate, ob­stacle ingenious, judgement, but come off like a man, &c.

Let it be remembred then, that when the Lord Fair­fax declin'd going against the Scot, his Highness being then in Ireland, whither he was sent to curb that stub­born and rebellious people, which ( Caesar-like, or ra­ther like himself) he did in a trice, preventing veni, vidi, vici, with vici only, he was then sent for, and [Page 19] chosen by the said Parliament to undertake against the Scot; which he did with the like success and sudden­ness, all things considered; his Highness was then also invested with the Militia or Sword, as Defender of the three Nations, which is in nature Protector, yea King, as so self-ly sworded, and as so chosen by the Parlia­ment, he was chosen and impowred (as afore) by the whole Nation, each individual therein, as in the Army Armed, and Protector Protected, is fully set out, and made good against all opposers and objecters, be whom they will, &c.

45. Again, his Right of Turn and place chose him, for he was next in place to the said Lord Fairfax; so it had been injustice and a dishonour to him to have de­clin'd him, and incline to any other, without just cause of exception, as unable, or unfaithful, or short of suf­ficientcies to undergo; but his apparent perfections, and the Parliaments continued choice employments of him, spake and evidenced for him as afore.

46. His own known worth of Wisdom and Care, Fortitude and good Fortune chose him (had the Parlia­ment not chose him) as the hopefullest to preserve, de­fend, and protect our Countries.

47. His own, so his Souldiers Honors and Safeties chose him, and would have justified an usurpation, and retension, (as call'd) til secured against after claps of dispowering, and then of over-powering; and I con­ceive it had been Self and Publike Trechery, not to have so usurped or assumed, also held the power, til he had throughly provided for his own and his Souldiers safety, as afore, so our Countries also what he could.

48. His Countries necessities chose him, as in like­lyhood its most hopeful Deliverer, Defender, and Pro­tector, [Page 20] by reason of his known perfections of faith­fulness, wisdom, fame, and fortitude; and these are beyond the giddy, the ignorant, the partial, and passi­onate, vocal, or articulate free choice of the people, as call'd: And this alone authorised Moses to assume and hold the Government, for the Peoples safety &c.

49. Lastly, As so chosen and impowered by al afore, God also chose him; for whom, or what Wisdom, Reason▪ Justice, Mercy, and just Necessity chose, and allow of, God doth, must, and wil approve of, who is them al, &c. so he is of God, and by Divine ordination, as wel as by humane; which also, yea therefore is also Divine, being as afore: So he is chosen by Divine and Humane ordination, the Governour of our three Countries, deny it who can: But for his Government, it concerns his Highness to look to it, for I meddle not with it, only his Right thereto; and I think I am right, &c.

50. The aforesaids standing clear and good, I say then, that reverence, love, and loyalty are his just dues, as to any King or Prince that ever was, as he is beyond them al in points of choice and desert, as hath or shal appear: so also is a sobriety in judging and censuring of him about things out of our reach, and out of his (oft-times) to act as he should, or would; so many lets, and obstacles of al sorts Governours have, that they cannot as they should, or would, &c.

51. It must not be forgot then that according to Sect. 44. his Highness is chosen and impowered with the universal Militia, and so King'd in power, accord­ing to the Law, and custome of choice, as by the free Votes of the People, and I say somwhat beyond, in that way of choice, as chosen by a Parliament chosen [Page 21] by the People, who in respect of the rude multitude of the Country chusers, are a company of wise and know­ing men, having also al our other Arguments, that In­dex-like, points and sends them to him: Whereas in chusing Parliaments or Kings, Princes, or Governours of Nations, or of any sort, there is seldom knowledge of, or respect to perfections; but to partiality only; for the passions and affections of love and hate, fear and hope, friendship or relation to, so power, force, or fraud, and an hundred by and particular ends, as packt, hir'd and faction'd thereto, and not choiseness, chose, the chosen; yet this is call'd free choice, and the li­berty of the People so magnifi'd and cry'd up, but we must cry it down, for down it is in nature, though thus grac'd, I say then, that Licentiateness is not a liberty, but the only bondage; Were fitting Boundaries set for choosing, to fetch in the Choice, the wise, worthy, and able, and keep out the worthless, &c. also to keep the so chosen within their said bounds, that they extrava­gant not; I allow then of such a Liberty, else not: But these useful Boundaries they would also cal Bind­ings, and a loss of Liberty and Priviledges,; so it ap­pears, that their Freedom is only Licentiateness, which is the only Bondage, as afore; and our Freedom is conducing Bindings, &c. now how we shal agree, I know not, seeing we thus disagree.

52. Things thus considered, shew me (if you can) the Man, the Parliament, King, Prince, or Power what­soever, so chosen in al particulars, &c. but I know you cannot; however, he is so chosen the highest Gover­nour (if the just and universal Sword be Supreme or highest) as clearly shews his Right, and quits him of Usurpation, and enjoyns al sorts to obedience, and al [Page 22] the Duties at Sect. 50. And that's enough to make good our Assertion, and yet the Desertless would desert him, though thus asserted.

We have yet somthing also to say concerning the Lord Fairfax, which seems to suit with this point: Know then, that when the said Lord Fairfax had the universal Militia or Power in his Power, and that the Parliament and City bandyed against him and the Ar­my, to disband them, and in conclusion rise in Arms to enforce it; he held his Power, for his own and his Souldiers Honours and Safety, so for his Countries; and finding himself in plight to put them to it, did so, and to make short, came in like a Conquerour, yet as conquered, with Modesty and Mildness; for what Lex talionis would have allowed him to do to such as would have undone him, and also endangered the Nation to ruinous Division, let Justice her self judge; consider­ing that both He and the Army had been most faithful and valiant in behalf of them and our Country. But I take it that it was only the The Pulpits In­cendiary I take it, makes this good. Presbyterial party of the Parliament, so of the Clergy and City, that incensed the people against him, not for the common good sake, but their own ends only, as that the Presbyterie might Prelate it under the Notion of Priests, and so crush all other Sects in Religion (as call'd) but them­selves, The name of Presbyterie is not of­fensive to me, but their natures of Pride and Pretences, which pro­duce contention. Rom. 14. so nor Reason allow not the sword but the sword of the Spirit; and yet the sword also against Invaders of the Fundamentals, so the Peoples peace, &c. the only Sect, as out, or against Religion, if such a Re­giment be against it, and Righ­teousness in that point for it. However it appeared that he was a Prince in just Power, al­so used it Prince-like, as defen­sively, [Page 23] and not offensively; also for just Self and Publike ends, and this he might, and so may any; for its the end of Power so to do: To wise eyes he was Roy in Right of Might and just Power, if used as afore, and the Parliament but his Vice-Roys, and did act only on their bene gessere, and his bene placitum or permission, for what he then did, he could always have done, and might, on our premisses, else not; but support them rather, as the end of just Power is both to support and suppress, Wherein came he short in that little brunt of his Highness? How­ever he shewed by that Act, what he might, and would, as he con­ceived, conducing, and as justly necessitated: and so would my Ex­cepter do, if in their place, Ser­pentinely save his head, and his head his Country, &c. as the general or just particulars necessitate; why else is't a Pow­er but for such ends? For can any one in reason think that just power impowered for that end; or however, being in Nature, Reason, and Religion, bound to right what they can the wronged, whether Individuals, or the Universal; as did Moses in both: who though not formally impowered, yet having Power, righted his individual wrong'd brother, and next, his Brethren the People: and so may any, with our cautions, princi­ples, and premises, else not. Can then I say such Pow­ers see themselves unjustly and inhumanly acted against for all their Humanities, which rather cal for Grati­tudes; and Gratias, instead of such ingratitude? and yet like sensless Momes, sit stil; it cannot be. Can they also see their Country neglected, as not acted for, as it ought; or acted against, as it ought not; and like the sensless sit stil? it cannot be: However it ought not be; Hints or memo­randums. but they may ( Moses-like) without our Cauti­ons, act against such Actors; yet not without our Cautions, &c.

[Page 24]Subordinate Swords and Powers have their Superi­ors, or the Supreme to awe and command them, and enforce a rendition of their Powers; but the Supreme is King in Nature, and asks more then Grace to govern it; and its wel if any way governed: For who shal say to the King Or any highest Power, in point of Power. what dost thou?

Capitulate not then (oh thou naked Man) petulantly and daringly with the Brandisht and Flaming Blade, or Universal Sword or Power, lest it sanguine it self in thy Sanguis; but rather Serpent-like, save thy Head, so thy Feet, yea thy whole Body, by thy applicati­on to our application and addresment, else al thy pre­tended courage and faithfulness to the cause, are but foolish and vain-glorious follies, as insensibleness, wil­fulness, and stubbornness, insteed of resolution and cou­rage for &c. To what end should a Venice glass ma­lapertly justle it, or contend with an Iron pot? except in our way of Oratory, of Reason, and Humanity: As spare me (oh noble Sir, I pray you) for I am too weak and brittle to deal with you, so chuse rather to Incumbe, then try it out with such a Combahant.

Al Powers (though unjust) wil yet if they can, Rule, and not be Rul'd, and that oft-times unjustly; but if justly (though unjust) happy are the Rul'd: But just Powers may according to justice and just necessities, rule and over-rule. Know then that just or unjust Pow­ers (though a little unjust) are Just; for God himself found folly in Heaven amongst his Angels &c.

The King himself was of our Judgement, and we of his: That to part with the Militia, was to part with Abishag his Mistris, for the Kingdom followed it, cause it un-king'd him, and King'd his un-kingers in point of Power: and asso, of al things ad placitum, the Par­liament [Page 33] impowering his Highness, In power. King-like, left him to himself, in point of Power to govern if he would, or see just cause, which he may with our Principles and premises of just necessities and conducings, as afore; and as did and might the Lord Fairfax on the same ac­count: for none must be so silly as to think that the universal Power wil (if it can help it) be overpowered It may abide perswasi­on, but no compulsive In­vasion, especially to unjust sufferings and dangers.; whatever in a wise policy, it may connive, pretend, and comply to, and it comes off honest­ly, fairly, and wel, if with a little wrong­ing, al things considered, for so Angels wil do: Thus the Lord Fairfax did no wrong; or if any, but little, also as of necessity inforced thereto; but wisely Sentinel'd and Perdu'd it to prevent Surpri­sals, and the better to surprize his Surprizers.

And the Parliament as afore outing the King, and his Seed, and immediately investing his Highness with the Militia, the Kings Abishag or Mistris, or rather, with the Kingdom it self, he succeeds the King as the next Man, by an Act As their doings, which they never undid. of Parliament, as Governour in point of Power, either in Esse, Posse, or Potentia; and thus (besides al other Arguments, he claims Right to the Government; and if he Governs as he hath done, and promiseth to do, and provide also as we have hinted, we are happy, and he is worthy of the Government, and We unworthy of such a Governour.

53. But sure for this my doing I shal not scape cen­suring as a Flatterer, a Time-server, &c. in this Tract, &c. I cannot deny but so it may be, but I do deny that so it is: Now who is't can conclude from possibi­lities, to certainties, as that things are, cause they may [Page 34] be; which as they cannot say, they say nothing; for I can from possibilities (if they be good Arguments) make guilty the most innocent, &c. But the Laws of Logick and Love, so of Civility, Humanity, and Cha­rity are against such conclusions, and in doubtfuls for the contrary, &c. as for the fairest and most friendly construction; which to make good, I have and do pre­sent you also with many allowable reasons and grounds for what I do; and do here seriously and ingeniously protest, that I would not have set Pen to Paper, but to discover falshood, and make Truth apparent; for there is no reason that his Highness should be wrong'd or censur'd as an Usurper, besides many other unjust Objections and Exceptions against him; and the cen­surers go clear away, as just and true in the same; and his Highness remain as guilty, to his great dishonour: for Untruths in point of judgement do as much abuse, as do those of relation; for the people misled in either, are thereby incensed against his Highness, as if guilty, &c. so fal to factioning it for and against, to the endan­gering of all, &c.

54. Nor may the censure of Flattery, nor any de­pravings, &c. obstacle or check duties of any nature, especially of so high concernment, for so no good thing almost wil be done, and many evils must be done; for there is not any good thing but may be vilified and de­praved; nor any bad, but may be rendred speciously good &c. Let the Performer then stand clear in his own heart and Conscience, and so rest resolved for the rest, else farewel al goodness and good things, if we be afraid of Sanballats Foxes, who would demolish good­ness it self, they are so Bad.

Object. 55. You are contented that I do my Country [Page 35] al the good service I can, but you except that I plead thus for the Protector, also you would not have me to hint nor minde him of these his Rights, &c, for it wil pride him, and he is proud enough already.

Answ. If it be any factious Incendiaries or trouble-States that object thus, I answer, Why except they at what they are the Causers of? For had they not en­dangered our Country by crying up the King of Scots Rights, and crying down the Lord Protectors, and so divided and factioned the people to the Hazard and Ruine of al, I had been silent; so they clearly excuse me, and condemn themselves of what they accuse me of, by necessitating me to do it. Whoever else objects, I conceive this answer wil satisfie them also.

Object. 56. But its objected, That the Law makes this or that not Treason, except against a King, nor bindes, except for a King, &c. so such are not Tray­tors, nor capable of Tryal as such, &c.

Answ. If so, I know not what to say to such a Law, nor such Lawyers; and yet they shal know by and by, that I know what to say to both, so care for neither of them in this case.

By this also (it may be) they wil say, that the Parli­ament could not, nor can his Highness now, make Laws or Ordinances without a King, &c. Oh the force that is in words, ceremonies, and opinion: But we shal shew by and by that our Principle is too hard for them al, as wel as for al at Sect. 16.

However they wil by this (if so) enforce his High­ness to King it in Title, to entitle him to the aforesaids. But we wil take to pieces these positions, and examine them, &c. so shal we see what confession they wil make.

[Page 36]57. If as against the King be Treason, what then is it against the Kings King? Sure the greater is greater then the less, and contains it; Now whether the Peo­ples welfare and safety be not greater then Charls Stuart's Right, if Right, see Sect. 3. to 17. Then whether Salus be not highly concern'd in the present Governour thereof, see Sect. 28. &c.

58. Note, our Principle, Kings the highest Gover­nour in point of Power (however cald or entituled) in al things, as Salus is necessitated, or justly conduc'd to, especially in point of Safety, so his own safety in relation thereto; so that as afore, neither Words, nor Letters, nor no Law for, or if against, nor any thing is valuable or pleadable in opposition thereto; else the aforesaids were higher then the highest; to which all at Sect. 16. stoop, yeild, and comply; yet some of our Laws and Lawyers (as afore) are lawless, and wil not, so must be out-law'd, &c.

59. What's the word King, but a composition of Letters in themselves nothing; for to people of ano­ther language, they are only sounds, &c. so the power of the word is in thy conception or opinion of it, or of custome; but the right power is in the extent of just power; next, in the worth and perfections of the per­son impowered: See then what most Kings are, at Sect. 51. to 52. and see what his Highness is at Sect. 4. to 5. and so who then are Kings.

60. His Highness hath the Militia of three Nations in his hand, Doth this, or the Title King, King? Next, he is chosen in points of choice, beyond all or most Kings or Governours, as afore; also hath choice parts: Kings these, or the Title King?

61. Is a King of Scotland alone, cause call'd and ce­remony'd [Page 37] like a King, such a King as is the Protector of our three Nations?

62. There was no King in Israel, &c. There was then to be none, for they never had any; What's then the Meaning, but that there was no Universal Gover­nour at that time? Governour then is the Genus, and so contains all Species or kinds of Governours, how­ever call'd; which howsoever in point of Species, he is yet a Governour or Ruler in the Genus: Thus Judg­es, Captains, Priests, Prophets and Kings, at different times King'd it in Genus and Species, though not alike speciously.

63. Treason then against the King, was not as he was a single Man, or as call'd King, but as he was the Universal Governour, in whose safety the Peoples safety was concerned: It was not Treason as it related to words, expressions, or Titles, but to his place or office, and its relate, the people as afore.

64. Let the Lord Protector then have what name or Title you please, it matters not, he is a King in nature, as well as the rest, or best; However, as he is the Universal Governour, Thirty two Kings as call'd, and Translated, Jo­shua slew on this side Jor­dan; they were (I believe) but the highest Governours of Cities. I think the L. Mayor of London is for h [...] time as good as the best of them. in whose safety Salus safety is concern'd, this and that, or what was Treason to the King so call'd, is the same to him at least, he being more &c. its Treason then to the Publike for any to attempt upon, or against her Highest or Chiefest Gover­nour, Defender, or Protector, to the endangering her Protection, Welfare, and Safety.

66. Its considerable also that Law hath two parts, viz. its Ceremonials, and its Essentials, &c. its Cere­monials [Page 38] are words, expressions, and names, so also such and such ways, courses and forms to proceed by &c. its Essentials are Justice, Rights, and Safety, of which this last is first; so in competition, Justice and Rights must comply to Safety, &c. If the Essentials must comply to Safety, what then can the Ceremonies of Law in just competition with its Lord, the Peoples Safety, say to it? What reason have they, or is it igno­rance, obstinacy, or wilfulness, &c. Must the Lord, the Publike Welfare, be a servant to its servants? Yea, be destroyed by them? viz. by words and names, so by manners and ways of proceeding; Ceremonials all to the Essentials afore, the Essentials at Sect. 16. in competition comply, but our Trivials are very trou­blesome.

67. Remember then as afore, that the Highest Governour, as Salus, is concern'd and necessitated, is not bound to Law it self, much less to Lawyers, or any Ceremonials; for in behalf of Salus, he is Judge and Lord of the Law as is conducing.

68. Else as afore, how could Salus on exigents be saved or provided for, if words and letters say nay, and none might gainsay them.

71. So may he act, also do and undo, without, yea against Law, yea Law it self, much more Laws, Letters, which are oft great lets to its intention, as the Publike is justly necessitated, cause the Publike is Lord of the Law, and who made it for its own end, and not against, and if in error or accident it be against, it must be made to know its place, is to give place.

72. Well, but yet ye are not at quiet, but are much troubled at one thing, you would fain be free English ­men, and not under the Sword, nor Taxes. Be it so, [Page 39] Give then these Weaklings their wils, &c. so the Army is disarmed, and Taxes discharg'd, and now I hope we shal hear no more news of you, and yet what means this noise, this clattering of Armour and Weapons, this thundering of Canons and other shot, this boun­cing and running of rampant Horsemen to and fro, what these shriekings and cryings out of all sorts? Whence these streams of Blood? How came these mangled and slain Carcasses? Whence those frighted Fugitives? What's the matter of this smoak, fire, and flame? &c. Surely from hence all, Your Army dis­charged, the Hydra Faction hath charged you with ten Armies for that one, and so overcharg'd you; for now Royalists, Peers, Prelates, and Priests, so Lawyers and Gospellers of all sorts and fashions, yea every several Sect, Church, and Faction are in Arms to offend one another, and defend themselves, and to Rule and Soveraignize it if they can; and Forreigners hearing thereof, take the advantage, and strike in amongst them, and whil'st your selves fight for the bone, the stranger Doegs may chance get it; however, the Land may be ruin'd before it be righted, or recovered by any side. All these miseries, and this our bondage, your licentiate liberty, your freedom hath brought us to, which the bondage of an Army and Taxes would have freed us from, and now you wish (when too late) oh that the Army were on foot again to save our Heads, &c. and for Taxes, you would rather then fail take the Di­vels counsel, part with all rather then your lives, or rather then Husbands and Wives, Parents and Chil­dren, also near and dear friends and Kindred should be parted by slaughters and massacrings, or so mangled and made away, and your selves live a dying life of [Page 40] grief, care, misery, nakedness and want, even to a con­tinual expiring.

73. Had the poor Savoyans had a protecting, a de­fending Army (which could they have been in season aware of) sure they would, also have taxt themselves according to the Divels Doctrine, rather then come under the hands and Paws of such Divels, &c.

74. Lets know then your minds in season, whether you will have any protecting Armies by Sea and Land, Brave Royal and Imperial Forces or no, to save you from Royalists, and the rest, that so we may know how to please you, though we please you not.

75. That the King of Scots as call'd hath no right to the Government, is without any more adoe apparent in nature and reason, from what is already said, to any common understanding almost, how then to the com­prehensive, as having (contrary to the very end, use, and being of Governours) sided with his Father against his Mother, his Country, in transcendent trecheries, &c. and that his Father was highly trecherous to his trust, appears by the Lord Chief Justice Cook of Ireland his Kings Case, heard, accepted, and confirmed by Parlia­ment, on which the King was executed by their order; besides his oft needless and causless oppression of the People, as appears at Sect. 95.

76. Again, the Parliament made an Act against any of that Race for ever being Kings and Governours of this Nation &c. and this as the whole Body of the Peo­ple was contracted in them, they might do; so may they make or marr any other Laws, as conduceth to the Peoples Welfare and Safety, as they have that of ten pounds in the hundred to eight, and then to six pounds for use monies, which if they find amiss, they [Page 41] may alter again, and advance it to what degree they find it capable of, or depress it as they please; As the Hollanders, and other Countries, raise, and raze their exchange moneys, as avails to the Publike: Our Prin­ciple will justifie it also, and what not?

77. In short, as they may make one Law, so may they many, or any, and as they may marr, alter, or un­make one, or more, so may they ad infinitum, as con­duceth to the Publike; for the Power that impowered them for the least, or any, influenc'd them for all con­ducings, and against all seducings, of which they con­ceived that Race to to reign here was one; and there­fore they arraigned one, and raz'd out the rest. So by all our Arguments his Highness is the next man, be­ing so chosen as afore.

78. Now whatever Ordinance or Act the Parlia­ment made against any one Universal Governour for future, yet if afore, or afterward, they have impow­ered the Lord Protector with the universal Militia of our three Nations or Countries, as their Defender and Protector, and so left him, and so he still stands, besides all our other ways of Choice and Investure of him, in case they had not so done, they for their parts by so do­ing, (besides what we have said and done) have to our best understanding postured him in the place, and condition he now stands, for all the said Act: for if in words, or by an Ordinance or Act they say, we will not for future have any one alone universal Governour more, &c. and yet afore, or then, or after, gave him the triple, or threefold Militia, they King'd him in point of Power, call him as you please; and they were so King'd themselves by the People, though not so call'd, and yet call'd so by a King K. James, for to say in words, or by an [Page 42] Act of Parliament, We will not that any one man rule as afore, &c. and yet in actions do it, which are more real, also of later edition, and so more authentick, as seeming to revoke what they said; and is as much as to say, we are now of another mind and judgement, and will have this Gentleman however to Rule and Go­vern for his time, &c.

79. Yet we humbly make bold to say, that it con­cerns his Highness of his own goodness, nobleness, and ingenuity, and for his Honour and Renown sake, to make good what he can the ends of such a be-trust, as the welfare of the People, and their Safety, &c. and to consider of our contents, and in season to provide accordingly, &c. However, his Highness Rights as afore, I am forc'd to make good, for our former rea­sons sake; also to prevent and affront the Invaders thereof, to our endangering to ruine.

80. Object. But it may be said, this impowering him as afore, was only a be-trust, &c. a redelivery being expected when exacted.

Answ. So was the Parliaments from the People, a be-trust, as on intention and expectation of a rendition, &c. But those Mortals would have immortaliz'd it, and might with our cautions, so the Arguments are idem, though not The Par­liament by reason of their divisions, had oppo­site ends and could not mind the main. ad idem.

Again, a Betrust is answered; as the main ends of it are answered, the Peoples Safety, &c. And here I in­geniously protest, I see not but that his Highness hath, doth, and will as faithfully and sufficiently quit him­self, as I conceive any can, or would do that should possess that place, say Praters what they please, and if he shall please to make good our Contents as afore, he would Crown us, and we should then do well to do as [Page 43] much by him, for we cannot do too much for our Sa­viour, as we cannot for our Saviour.

82. However, I conceive, yea I think that I may safely positive it, and say, that neither his Highness to the Parliament, nor the Parliament to the People, might part with their Powers or Commissions, but on our cautions at Sect. 47. and that their engagements and be-trusts forbade and charged them to the contrary.

Object. But its urg'd that his Highness was the Par­liaments servant So was the Par­liament the Peo­ples, so the Ar­gument is the same., so ought to obey, and deliver up his Power when called for, it being only a be-trust, also he promised so to do, &c.

For the Truth of this, that none may be deceived, I will set it right, and then leave it to judgement: I say then,

Answ. I deny that he was the Parliament servant, and if he was, I care not; so nor for his promise, if any, and as its said, to be a Be-trust, see Sect. 80.

Are the Servants of a Lords Family the Stewards, cause the Steward entertains them, and takes them in, seeing he pays them out of his Lords Treasury? Are they not both (though differently degree'd) servants to one and the same Lord? in opposition or competition, then who shall the meanest servant comply to? Yea may not the case be such, as that he ought not obey, but with respectiveness (if he have power) soberly op­pose the Steward in his Lords behalf, and for his own safety, if he find that he endanger either? But you will say, who shall be Judge? for any one may pre­tend, &c. For this, see Sect. 83. and then Judge you.

Nor may the Stewards own servants, as may not the Lords own servants, so nor the Kings, when he [Page 44] was, be true to, or side with, or obey their own Masters in opposition to their grand Master, the Publike; This the Parliament, so that next afore, judg'd on the servants side, when it came to be agitated afore them, and so al­low'd of the servants or subjects judgement and disobe­dience, and punisht those as Traytors that were true to their private Master or Trust, against their grand Ma­ster, the Publike: see our Sect. 63. as afore, for judge­ing.

If also neither the promises, nor the sacred vows of a Wife cannot binde her to God, in opposition of her Husbands Rights, cause obedience is better then sacri­fice, and for that she is not a self-power, as is a Widow, who may vow, and if vow, must perform; but a Wife might soon be head her Head, with such pretenses and licenciate services, &c. so nor can Magistrates, Gover­nours, nor any Powers make a vow, promise, or co­venant amongst our selves, but if it prove endanger­ing or destructive to the Publike, which is our Lord and Husband, and the supreme Lex, to which we are subordinate, but it may be renounc'd: In our own concernments we may promise, vow, and keep, else not, and yet not destructives, or endangerings to ruine, but what have we to do to binde others, how then our So­raigne the Publike, whom we are bound to unbinde,

But who shall judge of all, is a main question.

83. This (hitherto) hath been a troublesome and puzzling question; and the Questionist applauds him­self for wise, learned, knowing, and able, though a weak­ling, if he can but pose his Adversary, who might have posed him, had he first asked the Question, however both sides are Dilemma'd, and stand postur'd like Lots Wife, or as two silent Statues, &c.

[Page 45]Now seeing none of our Magies, either of Layicks or Levites, Lawyers or Gospellers, of any kinde, name, nature, or degree, I have heard them thus no­tion'd, but ne­ver read any of them. no not the occularly conspicuous Cardinals, as call'd; nor the notion'd, sublime, or Seraphick Doctor, nor the Sentential Master have re­solv'd this, since the world was a world, so that it still puzzleth all sorts; it falls to the share of the poor and illiterate, and therefore despicable Carpenters son to essay it, and so to venture beyond his Ne plus ultra; which he doth, as so constrained — Courteous Gentlemen and Readers, both this, and di­vers other things in this book with an awful remisness, and a wary fear; wherein if he err, or fail, so might, so do the Cardinals, and the Seraphicks aforesaid, and in this they are errant, in that they attempt not at all to give satisfaction, also not sufficiently (being Magies) to quit dis-satisfaction.

We say then as followeth,

1. Law, and Lawyers are conclusive Judges of what is within the circuit and precinct of their Jurisdiction, yet Appeals may be to Higher Courts, or to the Chan­cery, or to the highest Judge, or Lord Chancellor, at Sect. 3. 5, 6. following; and again, for judgment on any of their judgements, see Sect. 7. except taken out of their hands in season, and referr'd, &c.

2. Arbytrators, or any trusted or referr'd to, though injudicious, yea injurious, are yet concluding Judges; yet we may as at first judge of their judgement, &c.

3. The Parliament are concluding Judges (when in being) for the Publike, and for particulars also, if re­ferr'd to, but all may as at 6, 7. on their judgements.

4. Yet any who is impowered, or hath power, and will conducingly and savingly improve it, as did Mo­ses, [Page 46] so according to our cautions is a Judge, a Magistrate for the Publike good, in opposition to any indangerings, or too much sufferings by or from any; and who shall Judge of this, see Sect. 6, 7. both for conclusive and inclusive judgings, &c. in short, Power will be Judge, concludingly; but ought not abuse their power, yet they may be judg'd on.

5. The Parliament not being, then the Highest publike Magistrate, King, or Protector, as you please, with their wise and faithful Councel (if for the Publike) are Judg­es conclusive, so for Individuals, if he please, yet ac­cording to Law, except referr'd to; or if Law be Law­less, as dubious, or its Letter ridged, against just ne­cessity, or right Reason, he as highest Lord Chancellor, with his wise Councel, may catechise and chastise it, and always accept its dubious acceptations, with the hu­manest constructions; for such is or should be Lawyers and Laws ayms, and intentions, for such are their pre­tensions, &c.

6. Just necessities ( private or publike) allow any man, yea a servant over his Master, to turn Judge and Magistrate for the present, if he will venture to put him­self on the judgement of Law, and its Issue, or refer him­self to those it concerns, to suffer if he have offended; here it concerns him, or any one, well to open and state their cause apparently in each particular, and so refer and appeal, or abide the Tryal, and its issue; or who hath power or might to act so, ought state his case right­ly, and then appeal in point of Right, as at 7 ^th.

7. Note, all sorts may from all concluding Judges of what name, nature, kinde, or degree soever they be, appeal for judgement of their judgements, so for any actions, doings, things, sayings, or censures, judge­ments [Page 47] or opinions, or disputes, or controversies, to any one, or more, or as we please, or universally to all ho­nest, rational, good, wise, and just men, of judicious understandings, to see how they will judge thereof, though we should be concluded as afore; and this is as much as can be had.

8. Any one in their own concernments, though in­judicious, is a conclusive Judge, but any one as at 7. may judge of his judgement.

9. But as more, of the Publike are concern'd, then the Publike Magistrate for the Publike, and for Privates the Law &c. as at Sect. 17. except they refer, are Judges conclusive, yet any may, as at 7.

10. The Highest Judge, who (like Moses) makes other Judges to present him, and to supply his place as a Judge, for he judges by them, sure he is a conclusive Judge then, as was Moses, cause you cannot go higher then the highest, and may if he please, personally judge all, yet as at 5. afore, &c. So will he also hear the ad­vice of those Judges or Councellors, and from all, ga­ther whats uprightest and best, the best he can, &c. and though in the integrity of his cause and proceedings he may like God at Sect. 89. appeal, yet will he not (if wise) dispower himself till securd, if then.

Thus, we may hear, and be heard, and judge of one anothers judgements, though not conclusively, for the conclusive judgements are as afore.

Now if the highest Judges at Sect. 3. 5. 10. deal amiss with us, I know no better way to do good on them, safely and securely, then as at Sect. 1, 2, 4. but if subordinates abuse us, then to appeal to superiors, or to the supreme, as the Chancery, or the Lord Chance­lors, at 3. 5. 10. afore, &c. and from thence to Sect. 7.

[Page 48]According to the 8 ^th, a Master of a Family, though his wife, children, and servants, should have right on their sides, in point of reason, or the rationality of their judgements) yet his reason and judgement, or if you will call it, his Will and pleasure in his own concern­ments and affairs (as having right, justice, and equi­ty on his side) shall stand and conclude things for or­dering and disposing, thus if he build a house, he may hear the judgements of the aforesaids, or of any one, and it may be they may be more rational then is he, but they sute not with his mind, will, nor way, so he will have it built to his own content, and this is his right and due; the like of any thing, as one is self-ly or princi­pally impowered, and concerned, and that Law checks not; and if this Power were not, there would be no end of things for disputes, oppositions and reasonings, also authority and propriety would be overthrown; for if rational Right should carry it against righteous­ness, as against the rights of dues, justice, and proprie­ties, witty children and servants, so divers others might somtimes rule and govern their wiser, or however, their more just Governours, and have thei will and way in whats their Parents, or their Masters, or the Magi­strates, or anothers proprieties and rights to order and dispose, &c. cause their judgements may chance to be better, though worse, or not so good; as overthrow­ing justice, authority, and propriety, to a confusion of all, as is already done in most houses, where under pre­tence of a Religious Conscience, As not knowing his power & place. the witty and wily Wife, Children, and Servants, go several ways, and leave the weak Master masterless; but let all such know, that the Master of a Family, though he have failings, is King and Priest in his own house, to or­der [Page 49] &c. and he is a Judge and Resolver of Consci­ence also in all indifferents in Religion to his own family, only Fundamentals must stand firm and fixt on all sides, &c. but this is no place for this, but its worthy of a place and setling right, else it will unsettle Government, for the witty Govern'd will somtime govern their wiser Governors, which must not be, &c.

Note, None are concluding Judges where things come not under their command, nor are referr'd to them, though it be apparent that right is on such side; Yet the Antagonist may still vie it out, thus, two dispute, but it relates to no concluding jurisdi­ction, and refer it they will not, so the apparently vanquished (though justly concluded against) yet cannot be concluded by any, but he may still vie it out with his Antagonist, if he will, wilful it; but his Adversary (though the other will not) may appeal to all ingenious and rational spirits, and so rest satisfied, and answer the fool no longer in his folly. Thus much in point of Judging. We go on.

88. Law, the highest Governour is bound to, as he is only self-ly concern'd, except justly necessita­ted, which quits any one as well as himself, but as the Publike is concern'd in him, or any, or alone, he is not bound to it, for the Lord of the Law is Lawless.

89. If the Universal Publike Governour pre­tend, judge, or deal amiss, or contrary to his Be-trust, its not well; but what shal we do with them more then with each poor Ar­bytrator, so with Lawyers, Clergy­men, Physitians & Chyrurgions, who some of all of them at times In points of Trust, as by their ignorance, carelesness, and un­faithfulness, so also by some of thē in their intentional making preys and prizes on us, most cru­elly, oft beyond Tyrants, &c. abuse [Page 50] us as much, or more, as oft to loss of life and estate, and our souls also; all which by so doing, forfeit their Be-trusts, and so their reputations; and yet we go on in trusting: in short, we suffer more by them, yet say less.

Truly I for my part know no better way for the People to deal with the highest Governour, then as I shall set out at the conclusion of this Book; nor for Governours that are of honour and integrity, then nobly for their Honours sake to do as did Samuel of himself (for he was not call'd to accompt) nobly appeal to the people in point of his uprightness tow­ards them, and they as fairly quit him: yea God him­self also, for his Honour sake, that he might stand clear in points of Justice concerning his dealing with his Vinyard, so with his people, saith, Judge oh ye Jews, or all, or any that doth, or shall hear and know of my dealing with it, and you, what more could I have done, &c. and what less could it do to me in point of retaliation? and yet it hath affronted me with wilde grapes for tame, &c. Also judge oh House of Israel twixt my ways and yours, I appeal to you, so clear is my case, that I dare adventure to make the judg'd (yea my enemies) my Judges, &c. thus let Governours nobly satisfie the scruples of the People, &c. but see at the end of the Book this more perfect.

90. But lets suppose that the Parliament have not setled Custome, Excise, nor Taxes, though I con­ceive they did all, so also Convoy and Algier mo­ney, &c. by Acts, Orders, or Ordinances, &c. and yet all is said not no to be sufficient for some sudden and extraordinary Publike occasions and exigents, [Page 51] &c. What's then to be done? The universal Pub­like Governour urgeth his want; its reply'd, it can­not be by reason of other, and the said great In­comes, &c. so its a pretense: next, you say, is the highest Governour Judge alone? For answer to both which, I send you to Sect. 83. Also its urged, that its against Magna Charta; see therefore Sect. 106. to 111.

Lastly, you say, that a Parliament must be call'd, &c.

To this I will now answer you; lets suppose the case is sudden and desperate, &c. as that the Hollan­der is now in the Downs with a mighty Navy, and our Sea-Forces unready, or abroad, &c. And the Scots King hath a great Army with him, and there­on, that all the Factions in Scotland, England, and Ireland, do or will Arm it past disarming, if not seen to in season, &c. and Treasure is pretended to be wanting, and all are so divided, they know not which side to appear on &c. Would you now dispute about Laws allowance, and ceremonial ways of proceed­ing, so about Parliaments, when dispatching is most necessary to prevent our Dispatching; who on this sudden and desperate accident is Judge, say ye? who will you apply to, say I, to take a course to op­pose them, but to him who hath the universal Pow­er in his hand, though he were an Usurper, yet no destroyer? For who else can, or who else dare (he being in Beeing) assume the Power? What course will you take on such exigents, or on some hardships or ill usage? Keeping to our Cautions, that is, to take heed of endangering the Nation to ruine by op­posite Arms, &c. Can you take a better course then [Page 52] the conclusion of the Book will afford you; or as we do with Arbytrators, Physicians, Chyrurgians and Lawyers, on like exigents; whom wee can onely with good language, move to be faithfull to their trust, also just and humane, and so to main­tain their honours and reputations, and then adven­ture their killing and undoing of us.

I have supposed as afore, on purpose to see if on any occasions, or exigents, you will allow the go­vernor & his wise-counsel without a Law, yea against it, so without a Parliament, when it cannot be timely call'd to be Judges, or take a course to save you, and us all, as they can; if ye say no, then wee may bee lost by divisions and forreign oppositions; if ye an­swer yea, then ye grant as much as I desire; that is, exigents and necessities may be, or may be preten­ded, though you and I discern them not, and that the Governours must be trusted, and so must, yea ought, without Law or Parliaments, &c. save the people as they can, & for his pretending right or wrong, I have, and do send you to Sect. 124. and if ye have a better, a wiser way on pretences, surpri­sals or exigents, &c. shew it, and we comply, &c.

91. The intention of Laws, is to save us, and do us good, if the letter and intention clash, which will you cleave too; for to contraries you cannot, and to destructives you ought not, make the Laws then, Oh ye Lawyers, more wisely and in plain terms, that admit not of such doubtfull and betraying con­structions, that so we may not be befool'd, nor de­stroy'd by them, nor you.

Object. 94. If thus as afore, say you, why then was the King call'd to accompt? why suffer'd he, &c. for he had his pretences, &c.

[Page 47] Answ. Truly, if we had not had a visible, autho­rity, and powerfull power to deal with him, wee ought to have suffered according to our position, ra­ther then indanger our Country to ruine, but the whole Nation, who sent up the Parliament, and were bound in Honour, Honesty, and Conscience to second them, and were satisfied about seconding them, came up by hundreds and thousands, &c. offer­ing to live and die with them. So that to my seem­ing, we made it hazardable and doubtfull, by dally­ing with him; for I conceive he might easily have been surprized long afore, but wise and just policies might prolong it for usefull ends sake. So I may be deceived, therefore will not deceive, so I judge not.

95. But as there was a visible, likely, and an au­thorised able power as afore, in likeli-hood to carry it, without such indangering to ruine, &c. so there was causes proportionable for such procedure, as ye may find in the L. Chief Justice Cook's Kings case. But what likely and just pretence could the King have to want, and so raise treasure, by ship mony, Privy seals, Pole-mony, and what not, hee was at Peace with all neighbour Nations, Princes, and States. So also within himself, so was not inforced to keep three Armies, so long on foot to keep three Nations from Armies; also to oppose Forrainers, nor to have such forces at Sea, to oppose our many enemies that would have seiz'd on us, he was no way exigented so might take his course by Parliament, but have not we been surprised by the Hollander, and exceedingly exigented as unprovided? most of our forces being abroad, or unready, and a long time the contention [Page 54] held, to the expense of much treasure; neither Ru­pert, nor the French, nor the Brest men of War medled with him; imploy'd he so many brave Fleets abroad, and that for useful, honourable, and humane ends and uses, as in mating the unmatchable The Hol­lander & Turk., and re­deeming of many poor be-slaved souls, did For­raign Ambassadors throng in upon him as on us? who for the honour of our Country and our Gover­nour thereof, must be answerably entertain'd, and so must those sent abroad, accordingly: And must not his Highness of force, though self-ly humble, keep such a state and port, as may keep up the honour of such a State or People, also his own State answer­ably, as the Presenter of such a People, so that nothing may render us despicable, but rather double respect, as was the Sheba Queens about Solomon; and though Solomon counted all things vain, it was but respe­ctively, for he knew also there were other respects that rendred them useful; His Fame, as vain as it was by this accompt, yet made him famous, and did much conduce to him in points of fear, love, aw, reverence, and revenues, &c.

96. And what if our Countries, our Nations, &c. were called the House of the North, or Nore, or of Great Britain, as Spains is in a Bravery and Glory, only to out-brave, the House of Austria.

97. But if you be not yet satisfied about your Highest Power and Governour, his just Power and Place, as necessitated, though I conceive I have suf­ficiently asserted my Assertion. What say you to this of Moses following? Sure, you dare not que­stion his Right of Governing and Judging, seeing God in the Scriptures appears for him, and against [Page 55] his opposers; so dare you not charge him as an Usur­per: But if you dare not, I dare; and yet am I not insolent; for I can discharge him when I please. I say then, that according to the received Tenents of Usurpation, he was an Usurper; but according to our definition or right Acceptation, at Sect. 47, 48. &c. he was none, but very Authentick and Law­ful.

Who is't proves Moses chosen Governour by the universal free choice of the People? If not, What was he then by your sayings? But ours quits him, and so renders him a true and right Governour, and a Righteous one also.

98. But you will say, he was chosen, and call'd, or sent of God, so no Usurper.

What's this to man, as to them who know it not? They had only Moses word, in his own behalf for it, except they would accept of him for his Miracles sake, which yet they car'd not for, as of God: For can you say that they entertain'd him 'cause of God? Surely no, they were not so Godly: For why then excluded they Samuel whom they knew was of God? Why outed they God himself in Samuel? Samuel, this stubborn, this rebellious, this stiff-neckt people, have de-thron'd, uncrown'd, and dis-sce­pter'd me as well as thee: Sure, they that care not for God himself, care not for any sent from him; so it appears they entertain'd Moses only as a most hopeful Deliverer, and upon no other grounds, he giving good evidences thereof, by his wisdom, care, carriage, faithfulness, and miracles, &c. and the same grounds kept him in Government, for they knew not how to better themselves. So we say, [Page 56] that Moses was truly, justly, and authentically chosen and impowered, according to our Tenents; so that none of their choicest, or best chosen Kings or Go­vernours, were more lawful Powers then was the un­chosen Moses.

99. But we will begin with Moses ab origine, that we may the better see the true state of things, for our use. Its necessary then to take knowledge that the Israelites liv'd together in Goshen, where Joseph plac'd them, and not mixtly or scatteringly amongst the Egyptians; so they had their own Religion, Laws, and Government, Civil, and Ecclesiastical, which they enjoy'd about four hundred years till Moses time; their Laws must needs be their Magna Charta, their Rights, Dues, and Priviledges, viz. to preserve them in safety amongst themselves, so in their Rights of all sorts, and to relieve them from wrong, &c. These, none but impowered Powers by choice and consent, might justly invade or evade, by adding to, altering, or taking from, except with our cautions, which it may be they were not capable of; as are not many of our Pleaders for Magna, who are oft too positive and absolute, and so indanger, or destroy all.

But when the Monarch Moses comes, he seeming­ly heaves the Door off the hinges, and turns the House out at the Windows, and like an impetuous Torrent, bears down their Laws, their Magna Char­ta, and all things afore him; and yet he doth no such thing, but bears up all: In their positive and l [...]teral strictness he bears them down, else they might upon some emergencies or exigents, bear him and his people down; but in their fair and well condi­tion'd [Page 57] conducing Intentionals for the Publike good, he bears all up: So, what he in their positive acce­ptation suppresseth, to avoid suppression, he advan­ceth by wise Respectives, and so puts down Solomon the Wise Moses was wise, Solo­mon witty., with the Wise. For according to just necessities, he invades, and evades Law, and so adds, alters, and abrogates, &c. and yet neither Usurpers nor Arbytraters it, as we have or will shew; for, all being perform'd, according to our Principles and premisses, he alters not their Magna in its intentions, but only in its dimensions, as contracting or enlarg­ing it as it best conduc'd, and so bends and inclines it to just necessities inclinations; and in so doing, ma­gnifi'd it and himself: Thus, as some of their privi­ledges by reason of their weaknesses or wilfulnesses in their journey, might prove offensive to them, he contracts, them & so enlargeth their liberties and pri­viledges in binding them; for, its a freedom, a privi­ledge to be bound, when (if at liberty) we would mischief our selves; thus, our Chyrurgions to free us, binde us, and our Physitians do almost kill us, to keep us alive, and make us live: So, their right Priviledges would have wrong'd them, and it was some necessitated wrong'd doings (enforc'd by them­selves) righted them at that time, & in that condition.

Circumcision it self, their most essential privi­ledge, and the flower of their Crown, or Charta, &c. was circumcis'd; and though in its nature seem­ingly most unseemly, savage, and severe; yet as it was enjoy'd and enjoyn'd, it was their only badge, mark, or character to distinguish them from Hea­thens and Pagans, and so render them refin'd, as the People of God, so that a curse went on the uncir­cumcis'd, [Page 58] and now it was a curse to be circumcis'd, for, for their forty years journey its laid aside, and so in that point they pass so long for Pagans: Their Law for Theft is altered to four-fold satisfaction, or servitude; so they hang not, as do we, but reserve their Delinquents for useful service, private or pub­like, yet to give the privated satisfaction, which done, they return to themselves, and are their own men again. A most severe Law, or tryal for a suspected Wife is added, but seeing I cannot reach the reason thereof (though reason there might be) I compress, &c. and chuse rather to think, then to express my self impertinently, or to my compression.

These three are only instanced to make appear his self, (yet not self-ish) alterations, additions, or abbro­gations, as wise respective considerations call for, but infinite more of all sorts may be observ'd he did; for, as appears in Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy, he new modell'd their whole Go­vernment, both Civil, Ecclesiastical, and Military, yet for the Publike Good, Peace and Safety sake, and not for any by-ends of his own.

I put all on Moses cause Moses to the people is all in all.Infinite, troublesome, and chargeable sacrifices did Moses also institute and put on them, besides a world of other busying performances to take up their giddy heads in their long journey, enough to make Loyalty turn Loyalist, and Religion a Rebel; and yet these Rebels rebell'd not as yet.

Their Civil Government he wholly alters, adds to, or abrogates, as appears by his four last books, for its said, Moses did or commanded this, and that, &c. By their Religious or Ecclesiastical Govern­ment, he doth the like; for he sets them a seventh [Page 59] day, with the other 3 commands, never articulately set or commanded afore; he also dictates to them the six last, which of themselves are Dictators, and so set themselves, but not their ceremonies; as Reason saith plainly, Thou shalt not steal, but it saith not so plainly, Thou shalt restore just four-fold, so its dispu­table what Retaliation is rightest. The whole Priest­hood were of his creating, and he maketh his brother Aaron a Prelate, or prime Priest; he robes, ray­ments, and ornaments him from head to foot, with taking Types, Ceremonies, and Ocu­lars The Occults were laid up in the Sanctum Sanctorum. where only the High Priest might enter. to take the People; the lesser, the low­er or subordinate Priests he also creates, prin­ciples, and lessons them (as he did their Pre­late) of their charge, and offices, &c. and when he sees his time, he disrobes Aaron, and robes his son Eleazer in his place.

The Military Discipline he also orders & settles it in chief on his Disciple and Servant Joshua, Painces, Nobles and Priests, so the Souldier and all sorts, o­bey him. and nothing is done without, or against his order, nor any thing left undone that he commands, or countermands. He punisheth to the purpose the 3 Rebellious Prin­ces, and all their company and complices, for their bold prate, as, What hast thou to do with us thou Usurper, we know thy Original, and whom thou art? Art thou any more then a poor cast-away, Num. 16. re­covered by accident, as if to cast us away under co­lour of saving us? Whence then these thy presum­ptions? In short, thou takest too much upon thee Moses, What? wilt thou who the other day pre­tended to be our Deliverer only, now turn our Goaler, and binde us to thy severities, some of them under the notion of Sacrifice? A fine piece of Hy­pocrisie! [Page 60] What? wilt thou that wast against King Pharaoh's Kinging it, so his Oppressions, Cruelties, and Tyrannies, also against Monarchy and King­hood, or such Kingly Government, Wilt thou now Lord and Master, yea King it over us? for what Monarch or King ever did more, or so much as doth the Monarch Moses? Are we thy slaves or vassals that thou handlest us thus arbytrarily? for thou hast raz'd out our Laws, our Priviledges, our Charta, &c. and put what thou pleasest in their places, and if ta­ken knowledge of, then thou punishest, or destroy­est us at thy pleasure; witness thy massacring of three thousand of the Lords people at about, Exod. 32.27. beside many other mischiefs done to us, &c.

Again, thou hast under pretence of a Paradise, a Canaan, a heavenly Jerusalem, &c. brought us out of Canaan, as out of a Country that flows with Milk and Honey, to an Utopia that hath nothing in it of acceptables, Num. 16 13.14. but only of name, fame, and opi­nion; for not Egypt now, but this thy Canaan is our House of Bondage, from which would to God we were freed and delivered, &c. make us not blind Moses, cause we cannot see invisibles, which thou only as a Magi mayst &c. if thou canst: In short, come thou down to us, if thou wilt, for we will not come up to thee, &c.

But, seeing Moses though he did thus self-ly Mo­narchize it, yet it was not self-ishly, but for the Pub­like good, he still varying as necessities and conve­niencies varied; 250▪ Ca­ptains a­mongst them. so though he might decline Law, yet he vagar'id not therefrom, nor governed arbytra­rily, &c. It cost these Rebels dear, as the ruine of themselves and their whole Families, as an exempla­ry [Page 61] punishment to deter and awe others from the like attempt, and so was conducing to the saving of the whole Body, the Family, or House of this People, by lopping off a limb thereof, which else by such fa­ctionings and rebellions might have been endanger­ed to ruine.

Nor did Moses spare his brother Aaron, nor Miriam his sister, but handled them severely for their severities to him; as in their daring to vie it out with him in right of Power, &c. As, What? Hath the Lord spoke only by Moses? Hath he not spoken by us also? See Numb. 12. so that Miriam was leprous'd as white as snow: a tincture that fairly set off her foul and black qualities; and the Prelate Aaron was put to the Penance of a Palinodia, or Peccavi. Alas, my Lord Moses! I beseech thee charge us not with this sin, I know we have done foolishly. Here's a great descention of a Brother, and a Prelate, to a La­ick Brother. Surely, the Prince, the Monarch, the Laick Moses, was in Power, Place, and Nature, supe­riour to the Prelate Aaron: But now the Words of Con­tempt. Laicks are a Exod. 32.27. Lay people, and the Levites their Lords, till some Moses be-meet with them.

He also commanded his Priests, the Levites, by his Law Martial, without Tryal, to kill and butcher their Brethren, and they obey, and so kill'd three thousand at a bout; and ever since, many of that Tribe have continued Butchers. In their cruelties to the people.

He inforc'd the People themselves also to drink the dust of their dirty Calves, though gilded; and of their gods, cause golden.

Thus, he hath the whole Legislative Power in his hand, as appears by all afore. He also self-ly judges [Page 62] all sorts a long season, till on advice he made Judg­es, who were accountable to him, &c. yet in all these proceedings nothing for self-ends, but only as neces­sitated, or convenienced for the common good; for if Kinghood, Neer to a Queen as being a Kings daughter. Prelacy, or pleasures, or his own ends he had aim'd at in their delivery, sure, his Queen-mother Pharaoh's daughter, and Egypt for her sake, with his own wisdom, learning, and policy, as a Ma­gi, would have gone neer to have King'd him, how­ever to advance him as high, or higher, in all likely­hood, and that without any such sufferings, or danger of ruineing by so rude and boisterous a people; how then is Moses an Usurper? How, Arbytrary in Go­vernment by the aforesaids? Yet I have heard, that Machiavel makes him both, though he be neither. But what may not Much-evil do if we undo him not? which we will if we can.

For should the People have had the Government in their own hands, and only askt Moses advice and counsel in point of their deliverance; or should Moses have taken any of them in by way of counsel and ad­vice, surely they had return'd to the house of Bondage again; however, never to Canaan; for by dissenti­ons, disputes, and contentions, oppositions, and con­tests, they would have destroy'd themselves in the way; so he was necessitated to Monarchize it, and self-ly manage all, as without the People, or their Parliaments consent, or councel; and yet he doth all things wel, wisely and faithfully for their good. And this may be his Highness case at this time, why he dare not (as we are factiously divided, qualifi'd, and condition'd) make use of Parliaments or People, in points of advice and counsel, lest contests and dis­putes [Page 63] for self ends, and priorities of parties and pla­ces to rule and carry it, delay or cross all; and so his Highness is enforc'd to Moses it all along.

100. By our times Tenent also, Joshua was an Usurper, for he was only of his Master Moses ma­king; nay, what will become of most of their Kings and Governours, Saul, David, and Jeroboam exce­pted, who were only authentick, according to recei­ved Tenents, as chosen by the People, as well as of God? For Saul, see 1 Sam. 9.2. For David, see 1 Sam. 18.5. For Jeroboam, see 1 Kings 12.3.20. Solomon was only created by his Father, the rest cre­ated themselves; for neither did any Law, or the People create them; Ergo, The People may (by our times positions and practise, as did the three Princes against Moses afore, and some of our Clergy now against his Highness) rebel it, and so most uncivilly, malapertly, and audaciously, mouth, and clamour it against their Kings and Governours, to the incensing of the People, and so to the endangering the Pub­like; also not owning them for lawful Powers and Authorities, the Judges, nor any can acknowledge, or act under them, but might (for good examples sake) had they Might, justly rebel against them, though to the ruine of all: A most judicious and Judge-like kind of reasoning! Thus might most of their Kings and Governours have been serv'd. But our prin­ciple, viz. The Safety of the People, is of another minde, and flies to our cautions, as to so many Cities of Refuge, from such Sinons.

Yea, consider further, what abuses Besides their own personal vices. some of the best of their Kings and Governours offered to the People, and yet our Principles and Cautions allow [Page 64] no ruinous rebellion, but only to proceed as we have cautioned, or as at Sect. 124, And we condemn all such actions, for all the greatness of the Actors, and say, they deserve thereafter; and its only Salus safety that saves both them and us.

Saul massacred eighty and odd Priests at a bout, and ruin'd their City Nob, with all the innocents therein, both men, women, and children. David make drunk, and then murdered Uriah, and ravish'd his Wife, and most unconscionably gave half of his endeared brother Jonathans son Mephibosheth his land, to his servant, that Traytor Ziba; and yet there was (I take it) oaths, vows, and covenants be­twixt Jonathan and David, to be faithful to each others seed.

Ahab most hypocritally (under pretense of Reli­gion, as zeal to the honour of God and his name) caus'd Naboth to be ston'd as a Blasphemer, and that done, stole his Vinyard also under the same vizor. Solomon also opprest the People so, one way or other, as it obstacled his son Rehoboams Kinging. Yet the People wisely conniv'd at all in Solomon, so in the rest, rather then endanger the whole Publike by inciting clamours or rebellions, or any unseemly, malapert, provoking carriage or language.

The three aforesaid degenerated Gentlemen or Princes, What's a Liber­tine in prison­ment to these, so to Moses proceed­ingss? Saul, David, and Solomon, in these, & those particulars, were yet good Kings and Governours to the General; Must the General suffer or be en­dangered for Individual or Particular sufferings? Surely no, it must not; yet keep to our Cautions, and take your course, else keep at distance.

Said not David of Saul, though his enemy, yea, [Page 65] and the enemy also of God and man, as to the Priests aforesaid, &c. Weep and mourn O ye Daughters of Je­rusalem! Weep and mourn for Saul, who cloth'd you with Scarlet, and fed you with (Nectar and Ambrosia) milk and honey, and deckt your ears with Pendants, 2 Sam. 1. and your Apparel with all kindes of pleasing Beautifyings, and amorously trimm'd your Tresses; who also fought your Battels, and foyl'd your enemies, and lost him­self to save you.

And for King David, a better, a more faithful, or valianter King or Governour, could not be to the Publike, then was he.

As for Solomon his son, though he opprest some parties of the People, in the Building of his House at Millo, &c. yet the generality had such Peace and Plenty as S ^t John's Jerusalem promiseth to her Citizens and Inhabitants; for silver and gold rival'd it in number and weight with the stones in the street, and in value with new Jerusalems twelve gates, &c. Must these be made away for those? Must the Publike suffer for some Individual or parti­cular sufferings; Your judgements, you wise and just men.

For the Peoples answering of Rehoboam, or his re­ply to them, it was not an unauthorised, nor an in­considerable party that perform'd it, but was like our Parliament in nature, so in their power and pro­ceedings with and against the King, for it was the act of the whole Kingdom whom they presented, and by whom they were authorised, who were in honour and honesty bound to second them, and they did so; Rehoboam also was not setled, nor as yet accepted of the people, who had thus reserved themselves, till [Page 66] they had found out his reserves; Heir to the Crown he was not, and nothing had he done by way of me­rit, and desert of a Scepter, so he could not lay any just claim thereto, and so they justly disclaim'd him, having a likely power to do it, without endan­gering their Country, and well he deserv'd it, that would so malapertly tell a whole Nation to their Teeth (he having no right as afore to the Govern­ment, but their good wils) how he would serve them: How could they do less having power, then desert and dispower him so? But had he been setled, received, and invested with the universal Militia, or power, so as it would have hazarded the Nations ruine; sure, the people would (as did David) con­nive at Joab, and say, The sons of Zerviah are too hard for me, so is the King for us: So He was but young in his King­dom, as not yet establish­ed. Saul as wise­ly held his peace, when some of the people scornful­ly said, How shall this man save us: also they brought him no presents; Thus Saul and David kept to our cautions, else might they have been cauteriz'd, &c.

And though the Prophets reproved some of their Kings and Governours, &c. yet was it not in pub­like, as on a Theater or Scaffold, viz. in their pub­like Pulpits, which are confluenc'd with people, as is Cheapside cross, or the Exchange, and there mala­pertly, daringly, and contemptuously clamour, and exclaim, to an incensing the people, and so to an en­dangering the publike; but they perform'd it only 'twixt the King and themselves; or if in publike, yet respectively, in private, as not at their Exchange, so nor in such insulting and incensing posture and language, as afore.

All their Usurping Kings (if you'l have it so) which [Page 67] were all but the afore Excepteds, took upon them Moses-like almost, both in Civil, Ecclesiastical, and Military affairs; their Priests they made and un­made ad placitum; the like of their Warriours of all sorts, as you may read of Saul, David, and Solomon, and the rest. Saul when he see any one fit for the War, took him to him, and yet no endangering re­bellion ensu'd thereon.

Yea Joshua, Moses Minister or Servant, equall'd his Master in Soveraignty of command, though an Usurper by this Times Tenents, as only invested by his Master Moses; yet was he obey'd of all the No­bles, Princes, and Peers, so of the Souldiery, Priest­hood, and People of all sorts, without endangering rebellion, or irreverent and uncivil clamours, gests, or gestures: Read his Book, and you shall find this Servant, this Usurper (if an Usurper youl have him, though we say otherwise, as having the Peoples Ne­cessities and Safety that chose him, and authoris'd him rather then fail to assume, to usurp and hold the Government, of, by, and from his Master Moses only, he ruling for the Peoples good, welfare, and safety, and not for his own by ends of any nature, in opposition to theirs) did justly master it, and rule over his masters, the People; yet servant like, for their service, as afore.

For, Joshua ordered the Priesthood, and Levites, so all things else, and that self-ly; so that self doings, if Well, are well enough; for, the main is well-doing, how, is ceremonial to well, or the thing it self; Yet let Ceremonies be also observ'd if they may with safety and conveniency; if not, Circumcise them.

Its true, Joshua came well fortifi'd and seconded [Page 68] with Miracles and Wonders for his reception, equal in value and worth, though not in multitude to his Master Moses, under whom he was brought up, as was his Master under the Egyptian Magies; and no doubt Moses instructed him with wisdom and po­licy how to govern the people when he was gone, as not daring to leave them to themselves: But here wise Moses fay'ld in not providing Joshua's but only a Joshua, Some absolute certain way of safe Govern­ment. &c. Let the siege of Ai, and Jericho, so his rivalling it with his master in dividing of Jordan's Rivers, Red Sea-like, with other Miracles that his Story or Book yeilds; especially his mating him, in fixing & station­ing the remote, the immense, the unbounded and un­stay'd Sun in his impetuous hurry, and swift career, on his own Theater or Stage, only with a God-like command, as, Sun stand thou still, and stir not, &c. Witness for him, that he mated as afore, not only his Master, but his Masters All the People. also; yet by servant­ing it to them all in his administrations and services of all sorts of humanities, for their good, their peace, and welfares, &c.

I am pos'd, so positive it not.How punisht he poor Achan for a theftless theft to see to? For could Achan steal where he might kill? Ah me! yet it kill'd Achan, and infinite Inno­cents enough (did not our Principle forbid) to have rebell'd it, &c. But a wise, a wary, a David, and Saul-like connivance and complyance on any side, (where the sons of Zerviah are too hard) prohibit such proceedings; yet the depraved of our Clergie, and wicked Laity, make a profession of such Prate, such Practise.

Lastly, What did any of their aforesaid Kings or [Page 69] Governours afore-hand, for their King-hoods. Mo­ses excepted, who performed beyond exception, in their point of Redemption. Be ingenious then, oh you our Moses, his adversaries, and deny it if you can, hath he not Moses-like, declin'd all Egyptian pleasures, blandishments, and delights, besides safety, ease, and rest, and put himself on all sorts of hardships, dangers, and sufferings for his Brethrens sake? Hath not his limbs, life and liberty been engaged to dis­ingage us? Came he not seconded and fortifi'd with Miracles (for this our time) when miracles are mira­culous, as out of date: Thus our Moses mated Moses, respectively in miracles, though not in multitude, nor positively; I am sure I have heard, This, That, and the Other Victory, hath been acknowledged mi­raculous, and of a Divine Dye, or the hand of God or a Deity seconding man; take it which way you please, its miraculous; either for man himself to act so, or for God to second a man so.

Now if Moses deliver his people with such hard­ships and sufferings each way, will you not allow him to preserve himself and them when he hath done? Which he cannot do, but hazard both, if he should deliver the Power out of his hand into theirs? For how knows he how it will be handled? He knows his own Power and Faithfulness, an others he could not know; But he knew well enough none was capable to that degree, therefore he is necessita­ted to hold the Government from the whole Nation and all their Governours, till he had tutor'd his servant Joshua for that purpose, he also held it for their ends, not his own, except in part for his safe­ty, with theirs; and it was a just and wise assumpti­on [Page 70] and retention, all things considered. If you will say each one may pretend so. I answer, which an­swer may serve for all such allegations and sayings, as for this, they may so pretend, and abuse with pre­tenses, which I neither allow of, nor can help; but the Position as I have postured it, is in self right, though some do abuse with it.

Thus Moses was truly and justly their Lord As their Deliver­er. Pro­tector at least, yea their King in nature, and point of Power, though not of grace; as wanting the beauty and glory of the Name King, and some other ce­remonials and perquisites, necessary to opinion, but not to judgement; which saith, that its Natures, and not Names; its occults, and not occulars, entitle to the title King, &c.

But some trecherous and politique pretending Cavaliers or Malignants, would have Moses resigne up his Militia, his Abishag, or Mistris, to Adonijah; for it was only a Trust till delivered out of Pharaoh's hand; as for future, they were resolv'd to protect themselves, or chuse their Protector. But wise and wary Moses did see, that this was but to dis-arm him, and then arm themselves against him; for when done, he was undone: For that now, Royalists and all sorts of Malignants, like the three seditious Prin­ces, with their complices & companions, would have call'd him to accompt for executing their King Pha­raoh in the Red Sea, and so un-kinging them for fu­ture, others would have had a bout with him for changing their Laws, and invading their Magna, &c. so for usurping the Government, though all for the best, &c. Others for tampering with their Religion, and bringing in a world of Novelties, and so crea­ting [Page 71] of Sects. &c. as they may please to notion them; and all sorts, for his inticing them out of Egypt, their Canaan, by his blandishments and flatteries of an Utopian Canaan; for to them the Wilderness (which was but the way to Canaan) past for Canaan it self as being out of hopes and expectation, by reason of their long, their tedious, and wearysome jour­ney, of ever meeting with any other, being also tir'd with sufferings by the way, amongst the rest, the loss of their Egyptian Flesh-pots, and choice sallads of all sorts, troubled them; so it was much better with them when they were under King Pharaoh, or serv'd the Queen of Heaven, though in Hell, and sacrific'd to her, then now, as they are under their new sacri­ficer, their earthly Monarch Moses, whose Heaven to them is Hell.

So let Moses his intentions and endeavours be ne­ver so fair and good, yet if accidentals cross, he is crost; for like weaklings, they judge by accidental issues, and not by ingenious grounds, ends, intenti­ons, and apparent endeavours, &c.

Their oft murmuring against him, as we have in part instanced, makes good these to be their intenti­ons on him, could they with pretenses and arguments have argued him out of his Armor, or to lay aside his lance: But wise and wary Moses, though Dove-like meek and milde he was, and no Serpent, yet had a Serpent, and was himself Serpentine, so would not be outed by arguments, nor untruss, to be truss'd up, therefore held his power, for his own, and their good and safety, and so improv'd it, and abus'd it not for self ends.

Now whether the aforesaids suit with his High­ness [Page 72] Actions, Doings, and Endeavours, and his Usage by our seditious Korahs, Dathans, and Abi­rams, in their exclamations, censures, and trecheries against Him, 'cause of some crossing accidents and sufferings in our way to Canaan, so in their intentions on his rendition of his power, as only a Trust, for that now they would trust to themselves, and whe­ther the intentions of those pretensions, reach not to call him to an account for all? As should Moses, had he been so mopish, I appeal; and so do I, whether they be not very good reasons in his Highness, as in Moses, to retain the Power, had we no other reasons for his so doing, but them. But I add also, that for his keeping the Power and Government with our cautions, I see not but that God and his Highness are incorporated therein (as I think I may make bold to say God and Samuel were) so that to clamour, except, or clandestine it, or to incense the people to faction or party it against him, and so against their Country and themselves, its like those three seditious Gentle­men or Princes against Moses, and so against God: so now against our Moses, as we have caution'd it, is against God; for we have prov'd him of God, and so of Divine Ordination, in his relation of right to the Government; so that out one, out both, in that point: And what are those that will out both God and man! But &c.

Now lets suppose that any King or Governour over us, should (which God forbid) Solomon-like; infinite it in Wives and Concubines, or like Edward the fourth, or King David, abuse their Subjects wives, and murder their husbands, or Saul-like, mur­der eighty and odd Priests at a bout, yet none of [Page 73] these particulars justifie a rebellion to endanger our ruine, nor to uncivil, rude, boorish, and clownish clamors, or impudent darings, but only to re­verend, peaceable and quiet information; for what Prince, or Governour, or men of Power and Place, can bear such insolent dares and threatnings to their disgrace, whereas men of the meanest rank, though faulty, cannot endure publikly to be made Publicans, let each one examine himself, and he will find it an infinite dishonour to bear with such Malapertness, as if aw'd, which renders such Powers contemptible, and invites rather to a stiffness to oppose, then to hearken to by way of remedy; nor have we to do with any in such a way, though we see (as in the afore­said Princes,) such and such vices and failings in some particulars, so long as they are in the general good Governours to the People, for they are but men in parts, though gods in place and power; and they must have their grains of weight, as must mean­er men, as they have greater Tryals and Tempta­tions.

I will yet suppose higher, admit an honest Hea­then, Pagan, or Atheist (if you will have it so) were in Government, and dissembles a Religion and Zeal, the better to please, rule, and govern, &c. and he doth govern well and justly, and gives thee thy conscience, with our cautions against unconsciona­bles under colour thereof, what's this to thee that he is a Pagan, an Infidel as thou call'st him; to God it is, and to none else. One hath thrown down Baal's Altar, what's this to the Bawlers? who under pretence for Baal, have their own base ends; for its Baal is only concern'd, who if he be offended, knows [Page 74] how to right himself. See then thou perform the duty of thy place, as at our application Sect. 124. also pray for him or them, likewise endeavour by thy good counsel, so thy precepts and practise, to settle in each one, love, obedience, and peaceable­ness towards him, for his humanities, goodness, and protection of thee, thine, and all sorts, as thy Native Country, &c. and for the care, pains, and hazards he undergoes for thee, and us all.

101. Object. But it may be said, to what end these stories of Moses, Joshua, Judges or Kings, &c. What are they to us? we have our own Laws and Gover­ment setled, &c. and such and such priviledges a­greed on, as they had not.

Answ. Yes, they are to us, and you have already seen it, could you conceive, or remember what ye have seen, and you shall see it to the full, if you can fully see.

We have proved 1. That neither Moses, nor Jo­shua were Usurpers, though not vocally chosen by the people, 'cause yet better chosen, viz. by some of our principles, as by the Peoples necessities; next, as taking and accepting, or assuming the Govern­ment, not for their own by, base, or unjust ends, but as necessitated for the Peoples good, & so improving their proceedings; and who doth as did they, are no Usurpers, nor Arbytrarie Governours, &c. Unjust Usurpation is to invade the Government, without so many of our grounds at Sect. 43. to 53. so 78. to 83. as will justifie the assumption and retention.

2. Admit Usurpers they, or any of the Kings were, yet governing well, or though somwhat amiss, yet not destructively; no attempts are to be made [Page 75] against them, to the endangering of the Publike, but application only, as at Sect. 124. For though Moses was taken for an Usurper by the three Princes and the Peoples murmurings and undertakings against him, you see how they were punisht for it, and that justly, considering he improv'd his best endeavours for the Publike good, nor were his neer relates, Aaron and Miriam favoured, but upon their submis­sion.

3. Though as faulty as the aforesaid Princes, yea as Jeroboam; yet we say as next afore, that only so­ber, reverend, and peaceable Language and Appli­cations are to be made, &c.

4. That on exigents and just necessities for the general good, as did Moses, when he durst not trust, nor use the peoples counsel in their delivery, or pas­sage to Canaan, by reason of our Reasons afore, he was forc'd to Monarchize it, and so self-ly to order and manage all; and had he not so done, they had been undone. The like may other Governours on enforcing exigents do.

I grant such proceedings as at 4 ^th to be amiss, were the People capable; if not, they are just and right as I have order'd and caution'd them, else not.

Note, what follows, is spoken as it relates to the Publike.

And now I will give you my judgement at large what's Arbytrarie Power; for I believe my betters every way are as bad as my self, if not worse, as, mi­staken in it; and so shall we be in all things, if we call things so and so, and so let them go without fur­ther pursuit or prosecution of them, by distinguish­ing and distributing, so by defining or bounding, &c. [Page 76] likewise if we indefinite it, when we should demon­strate, and universalize it Rethorically for Logical­ly, and so infer as from the last, and so are oft too late.

Arbytrarie power (you will say) is to rule by Will and not by Law; but I say, this is not right, 'cause not rightly bounded and cautioned; for, you infer, that what's not of Law, is of Lust and Will in the worst sence, and it may so be, and yet also it may not be so; so whilst you neither define nor distin­guish aright, you confound and destroy all.

By your definition of Arbytrarie Power, as afore, Moses is condemn'd, who is justifi'd both of God and man, as you have heard; so also you condemn al pro­ceedings that are not according to Law, as if of lust and Will, in your sense, which is not so; for, if of a will rightly rectifi'd, and justly necessitated too, call it as you will, though a will it be, as not Legal Law, yet its in it self or nature a Law, that binds against en­dangering or destructive Laws self-ly so, or made so by accidents or exigents, or by the peoples pravities or weaknesses.

I say then, that to rule by Law (when lawless) is cunningly to rule arbytrarily, as by Lust and Will, and colour it with Law, against the very end of Law and Governours; and to rule by Will as we have caution'd it, is to rule by Law, though against Law, for its a lawful Will, as agreeing with Laws end and intention (though it fall out with its letter) which is for conducings to publike peace and safety.

If you shall still say, that this invasion, or that evasion or abrogation of Law must be with the peo­ples consent in a Parliament, I say so too, if it may [Page 77] be so, provided rightly compos'd and constituted; if not, not; but as we have said afore.

I say then [...]ummarily as foll [...]weth, That

Arbytrarie Power is to rule by, or to keep to Law, or Laws letter, when they prove endangering, &c. or not so complying to the Publike as others, except you would that the Publike should be endan­gered, or destroyed, or not better benefited.

Next, Arbytrarie Power is, to break, or not use publike benefiting Laws for the Publike or particu­lars their accomodations, but only for partial or self ends sake.

Aga [...]n, Its also to alter good Laws for worse, or not to accomodate with better if it may be.

Lastly, Its self-ly to alter good or bad Laws for better, without giving the people their due and right of honour and consent by way of a Parliament, if They and the Time be capable thereof; if not, not; but this is a fair condition failing, if a failing.

A Again, Law is self-ly absolute, and therefore as occasion oft are or may be, its very injurious, dan­gerous, and destructive.

B Reason is respective, and so wisely varies from Law according to just occasions, and necessities for Publike good, and so avoids what it can, such suffe­rings and enclines to all conducings.

C To rule by Law then, if it prove as at A. is for ought I know, to rule like a Mad-man, or a wicked and wily Machiavel; as under pretense of zeal to Law, to act lawlesses, as things dangerous to the Publike: This is to rule by Will, and Lust, and cun­ingly colour it with Law, and so is arbytrary power though Legal.

[Page 78]Will therefore, and Arbytrarie Power (as you cal it, yet) if qualifi'd as at B. is the only wise, just, safe and lawful (though not legal) ruling and governing. See then to wise qualifications, and let foolish articula­tions and quarrellings go.

Our Position in it self is right, though any one under any colour or pretence should do wrong by it, Wrong grounds. either in degree or Pedigree.

Clamour no more then hence-forward, that this, or that is without, against, or contrary to Law, and therefore Arbytrarie, if our Position at B. bear it out, seeing it hath reason, wisdom, and the publike good, and just necessities on its side, and only igno­rance and folly against it.

And except so qualifi'd, we allow no deviation from Law but will that each Individual (but not the publike) suffer; and attend its alteration by wise Suf­frages, &c.

But the Law hath held us too long from the Lord and Judge of the Law, to whom we now return to perform the remain of our Duty.

We say then, That

102. The highest Universal Judge, may, as I have in part said afore, self-ly judge all, but yet accord­ing to the Laws in being, 'cause they are each ones rule and guide, else they might be surpriz'd and be­tray'd, &c. But he being the highest Judge, is a Chancelor also; and as he may create a Chancery, so may he self-ly Chancelor it, and check the ridged letter of the Law for its intention, which the subor­dinate and substitute Judges cannot do without ap­peal to him, or license from him, from hence grows pardons, as the offence and offender may ad­mit [Page 79] thereof, which ask many considerations, why one for the same fact may be justly pardoned, and not another; as this for one of them, as that he hath been very faithful and serviceable, yea a deliverer of his Country, or as his life may exceedingly conduce thereto, and our Country would suffer much to lose him; but the Truth is, here are more considerati­ons to be had, then I can now consider of.

103. So all publike Offices that relate to him, he must self-ly perform, or see perform'd, and he ought also to call them to account about their faithful dis­charge of them to the people, or to him for the peo­ple, also to hear the people if he can, in their appeals, and punish their abusers, &c. and this is Moses, yea King-like. King David descended to hear the tatling Tekoite; and his son Solomon the two Huzzies, the Harlots.

Surely the Judges in difficulties of Law, may not self-ly resolve it, but as Moses's Judges, who it may be might some of them, and in some points, be as, or more able then Moses, yet, as it was dubious, and so too hard for them, Moses (as Joab to David) must have the honour of it, by acknowledging it his right of place, so as if of ability, though somtimes not so able, so that he with them, or any other of his wise Counsellors, may, resolve it, though Moses self-ly resolv'd all.

104. Certainly, it concerns the highest Gover­nour, who is Judge of all, and should (could it be) judge all, it concerns him, I conceive, to be an abso­lute rationalist, for that reason is the intention of Law, and the Gospel also, though some Lawyers and Gospellers oft reach it not; but being so, where [Page 80] Law fails, or is dark, obscure, or ridged, yet right reason will reach it, and if he be not strongly ratio­nal, the Lawyers, but especially the Gospellers, will be too hard for him, and ever and anon surprize him: one, with, this is Law, that, not; also, ere is no Law for this, and here is Law against that &c. and those of the depraved Clergy will with their wyles, Meta­physicks, and Supernaturals beguil us, and out Phu­sis, Nature, and Reason, and grace also; but they ought not, nor shall, &c for we shall (I hope) finde Commensurators for all, let them commence as high as they can.

But Magna Charta is pleaded in behalf of our Priviledges, so Law also.

106. This Magna &c. I never read, but now I will read somthing of it, yet by imagination only, and when done, answer them, and by that, answer all as are so condition'd, the rest will answer for them­selves.

This Magna Charta is Law, and Law is in part al­ready resolv'd, and here the rest shall. Suppose then as followeth.

107. That the People did well and wisely make sure work for the priviledge of calling their Parlia­ments once in two years, and to sit till such or such a time, and this they claim still, & except, as wrong'd, and a great piece of injustice, and breach of trust in the Governour, not to make good the same.

I answer, Are we in the condition we were? will our present condition allow thereof? If we were as we were, it were claimable, but not as we are. The King, Peers, Prelats, and Priests of all sorts, had their places in Parliament, or priviledges to their [Page 81] minde, and so had Lawyers also; so when Parlia­ments were call'd, they need not faction it for their places, being already plac't, and that in great pomp, power and command, and question'd not their secu­rity, they were so secure, till at last Elihu's little dark cloud appear'd, whose expansion and extension, they foresee, would cloud their whole Heaven of glory, and render it dark and despicable: But now every Parliament is packt and compos'd on purpose, of se­veral parties, for the restauration of the aforesaids: Also the Priests of all sorts sect it, so do all religious persons faction and party it; yea, the several Churches clash: so that the distinct Bodies of Par­liament and People, make one Body of Dissentanies or things divers, and some of absolute contraries: so that what by the weakness of some, and the wick­edness and wilfulness of othersome, and the igno­rance of most, time is lost in confounding contests: Also Religion's rigidness and Meandrian intricacies are too hard for most of them, so for all sorts, and doth more confound and trouble, then doth confu­sion it self.

The infinity of Sects and Opinions makes good what I say, which to dissolve, is more then an Her­culean labour, and asks time, till the dissolution of Time to end it.

A wise Governour seeing this, and that the time present is not as that past; so that the aforesaid con­siderations will not allow the calling of a Parlia­ment, by reason of over-powering factions, to the endangering the peace and safety of the People, which his place, trust, charge enjoyns him to prevent, so he cannot give way thereto, else would; for its [Page 82] not now a liberty, but a bondage, and so is contrary to his end of a faithful Governour; and would you have him faithless, and act contrary to his end, as to endanger? &c. I hope no.

108. For the aforesaid reasons, as by you con­strain'd, he is forc't to supply Parliaments by him­self, and by a wise and faithful Councel, so by Pro­clamations, Orders and Ordinances, yet all in a safe way, also ready, quick and short, without loss of time, yet this lets not the Countries from presenting use­fuls to him and his Councel, making them clear, without scruples, the which no question but he will, as occasions will give way, take into consideration: This being so, what cause of complaint have you against him, for that which your selves are causes of? reflect then as well as prospect, and so you will see that your errors are errant.

Thus Magna Charta, and Law, and these our pri­viledges (I conceive) are answered, and provided for.

Suppose next, that neither

109. Magna, nor Law will allow pressing of Soul­diers, &c. only beat the Drum, and so take all that will come, &c.

Answ. But suppose none come, or very few, and so, much short for number and fitness for the occasi­on; for the whole Land being Sects, Parties, and Factions, none it may be will come, but such as are for, and so like of the Designe: But these will not go against the King, nor those will not go for the Lord Protector, they own not the Power, nor the cause, &c. All which we have now satisfied. The Sects also oppose one another, and only side with themselves, What now shall we do? Admit we are exigented, [Page 83] and the Magistrates wisdom and faithfulness enjoyns him against all dangers and sufferings of the People, and to all, accommodation, and his honour lies there­on, but Magna Charta, and Law, will not allow there­of; so he must sit still, and see Magna Charta, and Law, destroy his Country, by giving way to In­surrections, and forraigne Invasions, as wanting Souldiery to make opposition, Can Law or Law­yers answer this? No, no, our principles, and Po­sitions (sure) are too hard for them all: Save the peo­ple any way then, oh ye men of Might, though you destroy the Law, and &c.

Thirdly suppose, That

110. Magna, and Law, &c. will not allow Tax­es nor Sesments, nor to raise money or means any way, without a Parliament, &c. yet the Governours place as afore, is to save us, which he cannot do, for our great Priviledges by Law, Magna, &c. is to de­stroy us rather, by not allowing such savings, though on exigents; for this see Sect. 113. and be satis­fied.

111. What need I instance more? this foot of Hercules hints to you what his whole body is, and so how to shape his garments for him.

112. The priviledges of Magna, &c. I allow of and claim, as we are capable of them, but we dis­claim them, and must be allow'd to provide against their malgnity; if saving Magna Charta (through our failings) on exigencies will destroy us, as afore is instanced.

113. Now if the highest Judge who is trusted to the uttermost of Trust, shal press for, or take course for means, beyond what Law hath provided for, and [Page 84] shal urge the publike occasions for them, and addres­ments are thereon to the Judges, to know the Law, sure, I conceive the Judges are quit, if they comply to the highest Judge, as if to Moses, and make answer, that the Highest Power is Universal Judge both of particulars, and for the Publike, as was Moses; par­ticulars to ease himself, he hath made us Judges of, yet given us the Laws for our guide, and so not left us to our wils, nor own judgements; and this power he may at pleasure cal for, and place it where he please; the publike Power for judging and or­dering, he hath reserved to himself, so we have not to do with, but we can tel you, that if it be demanded for the Publike, then by the instances at Magna Charta, its Law sufficient; for the Law is not above its Lord, the Publike or common good, and for the truth of his pretence you must not dishonour him with suspition, whom al the people have honoured with so high a Trust, and its conceived that he wil not so abuse the Trust of the People, nor abase his own honour: so as to trecherize it to them; so, he hath Law on his side, though Law side not with him, or be against him, as its for the Lord of the Law, and as he is impowered, trusted, and made judge of al relating thereto, and as his faithfulness enjoyns him; so for the present either comply, or address to him, as at Sect. 124.

Now because I have hinted that I conceived the best course to deal prevailingly and safely with those of highest power and place, &c. (whoever they be) is with wel and lin'd Language, Penn'd. and fitting addres­ments, &c. I wil here therefore for this once, indi­vidualize, and venture humbly to solicite his High­ness [Page 85] in behalf of himself, so of our selves, with these poor following Lines of mine, til abler Pens shal un­dertake it.

Truly if the aforesaid course and way wil not avail and do, I see not but that the Governour and governed, Prince and people, one or both are un­done; for Factions and Arms usually attend both sides, to the ruine of both.

125. But I foresee that there are spirits that wil object against what's said in behalf of Governours in points of honouring, cringing, and bowing to them, so for entitleing, and Petitioning to, &c. and say, Why all this trow? We know whence Gover­nours are; I am of as good a House and Family, Name and Breed, as is he &c. They are men, and no more, if so much; strip, and we are alike, or I may pass for him, and he for me; into the world we come alike, and so we shall go out: Who shal in the Charnel house distinguish from Kings Princes, and Peers, and other men? Nay, it may be mean men may pass for the mighty, &c. Besides, it prides the already proud, and it inviteth them to contemn their Brethren, who by Nature are alike, and in Grace it may be much unlike, as far beyond them, &c.

Answ. I must and wil yeild to Truths, as that there are inconveniencies on both sides; First, Sufferings by the govern'd, by the Governours, as afore; so it shal do wel in those that supply the place of Pro­phets, or any other, to say to them as Samuel to [Page 90] Saul, 1 Sam. 15.17. and Nathan to David, 2 Sam. 12.7, 8. the Lord hath rais'd thee to this and that, also thou hast had, and now hast, and mayst have so and so; Why then thus? Why so and so? &c. And thus memorandum them modestly what they are, and whence, and whither they must, &c. and so cau­tion them against contempt, and injuring their Bre­thren the People, and to al kinds of accomodations of them.

Next, these inconveniences following, fal on the Governours side, by reason of the Peoples igno­rance, and want of self-government, viz. slightings and contempts, oft to disobedience and rebellion, to the ruine of both sides; so that Governours are enforc'd to use force, also publikely to State it, and to assume or entertain Titles, and al kind of specious pretenses, and awful presentments (though self-ly humble, and contemners of al) only to beget awe, reverence, and respect; and so obedience, peace and quiet; and to quit the contrary &c. And God in Scriptures allows of Titles; as my King, &c. yea of Cyrus, my King, mine Anointed; nay, God doth hyperbolize it, and saith of al Powers, You are gods; and if gods, what not in point of Titles, so of al an­swerables? As in David and Solomon, and divers others, both for State and Estates: As just and wise policies advise to for conducings sake, and against al unjust seducings, abusings, or betrayings thereby &c.

But none I say did ever Monarchize or King it as did Moses, though never King'd, nor Titled, nor in­vested by the People, yet sufficiently and authenti­cally invested and authorised, as we have proved, [Page 91] and being answerably aided both from Heaven and Earth against his rebellious opposers, titles or speci­ous taking or overtaking presentments of any kinde, he needed not, having such chastising Miracles to at­tend him, as made him awful, and rendred him ra­ther like a God then a man, in point of Power; for Thunder, Lightning, Storms and Tempests attend­ed him from Heaven; and from Hel or the Earth, Earthquakes, Chasmaes, and Voragoes were at his command &c. These attract awe, reverence, and o­bedience sufficiently; so he needed not any other at­tractions, as Titles, or the Glories and Braveries of a Court; but where they are not, Conspicuities may be of consequence: For al Powers are not furnished with Thunderbolts from Heaven, as was Moses, so nor with Chasmaes and Whirl-pits from Hel, as was He.

Again, we bow and bend to al Inferiour Powers, with a reverend and humble respect, as to our Pa­rents and Masters, entitling them according to their Relations, Places, and Degrees; also obey and re­verence them: and as occasion is of gaining any fa­vour, or to attain forgiveness of any offence, we beg and entreat, and bend also; yea and kneel it; and what's al this but in nature petitioning, the like to Governours, that yet are governed by the highest Governour; we stand bare, bow and bend, also pe­tition them, and that with humble language and po­sture, answerable to their Places and Powers; as we would gain favours, yea Justice, and our Rights, &c. or to pardon our offences &c. Thus we do to Gover­nours of our Hall-companies, so to the Lord Mayor, the Judges, and al sorts of Magistrates &c. and wil [Page 92] you do less to the highest Powers? And if it be more, yet it may be less, and not so much by way of proportion, considering them with the Governours afore: Object no more then, but perform your du­ties by giving them their dues &c. And for any ob­jection you can bring out of Scripture, as, you shal not affect Titles, nor give Titles to any man, nor call nor be call'd gracious lords; had I time, I can easily answer them by Scriptures, so by Reason, which is Scripture to the wise, and its in part done already, by what's done: Is not Sarah com­mended for obeying, and lording her husband Abra­ham? and yet they were consorts. Potiphars wife preserv'd her self in al things concerning Joseph, til her lord came home. What's due then from the re­mote in Degree and Relation, if such Relates must so retaliate? Christ the contemner of Titles and vain­glories in himself, as not of this world, yet said, You say well, I am your Lord and master, &c. But I cannot further enlarge, and to the wise I need not, and to the wilful I wil not; so I do for this time period this point.

126. And now I wil make bold with a few words to all stranger Princes and States, Powers and Po­tentates of all kinds, neer or remote, in behalf of their people, so of themselves and us.

To you then, oh you Soveraigne Powers &c. I address my self in these following lines.

[Page 97]127. But lest our other worthy Commanders; Officers, and Souldiery of all sorts, should conceive themselves wrong'd, slighted, or neglected, for that all the brave atchievements are only attributed to his Highness, they having perform'd so worthily as they did. I do answer them, that I do take no­tice of their worthy and brave performances, and do here acknowledge them; only this place allows not individual acknowledgement by Encomiums an­swerable, which some able pen should do wel to un­dertake: I hope also that they are not to seek, that in great atchievements, the honour and praise is usu­ally contracted, by attributing it to the General, or prime Commander and Manager of al, as being too hard and tedious to delineate each individual perfor­mance. And there is some reason for the aforesaids, cause if things miscarry under the said General, in his management of them, though he fail neither in wisdom, care, faithfulness, nor fortitude: but only some of his subordinate Commanders, Officers, or Souldiery do; yet the dishonour is attributed to him only, and they go free: Retaliation then wil do him this Justice and Right, as so to compensate him rightly for such wrong &c. Thus the Sweden King, so the great Alexander, likewise Caesar and Spinola, with Scanderbeg, and many others, did contract and magazine al the Honour &c. in their own names, which (no question) some of their Commanders, Officers, and Souldiery had a great share in, as help­ing to purchase it by their brave performances; and their Antagonists, Tilly, Darius, Pompey &c. lost the Honour; yet it may be not by any failing in them­selves, but by the failings of some of their subordi­nate [Page 98] Commanders, Officers, and Souldiery &c. or by some accident: And thus I hope the generous Souldiery of al sorts wil be satisfied, and my Readers also rest resolv'd &c.

128. I have now done, only I wil conclude pa­radoxically, as venture to entertain a hope beyond or against hope; as that the world is grown so in­genious that none will take exceptions at what I have writ, no, though I accidentally cross them in their private ends, as they cross themselves and theirs, in crossing the Publike, which in conclusion wil one way or other tend to individual sufferings and crosses; al which I labour to prevent, by endea­vouring to prevent divisions and factions; so the ra­ging and forraging sword, likewise fire and famine, with al kinds of devastations and miseries attending war; that so they may live in peace and safety, and enjoy one another, so what they have, with sweet and serene quiet and content &c. and if for this they wil hate me, I am out of al hopes ever to gain their love, though I merit it; for I cannot, nor can any express love, care, faithfulness, or affection, beyond the afore­saids: And now I have done, being come to Hercu­les pillars, or Ne plus ultra, my