THE STATE OF FRANCE, As it stood in the IX th yeer of this present Monarch, LEWIS XIIII.

Written to a Friend By J. E.

LONDON, Printed by T.M. for M.M. G Bedell & T Collins. at the middle Temple gate, Fleetstreet. 1652.

The State of FRANCE, as it stood in the Ninth yeer of this present Monarch LEWIS the XIIII, Written to a Friend.

SInce I had first the honour to bee one of those whose Conversation you have che­rished with so many signall obligations, and, as it were, currents of civility; I can hard­ly [Page]think, that (when by so ma­ny literal expresses and perso­nal commands, you enjoin me to deliver something in writing, touching the late subject of our discourse) you have either cause to delight in my triviall con­ceptions, or designe my discre­dit: For however your instan­ces have at last prevailed, yet your Honor is no lesse concer­ned to be tender how you publish my defects, whilest in them onely (though the faults be mine) men will so perem­ptorily conclude your want of judgment, and condemn your Election. But you have pro­mised to be discreet, and I shall then make a saving adventure [Page]of my Reputation with you, who have candor and charity not from the Multitude, but the stock of your own worth and ingenuous Education; of which this Essay will be rather an History, then any thing o­therwise capable to informe you, who know already so much more, and better, then I can possibly either write or relate.

But to begin once, since it is my fate to obey you; I shall nothing alter the Scene, which was then Presented you, when you were pleased (as it since appears) to take notice of those casuall Discourses of mine, wherein I posted over the [Page]best Remarks, and most mate­riall Observations which my weak Judgment had been able to recollect, during my so ma­ny Pererrations, and unprofi­table Sojourn abroad, and espe­cially in this Kingdome of France.

Nor wil I vex your patience with any Topographicall Descri­ptions, as being the daily sub­ject of your Contemplations, when at any time you please to refresh your self amongst those exquisite Cards of the latest and most accurate Editi­ons: But represent, in as suc­cinct a Method as I am able, what in order to Affairs (as in the Government of this most [Page]active and Illustrious Monar­chie they now stand) I conceive to be chiefly proper and requi­site for a Gentleman of our Nation (under the notion of a Traveller) to be able to render an accompt of at his Return: And therefore, before I proceed further, I will complie with your desire, and speak a word or two (by way of Introducti­on, or Digression rather) of my sentiment and opinion tou­ching Forraign Travel in Gene­ral, wherein I shall also deal very impartially with all the world concerning mine own particular, as being (I hope) taking my long farewel there­of.

That which first rendred me of this Apodemick humour, (I shall not discourse here of Mercuriall complexions, whom Physiognomists affirm to be Indi­vidua vaga's, like my self) pro­ceeded from a certain vaine Emulation which I had to see the best of Education, which every body so decrying at Home, made me conceive, was a commodity onely to be brought from a far Countrie; and I cannot say, without a little ambition too of knowing, or at least of having the pri­viledg to talk something more then others could reasonably pretend to, that had never bin out of sight of their owne [Page]chimnies smoke: All which was a Ridiculous affectation, contracted first from the ordi­nary Radomontadas of such as have seen strange places, and great want of discretion, and so fondly transported with the pleasure onely, and temptation of Novelties, the very instru­mental causes of this unsetled extravagancy.

True it is, Non omnis fert om­nia Tellus: for the great and good God hath discreetly, and very wisely disposed, in the furnishing and adorning (as I may say) of this Terrestrial Ca­binet, having left no one part or corner thereof without some thing specially different, [Page]and admirably remarkable, ei­ther in the composition, qua­lity or use; all of them, ac­cording to their position, situ­ation, and effects, admirably commodious, and dependant; of which divine Oeconomy there may be infinitely more spo­ken, then will be sutable to this design, after I have infer­red that for these respects only, a Traveller has some excuse, as well as encouragement to go abroad and see the world.

Now then, for as much as the end of all our Appetites, wisely inquired into, ought to be the principal Mira, and terme to all our actions, he that would travell rationally, and [Page]like a Philosopher, must industri­ously apply himself to the pur­suit of such things, as (through­out all his Peregrinations) may result most to the profit, and Emolument of his own Coun­try at his Return; whether in the accomplishing of his per­son or affairs, there being no­thing more veritable, then that saying of Homer,

[...].
Turpe quidem mansisse diu, vacuúmque redire.

And therefore Peregrinatio ani­mi imperio, & corporis ministerio debet perfici: For so it was that Ptolomies young Noblemen, of whose rich fraight and return wee read of; travelled, and brought home with them [Page]wares of more value, then if they had transported Gold and Pearles. For the same cause PYTHAGORAS took leave of his Friends and native Coun­try, to which hee afterwards returned with the Learning of the Aegyptians, as Strabo in his seventh Book and fourteenth Chapt. [...]. And not as Plinie affirmeth, Exiliis verius quam peregrinatio­nibus susceptis: Nay, his pas­sion and thirst after this excel­lent Commerce was so admi­rable, that the same Authour in Syren. tells us, he made no­thing of Circumcising himself, that so hee might with the more freedom, and lesse suspi­cion [Page]pry into their profound­est Mysteries: For therefore were the Egyptian Priests cal­led [...], incommunicable, and [...], imparticipable. Clem. Alex.

Such a designe led THA­LES, EUDOXUS, APOL­LONIUS, nay PLATO him­self, and divers other renown­ed Personages, [...]. To comprehend (saith Plutarch) the Mysteries of Philosophy and Divinitie: As it seems, estee­ming the Aegyptians to be the most Ancient and Noble peo­ple of the whole World, both for the wisdom of their Consti­tutions, and exceeding Reverence which they bare to Learning: [Page]These being indeed the fruits & most noble acquisitions, which a Gentleman (who is a quali­fied Traveller) should study and endeavour to furnish himselfe with whilst he is abroad.

But these, some may object, are Heathen examples, Christi­ans are content to be lesse curious, and stay at home: Saint Hierom shall be mine Instance on this occasion: and truely, it is worth the reading what he hath delivered in one of his Epist. ad Paulinum, you shall find it praefixed (amongst severall other) to Sixtus his Edition of the Bible, when (after those words, Legimus in veteribus historiis quosdam lustrasse [Page]provincias, novos adisse Populos, maria transisse: ut eos quos ex libris noverant, coram quoque viderent, &c.) making a very ample repetition of what I have before spoken in the persons of other men, and especially of the incomparable Pythagoras, and those noble youths who went out of France and Spaine, only to hear the eloquence of Livie, when quos ad contemplati­onem sui ipsa Roma non traxerat, unius hominis fama perduxit, re­ferring us to the eight volums which Philostratus hath pur­posely written on this subject; thus he expostulates, Quid lo­quar de saeculi hominibus, &c. what do I troubling you with old [Page]stories? when the Apostle Paul himselfe, that vessell of E­lection, and Doctour of the Gentiles dispersed the Christian Religion through so great a part of the world; by his al­most perpetuall Peregrination, after his miraculous conversi­on; the like may be affirmed of the rest of the Apostles, and even our Blessed Saviour him­self: but I recommend you to the Authour. On the other side, as we have justly censured those who meerly run abroad out of that vanity of spirit, and such trivial considerations as I have already reproached in my self, so are we likewise to dis­band another sort of travellers, [Page]whose Cynical reservednesse, de­clares to the world that they have only minded the sensua­lity and satisfaction of a pri­vate Gusto: communicating usually at their return but what may justly merit that re­priment which Socrates once gave to a young man who would render him no accompt of all his long absence, quod se­cum peregrinatus fuerit: in the mean time, as much to be ab­horred is all maner strangness, disdain, Affectation and loqua­city, by which so many travel­lers now a days (for the most part) distinguish themselves from the Vulgar, to that over acted degree of mimi­call [Page]folly, as one would easi­ly imagine they had all this while lived in Pension rather amongst Apes, and Parrats, than ever either seen, or con­versed with persons of Inge­nuity or Honour.

To proeeed therfore, presup­pose Travell ut suscipiatur propter unum aliquem finem, as we have already constituted it: we are yet to give our young subject leave to be so far practical, as that he do not slip any opportunity by which he may inform him­self as well in things even Me­chanically curious and usefull, as altogether in the Mysteries of Government and Polity, [Page]which indeed are more appo­sitely termed Philosophicall. Those who have imposed on themselves, and others, so ma­ny different species of travell, as it may be said to contein Theoreticall parts in it, that is to say, the Metaphysicall, Physicall, and Mathematicall, are, in my ap­prehension, more exact and tedious in their Analysing, then perhaps they needed to have been; of them therefore I say no more: it shall be sufficient for him whom I send abroad, that he conform himself to such precepts as are onely necessary, not cumbersome; which Rule he shall likewise do well to observe even in his [Page]very necessary accoutrements and port-manteau.

First then, supposing him to be a Young Gentleman apt for all Impressions, but from his primary education inclined to the most worthy: having set his Foot upon the Continent, his first study shall be to master the tongue of the Country wherein hee resolves to Re­side; which ought to be un­derstood perfectly, written congruously, and spoken intel­ligently: after which he may do well to accomplish him­self in such exercises, as are most commendable at home, and best attayned abroad; which will be a means of rendring [Page]him very fit, and apt for the generall society of that Nation amongst whom hee converses, and consequent­ly the better qualifie him to frequent, without blush, such particular places, and persons by whom he may best profit himselfe in the Mysteries of their Polity, or what other perfection they are renowned for, according as his par­ticular Genius and inclinations import him. But this hee shall never attain unto, till he begin to be somwhat ripe­ned and seasoned in a place; for it is not every man that crosses the Seas, hath been of [Page]an Academy, learned a Corran­to, and speaks the Language, whom I esteem a Traveller (of which piece most of our English are in these countryes at present) but he that (in stead of making the Tour, as they call it) or, as a late Em­bassador of ours facetiously, but sharply reproached, (like a Goose swimms down the Ri­ver) having mastered the Tongue, frequented the Court, looked into their customes, been present at their pleadings, ob­served their Military Discipline, contracted acquaintance with their Learned men, studied their Arts, and is famili­ar [Page]with their dispositions, makes this accompt of his time. The principal advantages which a Gentleman thus made, may observe, and apply, are Truth, Taciturnitie, facetiousnesse with­out morosity, courage, modesty, hardinesse, patience, frugality, and an excellent temper in the Regiment of his health and Affections, especially in point of Drink and Tobacco, which is our Northerne, Nationall, and most sordid of Vices. It is (I confesse) a thing extreamly difficult to be at all times, and in all places thus reserved, and as it were obliged to a Temper so Statick and exact among all [Page]conversations; nor for mine own part, do I esteem it in all cases necessary, provided a man be furnished with such a stock of prudence, as he know how, and when to make use even of his companions ex­travagancies, (as then frequent­ly betraying more freely their inclinations, then at times of their more serious recolle­ction, and first addresses.) Seeing I find it generally im­possible for a Traveller to evade some occasions & encounters, which (if he be at all practi­cal) he will nolens volens, per­ceive himself ingaged into at some one time or other. But [Page]to recover this deviation, and return to our purpose; the vertues which our Traveller is to bring home when he doth Repatriare (as Solinus terms it) are either publick, such name­ly as concern the service of his Country; or Private, and altogether personall, in order to his particular advantage and satisfaction: and, be­leeve it Sir, if he reap some contentment extraordinary, from what he hath observed abroad, The pains, sollici­tations, watchings, Perills, journeys, ill enterteinment, absence from Friends, and innumerable like inconveni­ences, [Page]joyned to his vast expen­ces, do very dearly, and by a strange kind of extortion, pur­chase that smal experience and reputation which he can vaunt to have acquired from abroad.

Those who boast of Philolo­gicall Peregrinations (falsly so called) which they undertake meerly for the flourish and Tongue of a Place, possesse onely a Paret-vertue; It is one of the Shels of Travel (though I confesse, the kernel is not to be procured without it: And Topical; in which I finde the Dutch [...], generally most accurate and industrious; both of them serve well for the en­tertainment [Page]of Women and Children, who are common­ly more imported with won­der and Romance, then that solid and reall Emolument, which is (through these In­struments) to be conveyed us from abroad.

It is written of Ulysses, that hee saw many Cities indeed, but withall his Remarks of mens Manners and Customs, was ever preferred to his coun­ting Steeples, and making Tours: It is this Ethicall and Morall part of Travel, which embellisheth a Gentleman, in the first place, having a due respect to the Religion, which [Page]accomplisheth a Christian: In short, they are all severally very commendable, accom­modated to Persons and Pro­fessions; nor should a Ca­valier neglect to be seen in all of them: But for that my in­tention is here to make an Introduction onely into mine own OBSERVATIONS, I shall forbear to enter so large and ample a Field, as the through handling of this Argument would insensibly oblige mee to do, it having likewise been so abundantly treated of al­most by every Pen which hath prevaricated on this Subject; though, in my slender judg­ment, [Page]and under favour, I must confesse, without any real and ingenuous satisfation either to Truth, or Curiosity.

To conclude (Sir) and con­tract this tedious transgression, I conjure you to beleeve, that I offer nothing to you in this discourse, out of any the least self opinion, censure of other men, vanity, or ostentation. No, I am assured you will find me far enough from that IdiopathiaE, and common di­stemper of Travellers; all I shall pretend being but to commu­nicate unto you, how I have lost part of those seven yeares, and more; which, not be­ing [Page](as in truth they ought to have been) wholly exerci­sed in the Benefit I might have reaped from your so­ciety at home, I am obliged in Honour, and for Justifi­cation of my self, to render you an Accompt how they have been dispensed abroad. I am very conscious to my self, how much mine owne little interest hath suffered, during mine absence, in the judge­ment of your stayed and more Thriving Geniuses, and such as might justly indeed derive Characters, and Prognosticks from a raw and unsettled spi­rit, such as was mine: but [Page]considering that all those tran­sirory Accidents of Fo tune and the world, can no way farther extend themselves, then to a very imperfect satisfaction of our regular and honest Ap­petites, (besides that which they ought yeeld unto o­thers,) neither he who stayes at home, nor he that goes a­broad, is (in mine opinion) to be altogether censured and bla­med; and truely, he that can accommodate himself to so re­tired and contemplative a life, as certainly that of a pure Country Gentlemans is, frees himself of an innumerable Host of troubles, and impor­tunities [Page]which a Traveller runs through, and is in a manner compelled to entertain. Con­formable to that of the most incomparable

Claudian, De Sene Veronensi, Epig.
Foelix qui propriis aevum transegit in arvis:
Ipsa domus puerum quem videt, ipsa senem:
Qui baculo nitens, in qua reptavit arena
Unius numerat secula longa casae.
Illum non vario traxit fortuna tumultu [...],
Nec bibit ignotas mobilis bospes aquas.
Non freta mercator timuit, non classica miles:
Non rauci lites pertulit ille fori.
Indocilis rerum, vicinae nescius urbis,
Adspectu frui [...]ur liberiore poli.
Frugibus alternis, non Consule, computat annum:
Autumnum pomis, ver sibi flore notat.
Idem conditager Soles, idem que reducit,
Metiturque suo rusticus orbe diem.
Ingentem meminit parvo qui germine quercum,
Aequae unumque videt consenuisse nemus.
Broxima cui nigris Verona remotior Indis,
Benacumque putat litora rubra lacum.
[Page]
Sed tamen indomitae vires, firmisque lacertis
Aetas robustum tertia cernit avum.
Erret, & extremos alter scrutetur I beros,
Plus habet hic vitae, plus habet ille Viae.

The serious contemplation whereof, made me sometimes (being at Naples) break forth in this youthful, but naturall Ode against Travell, which I wil here pro­nounce for my finall Scal. lib 3. Poet c. 106. dict. [...]: being a speech which was made to the Citizens by him that was returned home after his long travell. Epibate­rium.

Happie that man who lives content
With his own Home and Continent,
Those chiding streams his banks docurb,
Esteems the Ocean to his Orb;
Round which, when he a walk does take,
Thinks to perform as much as Drake.
For other Tongues, he takes no thought,
Then what his Nurse or Mother taught.
He's not disturbd with the rude cryes
Of the
The guide or Messenger in Italy, which in the Morning calls to Horse.
Procaccia's [Up and Rise.]
[Page]
But charmd in down, sleeps by the side
Of his chast Love, or Loyall Bride,
In whose smooth Arms no sooner hurld,
But he enjoys another world;
Where his Enfranchis'd hand may stray,
O're the warm snow, or milkie way,
And thence as oft as it declines
Haec Comicè dicta, cave ne malè capiat.
Tow'rds those more rich and hidden Mines,
Scornes us that travell Lands and Seas,
Beleeves no Kingdomes like to these.
If then at home such joyes be had,
Oh how unwise are we, how mad [...]

This I did once write, and this I so beleeve, (as if God blesse me with a successefull Returne into my Native Country) I shall endeavour Vivere, non dicere huic veritati: and though the Conscience of my personall inabilities, can never tempt me with the vanity to think of any publick Ad­vancement, [Page]for having spent the prime of my years and youth abroad; yet the content­ment, and satisfaction which I purpose and fancie to my self, if I may obtaine leave but to enjoy that private condition and Fortune, which Heaven hath decided me at home, so that I can but rubb out of this, into a better world, without the least impeachment to my Religion and Loyalty, Sublimi fe­riam sydera vertice: I shall have arrived at the summ and very top of mine innocent wishes. But, if in the mean time, it be otherwise ordained, I have learned likewise to sub­mit [Page]my self unto the will of God, as being very apt to beleeve that excellent Apoph­thegme of the Wise man, Quod Omne solum sit Forti Patria.

But now to our TRAVELLER again.

The principall places of EUROPE, wherein a Gen­tleman may, uno intuitu, behold as in a Theater the chief and most signall Actions which (out of his owne Countrey) concerne this later Age and part of the World, are the Netherlands, comprehending Flanders, and the divided Pro­vinces; which is a perfect En­cycle [Page]and Synopsis of whatsoe­ver one may elsewhere see in all the other Countryes of Europe; And for this end, I willingly recommend them to be first visited, no other­wise, then do those who di­rect us in the study of History to the reading first of some au­thentick Epitome, or universall Chronology, besore we adventure to launch forth into that vast and profound Ocean of volumi­nous Authours. From thence I would advise him to traverse Germany, (altogether contrary to the Vulgar Method) by rea­son of that so usefull Tongue, which he will find very diffi­cult, [Page]and with much re­gret, and many conflicts at­tained unto, after the facill, and more smooth Languages are once throughly imbibed, not omitting (comparatively) even the French it self. From this Region you naturally slide into Italy, and then Em­barquing for Spain, return by a direct course unto Paris; where indeed, I would have the Principall aboad of a Gen­tleman to be, not only in Re­lation to the Court, and exerci­ses acquired in that City; but also in respect to his expenses. This may seem a Paradox to some; but for my part, I ne­ver [Page]found any wood to a great town; and when my Traveller hath cast it up, and made a true Audite of all Extraordinaries, he will find, what for removalls, and what for the perill of dis­bauched and frequent colla­tionings (for in all other little towns his acquaintance will be universall, the English per­petually intervisiting, with a grosse ingredient of Dutch,) a very little, or inconsiderable disproportion in the total Ac­compt.

Thus I propose France in the last place, for many other re­spects which here I purposely omit to enumerate, that I may [Page]avoid the taedium of so long a discourse; but especially, for this, that our Traveller may have the more time and reso­lution to conquer the Lan­guage, and go through those hardy and most eminent ex­ercises which are there to bee learned in their choicest per­fection and native lustre; af­ter which, with a competent tincture of their best conver­sation (for the over reserved­nesse of the Italian, and severi­ty of the Spanyard, as well as the blunt garb of the Dutch, would in an Englishman be a little Pal­liated; for fear it become affe­cted) he may return home, [Page]and be justly reputed a most accomplished Cavalier.

To the other part of your Request, Sir, that I should give you some touches of the Low Countryes, and other pla­ces (besides the wrong I should do to those perfect relations al­ready extant) observing them at a time when my judgment was not altogether so mature, & my self so much a Dutch Traveller, (as I have before rendred you the Character) I had rather make an Apology for what I have already, and promise yet to say, then proceed to depose allegations under mine own hand, of the losse of so much precious time; [Page]and betray mine Ignorance.

Touching Italy, the States are so many, and their policy so different, that it would cost me more leasure then I have now to spend, to reduce, and discipline my scattered papers, and such indigested collections as require a more formal Me­thod, and indeed, a better pen.

Nor could your Servant in truth, have been possibly indu­ced to discover thus far his e­gregious imperfections; did not your Arguments carry in them some specious reproach, as well as your Person so great an authority over me, when you please to perswade your [Page]self the Advantage I must needs (say you) have had by my extraordinary Relations to Persons of affaire, as well as what I might happly in this case gather lawfully out of such as have the latest written on this Subject. So that how­ever (and as indeed the very truth is) I was least of all in­quisitive how others were go­verned, finding it so difficult a Province to Regulate my self, yet mine endeavor to pacifie your importunity, and render you a demonstration of mine inabi­lities to cōply with any future expectation of this Nature, hath in fine, extorted this from me, as an intire resignation & sa­crifice [Page]of my reputation to that obedience which I professedly ow you, ever more preferring the satisfaction of so noble a Friend, to the very promulgati­on of my own shame and most visible imbecilities.

So then (to approach our pur­pose) seeing all those Nations (before spoken of) and several governments seem at this instant Epoche of time, to conspire as it were, and deferr to the present Grandezza of the French Empire, as likewise considering in what Relation we of England are con­cerned, I have esteemed it best meriting my reflections and your patience, to finish, and dresse this Peece, as judging it [Page]most worthy the considera­tion.

ERRATA's committed (in absence of the Author, almost the whole time this Book was in Presse) the inge­nuous Reader is desired to reform, thus: Page 8 in marg. for ate read late. pag. 10 in mar. r. Character. p. 27 r. Ma­reschal. p. 32 l. ult. a [,] betwixt Deüanes Tailles p. 34 lin. 9 a parenthelis at certain (&c. pag. 16 r. Treasurers p. 36 r. of the Tailles p. 50 r. which is drivin of that Trade, pag. 51. lin. 1. a parenthesis at (for &c p. 52 in mar. r. Cap. p 53 r. whom we p. 56. after Legate dele [,] p 57 r. it will be &c p. 6 [...] r France. p 62. r. each Souldiers head. ibid. read in Garison. p. 68. r. their hands. p. 69 r. but for that p 70 after State Affairs dele[:] Ibid. r. of far greater &c. p 73 r. poverty. p 74. r. obiects p 78 r. are estimated. p. 81. dele or before interests p. 87 for of strength r. a strength. p. 90 r. must of consequence &c. with divers [...]o her mis­interpunctations.

The STATE OF FRANCE.

I Will begin with a saying of Nich. Machiavels saying of France, Ma­chiavel: La Corona è li Regi di Francia so­no hoggi più richi, & più potenti che mai. The Crown and Kings of France, are at this day more opulent and mighty then ever they were; so that Prince of Polititians, a great while since: and without contro­versie, had he any reason to give it out so in his time, we have much more to affirm the same in these our dayes, wherein they have e­merged, [Page 2]as it were, the sole victo­rious and Flourishing Nation of Europe, in whose bosome Na­ture hath even built this goodly Kingdome.

That where a Soveraigne Prince is able to maintain an ab­solute and unarbritrary jurisdi­ction over his subjects, Victory and greatnesse the effect of soveraigne power and prudent Councell. managed with an active and prudent Councell, there, and rarely else­where, doth victory and great­nesse blesse and favour a Nati­on with any permanent success, is a verity most demonstrable: whether we reflect on the present Age, From the example of the Romans, Athenians. or those frequent Exam­ples of the Romanes and Atheni­ans, whose desertion and aban­doning of their Royall superiours fomented such confusion and di­straction amongst the Noblemen and Plebeians, as could never be afterwards composed even to the ultimate destruction and lamen­table catastrophe of those most il­lustrious Republicks.

But in vaine do wee seek for [Page 3]other Instances of this great Truth, then the present progres­sion, and almost quotidian con­quests of the now flourishing Ot­toman Family; which, and Otto­manians; though now a dangerous Truth. as it is the most invincible upon earth, so must we needs acknowledg it to be the most independent and ab­solute which these later times have likely produced unto us. But for that this is a Verity which may now adayes cost a man his Teeth (to lose nothing else in the pursuit) I shall prosecute it no further then may serve to illu­strate what it is which hath of late rendred so potent and ag­grandized this present aspiring, & formidable Monarchy, France; of which I shall next essay to give a brief Character.

And now, as in description of Bodies naturall, Dissections begin ever with the supreme and more noble Regions; so in anatomising the Kingdom of France, which consists of a Body Politick, I will commence with the Head, that is, [Page 4]the King; The Kings of France absolute since Lewis the 11. his saying. whom here I may call as Absolute, since Lewis the Eleventh hath so long since (to use his own expression) put them hors de page; that is, freed them from that grand authority, which, till his time, the Parliament indeed ex­ercised over them; so that now the same reason which moved the late kings to depose or translate Saint Denys their ancient Patron, S Denys the patron of F. deposed, to gratifie the B. Virgin. and to put his Kingdome for­mally under the protection of the blessed Virgin, is esteemed good reason, For with these words of course, the Secretary (it seems) concluded the Arrest, whereby it was confer­red, which gave many occasion to reproach it. and sufficient Logick for all his present Commands whatsoever: Car tel est nostre bon plaisir: for such is our good will and pleasure.

Sic volo, sic jubeo, Stat pro Rati­one Voluntas.
For so we will, so we command,
Our will do's for our Reason stand.

The Monarchy of France (from a Democratick state) was founded Anno, The Monar­chy of Fr. when foun­ded. 420. and hath continued it self under three severall Ra­ces; [Page 5]viz. of Meroüese, cont nued under three Races. Charle mayn son of Pepin, and lastly, Hue-ca­pet; from whom this Royal house of Bourbon derives its succession, branched from Robert Earle of Clermont fourth son of, Saint Lewis; so that the King at present Reigning is the sixty fifth Mo­narch of France, without that a­ny of the Feminine Sex hath or­dinarily intervened; no woman intervening. as they af­firm at least, From the Sa­lick law; be­ing a meer pre­tence to in­validate the title of Eng­land: from a very invete­rate Law, which they intitle the Salique, being indeed but a meer Romance of their own feigning, a piece of legier de main, by which they have so long pretended with the great shadow of Justice to elude and invalidate the title of our former and ancient Kings of England, as to succession in the right of their Mothers and Wives.

Touching that other Legend of their Sainte Ampoule, as well as their Sainte Ampoule. which in the time of Cloüis first Christian King of France was (as they give out) brought by an Angel from [Page 6]Heaven, & reserved at Rhemes for the Royal Chrisme, we will give it leave to passe as a vulgar, yet not impolitick errour, or imperti­nent tradition: The Daugh­ters of Fr. sometimes married to private per­sons, yet re­serve their Titles and Surnanes. however, by the device aforesaid, the Daughters succeed not to the Crowne, some of them having oftentimes marti­ed themselves unto private men, but still reserved their Titles, to­gether with the Surname of France, which it seems is an ho­nour permitted them during life, to shew from what stock they o­riginally derived. And the Queens ad­mitted to the Regency du­ring the mi­nority of the Kings. Notwithstan­ding this, the Queens of France, are usually admitted to the Re­gency during the Minority of the King, which is at the age of fourteen years, in choative; until which term, they with their coun­sell administer the publick Affairs of State, without equall or Con­troule.

Concerning the Title or ad­junct of the Kings of France, The title of the F. Kings which is most Christian, and eldest son of the Church, they make no [Page 7]smal boasts; for not having been a complement (as they name it) sent them from Rome, as were those of other Kings; but de­scended, time out of Mind, from their own vertue, merits, and Pi­ety.

The Eldest son of France is during the life of his Father, of his eldest son. cal­led the Dauphin, from a stipula­tion (as it seems) made with Ʋm­bert: who bequeathed that Pro­vince conditionally to Philip de Valois.

To speak something particu­larly of this little-great Monarch Lewis the fourteenth, born Sept. Birth and Character of the present King. 5. 1638 after the Queen his Mo­ther had been above twenty yeers without Issue, as his production was almost miraculous (not to repeate here any bold disquisiti­ons, with those who give them­selves a liberty in these days, to speak evil of dignities) so is his person a Character doubtless of no lesse Majesty, and fair hopes; and certainly, if his Education be [Page 8]fitted to the prognosticks of his Nature, he cannot but emerge a Prince of singular Qualities and e­gregious perfections: This I am willing to adde from that Me­chanick and Artificial breeding, Artifice of the French Queen and publick mi­nisters in the are kings Education. which men conceive some of his progenitors and neerest relation received; that so not being alto­gether so dextrous and knowing in King-craft, as their high cal­ling required, they might with less suspicion and more ease suf­fer themselves to be governed, by the counsels and inclinations of such, whose mystery and ambiti­on it hath ever been to continue by this means their Greatnesse, and reinforce their Authority.

This present King hath one onely Brother, Duke of Anjou his Character. who is called the Duke of Anjou: but more fre­quently distinguished by the name of Monsieur; a child of an extraordinary prompt and ready spirit.

The other principall branches of this Royall Family, Duke of Orleans his character. are in the [Page 9]first place, Gaston Jean Baptist, the Kings Ʋncle, and Duke of Orleans, Lieutenant General of the K. and Governor of Langue­doc; the same, who during so many years as his Brother was without off-spring, had those fair hopes of a Crown; which how­ever his merit and abilities for such a jewel be commonly dispu­ted, to his no great advantage, certainly there is no man alive in competition with him for his exquisite skill in Medailes, To­pical memory, and extraordina­ry knowledge in Plants: in both which faculties the most reputed Antiquaries & greatest Botanists do (and that with reason) ac­knowledg him both their Prince, and superiour.

The Eldest daughter of this Duke, is Anne Marie D'orleans, Mademoi­selle her character. particularly called Mademoiselle, Sans queüe per eminentiam, as be­ing the first in praeeminence, and (after the Queen) greatest La­dy in France, to give whom the [Page 10] Epithetes of her great worth, were to spoile all her sex of their Praises, and make her as much envied, as she is indeed justly to be admired.

The next in Blood and Ranke is Loüis de Bourbon the Prince of Condy, Prince of Condy his descent and haracter. the son of Henry de Bour­bon, who (to so little purpose) was yet so miraculously saved in the last bloudy and inhumane Parisian Massacre. This Prince is Grand Maistre of France, Go­vernour of Bourgongne and Bery, descended by a direct line mascu­line of Francois de Bourbon, se­cond brother of Antonee of Bourbon, Earle of Marle, af­terwards Duke of Vandosme, and King of Navarr, the Father of Henry the Great, and of Charlot Catherine de la Trimoüille, his second Wife.

A Prince, whose merit in field, and successfull Atchieve­ments, high extraction, and extraordinary parts, prompt him sometimes to Enterprises be­yond [Page 11]the duty or praise of a Loy­al subject; for their lives not a more Ambitious young man up­on earth, having outlived his im­prisonment, once chased his ene­my the Cardinal; and not satisfied with this revenge (or what ever other assurances the State can render him) puts fair by a fresh Rebellion to speede a prosperous Traytor; or perfect his Infa­mie.

His brother is Armand de Bourbon Prince of Conty, Prince of Conty his Character. seeming­ly designed for the Church, but susceptible of any other advan­tage; a prince of a weak fa­brick and constitution, but sound intellectuals. They have like­wise a Sister called, Mary, Wife to the Duke de Longuevill.

How the daughters of France have been disposed of into Eng­land, Spain, Savoy, Mantoa, daughters of F. how dis­posed of. &c. will be here superfluous to relate. The naturall issue of the K of F. how esteemed.

Touching the Natural issue of the Kings of France (who are e­ver [Page 12]in this kind Country in very great Reputation and place, suta­ble to their birth, (by their fa­thers side) I cannot learne that the late King had any; nay, it is reported, he did so abhorre Pa­liardize, that he scarce thought any other act to be sin in compa­rison of it: contrary to the opinion of his wise Counselor and Cardi­nall de Richlieu, who (as I have sometime heard) did use often to say, that a Concubine was the honest mans recreation: a Priest­ly Aphorism, and spoken like a Churchman.

Now to say something of the Soveraignety of the Kings of France, The Sove­raignty of the French Kingdome, how it be­came so ab­solute. we will step a little back, and see by what meanes and de­grees it became so absolute.

Whilst the Nobility of France were in a manner free and inde­pendent Princes (for such was heretofore the most part of them) how are Histories loud with their carriages and deport­ment towards their Soveraigns? [Page 13]What checks upon every occa­sion were they ready to give them? Witnesse those frequent impresses of a certain Duke of Gienne, Bourbon, Bretagne, and others of the same rank; nor hath these later times exempted the Crown it felf from the dange­rous consequences which so ma­ny fortified Towns, Governments, and Places of importance have so often menaced, and in effect nota­bly brilding the head of Majesty; untill the defunct and great Car­dinall de Richlieu found out a speedy and fortunate expedient to reduce them to obedience, C. de Rich­lieu his sub­tility in re­ducing it to that inde­pendency. and that not onely by subjugating the Posts themselves, which he performed by strength; but like­wise by so dextrously interessing the Gentry and refractory Nobi­lity, both by honours and blood, to the Court and his faction, which he did by policy: In fine, he so handled the Cards, that the better sort of people became tractable out of meer respect to [Page 14]their Relations; and the meaner by an inevitable constraint, as well as the example of their Chiefs, were compelled to a due submission; so that now the So­vereignty of France is become so Independent and absolute, that albeit it do still reteine a shadow of the ancient form, yet it is, du­ly considered, a thing heavenly wide and different: The Kings absolute power, both, For in the Kings sole power it is to resolve of, and dissolve warrs; by him are the Lawes interpreted; Let­ters of grace, of Naturality, and other Acts given out; he it is im­poseth Taxes, from which (by a speciall decree) the Church her selfe is not exempt; In Church and State. nay, al­beit the Pope his own holinesse consent not; from all whose Ec­clesiasticall Censures, Fulmina­tions, and Anathema's he esteems himselfe also priviledged, and therefore nominates all Spiritu­all persons to their preferments and dignities: Notwithstanding all this; the handsomer to dis­guise [Page 15]and apparell these his vo­lunties, and render them at the least specious proceedures of Ju­stice, Thou [...]h un­der colour of Justice & he permits none of his E­dicts to passe as authentick untill the Court of Parliament (who is absolutely at his devotion) have first verified them; a favour, this likewise out of complement too, Comple­ment. non tam necessitatis, quam huma­nitatis, as a Civilian (whose glosse it is) hath warily termed it. Parliament of France a name only. So that as for the Parliaments of France (besides the name and Formality) there is in truth, now no such thing in Nature; which together with their ancient liber­ties, how deservedly they lost them, may be easily discovered in their frequent Rebellions. In a word, he who would per­fectly, and without more a­doe understand by what Law and Rule the Kings of France impose on their Vassals, may see it summarily, yet very legibly ingraven by that forementioned Cardinall, upon that excellent [Page 16] Artellery, which defend his Ma­jesties Citadell at Haver de grace in Normandy; where you may run and read the best of Tenures, as the times are now, in this E­pigraph, —RATIO ƲLTI­MA REGƲM, though for this slavery of theirs, they may in some degree thank our Country­men, By what means dis­composed. whose forces being embowel­led amongst them, hindred the Assembling of the Three Estates (as they should have done:) whereupon the King being ne­cessitated to make his simple E­dicts passe for Authentick Laws (although this power were deli­vered to him during his wars on­ly) was the reason why the peo­ple could never recover or seize on them since. A Jewel this of too great value (some think) to bee intrusted to one person, upon what pretence or necessity soe­ver. To the King and his im­mediate Issue, in dignity and rank, are the Dukes and Peers of France.

But first, It is to be observed, that the Princes of the Blood of this Kingdom possess their Lands and Revenues under the name of Appanage, Their E­states rever­table to the Crown by Appanage. and not as absolute Proprietaries; by which means all their Estates return again to the Crown by the right of Reversion, to the end that the domaine abide intire; and for other the like reasons: the Duke of Sully Hen­ry Richmont, heretofore called Bois Belle (on which there hangs a Story) only excepted.

We will passe over their origi­nal, which would be extreme dif­ficult to investigate, Their Ori­ginall, Au­thority, and proceed to their Authority, which was first established by Hughes Capet and his descendants, who there­upon obliged them to hold their Lands of the Crown immediately; by which means he also gained many that before were disaffected to him; as the Earls of Flanders, the Archbishop of Rheims, and divers others, who had been at the first great opposers of this [Page 18] Ʋsurper. Now of these Peers, there were at the first Twelve onely ordained: and Num­ber. to wit, six of the Spiritualty, and as many of the Temporalty: but at this day their number is become indefinite, de­pending solely on the pleasure of the King: And these are so na­med, not for that they pretend to any equality of Dignity with their Soveraign, but their mutual parity in authority one amongst another.

The Ecclesiasticks were
  • 1 Th' Archbishop and Duke of Rheims.
    Ecclesiasti­call,
  • 2 The Bishop and Duke de Laon.
  • 3 The BP and Duke de Langres.
  • 4 The Bishop and Earl of Beau­vais.
  • 5 The Bishop and Earl of Noyon.
  • 6 The Bishop and Comte de Cha [...] ­lons in Champagne.
The six Temporal were
  • The Dukes of 1 Bourgongne.
    Temporall.
  • The Dukes of 2 Normandie.
  • The Dukes of 3 Guyenne.
  • [Page 19]The Compts of 4 Tholouse.
    Temporal.
  • The Compts of 5 Champagne.
  • The Compts of 6 Flanders.

These twelve Peers composed likewise in times past the Parlia­ment of France; from whence it is to this day called (as once with us) the Court of Peers. Their im­munities & priviledges.

Now, amongst sundry other Immunities & Priviledges which they injoy, this is none of the least, that they can neither be disposed of, nor appealed in judg­ment, but onely in the Court of Parliament, where they have their Places as the Princes of the Blood have: for before the Institution of that high Tribunal in this Kingdom, the Peers were those which judged all Causes that were ordinarily brought before the King; nor did he manage any thing else either in War or Peace, without their speciall aid and assistance. Moreover, this digni­tie to some hath been granted for life, some personal, others onely [Page 20]to the Males descending, Women ca­pable of Paireries. some for ever; yea, and even women them­selves are alike capable of Paire­ries.

It would take up too much time, should I trouble you with their severall Functions and Char­ges at the Coronation, Charges at the Corona­tion. more fit for an Herauld, than an Historian; this onely is observable, that al­beit there were never so many Peers present, Those onely who bare the Titles of the six Spiri­tuall, and six Temporall before noted, officiate at the Ceremony; for which very purpose, those who are wanting, or extinct, have yet their Representatives, who upon this occasion stand for, and supply their Persons.

We have spoken now of the King and prime Nobility; The Crown of France, and Officers belonging to it. Let us next survey the Crown, and the prime Officers thereunto be­longing.

The late Author of the E­stat de France hath divided them [Page 21]into three Ancients, three Modern, and three Domestique; which truly, is not an unequall tricho­tomy: But for that I intend to perfect what I have already esta­blished touching the Court, I wil commence with the three last in this partition, and so come to those which more immediately appertaine to the State after­wards.

The Dome­stique Offi­cers.
The three Domestick Officers and Charges are,
  • The Grand Maistre of France,
  • The Grand Chambellan of Fr.
  • The Grand Escuyer of France.

The office of the Grand Maistre de France, The office of the Grand Maistre de France. is superintendent of the Kings house, and hath abso­lute jurisdiction over all the domestick officers and Provisions of his Majesties table; and is a place of so supreme Authority, that it is seldome conferred save upon one of the Princes of the Blood; The Prince of Condy at present undeservedly inheriting his fathers charge therein.

Under the Grand Maistre, Subordinate officers to him. are many subordinate officers; as Maistres de Hostel, Butlers, Carvers, Gentlemen waiters, and a whole Regiment of o­thers, which are reduced to no certain number: One thing is to be noted, ceremony at the [...]eath of the king. that when the King dyes, the Grand Mastre breaketh his staffe of office, not only as an embleme of the dismission of the rest, but likewise to shew that their charges are only depen­dant upon the life of the King, albeit afterward, the successor for the most part re-establish them. The high Chāberlain and officers subordinate to him.

Next to the G. M. is the High Chamberlain of France, who hath the supervisall and dis­position of all officers of the Kings Bedchamber and Wardrobe, gives or denyes accesse to his Ma­jestie; under him there are four chief Gentlemen of the Chamber, called, les quatres premiers gentils hommes de la chambre du Roy; one of these ever lies in the Kings [Page 23]Bedchamber, or very neer to it. Under these are the Masters of the Wardrobe, very lucrative places, to whom are subordinate the Pages, &c.

Lastly, the Grand Escuyer, The Grand Escuyer, his authority. or Master of the Horse, superinten­dent of the Premier Escuyer and other Officers of the stables; his charge it is to march on Horse­back before the King, bearing a Sword and Belt, when his Maje­sty entreth into any City; but in those towns which have a Parlia­ment he carries (in place thereof) a Casque of blew velvet semeèd with flowre de lys, his own horse Caparisoned with the like. He pretends also authority over the Masters of the Post, Offices of wonderfull gain; but it is now otherwise settled. The Master of the Horse hath likewise under him four and twenty Pages, who being the sons of prime Noblemen, are educated in all such exercises as become their quality. The Grand Escuyer is at present the Prince of Harcourt.

The Premier Escuyer (whom I have before mentioned) hath particular care of the Kings lit­tle Stable, Premier Es­cuyer. where the coach hor­ses are kept, as also over the Pa­ges, who be no lesse then fifty in number, and the Kings foot-men; in effect he commands equally both the great and little stables, so that the charge of the Premier Escuyer is not much inferiour to that of Master of the Horse himself. Secretaries of the Kings Chamber and Cabinet

The King hath likewise foure Secretaries of his Chamber, and three of his Cabinet: to speak truth, the multitude of those who stile themselves Secretaries to the King, is such, that what with the greatnesse of their number, and inconsiderablenesse of most of their persons, the dignity of the charge is extremely Eclip­sed.

The Kings Bibliothecarius, The Biblio­thecarius, Controlers Treasurers, Mareshals des Loges. Su­perintendant of the Moveables of the Crown, Controlers, Trea­surers, Mareshals des Loges, la [Page 25]Capitaine de la Porte, Capitain de la porte, &c. who hath under him a guard of fifty Hal­berds, &c. and of other inferi­our officers of all sorts under those above five hundred more, though never half of them wai­ting at a time, and so not con­stantly eating at Court, Order, splen­dor, & hos­pitality, of the English Court pre­ferred. as did heretofore most of the officers of the Kings of England; the splen­dor, hospitality, order, and decent magnificence of whose service and attendance in this kind, I am confident no Court of Europe hath ever approach'd or Paral­lell'd.

There are likewise of Church men, The Great Almoner. The Greate Almoner of France, upon whom depend all of that Robe in the Court; un­der him is also the Premier Al­moner, Chaplains, Clerks, con­fessors. and subordinate to him the severall Chaplains, Clerks, Confessors.

Now before I proceed, som­thing I should speak of those Royal officers which superintend the Kings pleasures and ordinary [Page 26]Recreations, pertaining to the Kings pleasure: as Veneur, Fau connier' &c. such is the Grand Veneur and Fauconnier, the chief Hunter, and master of the Game, places not only of very great ho­nour, but also of Command; but a word of them shall suffice, as offices rather of dignity then policy.

Touching the officers belong­ing in particular to the Queens houshold, Officers be­longing to the Queens in particular much like those of the Kings. I shall herein like­wise much contract my self, ha­ving so amply discoursed of those which appertain unto the King; and the rather, in regard that in most of the subalternate, they so much resemble the one the other: Except maids of honour. Knights, &c Yet she hath different­ly one Dame d' Honneur, of Extra­ordinaries many more; six Maids of Honour, twelve Chamber-maids called Filles de la Reyne: a Knight of Honor divers Masters, Cup­bearers, & carvers; a chief Groom, under whom are a great many pa­ges and footmen: also Secretaries, Treasurers, &c. She hath like­wise her Grand Aumosnier and [Page 27]a Premier Aumosnier, Ecclesia­sticks, and the like, as before was said of the King.

And now having surveied the Principal officers of the Court, I know you are ready to enquire of me where the Guard of this great Monarch is all this while? I will but only mention the grand Prevost, The Grand prevost, his command. at present the Mareshal d' Hoquencourt, whom I may not omit, and then I will draw them forth in their several or­ders:

Not only the Grand Prevost is an office which extends it selfe over all the officers (already men­tioned) which belong to his Majesties Houshold, but it hath likewise command absolute for six leagues round about Paris, and the Court, every way, which is in truth a very great and no­ble jurisdiction; besides he is judg of all causes, as well civills, as criminels, which are incident in Court, and hath for this Re­spect two Leutenans, Fifty Ar­chers [Page 28]of the Kings Guard, and se­verall other officers: To him appertaineth the imposing of the price of Bread, wine, flesh, fish, hay, Guard of the King of F. oates, with sundry other very important priviledges. But behold, here comes the Guard, The first which present them­selves are. 100 Gen­tlemen.

Le Cent Gentils hommes, so named from their primary restri­ction (albeit now double in num­ber) they are called the Kings Company, and wait on him upon all days of Ceremony, and like occasions. Musquetiers on horsback Next

The Musquetiers on Horse­back, which during the Regency have been dissolved, but are now in great probability to be reesta­blished by the King: they were composed of a hundred and fifty horsemen, chosen out from a­mongst the prime youth of the chiefest families of France, and at the first instituted by Lewis the thirteenth, Late Kings curiosity in choosing them. father of this present King, who was so Physiognomi­cally [Page 29]punctual in their Election, that it is reported, he would ad­mit none who were of a Red hair: These waited on his Ma­jestie in Person when ever hee went abroad: but after these, and the more Ancient farr (who be­sides their immediate attendance on the Person of the King wee are to accompt as principall and solid Forces of the State) are the Guards of French, Scotch, and Swisse: Of all whom, be­cause those who approach neerest to the person of his Majesty are the Scotch (by an extraordinary & special good fortune (it seems) ever esteemed faithfull to this King and Crown only, for they are very neer his person, and therefore called the Guard de La Manch) I will first begin with them. Scotchguard or guard de la Manch. They consist of an hun­dred Archers, and four Exempts, who carry a staffe or Trunche­on in stead of an halberd, with the rest, from whence they are so denominated: These wait [Page 30]on the King, and observe him in all motions, joyned also with some other of his Majesties guards, wherof some bear halberds, others Carabines, whether the King be at Table, in Coach, or in his bed­chamber. But this guard of Scots, as sympathizing with the calamity of their Nation, is of late years very much impaired, divers French suborned in their places, Decay of the Scots at present. and many of their privi­ledges lost and infringed, inso­much as it seems at present to re­tain rather a name then a real Being.

The Swisse (for being likewise strangers) I produce in the next place: Guard of Swisse. The guard of this grim Nation, is composed of sixteen Companies: but of these the more immediately attending as the Kings constant Guard are only an hundred of them, who all weare the Kings cloath, mar­ching which halberds on their shoulders, drum always beating, and fife playing before his Maje­sty, [Page 31]when'ere he stirs but into the City.

Lastly, the Guard of French, Guard of F. or Regiment des Guards. called the Regiment des Guards, with the Swisse (composing two entire Companies) guard all the avenues and precincts of the Kings Palace: They are both of them two Regiments, whereof each is made up of 30 companies, consisting of two hundred men a piece, if full; and Besides these there is also another Companie de Gens d' Armes, Gens d'arms Cavalry. who are Cava­lieres, & serve quarterly on horse back.

Thus is this great Monarch so inviron'd with men of iron whereever he goes, that one who should meet him abroad, though but upon the most or­dinary occasion, would suppose them an Army Marching rather to defend or invade some distres­sed Province, then the private guard only of a Princes Person; so carefull have the Kings of France ever been to maintain this [Page 32]principle of greatnesse and securi­ty the very quintessence certainly of true Polity, True signa­tures of Ab­solute Mo­nar hy. and infalliblest signatures of an absolute jurisdi­ction.

It would now peradventure be thought proper here to speak next of the Militia, having al­ready placed the Guards, who in­deed compose so considerable a part thereof: but because wee have now done with the court, Officers of State. we will in the next cast our eyes upon the State, and afterwards secure it.

But first a word or two tou­ching the Kings Revenue, & Coun­sel; Ks Revenue as being the very Nerves and Pillars of all earthly gran­deur.

The ordinary Revenue of the Kings of France is extreamly un­certain, albeit vastly augmented within these late few years, and (besides from the Domains for­merly engaged to the Crowne) are infinitely increased by the Doüanes Tailles, and other cu­stomes [Page 33]arising upon all manner of Merchandize; a treasure alto­gether uncertain, and therefore imposed still as occasion requi­reth, and at the pleasure of the King. In order to this, are e­stablished severall grand Officers of whom in order first.

The Superintendent of the Fi­nances, Superintendent des Fi­nances, or Cuostumes. equivalent to our quo [...] ­dam Lord High Treasurer, and officers depending on him. This is he who doth absolutely dis­pose of the Farmes and Customs of the King, hath the charge and dispensation of the Revenues: In short, it is a place so immen­sly lucrative, and prodigiously rich, (as being obnoxious to no Account) that there is no man able to make a just estimate of their gaine. Subordinate to him are four other Intendents, Thres [...]tiers de l' Espar­gne. and as many Treasurers de l' Espargne, whereof one of each wait every moneth, and these are those great Financiers, who suck the very bloud of the people; for [Page 34]which (like the Jewish Publicani their Brethren) they are suffi­ciently blasphemed by them upon all occasions.

The Tresoriers de l' Espargne (which are as Chancellours of the Exchequer have an alterna­tive office; because the num­ber of them is not alwayes cer­tain, places of that vast Reve­nue, that they are frequently sold at no lesse then a million of livers: for this the Espargne is resembled to the Ocean sea, into which, like so many rivers, all the other Receipts, generall and parti­cular, of the Kings Revenue, do praecipitate themselves, and pay their tribute. From hence all other the Treasures, as well or­dinary as extraordinary, of the Wars, Generals of the Provinces, Maritime Officers, Payers of Pub­lick rents, Courts, &c. receive money, and advance for their se­veral and respective distributions.

There are likewise besides these, the Treasurers of the Par­ties [Page 35]Casuelles, who are four. The Treasu­rers of the parties Ca­suelles. These have charge to receive all monies proceeding from the sale of offi­ces, (which is a gain here openly avowed.) But that which much countervails the inconvenience of their casualties, unto which they are incident, is, that though a man deposit a vast summe, and even exhaust himselfe for the purchace, they are yet hereditary, Casual Offi­ces heredi­tary even to Widows, and how. so that even the Widow of the defunct, may delegate it to a Deputy, or Proxy, the King on­ly reserving a small annuall rent, which they call La Paulet; in de­fault of which payment, or that the person die without having re­signed his office. These Treasu­rers dispose of it to the Kings use and benefit.

The Controuler General des Finances, Comptrol­lers General of the Cu­stomes. his office it is to regi­ster all receipts and expences; but for the present, it remaines extinct.

These Treasurers are distribu­ted into Generalities or Bur­aux Bureaux & Generalties [Page 36](so called from a stuff of that name which covereth the table, Bureaux and Gene­ralties. as our Exchequer) the Ge­neralties are twenty two great Cities, and each of those have their generall and particular Re­ceivers, which last bring the mo­nies of Tailles (which certain elected officers impose or assesse upon the Parishes) unto the re­spective Collectors who receive it: How the taxes are collected. and these at Paris render it into the Office aforesaid.

The ancient Kings of France had other wayes then these to subsist, Kings of France had other wayes of subsisting till King Pepin. till Pepin and some later Princes of the third Line, so much augmented the Domaine of the Crown; as by Appanages, which through defect of Issue Male now revert unto it; also by possession of Lands and Seignio­ries annexed to the Crown, by Rents, Fifts, and other rights proceeding from Fiefs. Impositions by Edicts. By Im­positions and dues which are pay­able by Edicts. By a number of Lands who owe faith, and do ho­mage [Page 37]to the Prince. Droict d' Aubaine, death of strangers, Bastardy, Vacancy through death, First-fruits and dues from Ecclesia­sticks. By the Droct d' Aubaine, by which the goods of strangers dying in France, most inhospitality escheat to the King; putting (in this respect) no difference between them, and Bastards unnaturalized. By the goods vacant through death, &c. By Annates or First fruits, Dues from certain Archbishopricks and Bishopricks, to the number of 30, and more: as likewise innume­rable other wayes, which here it were too long to reckon up.

Nor can the Domain be other­wise alienated, then (as already hath been said) in case of Ap­panages: The other upon some extraordinary and desperate ne­cessity, as in occasion of warre, yet then also but upon con­dition of Redemption, and that they be both first verified in Parliament. But these it seems of late, not sufficing the pub­lick expenses of so great a Prince and his many Armies; Those Tailles and subsidiary assistances [Page 38]before mentioned, have been more frequently levied; The ordina­ry entertain­ment of the Souldiery. yea now (since Charles the seventh) made the Ordinary Entertaine­ment of the Souldiery. Not­withstanding the Gentry and No­bility (for these tearms are coinci­dent and convertible in France) Churchmen, Gentry and Clergy ex­empt of Ta­xes. and their dependants are exempt from these contribu­tions; an immunity which they enjoy as a distinction, which ours of the same quality in England never so much as tasted off; so that (amongst us) if a person be not Rich, let him be never so well borne, Nobility no advantage in England. the Peasant is as good a man every whit for any priviledg which the other enjoys above him; through which defect, as there remains little encourage­ment and reward for ancient vertue or future industry, so must it needs, in time both utterly con­found, and degenerate the race of the most illustrious Families, which have yet hitherto remai­ned.

The Aides (which I therefore the rather mention, The Aid [...]s, what, and when insti­tuted. because it was instituted upon occasion of King John's imprisonment in England) is now become a perpetual and generall Tax upon all sorts of Commodities whatever, All commo­dities taxa­ble in France, wheat onely exempted. excep­ting wheat only, which is the sole individual in all France free from any Impost.

But that which seasons all the rest, and is indeed a principal in­gredient to the Kings Vast reve­nue, is the Gabels upon Salt; Gabels up­on Salt. which yeelds this Monarch more then Twenty Millions of Livers: for which respect there are divers officers appertaining therto, some whereof have power to constrain men to buy a certain quantity of the King whether they wil or no; Rigour of exacting. a rigour, some interpret extreamly approaching the very height of extortion: some particular pla­ces yet of the Kingdome, (as to­wards the Frontiers, and sea towns) are exempted, and have their salt quit of any impost at all.

These are in fine the most prin­cipall quarries from whence this Monarch diggs forth and fetches his treasure and revenue, K. of Fran­ces's Reve­nue 14 mil­lions ster­ling. which those who are yet thought to have made a favourable Audite, do not blush to affirm, ammounts unto more then an hundred and fourty Millions of Livers, which is about fourteen Millions of our mony: nay some, that in Car­dinall Richlieus time, it was brought to an hundred and fifty: which portentous and monstrous Treasure, together with the man­nagement and manner of exa­cting it, might (as some think) serve a little to extenuate that which was yet thought a propor­tion too large for a most excel­lent prince, whose whole Reve­nue could never yet be stretched to above one Million sterling in all, viis et modis. Which is some thirteen short of that, which the Kings of France at present en­joy.

Now 'ere we define the more [Page 41]distinct Ministers of State, Supream counsels of France. wee wil first speak severally of the su­pream Counsels which are two: The chief is called the secret or (more frequently) le Conseil d'en hault, that is, Le Counsel d'en hault, of this coun­sel are the Duke of Or­leans, Prince of Condé; The Cardi­nall and 4 principall Secretaries of State. (after our old En­glish stile) the Cabinet Counsel; be­cause it is commonly held in the Kings Bedchamber: for which respect you may reasonably imagine it to be composed but of few, and those the prime and most illustrious persons of charge and title in the Kingdome: so that (according to the nature of affaires) it is sometimes reduced unto two or three only: but upon intelligences and transacti­ons of State, as those which con­cern matter of warr, forrain Alliances, &c. Then there is a fuller number of other Ministers required to be present.

The other Conseil is termed le Conseil d'Estat & privé where, The counsel of State. when the King himself sits not, the Precedency is given to the first Prince of the Blood then present, [Page 42]and in default of their absence, to the Chancelour, who, together with the Treasurer or Superin­tendent, hath principal authori­ty in all those Courts I have, or shall speak of; and this Court (besides the above named who are chief) is composed of many Counsellours of State, who are all persons of great merit, and com­monly such as have given signal testimonies of their abilities and addresse by their long services, as Ambassadors and Orators to for­raign Princes; or officers in other jurisdictions and Counsels: also to this Court appertaine foure Secretaries that serve quarterly: eighteen Maistres de Requests, who (according to the nature of the affaire) with the Intendents, make the Reports, having first re­solved the businesse amongst themselves, according to which the Arrest is sometimes gi­ven.

In this Counsell passe all mat­ters belonging either to Warr or [Page 43] Peace, and all other concerne­ments of the Crown whatever; for here they determine definitively, which judgment so passed, is ter­med an Arrest or Act of Councell; howbeit, in causes of high con­sequence they are often revoked both from this Tribunall (yea, and the Parliament it self also) unto the Counseil d'-en-hault al­though a Counsell but of a later Initiation. Branches from this are also the Counsell of the Fi­nances or Customes, called the Councel of direction; The Coun­sell of di­rection. where all the affaires of the Exchequer are disposed: likewise the Chancelor holdeth another Counsell, The Coun­sell of Par­ties. called the Counseil des parties, wherein the Processes of particular parties and Recusations have their pro­per hearing; and to this also belong quarterly Secretaries a­part.

Now the manner of proceed­ing in these Courts goes according to the disposition of the severall affairs, The manner of proceed­ing in these Courts. by the Reports made rea­dy, [Page 44] reformed and first signed, which is by them, then by the Chancellor if it be at the coun­sell of parties; if at the Finances, by the Duke of Orleans, Mons r, the Prince, and Superintendents, who deliver them to the Grefier or Clerk, by whom they are to be allowed, that is paragraphed in Parchment, to which they sub­joyne a commission which is sea­led by the chancellor, if they are to be immediately executed. O­ther Arrests and Acts of Counsel are executed by an usher or Ser­gaent of the Counsel, who wears a chaine of Gold about his neck, with a Medail pendent, where­in there is impressed the Kings pi­cture. Grand Con­seil.

There is likewise another Councell, called the Grand con­seil, in which also the Chancel­lor presides virtually, though sel­dom present in person; and this is Composed of four Presidents, and a hundred and fifty Coun­sellers, who serve by Semester: [Page 45]and this court is chiefly, and in­deed only conversant in affaires Ecclesiastical, such as concerne Bishopricks, Priories, Hospitals, &c. collation and presentation to Benefices in the jurisdiction ei­ther of King or Pope within this Realme; and therefore here is the Kings Advocate, and proctor Generall continually attend­ing.

And now (returning to our former division) we may remem­ber that the more ancient officers of the Crown were likewise three: viz. The Connestable, the Mares­chal and the Chancellor: I shall forbear a while to speak much of the two first, till I come to treat particularly concerning matters of warr: Officers of State & Ju­stice. Chancelour of France. we are now in affaires of State and Justice, wherein this last in our division as chiefe and soveraign; his office is to dis­patch and modifie all the Graces and gifts of the King, is keeper of the Great seale, with which hee confirmes all the Ordinances, E­dicts, [Page 46]declarations and pleasure of his Majesty; for which respect he hath in Parliament his seat on the left hand of the King, when he is there present. But there are no dayes properly design­ed for sealing, that wholly de­pending upon the will of the Chancellour. Days and manner of Sealing. The manner thereof is this: The chancellour sits at the middle of a large Table, upon which is placed a cabinet or coffer (wherein there is locked all the publick seals of France) the key of which he carries about his neck: at the End of this Table are two Masters of Requests, with whom he may advise in case the affaire require it; and over a­gainst the Chancelor one of the four Referendaries of France who reads all the Letters, Arrests, and other expeditions, which if ap­proved, are accommodated with Yellow wax fitting and ready for the seale, and so put up into a box to be controuled by the Kings Secretaries, who must first [Page 47]allow and Paragraph them, and then they are sealed: for Expe­dition of highest consequence, as Treaties, Edicts, Abolitions, &c. in green wax: but the seals of Dauphine are in red: Moreover the character of the Chancelor is esteemed so sacred & Inviolable, that it remains altogether indele­ble but by death onely; Guard des sceaux. yet not­withstanding upon decadency, or disgrace with the King, there is commonly one called Gard des Sceaux, who executeth his charg & hath also the same authority; for the Seales may be taken away at his Majesties pleasure, but not the Chancelorship, which as it is never to dye, but with his Person, so may he not put on Mourning for the King himself, his Father or Mother if any of them decease, as being insensible of all other Relations, and consi­derations besides the sole interest of the People: his habite is a Robe of black Velvet doubled, or lined with Crimson plush: be­fore [Page 48]him goe two Searjeants, with chains of Gold, who bear 2 rich maces of gold on their shoulders.

The Secretaries of State and commands of the King are four in number; Secretaries of State. whose functions, for being different, deserve to bee mentioned in the next place. One of these Secretaries is for Expedi­tions altogether forraign: one for affaires Ecclesiasticall and be­nefices; a third for matters only appertaining to the Kings house, and the fourth, serves for affairs and concernements of war; and thus have they the whole King­dom so cantoniz'd betwixt them, that upon all particular Exi­gences of the Provinces, e­very one knows his division: In Court and presence of the King, they waite alternatively by Months; for he uses them likewise in affaires of the ca­binet, which for not being mat­ter of State, hee will not have made known or divul­ged.

Lastly, Masters of Requests. The Masters of Request (of whom there are at present no lesse then seven­ty) are as it were Assessors of the Chancellour, and compose the body of the Court of Parli­ament, (of which we shall short­ly speak) and have their Seats next to the Counsellers, but not exceeding four at a time. In absence of the Presidents, they preside also in many other Judi­catures, and Bailliages: these make report and sign the Request of Justice, and sometimes the af­faires of the Exchequer: they are likewise many times chosen for Extraordinary Embassades, as wel as Commissioners for his Ma­jesty in the Cities and Provinces, where they judg and determine upon all affairs of the Crowne with most absolute power and authority.

The rest of the Officers more immediately belonging to the Kings Revenue I have touched at large already. I [Page 50]come now to the Parlia­ments of France, of whom there hath hitherto been so much talke.

The Justice of France (in the equal dispensation whereof should be the glory and diadem of a Prince in Peace, Parliament of France, as is the multitude of people his visible strength in warr) is doubtlesse very good, but wonderfully ill executed; which happens through the sordid corruption of such as dispense it for mony and favour, without which there is nothing to be hoped for in this Kingdom: and good reason there should bee some gaine made of that which the dividers thereof buy so dear, purchasing their places and offices at such excessive charges, that they are constrained to fell their Vertue to him who bidds most for it. But this is not (I suppose) the only Monopoly which drives that trade. by whom e­stablished.

Philip the Faire established [Page 51]the Parliament of Paris; for before it was Ambulatory, and onely observed the motion of the King) whither both Eccle­siasticks and seculars repaired. As it is now constituted, it is compo­sed of Five houses or chambers: La Grand Chambre hath twenty five Counsellers, La grand chambre des Enquests. who take cog­nisance of affairs of highest Con­sequence: and of five Chambres des Enquests, to either of which there is also about the same num­ber of Counsellers: likewise two other Chambers, one whereof is called La Tournelle, La Tour­nelle. wherein are pleaded only matters Crimi­nall, composed of two Coun­sellours of the Grand Chambre, and of two of every Chambre des Enquests. The Chambre del' E­dict that is of the Edict of Nan­tes, which only toucheth the af­faires of the Protestants, and is al­so composed of two Counsellers, out of each of the six other Chambers, who are nomina­ted every second year by the [Page 52] Chancellour and the Protestant deputy Generall. De l' Ed [...]ct for the Protestan [...]s P [...]esident au Mort [...]er. because there standeth a cup [...]ade in fashion of a mo [...]er over the mantling of the Arms in lieu of a wreath and helmet.

In the great Chambre presi­deth the President au Mortier, who presenteth the ancient Dukes and Peers: these presidents are Counsellers of State the first day of their reception, and have about their neck an hood of vel­vet, lined with furr, from whence some affirme they derive their name: they are now in num­ber seven or eight, having of late been encreased.

To all the other Chambers of Parliament there are like­wise Presidents: Presidents, Conseillers, Advocats & [...]rocteurs. viz. two at the Tournelle, and one at the Edict: To each Chambre des Enquests are two, but these last for being only commissionated Counsellers, have no places as presidents in ful assemblies of Parliament. Be­sides presidents and Counsellers; there is moreover a Procureur, and two Advocates General, who intervene in all Causes which con­cern either the King or State: [Page 53]besides an Infinity of other Ad­vocates who are rather to count by m [...]titudes then numbers e­stablished, only the proctors have of late years been reduced to a­bout 600.

There is likewise a Greffier en chef, or clerk of the Parliament, Clerk of the pa [...]lia [...]e [...]t. one of the most luerative charges of France, as esteemed to be no lesse worth then an 100 Crowns of Gold a day: This office ha­ving now successively remained in the family of Monsieur, du Tillet neer three hundred years, we could not passe his name in silence; Lastly, of Com­mises, Searjeants, Ʋshers, and under officers there are in very great numbers.

All the Officers of Parliament wear a long Gown, Rob [...]rs of the Officers of Parlia [...]. and square cap, but the Presidents au Mor­tier and Counsellours, upon so­lemn occasions, put on Robes of scarlet, which are trimmed with black velvet.

The Solemne Arrests or Acts [Page 54]of Parliament are pronounced four times the year: Arrests of Parl. when pronounced. viz. on Christmas Eves eve, on the Tues­day before Easter, on Whitson Eves eve, and the seventh day of Sept. till which, from the mor­row after the feast of St Martine it continues: but the Parliament doth not open untill such time as the King renews their Commis­sion.

there are besides Paris, Cities be­sides Paris, that have parliaments these nine Cities which have Parlia­ments,

  • 1 Toulouse.
  • 2 Roüen.
  • 3 Bourdeaux.
  • 4 Dijon.
  • 5 Grenoble.
  • 6 Aix.
  • 7 Rheims.
  • 8 Pau.
  • 9 Mets.

Whose Constitution and Composition are alike to that of Paris, In what they differ from the Par. of Paris. except that of Mets [Page 55]and Roüen, whose President and Counsellers of late serve seme­straly, that is half during one six months, and halfe the other: some of the Parliaments also have no chamber of Edict, as Rheims, and Dijon, so that the Protestants of those parts repaire to Paris to plead; and in Toulouse, Bordeaux, and Grenoble, for default thereof, those of the Religion have esta­blished them Chambers Mi­parties, that is, of equal num­bers of Romanists; nor have the other Parliaments so many chambers of Enquests, as not (in truth) needing them

Likewise this Prerogative hath the Parliament of Paris, Prerogative of the P. of Paris. that it hath the sole honour to be cal­led the Court of Peers; for here only can they of right be judg­ed: yet this priviledg was not a­ble to protect them, at what time the late great Cardinal de Richlieu made bold to infringe it, when it served to his pur­pose.

In all these Parliaments afore­said the Advocates plead covered, How the Advocates and proctors plead. but the Prectors both bareheaded and kneeling.

Moreover, the businesse of the Parliament of Paris, besides the verifying of the Kings Edicts, Ordinances, and letters Patents (as hath been already touched) is the dispensing of all other Ju­stice Civill and Criminall: here the Appanages of the crown are regulated, the erection of new dignities, Modification of the Popes Legats, Commissions, pro­cedures to Banishment, Let­ters of naturalty, Pardons and the like supream transactions of State have their genuine and na­turall source.

The Bishops in Parlia­ment have right of place, Bishops and ecclesiasticks in Parliament have place, no de­liberative Voice, ex­cept B. of Paris, and abbot of St. Denys. but no deliberative Voice, except only the Archbishop of Pa­ris, and Abbot of Saint De­nys. Thus much shall suffice to have been spoken touching the Parliaments.

The Chamber of compts (which comes next in order) is a ju­risdiction and Court apart, Chamber of compts, its high au­thority and number. that concernes & judges the accompt of all the Receivers, Treasurers and officers paid into, or received out of he Kings Exchequers, for which cause all their Letters, Edicts, Ordinances, &c. are read, registred, and verified. Here it is that homage for Feifs mo­ving from the Crown are acknow­ledged. It hath belonging to it ten Presidents, Monsieur Ni­colas, who is the first (having from Father to Son conserved this charge neer two hundred years in his Family) hath re­fused for his charge 1400000 Livers, which the late D'Eme­ry offered him for it. To it also appertaineth seventy Mai­stres des compts, eighty Audi­tors: in fine, it is a Court of that high Authority, that it hath sometimes stood even in com­petition with the Parliament it self. There are eight of these [Page 58]in France. Chambers des Requests du Palais. Besides this Court, there are likewise the two Cham­bres des Requests du Palais, where is pleaded the Priviledg of the Royall offices, and house­hold; and therefore they con­sist of Counsellers of parliament, &c.

The Cour des Monnoyes com­posed of three Presidents, Cour des Monnoyes. twenty four Conseillers, these con­cerne the Mint in all parti­culars. Mint.

Also the Admiralty, Admiralty and Table de Marbre. called the Table de Marbre insti­tuted for Maritime affaires. And lastly,

Les Eaux & Forrests, Waters and Forrests. with some other inferiour courts, wher­of we have already sufficiently spoken elsewhere.

And so I am come out of Westminster-hall to the other two of our three ancient Of­ficers, viz. the Connestable and Mareschall of France, being the last of our division and will naturally lead us to [Page 59]discourse something of the Mi­litia.

The Connestable, Military of­ficers, and first the Connest a­ble of F. albeit an of­fice, to a greater then which the King himself can promote no subject, yet for that it is not a charge which is always in being, but upon extraordinary Emer­gencies and grand occasions, will be needlesse to say more of it, then that this Office holdeth ranke immediately after the Princes of the blood; The D. of Orleans is as it were Connestable now. and in Par­liament it is before the Dukes and Pairs: The Connestable therefore is chief, superiour, and Genera­lissimo over the Armies of France, for which respect he hath his ju­risdiction in the Court of the Ta­ble de Marbre; but at this day the Mareschals supplying this high office (although pro­perly speaking, but his Lieu­tenants) come next to be spo­ken of. Mareschals de Fr.

The Mareschals de France, or rather, so many Generals, are the onely persons of Enterprise and [Page 60]Action in their Armies, both at home and abroad; being com­monly men who are elevated to those Charges, purely by their own Valour and Demerits: so that as their number is indeter­minate, so there is no Souldier, of what condition soever, but may possibly by his vertue aspire to this preferment. I said even now, that their Jurisdiction did much resemble that of the Connestables; nor can they be devested of this honour during their lives. Be­fore these Mareschals are deter­mined all matters of private quar­rels and defies incident to the No­blesse; for which cause they have their Provosts or Lieutenants in all the greatest Cities of the King­dome. They bear in their At­chievements a Truncheon Salter­wise azure, semeéd with Flowr de lyces or.

Finally, Last divisiō (which is the last part of our division) the three Modern Offices of the Crown, viz.

  • 1. The Admiral of the French.
  • [Page 61]2. Le Colonel de l' Infanterie.
  • 3. Le Grand Maistre de l'Ar­tillerie.

In the first place the Admiral, (who holds likewise his place du­ring life) is Generall of all the Kings forces by sea, Admirall. and under him are al the Marine jurisdicti­ons. The charge hath in times past been divided unto more, both Guyenne and Provence ha­ving enjoyed theirs apart: but the defunct Cardinall de Richlieu (who hath left this high office to his Nephew) united them all un­der one: his jurisdiction also is at the Table de Marbre, where (for being but subalternate judges) their places in Parliament is at the lower end. The charge is now in the person of the Queen Regent, some say, the Duke of Vendosme: likewise the General des Galeres hath here his seate, General des Galeres. which is a place of very notable gaine and Authority on the coasts of the Mediterranean seas, where his Majesties Gallies do [Page 62]both harbour and ride. Colonel of the Infantry

Next is the Colonell of the French Infantery, which is a charge one of the most considera­ble in all respects, of France, espe­cially for Gain, receiving eight solz every Muster for every souldiers head his authority being gene­rally over all the French-foot, Masters of the Camp. and hath for his Lieutenant Co­lonels the Maistres de Camp: un­der his name issue all Ordinances of Warr.

There is likewise a Colonel General des Suisses, Colonel General des Suisses who hath jurisdiction over all those Merce­naries, as well those of the Kings Guard, as those who serve in the field and in the Garison; of which there are constantly about eight thousand in this Dominion.

Last of all, Grand Mai­stre de l'Ar­till [...]r [...]e. the Grand Maistre de l'Artillerie, which is a charge equal with a Mareschall of France: under his tuition and conduct is the Arsenall of Paris, all the Can­non and Ammunition of warre in the Kingdome, for which cause he [Page 63]hath his Lieutenants, Captains, and other officers belonging to the Carriages in great number: be­sides all this, he hath the manage­ment of five millions of Livers, to­gether with the arbitrary dis­position of above eight hun­dred Officers; of all which he is obliged to no particular ac­compt. Grand pri­curde France Mr. of the Religion of Malta.

There is likewise the Grand Prieur de France, which for being a quality of high reputation is not to be pretermitted. The Master­ship of the Religion and Order of Malta for the French being not lesse worth then 10000 pounds yearly: his ordinary Residence is at the Temple, a quarter in the town of Paris as is that of ours in London so called. Counsell of War.

The Councel of Warr is com­monly held in the Palace of the Duke of Orleans, as being Lieu­tenant General of all the Kings Forces, and therefore little re­mote (as hath been said) from the dignity and charge of high Con­nestable. [Page 64]Thus we have done with the Courts and Officers of France: now we will take a Prospect of the Forces.

The King of France hath com­monly four Armies in field: Constant ar­mies of Fr. viz. that of Flanders, of Germanie, of Italy, and that of Catalogna; wherein the King, Queen, Mon­sieur, the Duke of Anjou, the Duke of Orleans, Princes of the Blood, and Mareschals of France have their severall and individu­all Companies, whose Lieute­nants enjoy many singular pre­cedencies above other Offi­cers of the Armies: All these consist of well armed horse.

The light horse are at present commanded by the Master of the Camp. Light horse and other forces under continuall pay. The King hath com­monly under pay about a hundred and forty Cornets of cavalry distri­buted into 56 Regiments, besides of Strangers twelve: Of Infantry the King hath two hundred and ten, whereof some Regiments [Page 65]have thirty Companies, and every company payed for eigh­ty men effective. Moreover, his Majestie hath divers Regi­ments of strangers, whereof enough hath been said in the be­ginning.

The Armada Naval may be composed of about twenty men of Warr, and as many Gallies; Armada Naval. I have shewed you before how these Forces are payed, and therefore we will proceed to the Governours of the Provinces, as being likewise Men of Armes.

The Governours of Provin­ces have their Commissions (which are simple and depending on the pleasure of the King) ve­rified in Parliament, Governours of prov [...]nces, cities and sorts. where they have their seats next after the premiers presidents: they are in some degree equivalent to our Lieutenants of the shire, but exer­cise a much more vigorous power, which is yet restrained to matters of Armes; for in other justice [Page 66]they meddle not at all. So likewise the Governors of Cities, Fortresses, and places of strength, all which are chosen of persons of Blood, Valour and merit. But before we altogether quit this subject of Armes, it wil not be im­pertinent to say somthing here of the order of Knighthood in France.

I shall not much amuse you with those orders which are so far antiquated, Orders of Chevalrie in France. that even the He­ralds themselves can scarcely ren­der us any certain accompt: Such is that which is named de la Genette, Instituted by Charls Martel, or the Order de l'Estoile by King John, the Order of the Croisant, Porc Espic, nor much concerning the order of Saint Michael it self, Instituted 1469 by Lewis the eleventh. although not ma­ny ages since first instituted, and for a long while, the prin­cipal Order in the Kingdome; composed but of 36, because (as the manner of this Nation is to be as soon weary of their new inven­ons, as children are of Rattles) [Page 67]they begin to have this Order al­ready in contempt, Ordre de S. Michael. albeit the chain and pendent badg be com­monly reserved in the Coat Ar­mours, together with that which is now in Vogue, and next ensues. Ordre du S. Esprit. In­stitution.

L'Ordre du S. Esprit was in­stituted on new years Day, Anno 1579, by Henry the third, and ho­noured with that name, because he was both born, and afterwards Elected King of Polonia on Whitsonday: This Prince restrai­ned the number also to thirty six; but that is likewise as indefinite as it pleases the King: how­ever, it remaines yet the Order of greatest esteem, and therefore let us look a while upon the Cere­monies of the Inauguration.

The day of their Reception they appear all in Cloath of silver, Reception. their cloaks (especially the capes) cut a l'antique, of black velvet; which they put off and change, to receive on them a robe of green Velvet ful of Embroydred tongues of fire: then re­maining on their knees, the King [Page 68]hands between the palmes of his own, striking them lightly upon the shoulder, and kisses their Cheeke.

Ordinarily they wear a Flame, Order. or Orange colour Crosse of vel­vet upon the left side of their cloakes, in the midst whereof is embosted a dove of silver, and about it a glory of Rayes, like that which our Knights of the Garter in England do wear, as ha­ving first assumed that mode from the French, albeit for Antiquity of the Order, ours stands much before it.

About their bodies likewise they wear a blew ribbon which of late they have watered, and at the end of that a Crosse of Gold in the midst whereof there is enna­mailed a White Dove: and this is all which I finde observa­ble.

We have been hitherto very si­lent of the State Ecclesiastick in particular, State Hie­rarchical. which although it come last in Order, yet was it one [Page 69]of the first in mine intention, as consisting of Persons who besides their qualities both for Extracti­on and Letters, possesse alone one third part of the total Revenue of France.

The Arch Bishops of this king­dom are in number fifteen, Archbishops & Bishops. where­of he of Lyons is the Primate and Metropolitan, and some of these be Peers. Bishopricks, two hundred and one.

Of this Hierarchy is composed l' Eglise Gallicane, L'Eglise Gallicane. which by the concordats made with the Pope, hath sundry rights and priviled­ges extraordinary, which for that they are not much incident to our discourse, we will purposely o­mit, and content our selves with what hath been briefly spoken.

Having thus, as I was able, finished my designe and your re­quest, with what succinctnesse & perspicuity I might (for herein I am obliged to some Relations, more discourses, and a little expe­rience) [Page 70]I will make bold (the better to let you understand the full nature of things as they sub­sist and are govern'd at present) to reassume the Argument, & de­liver you the best and more solid opinions of men concerning the particulars already spoken of.

The Government of France doth at present rather totter then stand upon the late great Cardi­nals substruction; Present Go­vernment of France. Q. Regent. the Queen Regent having ever since his de­cease continued in the principall ministry of State affairs: Card. Maza­tini. Her fa­vourite Mazarini, a person of (to speak with the world) farre greater fortune, then either ex­traction or vertue; however he hath steered this great vessel of Monarchy a long time, and that amidst so many stormes, and in such foul weather, as whether his craft or courage exceeds it is not yet decided: certaine it is, that as he hath longer held in, then by some wise men it was judg'd he could, so some late acti­ons [Page 71]of his (interpreted to have been ingratefull enough) make o­thersdaily cōfident of his absolute ruine: and in truth, he doth play so hazardous a game at present, that as the hand is universally turned, it were great odds to lay on Confusions side, so prodigious a fatality now threatning Princes, that if France compose not suddenly, these calamities I am confident, will epidemically visite Europe for a time. And why it should be that this active Nation have endured so many Strangers to governe them thus in cheif, Government by strangers incident to this monar­chie. I am much to seek for a reason, when I stea­dily behold the universal prompt­nesse of the Noblesse; unlesse peradventure to avoid emulation at Court 'twixt so many greater Princes and Subjects, as might else pretend to highest Authority, they rather submit themselves to the meanest Alien. But this by way of glosse and species, not o­pinion. The subtill have e­ver been too hard for the simple: [Page 72]and though the law deny women succession to the Crown, yet the Fate of the kingdome, and ad­dresses of the sex, furnish'd them a title which hath fully recompen­sed for that injury.

The Noblesse of France com­prehend the Gentry, Noblesse of France, and Gentry the same thing. under one and the same common term; nor indeed is there in any Kingdome (save ours onely) that severe di­stinction of Minores and Ma­jores amongst the Nobility: a difference which some think nei­ther suits with true policy or ju­stice. But quitting this decision to whom it belongs, we are (as I said) in this Dominion to take, the Noblesse (that is the Gentry) for the sole visible body, and consequently the Plebeians of a far more vile, Plebeians, their misery. and naturally sla­vish genius, then they really are in any part of Christendome be­sides; which meannesse of spirit I easily conjecture to have been long since contracted from the o­ver severity and liberty of their [Page 73]Superiors; their incomparable paucity, and excessive oppression.

Other immunities, besides the fore rehearsed, which the Nobless enjoy in France, is, that with their Pensions and Governments, they are likewise exempted from all Contributions upon their own de­mains; which doth so far oblige them to their Prince, that there are none which render him such real and considerable service, up­on all urgent and brisk occasions, Service the Nob [...]lity of France [...]eld their Prince. Ban and Ar­ [...]er [...]Ban. as do the Gentry; especially, at what time the Ban and Arrier-Ban be summoned to their several assignations: And to this He­roique life of the Field, Chevalry, t [...]ei [...] gene­ral professi­on. they are generally addicted, as being there­to excellently disciplined from their very Cradles; by which means, certainly they become the best esteemed, and most adroict Cavalry of Europe; nor doth this early education of them abroad, prejudice the State at home; for being kept, and dissevered from projecting of commotion in the [Page 74] Country, Rebellions for the most part impro­sperous in France; and why? their Rebellions have been for the most part, though fre­quent, yet improsperous, so con­siderable a party ever remaining with the Prince, whose personal presence with them in the Field, gives an extraordinary life, and loyalty to their Actions.

As touching the Plebeians or Roturiers of France; Commons, their litigious nature in France. truly I e­steem them for the most misera­ble object, that one may likely behold upon the face of the Earth; especially, those which live towards the Frontiers, so im­measurably exhausted by Taxa­tions, Gabels, Impositions, Spoyls, and Contributions, unto which they are generally obnoxious: The rest of the two first Estates, together with al their dependants, living onely upon their Revenues, remain free and exempt; but that which addes not a little to their Ruine, is (for all this) their extraor­dinary litigious nature, and vindi­cative disposition, especially those of Normandy, Bretagne, Gascogny, [Page 75]and Provence; so that, what with the premises, delay of their Pro­cess, and the abominable corrup­tion of Justice, this rank of people seldom or never arrive to any considerable Fortune or Compe­tency, by their own wit or indu­stry, as do so many of our Yeomen and Farmers in England. Farmers in England. By these means also, their spirits becoming so abjectly debased, they are not able to afford their Prince that ready service in matter of Arms, as indeed their multitudes and necessities, both promise and re­quire: To supply which defect, in all Expeditions of Consequence, the King makes use of the Gas­cons and Biscaians, Auxiliaries in the French Ar­mies. who being bred about the Confines and Frontiers of Spain, are much the better Soldiers, and esteemed for the best Infantry of France; as also of the Dutch, Scotch, Irish, Italian, and others, in whom, to­gether with the Suisse (a most principal Ingredient) consisteth their greatest Foot confidence; the [Page 76]more considerable part, whereof being mercenary Auxiliaries, and very frequently left in great arrears, might peradventure ad­minister to Politicians sufficient cause of suspition and discourse; but the event having hitherto, for many ages past, been nothing prejudicial, takes away any far­ther occasion of dispute.

The People of Trade and Me­chanicks, Mecha­niques of France. are nothing so contemp­tible as the commonsort, of whom we have spoken a little; many of them living very decently and handsomly in their houses, espe­cially the better sort of Mer­chants, Merchants. who are better furnished then the rest; howbeit, in com­petition with our Country-men of the same quality, to be esteemed, in truth, but as mean Mounte­banks, and inconsiderable Pedlers. Those of greatest Wealth and Commerce, being some crafty Italian or Portugues, who (du­ring the time of the late, and pre­sent Cardinal) have amassed very [Page 77]considerable Estates, and great Riches And here we may pro­perly observe, That no Gentleman will in France binde his yongest son to any Trade or Mechanique Calling whatever, under that of a Military life, Appren [...]i­sage c [...]unt­ed a diminu­tion of ho­nor in France. as esteeming eve­ry Apprentisage and subjection, a stain and diminution to the Ho­nor and Dignity of his Family; the like also, they for the most part observe in their Marriages and Alliances: but herein the German is most religious.

The Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom differ much from the garb of living in England, No [...]ilities Garbe of living in France. both within, (and till of late) without doors: They have many of them vast estates, either in Lands or Offices; the Revenues whereof they chuse rather to spend at Paris, and other great Cities, in a specious Retinue of Coaches, Pa­ges, and Laquaies, then suffer themselves to be eaten up at home in the country in the likenesse of Beef and Mustard, among their [Page 78]unthankful Neighbours. This af­fection of theirs to reside for the most part in the chief Towns of the Kingdom, Corporati­ons. is the reason why the Corporations are little consi­derable, as not daring to be brew­ing and hatching such Factions, as where the Gentry and civiller sort of Mankinde are universally given to solitary and unactive lives in the country. Besides, the Gentlemen are generally gi­ven to those laudable Magnificen­cies of Building, Magnifi­cence of the Nobility & Gentry. and furnishing their Palaces with the most pre­cious Moveables, much of the luxe and excesse of Italy, being now far entred amongst them, as may well serve to exemplifie, when in the Dutchess of Chaulmes her Palace neer the Place Royal in Paris, the pennaches, or tusts of plumes belonging to one of her beds onely, is estimated worth fourteen thousand livers, which amounts to neer a thousand pounds sterling of our money.

Every great Person who builds [Page 79]here, Great pre­tenders to learning. however qualified with in­tellectuals, pretends to his Elabo­ratory and Library: for the fur­nishing of which last, he doth not much amuse himself in the particular elections of either Au­thors or Impressions; but having erected his cases and measured them, accords with a Stationer to furnish him with so many gilded Folioes, so many yard of quarto's, and octavo's by the great, till his Bibliotheke be full of Volumes. And yet some of them, both have excellent books, and are very po­lite Scholers: but the Noblesse do not naturally so addict them­selves to studie, as the Gown-men do; accounting it a life so con­templative, and below their spi­rits, Physick and Law despi­sed by the Nobility of France. that no Gentlemans necessity whatsoever shall easily engage him to seek any support, either by Physick or Law: both which Professions are (as in truth they highly merit) in very laudable e­steem and reputation amongst us in England.

The State Ecclesiastick (com­prehending that of the Religion) is of two sorts; State Eccle­siastick of France. the greater part whereof being Pontificians, and the Protestants, Protestants. commonly called those of the Religion, (and by them with this adjunct, Pre [...]endue Reformée) who exercise the Do­ctrine and Discipline of Gene­va.

The Roman Catholicks of France are nothing so precise, Roman Ca­th [...]l [...]cks of Fra [...]c [...], how they differ from others of the same Religion. se­cret, and bigotish as are either the Recusants of England, Spain, or Italy; but are for the most part an indifferent sort of Christians, na­turally not so superstitious and devout, nor in such Vassallage to his Holinesse, as in other parts of Europe, where the same opinions are professed; which indifferency, whether I may approve of, or condemn, I need not declare here.

As for the poor Protestants, Protestants, how eclips­ed & weak­ned of late. they are now so inconsiderable, since the late Successes of the Cardinal Richlieu, and especially our Na­tions [Page 81]reproach, and their misfor­tune at La Rochelle; that for the present they possess no one place of strength, or any other singular immunity above others, as being defeated of all Eminent Persons, either of Birth or Charge, who might be able to defend or Coun­sel them at need; the Court ha­ving now rendred most of them Proselytes, by Preferments or In­terests, or other effectual means: Howbeit, such as remain (and of which too there are likewise a very considerable body) are per­mitted peaceably to enjoy their Consciences, upon renovation of the late Edict of Pacification; and are undoubtedly, in case of any considerable Rebellion, capa­ble to form a very ballancing and pondrous party; but with no­thing that front and confidence which within these twenty years past, they might have done; when they durst even beard the King, The cause of [...]. and protect such as retired to them, from his displeasure, in [Page 82]most of his, now strongest Towns and places of Importance: But the Scean is now much altered, and they shrewdly contracted, especially since the stir under that late and incomparable person, the D. of Rohan: the folly of their own private Interests, having e­vidently proved their fatal de­struction; as it is most frequent­ly seen to fall out (first or last) amongst all contrivers of Civil and Popular Dissentions. Fate of civil dissentions. Little Schism a­mongst the Protestants, betwixt themselves, and why. How­ever, thus far I must needs vindi­cate the Protestants of France, That we finde not amongst them those frequent Schismatiques and broachers of ridiculous Enthu­siasms, as abound amongst us; every particular so unanimously concurring with their Pastor, That, in truth, they are herein not unworthy to be commended; though that vertue likewise were the more estimable, were it not certainly constrained by the vigi­lancy of their Antagonists, who watch all advantages to discom, [Page 83]pose, and defame them. To be short, though they have lost many great ones, and much strength, and that the form of their Disci­pline invite few, yet the light of their attempts hath invited so many to look into the reason of things beyond the mask of Tra­dition, and mystery of Policy, that it is both thought, and well known, That even divers of those who are persons of greatest emi­nency, both in Church and State, Inclinations of many great ones to a Reforma­tion. have so good an inclination to change some points of the recei­ved opinions, That were it not more out of secular considerati­on, to lose their preferments, then any other inconveniency, many of them would openly profess themselves Jansenianists, Jansenia­nists, Mou­linists. Moulinists, &c. Whose opini­ons, as they infinitely propagate amongst them, so do they come on a great way towards a Refor­mation.

The Forces of France is that which renders it (as indeed it doth Forces of France. [Page 84]all other Kingdoms) most for­midable abroad, and secure at home.

The Frame and Positure of the Continent, Advantage­ous site of France. situated as it were in the Navel of all the Christian World, qualifies it to collect, unite and dispose of her forces; for it hath Spain and Italy before it, England behinde; The Seas up­on the right, and Germany upon the left-hand; at one corner the Neatherlands, and the Cantons of the Suisse at the other; all of them potent, considerable, and active Neighbors; and where they intermit, it is a worthy prospect to behold, how Nature hath served and defended her with the Pyrenes, Alps, Ocean, and Mediterranean Seas, whilest she sitting secure from any subitane­ous irruption or natural pretension, may well be pronounced, a fair and most Just Empire; and espe­cially, since the later accession of Bretagne, Guyenne, Normandy (once the goodly portions of the [Page 85] English) and Bourgogne, who are now all of them under one Prince, as having enjoyed hereto­fore every one their proper Dukes; by whose favor or spleen there was always a facile entrance for any potent stranger to disturbe the rest of the Kingdom; the con­sequencies whereof, have filled almost every modern Chronicle. And to the stronger twisting of this Cord, such prudence hath been had of late times, that all those great and powerful houses remain now no more divided (as still amongst the Princes of Italy and Germany) the Cadets and yonger Brothers, Cadets and yonger Bro­thers, all Soldiers of Fortune. minding for the most part no greater preferments, then what they cut out with their Sword, and merit in Field by be­ing Soldiers of Fortune.

As for the Forces by Sea, Francis the first, re­proached, and why? as it was never great, so we do not read, That ever any signal action hath been atchieved by any of their Navigations; for which cause, Francis the first, was once [Page 86]pritty well resolved to make use of the Turk, and call in that stout Misercant, to the eternal reproach, both of that Prince and Nation; notwithstanding, at this instant, Maritime Forces and Havens. their Maritime strength is not totally so contemptible, having a very stately and conside­rable Armada of handsom Gal­lies, in most of their Mediterra­nean Ports, as at Toulon, Marse­illes, and other places, which are Vessels of excellent use and ser­vice upon those Seas: On the Ocean, I confess, both their Ship­ping and Traffique have been a­like trivial; and yet of late, they have greatly augmented their Fleet, especially since the time (to our Nations egregious shame and dishonor) that they have made so large inroads and gaps into Flanders, Late Ac­quists. towards the Sea Coasts; Witness those strong Towns and Havens of Dunkirk, Mardike, &c. Stout Forts, and very commodious Harbors for shipping; so that a little time (if [Page 87]we will still suffer it) may like­wise furnish them with Ships enough to make them stand in a bolder competition with their Neighbors.

But the more principall Nerve of the French Power consists in his Forces at Land; Land Forces and amongst them (as hath already been touched) chiefly his Cavalry, which is of strength and spectacle both of admiration and gallantry, Cavalry of France the best of Eu­rope. they being for the greater part composed of Gentlemen, who ge­nerally so bequeath themselves to this service, that hee who (a­mongst them) hath not made two or three Campagnas (as they use to term it) by that time he is 18 yeers of age (is esteemed as a person lasche, that is, of a soft education and small repute: Be­sides, The Horse an exercise proper to the French youth. Their Aca­demies and other Gym­nasticks. the Horse is an exercise unto which they have so naturall a dis­position and addresse, that the whole earth doth not contain so many Academies dedicated chief­ly to this Discipline, & other mar­tiall [Page 88] Gymnastiques, wherein they handsomly attain to competent perfection in whatsoever is active and proper for their youth and inclinations.

And what incomparable soul­diers this Country hath in all a­ges bred, Souldiery of France com­mended. we need look out no further for testimony, then their many past and present Acquisiti­ons and Enterprises, under Har­court, Condy, Gassion, and infinite others: besides, (what is no tri­vial mark of our assertion) the multitudes of such who are at present imployed in the Services of Forraign Princes. Very un­denyable it is, Spanish and Fr. Insantry compared that the Spanish Infantry is too hard for the French Foot: for the Peasants of France (of whom they should na­turally consist) are thought (and that upon good grounds) to be more then accidentally improper and mal-adroict for that service: Howbeit, we finde (and that by quotidian experience) that Cu­stome, or something else more pro­pitious, [Page 89]hath much altered and reformed their Natures, even in this particular instance: And for ought I perceive, they keep what they have gotten, and become as good Soldiers, as those who brag so much of their lowsie and tena­cious Epitheton: But I must con­fess, how few Indigene and na­turall Spaniards serve now against them; all the old brave foot having been for the greater part slain, or continued unrecruted, at and since the signal Battel of Ro­croy, where (thogh with their own destinies) they bravely made good that general and worthy repute w ch the world hath of the Infan­try of that Nation. And however, had this reproach a more solid ground, A saying of Machiavel. yet that saying of Ma­chiavel in his Ritratto, That Le Fanterie che si fanno in Francia non possono esser buono per che gli è, gran tempo che non hanno hauuto guerra, e per questo non hanno spe­rienza alcuna, &c. Is now no more an Argument, Then that [Page 90]the premises being changed, the Conclusion must needs remain, considering that the Cause being taken away, through their present exercise, and perpetual War, the Effect and Defect cannot of con­sequence ensue, as we have already sufficiently proved: or admit it were yet so, I hope the Suisse and other faithful Mercenaries to that Crown, abundantly sup­ply all these wants and prejudices; most of which, yet notwithstand­ing, for my part, were, I think, first hired rather out of considera­tion of diversion, and since custom, then otherwise out of any pure necessity. That likewise which made the Armies of France so inconsiderable for native Foot Soldiers, may with much reason too (if we please) be attributed unto Lewis the Eleventh his dis­arming of the Commons; Consequence of disarming the Com­mons. by which advice, the King indeed became more absolute at home amongst his Vassals, but a great deal less for­midable abroad amongst his Ene­mies: [Page 91]And herein it was, that his Neighbors stood him in stead.

Another thing rendring this Kingdom very considerable for an Army, is, France a­bundant in people and Victuals. their Prolifique mul­tiplying; for Europe embraceth not a more populous Nation, nor more abounding in Victuals, which is the belly of that cruel Beast, called War; so Fertil, I say it is, That when Charls the fift entred into France by Pro­vence, and afterwards by Cham­paigne, it nourished (besides the many Garrisons thereof) more then an Hundred and fifty thou­sand Ravenous Soldiers; and even in the time of Charls the sixth, there were found in this King­dom, Twenty thousand Horse, and Thirty thousand Foot, all consisting of strangers; and Fif­teen thousand Horse, and One hundred thousand Foot, all of Natural French. And verily, when we have seriously surveigh­ed the complication of Enemies, which once invested this King­dom, [Page 92]when for Extent and Com­mand, it was far inferior to what it is at present, since the English have been dispossessed, Navar adjoyned, and other additions of great strength: I say, when England, Germany, Spain, and Italy, invaded it on all parts, in the Reign of Francis the first, as it will appear, how potent and able this Kingdom united, is to defend it self: So doth the con­sideration of it seem to me most strange, and altogether porten­tous.

Adde to these advantages, Store of Arms, Am­munition, and Artille­ry. their store of good Arms and Muni­tion, excellent Artillery, many famous and well furnished Ma­gazines; in sum, Why should I farther tire you with particulars, when their present Exploits, and almost continual Triumphs, have planted the Flower de Lyces where ever they break ground. Wit­ness those renowned adventures since Charlemaigne, Ancient and late Acquists St. Lewis, Charls d'Anjou, Charls the eighth, [Page 93]&c. whose Heroicque Atchieve­ments and glorious Trophies, have filled all Histories and Countreys, even as far as Asia her self; witness their Expediti­ons and Successes at Jerusalem, in Egypt, Barbary, Cyprus, Greece, Naples, Saxony, Hungary, and sundry other places, even in these our times, and before our own doors; witness all their late Ac­quists and Conquests in Catalu­nia, Spain, Italy, Flanders, &c. Besides the Signal Battels and Sieges of Nordlingen, Rocroy, Perpignian, Theonvil, Arras, Dunkirk, &c. Not to repeat the miraculous, or rather ingenious reduction of La Rochel, Mont­pelier, and other impregnable holds appertaining to the Pro­testants: So that if now we see them begin to decline, and re­fund what they have so hastily swallowed down, it is but the common fate of all humane under­takings, The com­mon fate of all humane Enterprises all things having a period in this World, that had a begin­ning.

And now, Church neer a third part of France. albeit the Church (who is neer a good third part of France) doth in most places (as the Proverb goes) neither lose nor defend any thing; yet here in times of publick and emer­gent necessities, have they been made contribute most bountiful­ly towards the maintaining of Armies and Supplyes.

Nor are the Frontiers, Frontiers & Maritime coasts how fortified at present. and Maritime coasts of this Kingdom so ill fortified now, as in former times; but there hath been of late so through a reformation and care had in that regard, that it were hard to call to minde a con­siderable place at present but is capable to support a long and strenuous resistance; especially those Harbours and Keys of the Countrey which respect our Coasts: as Haver, Calais, Diepe, and divers other places of Im­portance.

In fine, State of Fr. at present. France is at this pre­sent grown to that stature, so well planted, and commodiously [Page 95]laid to it self, that (but for their own madnesse, and the feared fate of these times, which already begins to work) in the reall In­terest & balance with her Neigh­bours, High time that a Non ultra were fixed to her greatnesse. it were high time she were now a little observed, and a Non ultra fixed unto her proceedings and future aspirings: Nor doubt I at all, but if the Low Countries were able to preserve her Neu­trality, but England with Spain (as poor and contemptible as she is now grown) may one day so exercise this ambitious Kingdom, as she may be glad to contain her self within her own Confines, without molesting or incommo­ding of her Neighbours.

I deny not, The great­ness of Spain suspicious, and how far it concerns us. that even the great­nesse of Spain her self were as much to be apprehended, equally as dangerous, did not her ac­customed swelling and unnatural Plethory most certainly incline to a Tympanie, rather then shew it proceeded from any strong and sane constitution: their over­grasping [Page 96]humour, The humour of the Spa­niard liken­ed. being much like his, who desiring a good handfull of sand, by griping it over hard, loseth more through his fingers, then he can carry away in all his palm: England's best bulwark and balance. So that in this case, our onely best Bulwark is France; and (vice versâ) op­pos'd to their power, Spain, so long as this antipathie amongst them continues, and they remain in one entire bodie. For this cause it was, Qu. Eliza­beths policy and for no other, that Queen Elizabeth would very wisely by no means consent to that offer of Cantonizing this Kingdom, when in the time of the late League she was offered a considerable share. But on the other side, Danger in the Accessi­on of the Low Coun­tries to Fr. the Accession of the Low Countries to this Empire, were beyond all comparison more perillous, then if they had also never started aside from their lawfull Master; and this by rea­son of their Situation, Vicinity, Ports, Traffick, Towns of defence, the infinite disadvantages where­of [Page 97]we should soon acknowledge to our cost and ignominy.

As touching the Protestants, they are yet so numerous in France, That the Spaniard hath no pre­tence to a­lienate the French sub­jects, by his instruments the Jesuits, and why? and the Roman Catho­licks so averse in that point, as there can never spring up the least appearance of hope that the King of Spain should ever pretend any thing in this Country by way of inclination or defection; how­ever, the late Jesuites (notwith­standing all those strict Edicts and Bans made against them) begin to swarme and re-establish themselves. And so I have done with the more generall remarks worthy your consideration. I shal onely say a word or two of the people, and of Paris in particular, and so finish this task. Genius and nature of the people.

Concerning the Nature and Genius of the Inhabitants, that which the Prince of Politicians gives out of the French, where he affirms, that I Francesi sono per natura piùfieri, che gagliardi ò de­stri, Upon what Cesar of old [Page 98]said of the Galli Insubres, Caesars say­ing of the Galli Insu­bres. that in the beginning they appeared more then Men, but proved in the conclusion lesse then Women, re­tains in it still something of their present promptnesse, and as sud­den discouragement: Upon which observation, the fore-cited Florentine notably adviseth, Chi vuole superare j Francesi si guar­di dal primo loro impeto, &c. That he who would vanquish the French, should be sure to with­stand and break their first brusk and onset; because they usually rush on upon danger like a tor­rent, and in a desperate fury, when they first charge and joyn battell: French fury at onset. but as nothing which is violent is permanent, so expecta­tion as soon ruines, and utterly daunts their courage.

But as for their Intellectuals, and more noble part, such of them as dedicate themselves to Letters and Erudition, Learned men in France. prove as polite Scholers and as trim Wits as any Italian of them all. The [Page 99]greater part of them, I confesse, and ordinary Pretenders, please themselves more in Analyticall and cursory speculations, to which one may take post at eve­ry pillar in the streets, Pedantry of some profes­sors. where you shal never fail of some braga­docio Hippias, who like some In­tellectus universalis, professes, and will undertake to render any man an exact and perfect Phi­losopher, Divine, Orator, Chymist; or to teach him all Languages, and indeed, what not, within the space of a month or two: which kind of Table Method and Lul­lian art, renders many of them, even to the very Mechanicks, most egregious talkers, and intolerably pragmaticall.

Add unto this, Their level­ing of lear­ning. their levelling of Learning, and laying all Au­thors in common, by their intem­perate Translations, having but of very late put all the Orations of Cicero into French, as it is long since that the Poets have been made Orators: for there is no­thing [Page 100]more frequent then the turning of them into prose.

Amongst the Faculties of Pa­ris, The Facul­ties of Paris there are some good and dextrous Divines; but their School Exercises are dull and perfunctory things, in competi­tion with what was wont to be performed here in our Ʋniver­sities.

Generally, Physicians & Chirurgians of Prance, their Me­thod and ill successe. the Chirurgians of France are Pretenders to Physick, and the Physician as great a friend to the Emperick; especially in point of Phlebotomie, which is their Panacea for all Diseases. And albeit they have bred some able and accomplish'd Proficients of all these kindes; yet their common practice in tedious and Chronique, as well as acute dis­eases, imports them rather to a sudden ease of the patient, then any intire recovery, or security from relapse; for they study more to weaken and enervate the Body, then the Disease: so that they recover few of languishing Fe­vers, [Page 101]which relapse not as soon a­gain, and for the most part pe­rish: contrary both to the Me­thod and success of our Physicians in England; Praise of English Physicians. into one of whose hands I had rather put my life, then to a whole Colledg of these French Leaches.

In the Mechanicks, French Me­chanicks in­comparable. they are universally excellent, inventive, and happy; and are of late too become far more stay'd and con­stant in point of habit and fashion then they were wont to be: for I will undertake, our native levity and wantonnesse in that kinde, hath of late yeers infinitely ex­ceeded them.

The French Children are the fairest letter that Nature, I think, French chil­dren and youth. can shew through all the humane Alphabet; but though they be Angels in the cradle, yet are they more like Divels in the saddle: age generally shewing, that what she so soon bestowes, she takes as fast away; for the French (after twenty) presently strike forty in [Page 102]their faces, and especially amongst their Women, Sudden de­cay of Wo­men. who are then ex­tremely decayed, when ours, if not beautifull, are yet very tole­rable at those years; which, whe­ther it proceeds from the siccity of the air, drinking water, ill diet, or other accident, I dare not ea­sily determine; and yet I am the rather inclined to think, some­thing of that nature it must needs be, when we finde the women of Quality for the most part as ex­quisite Beauties as any the whole world produces, without dispa­raging our Ladies at home, whom I would be unwilling this Para­graph should in the least degree offend.

I cannot affirm that the youth of the Gentry and Noblesse of France are bred altogether so li­terate as most of our English and Dutch are; Youth of the French Gen­try not bred to letters, and why? being, as I said, of lesse phlegme, and more prompt then to fix to those unactive stu­dies; Nor are they at all so cu­rious and inquisitive in their Tra­vels, [Page 103]unto which fewer also are inclined, Humour in Travelling. but seem abundantly satisfied, to be able to say, They have been in such, or such a place. No trust to the cu [...]wa [...]d p [...]earance

It is a true observation of one, That a French man appears a child at all ages; but in practice and negotiation you shall finde him a man. It is the Field and Court which the Gentry affect as the best of Education; Indifferency of the Fr. in religion. and thence I am inclined to beleeve, they contract amongst them that in­differency of beleeving and living, in which they are generally more open and free then even the Ita­lians; The French not so dis­banched as [...]he English youth at present. albeit yet not in all points so enormous as the depraved youth of England, whose prodigious disbaucheries and late unheard of extravagancies, far surpasse the madnesse of all other civilized Nations whatsoever. Nor more given to Ga­ming Gaming al­so they frequent, Nothing so much to drink and tobacco. but are in no one vice so abandoned, as to the exhausting their Estates, especial­ly in point of drink and Tobacco; [Page 104]which, though it have of late got some footing upon the more vile sort, and infected some Northern parts of the Kingdom; yet few persons of Quality use either in excesse: but adorers of bread and pottage. But what they do not in drink, they pay in bread, and are strange devourers of Corn; they adore a good pottage (whatever the rest of the Repast be) as the Egyptians did garlick: nor will a true Monsieur be brought at any rate to taste a glasse of wine, sans premier manger; which al­though they neither do so much, nor sit so long at it, yet they use to collation more often, the most temperate of them.

The passions of the people are suddenly imported and puffed up with a Victory, Elevated & dejected sud­denly with victory or losse. and as soon deje­cted with the least repulse or loss. They are prodigall, Splendid in externals. and splendid in externals, but seldome undoe themselves in house-keeping and hospitality: The best sort eat like Princes, and far exceed our Ta­bles; the common worse then [Page 105] dogs: generally, so they flourish and appear for a month or two in the Summer, they will fare hard enough the rest of the yeer be­sides; Full of In­terest, and such as minde onely their profit, have little charity, where they see no evident Inter­est. They are exceedingly cour­teous, and have generally their tongues well hung; which promp­titude of theirs, of a joviall conversati­on, handsom address, and well spoken as it becomes them well in encounter, so they are for the most part, of joviall conversation, and far from that constrained addresse which is na­turall to our sullen Nation, who never think our selves acquainted, till we treat one another with Jack and Tom; familiarities, Censure of the rude fa­miliaritie of the English. which, as we finde no where else in use, so they commonly termi­nate in vaine and rude Associa­tions.

The French are the sole Na­tion in Europe that do idolize their Soveraign, French re­verencers of their King. unto whom the have likewise a more free and immediate accesse (without much [Page 106] ceremony) then ordinarily is to be seen in any other Princes Court: and his affa­bility to them. and this affabilitie and freedom gains them as strangely to him; which (certainly) is an excellent art in the one, and no lesse a ver­tue in the other. But on the con­trary, their choler throughly stir­red, there never wants some Ra­viliac or cut-throat to perpetrate their malice; so unstable is popu­lar confidence.

Finally, Their opini­on and hate of the En­glish. they have a naturall dread and hate to the English, as esteeming us for the most part, a fierce, rude, and barbarous Nati­on: but their antipathy to a Spa­niard is deadly and irreconcilable.

For their Bodies, Stature, they are both Sexes of mean stature, rather in good point, then either lean or grosse; complexion, generally, swa [...]t of com­plexion, except such as have mix­ed towards the North and East: the Women have commonly black eyes, rare teeth, and sweet voyces; and certainly, so gentile and na­turall an addresse even in their [Page 107]most ordinary actions, that one may as easily distinguish them by it, as their tongues: In fine, promptness, they are extremely prompt, and imagine to comprehend all upon an in­stant, which makes many to give out and tire in the journey before they be half way: for all which, and cheerful supinity of the people. and their oppressions to boot, there lives not under the cope of heaven a more frank galiard, and supine people: howbeit many of them will not stick to repine, Victories unwelcom, to the Fr. and why? and censure even their own Victories and successes, whereof every one but seems to add a heavier weight to their Oppression.

Now, The best & most com­pendious Map of a Country. as every Metropolitan and Royal City is likely the best Map of the Country wherein it stands; so may Paris be esteem'd the most exact Compendium of France.

Paris is a City in a Ring, Paris, site, Edifices, &c. whereof the Louvre or Palace of the King is the Diamond: And truly, considering the vastnesse of its circumference, so incompara­bly [Page 108]built all of the living Rock, whereupon it is seated (which for beauty, easie working, and lastingness, renders it a prehemi­nence above many more costly Materials) I think no City in the whole world equalizes it. I have seen Naples, Rome, Florence, Ge­noa, and Venice; all stately Cities, and full of Princely Fabricks; but then I compare the extent, and here are many Centuries of Noblemens Houses, both within the Town and the Environs, which altogether approach, if not exceed the best of them. This I will boldly affirm, that for the Streets, Sububrs, and common buil­dings, it infinitely excels any City else in Europe: for publick Edi­fices, some of the Hospitals are fair Foundations and handsome Piles; but the Convents and Churches come far short of the Towns before recited: yet that of the Sorbonne and Jesuites, are not much inferiour to some of the best and most modern Pieces [Page 109]of Architecture extant.

The River of Seine, The River of Seine. which di­vides it, is nothing comparable, for sweetnesse and good conditi­on, to our Royal River of Thames: yet it would deceive any man in the use, when he shall seriously examine and consider the huge Vessels of burden (though not Ships) it brings up, full of Com­modities and necessary Provisions. In conclusion, Paris wants nothing but clean Streets, and a redresse of the multitude of Coaches, La­quays, and throngs of Mankind; with all which, Number of people &c. in Paris too great. it is generally so pestered, that it appears a miracle to me, how so many backs are clothed, and bellies maintained (in a Town of no eminent Staple) as you may behold in one day, if you walk the streets and publick Carfours; Most of the Houses ordinarily harbouring six, True cause of our re­proaching their Na­stinesse. as often ten families betwixt heaven and hell, the Garrets and the Cellars: and this I take to be the true cause of that Nastinesse which we usu­ally [Page 110]impute to the Nation: Per­sons of Quality, Persons of quality more neat and sumptuous then any in England. and such as have room enough, being far more proper and sumptuous in their houses, then the best of us here in England, however we arrogate the contrary.

Touching the Extent of this City, The extent of Paris and London dif­ficult to be compared, and why? it hath been, and is still a great controversie amongst our Countrey-men Travellers, which is the larger, This or London, every one speaks according to his inclinations: But the figures of them both are so different, that it would be a very diffi­cult matter to reconcile them, by making an exact tryall: and peradventure, all things consi­dered; there is as yet no very great inequality: but if we may conjecture from the buildings at present, Prodigious increase of buildings. and prodigious enlarge­ment of their Suburbs on all sides, what a little time and Peace will render it, it must, without doubt, in a short time outgrow the contention, and far exceed it. [Page 111]for I finde no end of their ere­cting not onely of particular houses, but even of whole streets, and those so incomparably fair and uniform, Beauty of the now new Edifices of Paris. that you would i­magine your self rather in some Italian Opera, where the diversity of Scenes surprise the beholder, then beleeve your self to be in a reall Citie. This is onely to be observed in their prime Build­dings and Palaces, that the best Fabricks commonly promise less towards the Front or Street, then you will finde them within the Court; which is caused by the high walls and tarraces that thwart them: a piece of Mode­stie, which in other Appearances and outsides they do not usually practise.

But what our City of London hath not in houses and Palaces, London for Shops, Ta­verns, o­ther drink­ing Schools, and Noise, exceeding all C [...]ies of the world. she hath in Shops and Taverns; which render it so open by day, and cheerfull in the night, that it appears to be a perpetuall Wake, or Wedding to the behol­der; [Page 112]for so mad and lowd a Town, is no where to be found in the whole world.

The Government and Policy of this Prevesté is exercised by Judges, Governmēt of Paris. called Lieutenants Civils and Criminels; who, for pur­chasing their Offices of the Court, sell their Justice at extraordinary rate, to such as have use of that rare Commodity. Prevost of Merchand [...] They have al­so a Prevost of the Merchands, & les Eschevins, which is an Of­fice more resembling our Re­corder and Sheriff, then Major: Likewise the Archbishop hath a spirituall jurisdiction here; Archbishop of Paris, &c. as also some particular Abbots and Priors: And with all this, I cannot say, it is well governed; the disorders of every day and night will convince me, Disorders of Paris in the night, how they might be prevented if I should, when so many execrable Murthers and Villanies are com­mitted in the streets; an incon­venience which might yet be easily prevented, if they would but imitate our Policy, and form [Page 113]their Watches of constant and responsible persons.

Neither is the strength of this renowned City any thing conside­rable in stresse of a Siege, Strength of Paris no­thing in a siege. or re­spect of other naturall advantage, save onely fire: nay, so open it is to the Conquerour, that S r De­nys (which lies but two leagues remote from it) hath oftentimes been the Frontier of France; & had not the late Mareschal de Gassion as deerly, Mareschal de Gastion preserved Paris from the Spany­ard. as bravely purchased their Liberty at the signal battel of Rocroy, the Spainyard, 'tis be­leeved, might (without the least obstacle, have marched up to the very gates of Paris.

But the incomparable Aire of Paris is that which fortifies the In­habitants: The Aire of Paris cele­brated. so that very seldom hath a Plague or other Epidemical Con­tagion made here that havock and lamentable devastation, which it so frequently doth in our putrifi­ed climate, and accidentally suf­focated City: contrary to that Vulgar (but most false) Traditi­on, [Page 114]which I find in every mans mouth; The ordina­ry tradition amongst us, that the plague is ne­ver out of Paris, refu­ted. that the Pestilence is never out of Paris: but this (be­sides the siccity of the aire) many Naturalists ascribe to the over sulphurous exhalations of the streets, and dry attracting quality of the Plaster, Quality of the Plaster of Paris. which, bears or gives the Name to this goodly ci­ty.

Cert è id firmissimum Imperium est, quo obedientes gaudent.

Thus, Sir, by the as­sistance of your Patience, I have adventured to draw the Curtain, dis­covering a very ample Theatre, in a short time, and represented it in as [Page 115]narrow a Circumference, as those Artists who intro­duce a multitude of spe­cies through an Optick, into some dark room or closet: And the simi­litude peradventure will not appear unapt, when you consider the rever­sed Method, and confused Stile in which it is de­scribed. But as wri­ting of Histories is not my Trade, I know you have not commanded me to undergo this Task, to make thereby any advantage of my Imperfections, but ap­prove [Page 116]mine Obedience. And now, although I doubt not but many a­ble Persons have most excellently treated upon this very Subject, appro­priated to their Times; yet I will be bold to af­firm, and that sans va­nitie, none hath lately performed it with grea­ter faith, succinctnesse, and in more natural Colours. For hee that will truely comprehend the Govern­ment and Genius of this Kingdome, must prospect and look out every day for new discoveries; France [Page 117]being now no more the thing it was forty yeers since, then the garb and fashion at that time, to the habit and Mode now in use amongst them, equally as different, as incomparable: And in truth, (to disabuse the World) the complexion and Crasis of this Body Politick is of so high con­cernment to the health, and good estate of our poor Nation, that to pre­sevre her in entire habit and Constitution, there can never be too often inspections into the State [Page 118]and Regiment of this Kingdom. This is the opinion of

Paris, this 15 of Febr. 1652. Stilo novo.
Sir,
Your most affectio­nate Friend, and most obedient Servant, J.E.
FINIS.

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