IT is no time to make Apologies, and Prefaces, to have Epiſtles dedicatorie, and unto the Reader, to write under the Roſe, or to ſhadow diſcourſes with darke and knotty reſemblances; wee have been premiſing, and prefacing all this while; plain Engliſh is beſt, for we are like elſe to loſe our own Dialect ſhortly. The name of Liberty of Subjects, and Priviledges of Parliaments will ſoone be worne out, as the old Saxon language, and refined into Prerogative and Tyranny. And our lawes which were firſt written in French, are like for better underſtanding them, to be reprinted in the ſame, with the Scots marginall notes.

I am ſoone fallen into a lamentable diſcourſe before I am aware, and my trembling pen would faine haſten over it; But I muſt be ſerious. Diſtractions and confuſions in States, and Kingdoms, are not trifles. He that will view the condition of poore England, had need have a heart made of wax, and eyes of water, and bovvels of compaſſion. If men knew vvhere they are come to, they would ſoone know how to thinke themſelvs miſerable; wee have gone a ſeven years march in a State diſguiſe, and after a long round are fairly reduced into our old condition, and it were well (ſay ſome) if vve are no worſe; the ſcene is changed but the play the ſame. That noble, and gallant ſpirit, which heretofore wrought in true Engliſh hearts, for liberty, and Priviledges, is now down, and the old unmanklike puſillanimitie come upon us, with an addition of ſtupidity, and inſenſiblenes; we have loſt our bloud, and now we are like to loſe our hearts; we have been almoſt deſtroyed by a civill warre, and may be undone by unſound peace; But I muſt be cautious, I ſhall be accounted a foole for my labour, yet I muſt be honeſt, I ſhall only ſpeak what wiſe men think, and honeſt men feele; if more were done, leſſe would be ſpoken Our greateſt worke hath been to undoe our ſelves; we have acted magno conatu, magnas nugas, ſowne the winde, and brought forth the whirlewind. Certainly we have loſt that reflect act of our underſtanding, by which, they ſay, the rationall ſoule is made happy. Recollect your ſelves what you have been doing ſo long a time, where you are going, vvhat new deſigns are on you. We have eſcaped the Spaniſh Inquiſition, we hope, But hovv nigh you are to France, and Scotland, you little thinke. What is become of that golden fleece (Liberty) vvhich you ſo gallantly fought for? where are the trophies of your conqueſt? vvho will pitie us? We have ſeen our maladie, but know not our remedy; we know how to be miſerable, and have found out an eaſie way to it, but yet cannot ſee our way to be happy. Our enemies are conquered, and now vve are falling out vvith our friends; Its harder to reconcile our ovvn party, then to deſtroy the Kings. Our wounds are opened, none wholly cured; our nakedneſſe diſcovered, and nothing to cover it. What ſhall become of poore England? wee have wonne liberty, but dare not weare it; the victory is got, but we cannot agree about the ſpoyle? Formerly we knew our enemies, now vve neither know them nor our friends. Seven years experience of tumults and war is ſufficient (one would think) to learne us the way to a happie peace, vve have not wanted time, or wayes to know our enemies and our friends. Providence hath helpt us through a bloudy warre, and now diviſion would help us to a diſhoneſt peace, But theſe are too melancholy meditations; if men had been as honeſt as they pretended to be wiſe, vve ſhould have no ſuch ſad things to work upon. But let us warily conſider how vve are come into this condition, on whom lies the fault. Aske our grandees who ſtear at the Helme. Some blame one, ſome another, I blame none, and yet all; I have nothing to ſay to particulars, vve have too much in generals,

Some lay the fault on his Majeſty, And the truth is he hath enough to be charged withall, yet ſince the conqueſt, he hath been under reſtraint, and could not ſo poſſitively hinder, except you grant him his negative voyce, yet he cannot be altogether excuſed, he hath done what in him lies in ſuch a condition, & his private influences and negotiations have not been ordinary, but we have too much to charge him with on the old account.

Others lay the blame on the Parliament (and here we ſhall not want Votes) they ſay they have ſought themſelves, not the Kingdom: but wee may give our enemies too great advantage of us by ſuch jealouſies. Its true, they are the rock to which we have lookt for our ſalvation, they have promiſed us our liberty, they can procure it, and it were to be wiſhed they could waſh their hands cleane of all things; yet all muſt not be laid on the Parliament, but a faction in it: they are a great body, made up of divers and unſutable ſpirits, and labour with abundance of infirmities, and paſſe through thoſe difficulties vulgar eyes ſee not, yet to be plain, more might have been done then is; had ſome of them been leſſe imployed, and intereſſed in affaires, more would have been acted for us: thoſe ſad retreats they have made of late, is too ominous, of great diſtempers even among them: but I ſhall rather pray for them, then ſpeak any more of their frailties. Others wipe away all blame from both, and lay all on the Army; poor men, they have born the heat of the War, and now muſt needs have the blame of the Peace: its our miſery that we have none to diſtruſt, but theſe which have been moſt faithfull; but yet it may be they are not wholly free, though I think in an equall diſtribution little will come to their ſhare; they have been good ſervants, what they may prove when they become maſters, I know not; ſome mens conditions alter their ſpirits, but we have little cauſe to ſuſpect them; where ever the blame lies, the miſery is like to lye on us: the truth is, It hath been the deſigne of ſome to bring us where we are; and the ill foreſight of others; we cannot go ſo far back, as to queſtion the truth of our cauſe, (God hath cleared that from heaven,) but ſome men may queſtion their principles. God hath acted for us in the VVar, and now men act in the Peace: we have not come into this condition per ſaltum, as many Dunces are made Doctors; but have gradually & inſenſibly been led into it by the cunning artifice of ſome maſter builders in the black Art: As many an ignorant diſputer granting this, and that, is by an ingenious Sophiſter, brought before he is aware, into a confuting abſurdity.

Let us caſt our eyes back, but ſince the end of this War with the Royall partie, and we ſhall finde ſome ſteps, wherein the ſecret contrivers of our ruine have walkt. When the King ſaw he could hold out no longer in Arms, he betakes himſelf to his ſhifts, leaves Oxford to a confiding party, and betakes himſelf to the Scots Army as his ſanctuary, (a plot agreed on to mutuall advantage) the King gives in Newark at the deſire of the Scots, is carried to Newcaſtle, and by this time Oxford is likewiſe ſurrendred, and the War ended, but things end not ſo: we want an enemy in the field, one muſt be made at home. Factions are raiſed, diſcontents fomented againſt the Army, under the name of Independents, &c. Some principles infuſed into the City of deſigns againſt them, they are ſet on to go to the Parliament wth Petitions, Remonſtrances for the ſetling Presbyterian Government, the Miniſters made to ſtir up the people againſt ſuch & ſuch men, under ſuch names as they know would incenſe ſufficiently; ſome of our Engliſh, great men (who knew not how to be high enough) joyn Counſels with the Scots, under pretence of maintaining the Covenant, and ſetting up Presbyteriall Government, and that the City might be made ſure, the Scots are ſent to Court them, with Letters from the Eccleſiaſticks and Civils, to congratulate their faithfulneſſe to this Cauſe, to ſtir them up to the diligent proſecution of the Covenant; things grow to ſome height, (as ſuch fire will not want fewell,) and are ripe for action, they get Ordinances for preſſing all men to take the Covenant anew, that none ſhall be imployed in any office in Church or State, but he which will take the Covenant, (and that over again) and ſubmit to the Presbyteriall Government, and all this with an eye to the Army, whom they knew how to inſnare; and as things were thus laid, ſo they were not negligent in the execution, the City of London muſt firſt begin as a patern to the reſt, caſt out their old Militia, get power to chooſe a new fit for the deſign, and becauſe the Common Counſel is to order the Civill Affaires, as the other the Military, that muſt be Moddled into the ſame image; all that were thought but to be of the other partie, or favorers of them, caſt out: All this while the King is at Newcaſtle, indeavoring to ingage the Scots Army for him, and how far he prevailed I could tell you, but that we had ſuch a peaceable parting at laſt. While the King was ingaging for him the party in England had another eye on that Army, as the Army of the Covenant, and to have kept them to Ballance this Army which lay in their way; but things were not yet ripe, they were too great a power to be conquered by force, eſpecially having been juſt then raiſed with the glory of ſo great a Conqueſt, and the countryes crying out of their burthens under all the ſeverall Armies, which were inſupportable; counſels are joyned, and agreed to the march of the Scots Army, and delivery up of the King, on the little conſideration of 400000 l. The King ſhall ſtill be kept as a reſerve to make advantage of at laſt; But now the Scots are gone, and that feare over, what they could nor doe by force, they will do by guile, the Army is ſtill the eye-ſore, that darkned the glory and Splendor of ſome great ones who had formerly been in Command, and had done Service, but had not the happineſſe of being totall Conquerors; nothing leſſe is indeavoured then to breake this Army; many ways they eſſayed, but the maine was under pretence of relieving Ireland, (a deſigne, not only faire, but ſo honeſt in it ſelfe, that all men cryed it up,) but how is this to be carryed on? who but Waller and Maſſey, (men who had an inveterate hatred againſt this Army, they thinking themſelves too much clouded by them) are ſent downe to treat with the Army about it, and propoſe queſtions and conditions to the Souldiers to be under their Command: the one as Generall, the other as Lieutenant generall: The reflexion of this carriage in the thoughts of the Souldiery, cannot but make them look about them, that ſome deſigne was on foot againſt them, by their and the Kingdoms enemies; eſpecially ſeeing the Parliament ſhould wave them, who had but even now done them ſuch faithfull ſervice, and not ſo much as thinke them fit to be further imployed in any Service, eſpecially to command their owne Souldiers; they reſent the buſineſſe, obſerve the Deſigne, and are ſtrangely united, to give a Negative Anſwer, that none of them would ſtirre without their owne Commanders; But with either the Generall, or Lieutenant Gen Crumwel, would all march at the Parliaments pleaſure; yet ſeeing this will not doe, ſome other way muſt be taken: Mony for Arreares is offered to thoſe which will leave the Army, (on which ſome fell off, but no conſiderable number,) as they ſought to divide, they unite; yet when this would not doe, but they ſaw they were not ſo meal mouthd as the reſt, they muſt be disbanded as unneceſſary, and a burthen to the Kingdome, and that without their Arreares, and in parts, without thoſe requiſites which belonged to their honour and ſecurity; thus would they have the firſt fruits of this Conqueſt, begin in the diſhonourable disbanding of the Conquerours. But the Souldiers grew acquainted with theſe deſignes, and get heart, reſolve to ſtand on their guard, and to knit them the more, chooſe Agitators out of every Regiment, for the better ordering and communicating of things to each other, draw up Petitions to the Parliament, which by the ſtrenuous negotiation and power of thoſe firſt deſigners againſt them, was cenſured as Treaſonable, and the Authors as Traytors; which could not but incenſe, when they ſaw favours and ſervices ſo ſoon forgotten: yet all this which was laid for diviſion is the advantage for their union, and they randevouz with much unanimity and courage, and were at laſt owned by the Generall, and the reſt of the Commanders, who for a while were ſhy becauſe of the newneſſe and hazard of the buſineſſe. Things being thus in the Army, and in that poſture, they bethink what may be of concernment to them before they are disbanded, expecting to have no more afterwards, then they could make ſure at firſt; they therefore propoſe to the Parliament what belonged to them as Souldiers: And having this advantage, ſeeing they fought for the good of the Kingdome, make an Eſſay by Propoſitions to the Parliament for the ſetling of the Kingdome alſo; drew up charges againſt eleven of thoſe Members who were the chief Actors in the deſign; upon which, they, at their owne deſires, had leave given by the Parliament, to withdraw; but things thus acting, new Counſels are ſet on foot. Firſt, the King muſt be lookt unto, and got away either into London or Scotland, and ſo it was endeavoured, in the mean while (unknown unto the Army, as the Generall profeſt in his Letter to the Speaker) by the particular Act of Cornet Ioyce, (one of no great head for to lay any deep deſigne) who was ſent out with a party of horſe towards Oxford, but would needs go viſit his Majeſty, the King was voluntarily brought to the Army, which though it was ſtrange to them, and they were ſtartled at it, yet they thought they might make an advantage of him as well as others, at leaſt to keep him from being in a Faction againſt them. But that deſigne is not yet broken, all this while Reformadoes, Apprentiſes, and others are ſecretly liſted, great ſums of money paid to the old Officers of Eſſex, and Wallers, and Maſſeyes Army, and things grew ſo high, as a great company of them beſet the Houſe of Commons kept them in till nine of the clock at night, with threatning words make them recall their Ordinances, vote in the King which made the Speakers of both Houſes, with many of the honeſt Members fly to the Army for ſafety: Theſe men are ſtill in the City ſtirring up the Militia, and Common counſell, framing a new Army, and thoſe ſeeds which were formerly ſown by the Scots and them▪ come up into blades▪ and Pikes, they ſtand in a Poſture of War to defend themſelves and oppoſe the Army, which never intended to come nigh them, unleſſe provoked; the Army hearing of theſe doings march towards the City, and when they came to Windſor accidentally met with the Speakers, and the reſt of▪ the fled Members; after congratulation and mutuall expreſſes of love, and joy to ſee one another, the Army Rendevouz at Hunſlow heath, and reſolve to march to the City, who prevented them with termes ſutable to peace, (out of what principle we will not diſpute) the Members were brought to the Houſe in peace the Army marches through the City in peace, and now things ſeemed to be hopefull; but though the eleven Members were gone, yet the Spirit was not gone with them; though the City durſt not oppoſe the Army, they will ſtarve them, and make them odious, and a burthen to the Kingdome, therefore they will lend no money, delay their contributions, not pay their Arreares that the Army is looked on as our miſery, the Countries undone and all buſineſſe retarded above, by the remainder of that party, that while we look for peace, behold threatnings of another War, and we are now brought to ſuch a paſſe, that he is a wiſe man that knowes what to propoſe firſt. The King is gone from us to the Iſle of Wight, and there he takes time to weigh his deſignes upon us; Propoſitions are gone to him, di •••• ed by ſome, and proteſted againſt by the Scots; coldly, and cunningly anſwered by himſelfe: Thus have we handſomly made way for our own miſery, we know not our own ſtrength, and therefore muſt divide, and with David number the people. Some men have plaid their own games, and now leave us to pay ſtakes; diviſions are growne ſo high among our ſelves, that our common enemy growes high in their hopes, and expect a turn, wherein they may be a third party, and have one caſt more for to recover their compoſitions. When ſhall we learn to be wiſe? But I crave pardon I have made this digreſſion, but its to ſhew you the way you are come to this miſery, which if God prevent not, will make us the ſpectacle of the Nations.

But what is become all this while of our Brethren of Scotland, that they have been out of the tranſaction? You will have enough of them anon. The truth is, they have not been idle all this while in the City. And not unknowne, how they have endeavoured to bring Edinbrough to London, and Hallyrudehouſe to White-hall; they love us ſo well, that they vvould not only be one with us in Covenant, but Priviledge, and would gladly have the name of great Britain comprehend us all. And becauſe our diviſions were not wide enough, out of their ſuperabundant love to us, they caſt in bones betvveen us, and publickly reflect on our ſtrength (the high Court of Parliament, and the Army) to ſtrengthen the great animoſities that is in the moſt againſt them, that we may have a ſecond need of them to be Umpires. But now before I am aware I am faln into the boſome of the Scots Declaration, a Declaration of the Scots indeed, and of other men too; by vvhich I hope all true hearted Engliſh men will take a copy of their countenance towards us. Yet I ſhall not meddle much with the contents of it; the Parliament no doubt will ſo fully doe Juſtice in it. Only in the generall I ſhall take leave to animadvert ſomething. We may better ſpeak plaine Engliſh then they. I take notice of a grand Deſigne driven on againſt the Parliament and Army, by thoſe who wait for our ruine; and of which this Declaration is but a Manifeſto to the world. Viz. to make the Parliament low in the eyes of the people, and render them diſtaſtefull, that ſo the King may have the fairer way to his old power; ſo likevviſe to render the Army, ſo intollerable a burthen as that the Kingdome cannot ſubſiſt under them; and to carry on this the more ſecretly, the Covenant, and Religion are made the veiles.

Two things I cannot but take notice of as generall in that Declaration. Firſt, their ſo often zealous (if not ſuperſtitious) mentioning of the Covenant, more then tvventy times in one leafe, as if all Religion were vv •• p • up in that, that it were not only the compendium, but the exact forme of all divinity. And as if they would make the world beleive, that they preferre the Covenant before all their own Intereſts, and Deſignes, whereas I feare, they, and too many more, have made it but a State trick to deceive poore ignorant devout ſoules. Its a great queſtion whether they think ſo highly of the Covenant of Grace. I confeſſe vve have no reaſon to repent of taking the Covenant, we tooke it honeſtly, and ſincerely, little thinking the uſe which vvould be made of it, to inſnare us to the Scots deſignes. I would only deſire our Brethren to recollect themſelves, how they kept Covenant vvith our Commiſſioners in the North, and then they will have little heart to charge it on us in the South. I could name the particulars, but that I am loth to diſturb the honourable Commiſſioners in their Religion.

Secondly I cannot but take notice, (as all men elſe ſhould) of the tenderneſſe of our Brethren, and the deep refenting of the affaires of England, and that in ſo neer and intimate a way, that they neglect their owne; chiefly inſiſting, purely and nakedly on theſe things which concerne our Kingdome, and fcarce mentioning their own. This is brotherly love indeed; But leſt we ſhould be ſuſpitious, they fairely ſalve a miſtake with this, that they would have the Militia in the hands of the King, and the Parliament and Kingdom lye again at his Majeſties feet for a generall pardon; for ſo they ſhall ſoone if once he get that power. And now ſince I am falne on this, it will not be much out of the way, to ſpend a word or two, in diſtinguiſhing how farre Scotland is to meddle in the concernments of England by the Treaty. Let this be laid as a foundation, that let the union be never ſo nigh; it doth not neceſſarily imply a communication of properties, there are intire and proper incommunicable Priviledges which are reſerved to both: As between man and wife, which is the nigheſt conjunction, there are titles and honours which are proper to each perſon, which both have the benefit of, but not the particular propriety in. The union between England and Scotland, can be only in thoſe things which are of common concernment to both, which belongs to the very being, and well being of the union; they are notwithſtanding two Kingdomes, and have diſtinct Lawes, and Priviledges peculiar to each, and which neither may meddle in. Novv let it be ſeriouſly vveighed, that to preſſe our union too farre, even to an introaching on the properties of one another, is to make our union uncomfortable, and to lay a foundation for a breach; Now vvhat concernes us in particular, and doth not touch on the Intereſts of the Kingdome of Scotland, muſt be left to the Parliament to determine, as vvhat concerns them to their Parliament. That which concerns us are eſpecially our Lawes, the Priviledges of Parliaments, the Militia; and theſe are ſo ours, as that you may turne Scotland into England, and make an Identity between us, before they can meddle with them; and doubtleſſe the Parliament cannot chooſe but reſent it highly, that any Commiſſioners either of Scotch, or of any Kingdome in the world, ſhall take upon them to declare and proteſt againſt the ſending thoſe things in Propoſitions, vvhich is their birth right, and undoubted Priviledge, and which they can have no competitors in, without the higheſt breach of their truſt. And the Commiſſioners might as well have proteſted againſt any Ordinance made by the Parliament for Exciſe, or againſt their making a new great Seale, as againſt any of theſe foure Propoſitions, vvhich are ſolely the concernments of England, and have not ſo much, as the leaſt aſpect on the Intereſt of Scotland, nor influence upon the Treaty between the Kingdomes. And as to that clauſe in the Treaty vvhich ſaith, that we ſhall not make either peace or warre without each others adviſe and conſent; It muſt be ſtill meant in theſe things wherein our mutuall Intereſts are contained: for elſe we have covenanted our ſelves into a faire condition, that the Scots negative voyce, though in thoſe things which eſſentially concerne our own Kingdome, may hinder our happineſſe as they pleaſe; ſo that we muſt be beholding unto them for their conſent in that vvhich God, and nature hath inveſted us withall; How much ſhould vve have been overſeen to deny his Majeſty a negative voyce (knowing the hazard of it) and give it to the Scots? You ſee how our exigencies have brought us into inconveniences; vve have, of our indulgence, and brotherly reſpect made them privie to all our Counſels, and Priviledges, and they now claime an Intereſt in them; I doubt that if this Parliament be diſſolved, our Brethren will challenge the right of calling the next, that vve ſhall neither have Law, nor Priviledge without their conſent. The laſt year they claimed a Right to the diſpoſing of the Kings perſon in England; and novv they claime a Right to diſpoſe of the Parliament, and their tranſactions, though purely in matters of our own Kingdome. They begin fair, if the progreſſe be ſutable, vve ſhall have neither Law, nor Liberty, but what the Scots Commſſioners ſhall vote for us; But that by the by, though they make it the great ſcope of their Declaration. We have now ſeen our miſery, how vve lye at the brink of great dangers, ſome would divide us into more parties, then all the wiſe men among us know how to make up; and what advantage men are taking daily to make the Breaches wider, while others lie at the catch to diſadvantage us.

Let us now ſee vvhat may doe us good, (if we be not paſt cure) we have been long time in warre, its time for us novv to think of a peace; and I know that is in the expectation of all men. Peace is a ſweet word, eſpecially after war, yet we had it a long time, and could not prize it, we have been long unacquainted with it, and now have loſt the way to it; we all agree on the thing, if we could on the termes; Indeed to ſome the name of peace is as an unpleaſant ſound, there be fiſh that cannot live but in troubled waters; others love peace, but have too common apprehenſions of it. I love peace, and I hate it, I love it as I find it wrapt up in the armes of truth, I hate it as its in iniquity, and on baſe termes; let others take it, I ſhall not envie them. I would men loved truth as I love peace. I love that peace which may requite the bloud which hath been ſhed to purchaſe it, ſuch a peace as may keep God, and the Goſpel with us; any other will be but a foundation of a future warre; Its better ſuffer a little to ſettle a good peace; Its better ſuffer a little longer, then get a peace that will end in greater warre; We know what vvill be the worſt to ſtand to ſuch conditions as may produce a ſolid peace, but we knovv not vvhat will be the end of an unſound peace.

Divers, as they have deſired, ſo have aſſaied to bring forth peace; the wayes and means, with the ends they act, are not ſo conſonant, wee will a little conſider what is propoſed in ſuch a tranſaction. The Parliament and the Scots are the great Agitators of this work, but with different principles and ends, as we ſhall ſee anon: the Parliament ſtick to the way of Propoſitions, only thoſe for ſecurity turned into bils: the Scots urge a perſonall treaty, and therefore have followed it hard, that no other way may be thought on, yea, have proteſted againſt the Parliaments way of Addreſſe, though they ſo far condeſcend, as to bring down the number of Bils to four, and to treat the reſt.