A LETTER FROM S R. LEVVIS DYVE to the Lord Marquis of New-Castle gi­veing his Lordship an account of the whole Conduct of the KINGS affaires in Irland, since the time of the Lord Marquis of Ormond, His Excellencies ar­rivall there out of France in Septem. 1648. Until S r. Lewis his departure out of that Kingdome, In June 1650.

Together with the annexed Coppies of sundry Letters mentioned by S R. LEWIS DYVE as relating to the Businesse He treats of From the Hague 10./20. July 1650.

HAGVE, Printed by SAMUELL BROUN, English Bookeseller. 1650.

MY LORD,

NOt long after my arrivall at the Hague, intimation was given me by a noble freind (upon some casuall discourse with him of the affaires of Ireland) that your Lordship had a great desire to be satisfied as well in some particulars touching the conduct of that businesse since my L d. Leiu t. last went thither, as in what condition the Kingdom stood at the time when I came from thence; Wher­upon not knowing whether the necessitie of my occasions, (or indeed the usuall thwartnesse of my fortune in what I most covet) would allow me so great a hapiness as personally to waite upon you before I left this country, I held it my duty in that case to leave some testimony behind me of my obedience, and readinesse to serve you, wherin rather then faile, I have adventured to ingage my selfe in this relation, though cons­cious of mine owne disability to performe it in such sort as the subject requires, the unpollished rudenesse of so plaine and course a stile, affording no lustre of ornament, or beauty that may render it worthy to be presented to a person of your eminency; which may the easier in my behalfe admit of ex­cuse, whose profession, and practice hath all wayes bin ac­customed rather to use a sword then a pen: the only plea I have therfore to offer to your Lordship for this presumption is the candor, and integrity where with it is written, which I have [Page 4] religiously observed through the whole body of the discourse, endeavouring to vindicate truth, which I find highly suffering by the world, either through the malice, and malignity of these unhappy times, or for want of cleare, and impartiall in­formation: which I am confident your Lordship, and all who rightly know me, will expect from my hands, and which since­rely I promise to afford, without suffering the Biasse of any pas­sion, or privat respect, or interest whatsoever to sway me in the least circumstance contrary to truth; unlesse by misapre­hension, and want of judgment, or by the misrepresentation of the ablest, and best knowing persons, I may unhappily have bin misled. But, that I may the better do it, it will be necessary a little to look back, and take a short view of the desperate time, wherein his Ex cy. the Marquesse of Ormond, under tooke this worke; and to reflect upon the sad face that was then upon His MAjESTIES affaires in all his three Kingdomes.

In England as your Lordship may well remember, the King was not only made a close prisoner, his Crowne, his life, and the succession of his posterity declared against, but also all those parties that stood for him there, or had declared in his behalfe, and taken armes for his rescue, were wholy dispersed, and subdued: yea and all other men, whose parts, honesty, or pu­blique interest made them worthy of a suspition, either im­prisoned, banisht, or utterly disarmed.

In Scotland the army raised for the freedome, and restaura­tion of the King, having bin unfortunatly lost (under the leading of Duke Hamilton in Lankashire,) all that acted by the Kings com­mission were not only compelld to lay downe armes, but after being declared incapable to sit any more in Parliament, or to have any share in Government, som of them proscribed, and [Page 5] expelled the land: whilst Cromwell for having countenanced them in these proceedings, was saluted at Edenburgh, Preservator of the nation; thus you see there are two Kingdoms, wherin is neither Garrison, nor army left at the Kings devotion; nor any person scarce at liberty, that durst owne either him or his quarrell.

Ireland only remaines to be considered, and that God knowes a wofull spectacle, cantonized into severall sundry factions, drawing all divers waies, and driueing on severall interests; there was Iones, Monke, and Coote playing an Independant game as eagerly as might be; there were the Scots Patronizinge the Covenant, and Presbitery; there was O Neale, and the Nuntiated party of the Cleargy, that with might, and maine (under the colour of Religion,) were promoteing a forraigne interest, in case they could not make a Prince at home; there was the counsell of the confederats, together with all the auntient English, and some of the Irish their adherents (who being more moderat, and averse to such desperat courses, awakened also with the mise­ries that opprest them already, & the ruin that menaced them out of England) made fresh applications into France, unto the Queene, and the Prince his highnesse, that my Lord Leiu t. and the Kings Authority might againe be sent amongst them; wherupon these two factions grew to so great a fewde, that the latter were all excomunicated by the first; and the first proclaimed Traytors by the latter.

Besides all these, there was Inchiquin, who having recol­lected himselfe at last, & dislikeing the revolutions in England, had prevailed with his party, to declare for the King. Wher­upon he made a cessation with the counsell of the confederats, in ex­pectation of my Lord Leiu ts, coming over; which cessation being [Page 6] violently opposed, both by the spirituall, and temporall sword of the Nuntio, and O Neale, induced finally my Lord Marquess of Clanricard, (who from the time of my Lord Leiu nts. going to sea from Dublin, had retired himselfe, and his family to a place convenient to ship away: assoone as he should despaire of being able to serve the King by his further stay) to take armes, and drawe together his army to countenance the cessation, and to make way for my Lord Marquess of Ormond with the Kings Au­thority; to which he did highly contribute, by awing, and curbing the towne of Galloway, at that time the seat of the Nuntio, and the principall receptacle of the most factious people in the Kingdome; as also by his succesfull reduceing of Fort­faukland, Athlone, Iames towne, and the greatest part of the Pro­vince into his power; But to the end that you may see with what steadinesse that Honorable Person in the depth of all these revolutions hath still adhered unto the service of the King and the Interests, of the Crown even against those that couloured al their designes and practises over, with the artificiallest and most deludeing pretences of Religion (since it is an example fit to be recommended to posterity and truly worthy your lordships knowledge) you may please to read the particular conduct of this his undertakeing in the Coppy of a Letter (I send you herewithall) writ from the Marquis himselfe to M r. Wal­singham then in France.

In this posture was Ireland when my Lord Leiu t. came againe upon the stage; with his hands in effect empty of armes, and his purse of money, without the countenance, or assistance of any foraigne state, wherby to unite this distracted people, and re­cover unto His MAjESTIE this devided Kingdome; before Cromwell were at leasure, to make an expedition thither, which [Page 7] as yet either the murder of the King not yet perpetrated, or the unsettlement of that mishapen cub of his new common wealth detained him from.

Yet notwithstanding all these disadvantages of having neither armes wherwith to awe, or money wherwith to buy men into their duty, or any party ready to imbrace him (my Lord of Clanricard only excepted) but upon the racke of screwed con­ditions; yet at length by Gods blessing and his owne prudent management of affaires, ioyned with the great interest he had in that people, he ordered matters so, as in few months to sowlder most of these factions together; and make a peace, wher­unto all but O Neale, and the Independant party did willingly submit. O Neale complained that the conditions were neither safe, nor large enough, as to the concernments of Religion, and the Province of Vlster: and the Independant party exclaimed that the Protestant Religion, and the English interest forsooth were both betrayed by it: so oposite were, then, these two par­ties in their publique quarrells, about the peace, who you shall see not long after shake hands behind the curtaine against the Kings Authority, which indeed is the blocke they both stumble at; for as to the pretence of Religion in the first, it is manifest how vaine it was, for you shall find that party embrace the peace herafter upon the very same conditions; And as to their Provinciall concernments, they were even then well enough satisfied that my Lord Leiu t. could in no sort be blamed, he being put upon the choise whether he would accept of the rest of the confederats, and the English party in Monster upon the termes in the printed articles, without any further concessions unto Owen O Neale, and the Vlster army: or else in yeelding to their demaunds, loose both the other two; which may suf­fice [Page 8] to justify my Lord Leiu t. in that peace against their com­plaints. The invectives of Co ll. Jones, & his party were urged with far greater arte, and fallacies, which being industriously published in print, were received, I feare, with too much ap­plause by many of the people of England, that either were un­willing, or unable to judge a right; and being fortified by a na­tionall animositie, had too great an influence, even in Ireland it selfe, upon the English army under the comand of my Lord Inchiquin; wherin sundry of the principall Officers were so averse to a conjunction with the Irish, that dureing the time of the treaty they conspired to have surprized both my Lord Leiu t. and the Lord President, & to have delivered them up to the Parliament: which in all probabillity had then taken effect, had it not bien acci­dentally prevented by their unexpected departure from Caricke, upon a petition, or representation from the counsell of the con­federat Catholiques to His Ex cy. that he would remove thence to his owne house at Kilkeny; as a place more fit for the conclu­sion of the treaty: Now whether those sons of Zerviah were so strong, and powerfull in the army that they could not be called to an account, or whether it was conceived more conducible for the advancement of His MAjESTIES affaires to reduce them with time, and gentlenesse to a right understanding, then to loose so many persons of abillity, and authority, I know not, only I feare their impunity was either the sole, or concurrent cause of the generall revolt, and apostacy of those garrisons since. But for a full, and satisfactory answer to all objections, that can be made by either of the parties upon that subject, I have taken the bouldnesse to send your Lordship together with this, the copy of a letter (I found lying by me) that was writ by M r. Walsingham, in returne to the last of Jones his printed papers, [Page 9] (after it was thought fit by my Lord Leiu t. to reply no more as from himselfe) which speaks so much truth, and reason, that though it came to Jones his hands, he was well content to give over his paper war; in that letter your Lordship may find the peace so firmely asserted, and both the justice, and necessity of what was don so well demonstrated, as wauing all arguments of mine owne in that behalfe I refer you Lordship thither for an en­tire satisfaction.

Only I shall take leave to tell your Lordship this, that his Ex cy. in associating the Irish and my Lord of Inchiquin together, and in making up of this peace, hath what in conditions to the one, and to the other, so bound up himselfe, as he may well be said to be Lord Leiu t. but upon curtesy, untill the time of Parliament; having granted unto my Lord Inchiquin the sole co­mand, and ordering of those forces, and garrisons he brought with him to the Kings obedience; and having oblidged him­selfe unto the confederats to authorize only those Officers, and to march in the head of that army which their Commissioners should present unto him. By this your Lordship may perceive the necessity unto which His Ex cy. was brought, but it could not be avoided, either these thinges must be assented unto by him, or the peace must not be made.

And in this sort my Lord Liu nts. hands were manacled in ef­fect as to the militia, he having no more to do, but only to go in, & out before an army of severall factions, & religions much averse to one another: the Officers wherof though never so much disliked by him he could not but admit of; if either the one party, or the other insisted upon their conditions; it cannot therfore seeme strange, (when rightly considered,) that Inchiquins, and the Irish forces were never incorporated together, [Page 10] nor indifferently intermingled in all the garrisons; neither why the army was either so ill disciplined, and officerd, (as in truth it was,) since what hath bin said is a full answer, as I conceive, to that objection.

The difficulties His Ex cy. also had, to make these severall Factions understand either him, or one another, were very great; witnes the printed Declaration the Mounster forces ex­torted from him before the conclusion of the peace, and those many diffidences, and demurs the Irish made therupon; both which parties he must of necessity humor, and comply with, or else mutinies, and defections could not be avoided. The case being such, your Lordship (who have commanded great ar­mies, and had experience in some measure of these inconve­niences) very well knowes, that the skill must needs be great in a Generall so to devide himselfe amongst them, as to keep them in obedience, and contented. My Lord Lieu t. by the gentlenesse, and affabilitie of his disposition, and his great pru­dence in foreseeing, & preuenting evils, wrestled a long time succesfully, with all these inconveniences, tuneing all these discords into harmony; and at length assoone as money could be got to move withall, or the ground affoorded grasse for their horse, a part of the army is drawn together under the com­mand of the Earle of Castle-haven (generall of the horse) whose prevaileing against severall of O Neales, & Jones his garrisons joyned to the voluntary coming in of many of their souldiers, and surrender of their holds, gave very much credit, and repu­tation to the Kings army.

All the time that this is in doing my Lord Leiu t. was busied in treating with, and courting Jones, & Owen O Neale unto the Kings obedience; the first of which (being as is beleived) [Page 11] corrupted by Cromwells bribes, & large promises, positively de­clines my Lord Leiu ts. favour, as apeares by their printed let­ters: the latter having at last waued all things concerning re­ligion, more then what was granted in the peace, insists finally upon the comand of 6000. foot, and 800. horse, together with those other conditions that since were granted him; the Commis­sioners will permit my Lord Leiu t. to allow him no more but 4000. foot & 600. horse, which number they obstinatly refused to ex­ceed; denying him also several other of his lesser demaunds, wherupon O Neale seeing them willing either to leave him quite out, or to have him come in upon such termes as he judged inconsiderable, (they peradventure thinking themselves able to do the worke without him) makes present application unto Monk, and Jones, either to be revenged, upon the Commissioners, my Lord of Inchiquin, the Scots, and all the rest, that he con­ceived to oppose him, or else, as he afterwards said, to make himselfe more considerable, and therby facilitate his condi­tions with them.

Whatsoever his motive was, at last Monke makes an agreement with him, in the name of the Parliament;) though they very tamely upon Cromwells motion did afterwards thinke fit to disclaime him) upon which score, howsoever, he assisted them all he could, undertaking the releife of Derry, which he after­wards effected; and notwithstanding that his Ex cy. dureing all this time was very sencible of the great consequence of Owen O Neales comming in, or standing out, in order to the service, or disservice of the King, and that he looked upon the dispute of denying him the comand of 6000. men, when they were content to entrust him with 4000. as a strange kind of oversight in the Commissioners, & the rest concurring with them, the rather, [Page 12] because he knew that by his standing out, that accursed quarrell betweene the Kings, and the Nuntios party, (not unlike that of the Guelphs, and Gibbelines in Italy) was kept on foot, the re­fractory Cleargy were countenanced, & upheld in credit with the people, and the great Cityes were animated to refuse guar­risons, to deny the payment of impositions, and to disrespect both the Lord Leiu t, and the Commissioners: yet was it not in his power to helpe it by any meanes; unlesse he would have broken conditions with them, which no consideration of any advantage, how great soever, could induce him to do, so tender hath he bin ever of his faith and engagements given: The busines being grown past remedy, he gives the treaty over, and the season inviteing him to take the field, his army being drawen together, he bends his thoughts wholy now upon the reduction of Dublin, yet meetes with a very unexpected rub in the beginning of his march, for the English forces of Mounster would not move, neither would the Vlster Scots unanimously sub­mit before my Lord Inchiquin be declared Leiu t. Generall of the ar­my: which comand had bin imediatly upon the peace conferd on my Lord Marquesse of Clanricard (now upon his march towards Slego) but this demur was also overcom by his Lordships being content, to part with that comand, rather then the Kings service should suffer through any concernment of his: soon after my Lord of Castle-haven, upon my Lord of Inchiquins horse refuseing to obey his orders, quits the feild in distaste, and re­tires to Kilkeny; which his Ex cy. seemed willing for avoiding greater inconveniences to suffer, giving the Earle of Castle­haven the charge of seing the contributions brought in, and the Comand of the country in his absence.

These difficulties overcome, His Ex cy. makes directly for [Page 13] Dublin, all the garrisons in his way (but Ballisonan) by force, or faire meanes surrendring to him, yet is he set forth so slenderly provided with money, that neare Kildare the army is ready to mutiny, & fall to peeces for want of a very small summ, had not a worthy person (that was there but accidentally) supplied them in that extremity; this straight also being overpast, & my Lord of Inchiquins forces being come wholy up, they hold on for Dublin, and compell Jones that was drawne out as far as the Naas with what strength he could make to interupt them, to re­tire into the towne; whither being come at last, and finding it competently well fortified, and plentifullie man'd both with horse, and foot, in so much that it was judged no waies fit to hazard the army upon a desperat assault, and being not as yet a number able to invest the place, especially whilst O Neale, and Monke, together with the garrisons of Drogheda, and Trim lay so convenient to attempt upon them; it was resolved that my Lord Leiu t. should with the greatest part of his army encampe at Finglasse, from thence to awe, & distresse the towne, and be ready to countenance any stirs, or revolts within, whilst my Lord of Inchiquin with a great body of horse, and above 2000 foot endevours to take in Trim, and Drogheda; al this time His Ex cy. found great wants to encounter with, his provisions, and contributions coming in so slowly, and disproportionably to the necessities of his army; and many factions to compose, and temper, the Mounster, and the rest of the English forces mur­muring against the liberty the Irish had there in the exercise of their religion, & the Irish againe repining to see themselves mur­mured at; but more especially to see the English Mounster forces (though they were fewer in number, and had contributions of their owne) to swallow up both their pay, and provisions also; [Page 14] which though the rest of the army did petition against, His Ex cy. could in no waies remedy, being constrained to humor, and comply with that party, as being a people so ticklish, and un­steady, that, if disgusted, might probably either side with Jones, or retireing to their own garrisons, compell the army to with draw, from Dublin by declaring themselves for the Parlia­ment.

S r. Tho. Armstronge, and my Lord Moore being come in to my Lord Inchiquin; Co ll. Mark Treuors (that was but newly de­clared for the King) having got notice of a choice party of O Neales, sent to Dundalke to convay thence such armes, and amu­nition as Monk had undertaken to suply him withall, invites my Lord Inchiquin to intercept them, who came so oportunely thither, that he gained O Neals suplie of amunition, with the utter defeat of his party; wherupon soon after the gaining of Drogedah, which ensued imediatly upon O Neales defeat; Dun­dalke it selfe being summoned, the souldiers compelled Monk to a surrender, and themselves took armes for the King.

Imediatly after this defeat of his party, O Neale hastneth towards the releife of Derry which was the only towne in that Province untaken, all the rest being already reduced by the Lord of Ards, S r. George Monro, and Co ll. Treuors, who were now hindered only by O Neales army, and the Siedg of Derry, from bringing up a considerable body of horse, and foot to the leaguer of Dublin. Where may be observed how great a preju­dice the faction of those men (who desireing out of animosities, & ends of their owne, to staue of O Neal & his party from the benefit of the peace; stood chaffering with him about his com­mande of 4000, or 6000. men, and other trifles) have don to the Kinges service, and to the whole Kingdomes in deprivinge [Page 15] themselves therby, not only of the forementioned assistan­ce of the Scots, but also of the possession of London Derry, together with so considerable an addition of forces as O Neale could then have brought; wherby not only the whole Province of Vlster would have bin secured to the King; but Dublin it selfe either reduced, or so strongly furrounded, that it would have bin impossible either for Jones to releive himselfe, or Cromwell to invade the Kingdom: which, notwithstanding all these fore mentioned disadvantages, was, upon the matter, even gained already, and would have bin entirely, without any manner of question, if it had fortuned that His MAjESTIE had feasonably come thither himselfe in person, which by all parties was desired with infinit passion, but especially by those whose prudence made them best able to judge how effectuall his presence would be, not only for the animating of his own loiall party, but also suppressing of all factious humors, and uniteing all interests chearfully, & unanimously to go on against the common enemy: which must soon have put a period to that warr, and made his authority absolut in that Kingdom, without dispute; for as upon his arrivall His MAjESTIE should have found Mounster enti­rely in the Irish, and my Lord of Inchiquins possession, Vlster all reduced, but the fort of Culmore, and Derry into the hands of the Scots; Conaght by the Marquess of Clanrieards fortunate gaining the strong fort of Slego (with what else the enemy had then remaining in that Province) wholy cleared: in Leinster nothing left for rebellion to nestle in, but Dublin & Ballisonnan; both which were so well attended upon, that the defendants had but little pleasure to ayre themselves without the circuit of their workes; so by his coming he would undoubtedly have diverted Owen O Neale (who would imediatly have submitted unto the person [Page 16] of the King from releiving London Derry, and therby have se­cured both that town, and Province, with Dublin also as it is thought) for they that had reason to know Jones his mind apprehended that his leaving the Kings party did proceede from a Pique either against my Lord Leiu t. or S r. Robert Byron about a Leiu t. Co lls. place, which was conferd over his head upon an other; and that then the scene being altered in England, & his old freinds out of authority there, his new termes with the Independents also yet unmade, he had himselfe come over, if the King had bin there in person; or if not, yet his party would have all deserted him; and the worke had bin don one way, or other; that Kingdom wholy reduced without ablow; all factions, as I said before extinguisht; and His MAjESTIE had an army of above 20000. men to have emploied where he pleased.

However, thitherto you see my Lord Leiu t. (having ce­mented together so many differing parties, & mastered almost incredible difficulties) hath with prudence, and successe con­ducted the busines, and is hindered only by the wilfulnes, and faction of some of his owne party from compleating the worke. After the taking in of Trim (which followed soon upon the surrender of Dundalke,) my Lord of Inchiquin brings up his forces, now much improved in number, to the army before Dublin wherupon His Ex cy. leaving a part of his army at Castle­knock under the Command of my Lord Dillon of Costelo (a per­son of much gallantry) to keepe them in on that side the water, removes his Campe to the other side the towne, to distresse the enemy that way also, which, whilst they are endevouring to do, (upon intelligence that Cromwell was ready with an army to em­barke himselfe for Ireland, and that he intended to land in Mounster) my Lord of Inchiquin thought it fit that he should [Page 17] with a good party of horse go down into those parts to secure his garrisons and provide for the worst.

His Lordship was no sooner gone, but my Lord Leiu t. designing to shut up the enemy within his workes, and quite impede as well their getting in of hay, as the graseing of their cattle with­out their line; gave order to Patrick Purcell, Major Generall of the foot, to march with a sufficient party of men, and an Engineer to Baggot-Rath there to possesse himselfe of that place immediatly, & cast up such a worke as had been already de­signed: S r. William Vaughan Commissary Generall of the horse, had order likewise to draw together most part of the troopes that were on that side the water and to keepe them in a body upon a large plowed field looking towards the Castle of Dublin, there to countenance the foot whilst the workes were finishing, and to secure them in case the enemy out of the towne should attempt to interrupt them. These (my Lord) were the orders given, but not executed, for notwithstanding it did not much exceed a mile, whither the foot were to go, yet through the ignorance, or negligence of the Officers, that were to conduct them many houres were spent, ere they came at the place: Whither when they were come they found the worke so wretchlesly advanced by M r. Welsh the Engineer, (and to helpe all) themselves kept such negligent guards, that many judged it was done on purpose; & that these neglects proceeded from those lurking seedes of discord betwene the Kings and the Nuntios parties: for it is certaine that about that time upon an apprehension that thinges went on too prosperously with my Lord Leiu t. there were Letters written to Owen O Neale, about broaching a new warr, in case Dublin had bin taken; what ever the grounds of these faileings were, the enemy never stood to [Page 18] examin, but being much troubled to see a fort designing there, (where, with so much ease they might not only be kept, from all forrage, and succour by land, but entercourse with the sea also:) and perceiving the posture they were in, destitute of horse, to guard them, resolues upon a desperat sally to disturb this worke, which they hapned to make about eight of the clock in the morning, when His Ex cy. who had bin on horseback most part of the night (as his constant custome was since his coming neare Dublin) was newly laide him down in his tent to take his rest.

The enemy found the new fortification so slight, and the re­sistance there so weake, that they soon became masters of the place, from whence seeing the Irish flie in such fright & disorder, (contrary to their first intentions,) they pursued them up to the avenewes of their Campe, where finding the souldiers also that were in gard with great securitie, and unconcernment looking on, they laid hold on the advantage, charging briskly in, and in a trice beat them of their posts, which if they had de­fended (as a far less number then they were, might very easily have don) the Campe being no way accessible towards the towne, (excepting by those few avenewes which there purpo­sely had been left open, nay some of them thrown open con­trary to orders for the conveniency of the soldiers) could possibly have run no hazard.

But these passes being thus lost, & abandoned, & more men coming out of the towne to reinforce those that were alredy so succesfull, the whole army in the greatest terror, and confu­sion that might be, falls a running every one a severall way, & in this condition were all things brought before my Lord Taaffe then Generall of the Ordinance had awaked my Lord Leiu t., who [Page 19] presently takeing horse together with my Lord of Castle-haven (who was now returned backe to his command) & Co ll. Milo Power; made towards the enemy taking all such a long with them as they could either by force, or faire meanes perswade to face about, with intention to beat them backe, or at least, by making head a while, to stop their progresse till som conside­rable part of the army could be rallied, and brought up againe, to oppose them: but by that time they came neare the enemy, their followers were grown so thin, that His Ex cy. (after the having exposed himselfe to much danger, and received a shot upon his armes in a brusk charge that he made upon the fore­most of the enemies troopes,) was faine to retire at last, and seeke to recover his army that was gone before; S r. William Vaughan being already killed, his brother Co ll. Richard Butler ta­ken, and the whole campe in effect abandoned except by those that could not get them ready, or wanted meanes of flyinge.

Thus besides the slaughter that was made, and the prisoners that were taken, one of which was the lot of most of the English that were under the command of Co ll. Woogan (whose behaviour that day deserves much commendation) who having gotten together into a small body defended themselves so gallantly and with so much resolution against the whole power of the enemy, as at last, after a great slaughter, the rest made conditions for themfelves before they could be inforced to yeeld, or lay downe armes:) the totall plunder of the campe, with all the artillery, tents, and baggage fell into the enemies hands, most of my Lord of Inchiquins foot, that at first made some resistance, seing the day lost, upon this disaster changed sides, and revolted to the enemy. All this was don in so short a space, and with so little noise, that my Lord Dillon, [Page 20] and the rest of the forces that were on the other side the river of the Liffy, knew nothing of what was don till the businesse was over, and some scattering runawaies brought him word of it; the Irish that got of, made such hast every one towards his home, and with such distraction, that it was impossible for my Lord Leiu t. to draw any body of them together; and therfore (having met with the newes of the surrender of Ballisannon that very day into the hands of his forces that lay before it) he rested at Caterlo that night, and went the next day to confer with the Commissioners of trust, and my Lord Inchiquin at Kilkeny.

When this great disaster is well considered, scarce any other sound reason can be given for so sad a misfortune, but the good pleasure of Almightie God. who (if it be lawfull to look so far into the judgments of heaven,) knowing the ill intentions and designes that were in the harts of many both of the Irish and English there, in case Dublin had bin taken, saw them un­worthy of that blessing, and tooke that time, for their punish­ment, and humiliation; not only in this but a torrent of other crosses following in the necke one of another; for besides this mischance before Dublin, to the ruin of so great an army, about the same time O Neale releives Coot in London Derry, to the immediat losse of that Province, & the future scourge of his owne followers; not long before likewise the plague was brought by a ship out of Spaine into Gallway, and besides the havock it made in that towne, so disperst it selfe over all the Province of Conaught, that my Lord Marquess of Clanricard; being deprived thorough the Calamities that were upon that towne, & coun­try both of money, and meanes, to march withall, could not for many months draw his army together, either to act any thing alone, or joine with any other, for feare least by that meanes the plague, that made such spoile while they were asun­der, should mow them down when they were all together.

This Route at Dublin, the releife of Derry, and the plague might be thought competent afflictions to be cast upon a people so impoverished, & a Kingdom so wasted before; yet this sufficeth not, there are heavier losses yet to follow, and a worse pestilence to land shortly at Dublin, that will sweep away their men, and townes together; but here your Lordship may justly interrupt me, and say, that though it must be confessed, that whatsoever befalls us in this vale of misery is to be attri­buted to the hand of heaven, or the permission at least of the devine providence, (into the reasons of whose secret, and hidden counsells, our weake capacities are unable to search) yet neverthelesse those visible causes, wherby we draw mis­fortunes upon our selves, by such, who through neglect of their duty, & disobedience to their superiours, are apparently the authors therof, ought not to passe unpunished, and ther­fore you see no reason why those were not called to an account that deserved it both by their cowardice, and so shamfull omis­sion of their duty, as could admit of no excuse.

But when your Lordship shall be pleased to reflect upon what I said before, that my L d. Leiu t. comands this army, & indeed the Kingdom but as it were upon courtesy, all his authority in effect con­sisting in the aweing one faction with another, the best of which he found to be on so uncertaine, & unsetled, termes; that you will I doubt not when you reflect upō it easily grant, that my L d. Leiu t. could not in prudence do an act that was likely to give so great, & generall a distaste as indeede to have proceded against the Ma­jor Generall would have bin to the confederats, amongst whom he had so many alliances, & freinds: & the running away of the rest was so universall a fault, that it was hard to discover who deserved pu­nishmēt most; & harder to find a Court of warr to censure them.

Dureing this short residence at Kilkeny, His Ex. cy: have­ing taken order with the Lord Inchiquin to bring up what [Page 22] forces he could possibly make, and with the Commissioners for the recruteing, drawing together, & arming, their dispersed forces assoon as could be, to the end they might be sent after him, who speeds away himselfe in the company only of 20 or 30 horse towards Trim, and Drogheda, as the places both nearest the enemies attempts, and likeliest to totter backe, if not se­cured in time: at Tecroghan (a house of S r. Luke Fitzgarretts) he makes a stay, till those severall bodies that he then expected were com up, and upon notice of their coming removes to Trim; where he meets with newes of Jones his being before Drogheda, who soon after, upon intelligence that my Lord Leiu t. was at Trim, and suposeing his forces, to be greater then indeed they were, drew of in the night, & returned Ime­diatly to Dublin.

The next day His Ex cy. went through to Drogheda, where a party of the Scotch horse, and foot under the Command of the Lord of Ards, and the Lord Clanbrazill. Came up unto him, but, whilst they are consulting what to do, they receive assurance of Cromwells landing with very considerable forces: Wherupon concludeing that towne necessary to be kept to entertaine the enemy before whilst they made up their army, as they hoped to do very considerably, & soone enough to come to the releife of the place; of which if they should faile, no question was made, but after the gaining of time, which was then pretious, they in the town should be able to make honorable conditions for themselves; whilst Cromwell is refreshing his own men in Dublin and reducing Jones's, there is put into Drogheda a garrison of 2500 foot, and 300 horse, which was thought sufficient: & so having furnisht it with provisions, as well as that short time would give them leave, His Ex cy. commits the charge of that [Page 23] place to S r. Arthur Aston, as a person whose experience, courage, & approued fidelity did worthily deserve the highest trust. These things thus ordered His Ex cy. returnes to Trim, and from thence he dispatched away Co ll. Daniell O Neale then Governor of that place, (with a Commission to set on foot the treaty againe with Owen O Neale, if it were possible, & to endea­vour the reduceing of the Vlster army even upon any condi­tions;) a person esteemed by all, best qualified for that im­ployment, as well in regard of his singular abillitye, and approued fidelitie to the King as the great interest he was suppo­sed to have in his Unckle, who managed the busines with that dexteritye, as he won his Unckle to harken againe, unto an agreement; wherupon. S r. Richard Barnewell, and S r. Nicholas Plunkett are sent after to make an absolute conclusion with him, though by the way this may not be unworthy of observation, that those persons who were formerly most opposit to this agreement, were now become the greatest sticklers to pro­mote it with His Ex cy, being growne sencible of the immi­nent, and aproaching danger that now threatned them.

Tecroghan is the next stage His Ex cy. removes unto, (where I had the honor first to kisse his hand after my arrivall in Ireland,) here he makes a stand, as being the most opportune place to draw his army together in, and lyeing most convenient after that was don, to releive Drogheda, or make any other attempt upon the enemy: Where besids the remains of the Irish army, already som what recruited, there joyned unto him a good re­giment of my Lord Marquess of Clanricards of above 1000 foot, together vvith 300 horse; likevvise that party of the Scots be­fore mentioned; S r. Thomas Armstrong, and Co ll. Treuors, to­gether vvith vvhat forces my Lord Inchiquin could bring out of [Page 24] his precincts; these being got together, and daily additions being still expected to the making them up a more conside­rable body, then they were at Dublin; my Lord Leiu t. re­ceaved severall advices from S r. Arthur Aston to precipitate nothing: for he doubted not of finding Cromwell play a while, as certainly he had done had not Co ll. Walls regiment after the enemy had bin twice bravely repulsed; upon the unfortunat losse of their Collonell in the third assault bin so unhappily dis­maide, as to listen before they had neede unto the enemy of­fering them quarter; and admitted them in upon these termes; therby betraying both themselves, & all their fellow souldiers to the slaughter; for Cromwell being master of the towne, & told by Jones that he had now in his hands the flower of the Irish ar­my, gave order to have all that were in armes put to the sword: Where besides the gallant Governour S r. Arthur Aston, S r. Edmond Varney, Co ll. Warren, Co ll. Fleminge, and Co ll. Birn, Leiu t. Co ll. Finglasse, and Major Tempest, together with many other excellent Officers, and Gentlemen, there were butchered neare 3000 souldiers, and those truly reputed the best that Kingdom affoorded: in whose fall, there is sadly ob­servable, how great a number of them were guilty of the un­lucky breach of that solemne agreement, made about two yeares before betweene the Lord Marquesse of Clanricard and the Leinster army at S r. Nicholas Whites Castle of Lexleap; se­verall of those that survived having perisht since; and few, or none of them escaped some remarkable affliction, or other. This massacre at Drogheda having lopt of a principall limbe of my Lord Leiu ts. army; and the losse of that towne, letting the enemy loose, caused his Ex cy to remove his army from Castle Jordan down towards the Counties of Wexford, and Kilkeny, [Page 25] there not only to lye secure, till Generall O Neales army came up unto them (with whom now at last he having bin rejected by the Parliament, and the Commissioners whipt to reason with ad­versity, there was an agreement made, and he submitted to the Kings Authority) but also ready to be drawne into either Wex­ford, or Kilkeny, as there should be occasion, for upon one of those places after the enemies retreat from Drogheda to Dublin, it was concluded they would fall next. For which reason His Ex cy. for many daies courts the towne of Wexford to take in a Gar­rison, Kilkeny having received one already, but they (affirm­ing they were able to defend their towne themselves) would never be brought to admit of one till the enemy was at the Walls, and then tumultuarily S r. Edmond Butler with neare 1500 men was receaved in, as Governour; whome to rein­force, after the enemy was now set down before it my Lord Leiu nt comes with new supplies with in sight of the towne, & had put them in, to the infallible preservation of the place, if James Stafford then Governour of the Castle had not upon termes of advantage to himselfe before His Ex cies eies shamefully be­trayed it, and the town into the hands of a most cruell, & faith­lesse enemy, who butchered there also after they were admitted in, above 2000 more.

There was nothing now remainning to be done, the Vlster army being not yet come up, and severall troopes of my Lord Inchiquins being since the seidge of Drogheda run away to the enemy) but put a Garrison into Rosse which was sent in under the Command of Luke Taaffe with orders (for the place was judged scarce tenable against so powerfull an enemy) to make conditions when they saw themselves able to resist no longer, as at last they did when the breach was made, and the enemy [Page 26] ready to give an assault, haveing termes to march away with their armes.

About Graigge and Thomas Town His Excellency houered with his horse, and the small remainder of his foot, untill the come­ing up of the Vlster army. Vnder the Command of Leiutenant Generall Farrell, (the Generall himselfe lying then a dying:) This new Conjunction with Owen O Neale, and so great an accession of Forces bringes my Lord Leiutenant into a Condition not only of putting a stop upon Cromwells hasty progresse, but even of gaining ground upon him, as questionlesse he would have done, had not another misfortune greater then any of the former interveened to frustrate all; which was this, my Lord of Inchequin having as I said before conditioned to have the order­ing of those Garrisons, and forces that he brought in with him to the Kings obedience left wholy to himselfe out of desire (as is beleeved) to keep himselfe still considerable upon a bottome of his owne; would never hearken unto any Proposition of ad­mitting a proportion of Irish into any of his townes, King­sale onely excepted into which place at the importunity of Prince Rupert he at last admitted some: Being confident that the English forces under his command having served under him so so long upon severall scores; all, or the most of the Officers where of being either Creatures of his owne, or men obliged, and indeared unto him upon a long account, would never se­perate themselves from his fortune, or abandon his service. But his Lordship it seemes tooke wrong measures, for the most part of them being steared wholy by selfe interest, and knowing the way already, how for advantage to serve against the King (whose business they saw so much declining, that no more was likely to be got that way) whilst Cromwell was full of mony, [Page 27] and successe; Conspired together how to possess themselves of my Lord of Inchiquins person, together with the townes under his Command, that they might make a surrender of all at once unto the enemy: Youghall begins the dance, and taking occa­sion to mutiny against the English Cavaliers under Woogans Com­mand that were quartered there, imprisoned, & disarmd them all, and afterwards stood upon their guard.

Whilst my Lord of Iuchiquin is by all Gentle meanes en­deavouring to reclayme back this towne, severall of his Offi­cers combine to seize upon him, (then lying secure at Leiute­nant Generall Barries house of Castle Lyons) but they, and their designe being discovered to his Lordship by one of their owne complices, were so farr prevented as to be seized all upon them­selves. Wherupon the towne of Youghall seing Cromwell yet at too great a distance, & the time of his coming into Mounster uncer­taine, offered to submit upon assurance of indemnity, the release of the imprisoned Officers, and removall of the Cavaliers; which his Lordship either wanting the meanes to compell them, or being willing with kindnesse, and faire meanes to vvin upon them, & keep them in order assented unto. After which, having visited his Garrisons, and beleeving all things so secure, as not to re­quire either his further stay there, or the bringing any propor­tion of the Irish into those other townes, he returnes unto his charge in the army. And novv Cromwell having nevvly received an affront before Duncannon, through the courage & gallantry of Wogan vvirh those English Gentlemen, that vvere put in vvith him upon that occasion, vvas retired back to Rosse there under the Protection of the town to make a Floting Bridge over the river to the end that by having a passage to the other side, he might at his pleasure either compell His Ex cy to devide his army, to [Page 28] attend upon his motions and so give him an opportunity of setting upon one part, or other of it; Or, at least, if it kept to­gether, of getting a Passage into Mounster, where he expected, to find a generall Revolt of those Garrisons under my Lord of Inchiquins Commands, as it afterwards happened.

My Lord Taaffe was sent with a part of the army to hinder the worke; But what through want of powder, (and indeed all sortes of ammunition) which was now grown exceeding scarce, extremity of foule weather, distempers amongst his men, and other ill concurring accidents, he was not able to effect it. My Lord Leiutenant through Cromwells suddain retreating in the night, from before Dun Cannon, having lost the oppor­tunity of fighting him, (as he was then resolved finding his army cherfully desire the occasion) had nothing left him now to do, but vvaite upon the enemies motion, and endeavour to cut of his provisions, (vvhich the country people allured by the orderlinesse of his souldiers, who had mony to pay for vvhat they tooke, and command it seemes to do so) brought them in as fast as could be; vvhilst His Excellency having no mony to pay his army, nor indeed a competence of bread to give them, vvas constrained to let them take their sustenance vvhere they could find it.

During this intermission of action, Corke, Youghall, and all the English townes of Mounster (even through the incitation of those Officers, that were but lately released) being openly re­volted, and the Lord Broghall with some men landed in those parts; Very many of my Lord Inchiquins party, both horse, and foote deserted my Lord Leiutenant, and ran daily over to the enemy: In so much that both the Commanders, and souldiers of the Irish (not without reason) grew very jealous of the rest [Page 29] that remained behind, fearing that if ever they came to en­gage against the enemy, they would turne upon them, and be­tray them, there wanted not diverse also (though doubtless very unjustly) that extended their jealousies unto my Lord of In­chiquin himselfe grounding their accusations upon his Lordships not punishing the Conspirators when he had them in his power, upon so faire a warning, and just an occasion, as then was gi­ven him, his not putting Irish into his Garrisons; Upon his wife, his family, plate, and goods being sent him safely out of Corke into the Irish quartars, upon his not consenting to the dis­mounting, and disarming, of the rest of his men, when some of the Commissioners prest the doing of it, upon his delivering his advice in Councell (as they heard for his Excellencies coming to conditions with Cromwell, and making this an argument for it, that his men would fight no longer; and lastly upon an imper­tinent accusation without head, or taile (appeared when he came to be examined in the businesse) brought against him by the Marques of Antrim, for holding correspondence, and having made conditions under hand with the enemy.

Upon these foundations, and such as these, did many of the Irish represent unto my Lord Leiutenant the necessity of discharg­ing my Lord Inchiquin of his Command, & securing his person; which his Excellency being more tender of the Kings honour, and his owne, then upon bare surmises, and suspitions to deale in that manner with a person that had but lately deserved so well both of the King, and him; would not be brought unto: Choos­ing rather to run any adventure, then to be guilty of breach of conditions with him, which he must needs have been, if before a conviction of apparent treachery he should upon the score of my Lord of Inchiquins oversights, or the uncertain jealou­sies [Page 30] of the Irish; have condescended unto either of the things proposed.

This temper and justice in my Lord Leiutenant (in not suffer­ing himselfe to be led by the clamors and importunity of the people, and soldiers) involues him also at last under their displeasure, and mistrust: so that out of want of confidence in their cheife Commanders, and out of diffidence in one another, the army was now falln into a very unfit condition of hazarding a battaile with the enemy, if an occasion should offer it selfe: and to make it worse the Scots that were there (being tired out with the necessities, the whole army suffered, and receiving newes of the enemies prevalence in their Country) desired leave to returne into the North which after great importunity at last being granted them, they immediately with drew their forces, and hasted homewards; where they were no sooner come, and S r. George Monro joynd unto them, but they re­ceived so sore a blow from Coote with so much losse, and disper­sion of their men that they were never able to make head in Vlster since.

Cromwell now finding the army so much weakened, by the desertion of so many of my Lord Inchiquins men, and the depar­ture of the Scots, and likewise knowing that it was in such disor­der through the distrust, & animosities that were amongst them, so that in reason he was like to have much the advantage if they should fight him, adventures over his bridge at Rosse into the County of Kilkenny; where by facing my Lord Leiutenants army, and mouing after it up, and down, he amuzed the Irish; whilst Jones, his Leintenant Generall, with parties tooke in the Castles of the Country, & had Carrick given into his hands wretchedly by Martin that Commanded there; Upon notice where of [Page 31] Cromwell hastens thither, to passe his army over into Mounster, which was now his business; for notwithstanding his purse to buy provisions of the Country, and his ships that wherever he went waited continually upon him, his army through the un­seasonablenesse of the weather, and want of quarters, was so much harassed, and wasted; many of his men falling sick, and dying daily, that if he did not hasten to his Winter quarters, he would in probability have perished without a blow, which ne­verthelesse, to make sure worke, my Lord Leiutenant (whose army also was quite tired out with wants, sufferings, and con­tinuall marches) hearing that he was gone towards Carrick in­tended to bestow upon him before necessity forced him to dis­perse his men, and to that end his Excellency marcht speedily af­ter the enemy with designe to set upon him whilst he was either engaged before Carrick, or else incumbred at some other passe upon the river; but after all this diligence when my Lord came near the towne he then learnt that the place was lost before, and that Cromwell leaving a competent Garrison therin, had only past his army over, and was gone towards Waterford, which town during Cromwells Residence at Rosse, though the persua­sion (as it is said) of Geoffry Baron, and Hugh Rochford had un­derhand begun a treaty with him, for the delivery of the town unto him; Which treaty only stuck upon the free exercise of their Religion, and the Churches denyed unto them by Cromwell.

The knowledge of this caused my Lord Leiutenant now to hasten thither, with no small danger to his person to presse them to admit of a Garrison, which being a long time denyed, & my Lord of Castlehaven, with diverse others, that his Excellency propounded, being utterly rejected by them; yet at last they [Page 32] were content to admit of Farrell, and the Vlster men, who ac­cordingly were sent immediately unto them. After Farrells ad­mittance, he upon notice of the enemies motion that way, fear­ing some commotion in the towne, and thinking himselfe not strong enough to resist the enemy without, and master them within writes unto his Excellency for a supply of men; And these his Excellency (seing Cromwell so unexpectedly got over into Mounster through the treachery of the Garrison of Carrick) in­tends now to conduct himselfe out of hand into Waterford, be­fore which the enemy was supposed to bee; Therupon some Principall Officers of the army desired leave that they might in the Interim attempt the regaining of Carrick, against whom his Excellency objecting the want of materialls necessary for such an enterprize, was assured they had enough to serve their turne for that worke, yea, and some of them positively under­tooke the taking of the place that night; Wherfore leaving them to their businesse my Lord bends his Course for Water­ford, where he arrived when it was late; upon notice where of Cromwell despairing of doing any good upon that town, and finding many of his men fall sick, and dy of the fluxe, which then raged amongst them, drawes of in the night, and hastens towards his Winter quarters at Corke and Youghall, in which march as he gaind Dungarvan, so he lost Jones his Leiutenant Generall.

During my Lord Leiutenants absence, the army at Carrick as­saults the place, the foot falling on with extraordinary galan­try, and resolution, where after the losse of many of them, they faild of carrying the place only for want of a few pickaxes, and spades which being calld for were no where to be found, which necessitated the poore foot, after having done so hand­somely, [Page 33] and stood under the walls some houres, to quit the bu­siness, and draw of; when extreame want of food (they having eaten nothing almost for two daies) enforced them to march away towards Clonmell, all the Country betvixt Carrick, and Kilkenny Being totally spoild already.

The remouall of the army hence without sending notice of it to my Lord Leiutenant had like to have put his Excellency into the enemies hands, for he making full account of the regaining of Carrick upon the former assurance that was given him, was upon his way directly thither, (where the enemy had 300 horse, & he not forty in his Company) when Colonell Milo Power by good fortune found him out, and told him of the ill success of the enterprize, and the motion of the army thence, wherupon he altered his Course another way. And then con­sidering that the enemy was now retired into his Garrisons, that the weather was bitter, and unfit for action, the Winter being now come on, or if it were not so that he had neither meat, nor mony wherwith to keep his men any longer toge­ther, having since the revolt of Mounster (which deprived him of the greatest share of his Contributions, and Provisions) been along time already forced to live upon the spoile of the rest of the Country; he concluded upon dispersing his army into quarters also, which (because the Principall townes refused to admit them in) he was fain to scatter over all the Kingdom. The greatest part of the Vlster forces were sent into their own Province there to Choose a new Generall according as their conditions allowed them. Luke Taaffe, and Morogh, O Flahartye with their men were sent back into Connaght to my Lord of Clanricard; my Lord of Inchiquin with the remainder of such as belonged unto him, went over into the County of Clare; my [Page 34] Lord Dillon with his, into Meath, and towards Athlone, all the rest were scattered severall wayes; Only Major Generall Hugh O Neale was admitted with about 1500 Vlster men into Clonmell as Governour, and Kilkenny received also a Competent Gar­rison to secure them against so ill neighbours as Rosse, and Carrick were.

Here your Lordship beholds a summary of what past in the feild, since the army first set forth untill their going to their Winter quarters; in all which time how ill soever the successe hath been, nothing can with any colour of reason be laid to my Lord Leiutenants charge, except the not punishing those many failings, treacheries, and disorders that were committed during this Summers expedition: Yet as to the disobedience, & neglects in the seidge of Dublin I gave you reasons why that was past over before; And those that were committed since were for the most part by men of that condition, & Interest, that it was neither safe, nor fit (all things considered) to call them to an account; as for treacheries, most of the authors of them tooke care to secure themselves and in time get out of reach; Only Crosby that betraid Kingsale, after he was designed to dy, by my Lord Leiutenant, upon my Lord of Inchiquins coming to towne, was, I know not for what considerations, repreived and saved; The want of mony to pay the soldiers, and the exigences they were for the most part in, after the mischance at Dublin, did so much authorize their disorders in the Country that if they had not been past by, and connived at, there had been no meanes of keeping them together. There was no Officer in all that army, that will not likewise confesse that my Lord of Ormond did too often, and too freely expose himselfe to danger by going upon every litle expedition; and that he did take more [Page 35] toile, and paines then became a Generall, by descending fre­quently to play the Major Generall, the Quarter-Master, the Pro­vost Marshall, or any thing; which yet the unremediable negli­gence, and insufficiency of many of his Officers obliged him unto.

Out of all which it is very evident that it was neither want of conduct, courage, or vigilancy in him that brought those sad successes upon the Irish, but (next after the immediate hand of God) those factions, that hee had neither power, nor meanes of mastering, those treacheries, which no mans Prudence could prevent, and those wants, that his empty purse and deep en­gaged fortune could not supply. For I dare boldy say, that had it not been for the aversion of the Commissioners, my Lord of Castlehaven, my Lord of Inchiquin, & the Scots, to Owen O Neale, he had been reduced in time; Both Derry, and Dublin would have fallen into my Lord Leiuteuants hands, & no landing place have been left for Cromwell unsecured: Nay, I have many reasons to beleeve, that notwithstanding the defeat at Dublin, and suc­cesse upon Drogheda, Cromwell with all his great army, his fleet, and store of mony, had been lost, and sunke to nothing, if the Castles of Wexford, and Carrick had not been so fowly betrayed; Nay, and after that too, if those townes, and forces in Mounster had not so treacherously revolted.

But how innocent soever his Excellency were, by this time, some leaders of the factious part of the Cleargy, and people (thinking now they had got a faire occasion of lifting him out of the saddle, and therby of slipping their own necks out of the collar of obedience again,) begin to exclaime aloud against my Lord Leiutenant for their ill successes; they blame his con­duct of the army, as if he had misguided it on purpose; his [Page 36] disposing of their contributions, as if he had defrauded them; his Kindnesse, & Countenance to the English Gentlemen, was a signe he wisht our Nation, better then his owne; and an infe­rence of his not being fit to be trusted longer by them; for to confirme which they coined a thousand arguments, and scat­tered industriously amongst the people opinions, that my Lord of Ormond was guilty of the greatest treacheries, and miscarriages that had been committed. To make which pro­bable, they called to mind afresh the surrender of Dublin to the Parliament, rather then to them, They instanced also his present supporting my Lord of Inchiquin, though suspected so deeply by every one; Nay, out of his standing so hard with them in all past treaties upon concessions of Religion, and out of his steadinesse in his own Profession, they framed arguments of his unfaithfullness to them, and aversion to theirs: So that now you could speake with few amongst the common soul­diers, or the peasants that would not either say, they could not looke to prosper under the Command of a Protestant, or else tell you, that it was no wonder their armies were beaten, and their townes were lost, since their cheife leaders betraid them.

Thus did the knavery, and malice of a few steale away the hearts of the generallity of that undiscerning simple people from my Lord Leiutenant, few of them being able to judge at all of the Prudence and integrity of his conduct; or to consider that the army that was in the feild the foregoing Summer would have required foure times the Contribution that was raised, without leaving any surplus either to be hoarded up, or sent beyond seas: From which his Excellency was so farr, that on the other side, he frequently offered to engage at a very [Page 37] low rate all that remained unmorgaged of his Princely estate for the support of the army.

These people could not reflect how much right, and honour he did their Nation in his Civillities, & Noblenesse to those English Gentlemen, that were in want, and Bannishment only for their faith unto the King, and who, if ever the Royall Interest recovered, were many of them like to become so capeable of acknowledging those favours with advantages back unto them; wherfore his Excellency, as well out of their common con­cernments, as his own goodnesse, bewayled nothing more, then that his own private, and the Kingdomes publique neces­sities limitted his bounty; and that the ill nature, and indiscre­tion that raigned amongst many of the Irish would not suffer them to hide their repininges, at his favour towards these Gentlemen.

The surrender of Dublin truly had been made unto the people of Ireland by the arts of those, that were at that time in Government amongst them, a most odious thing; though those very persons knew well enough, it was themselves and not my Lord Leiutenant, that was in the fault; by twice fowly violating their publique faith with him, first in breaking a peace made, and solemnly published both at Dublin, and Kilkenny, (the respective seates of the Kings Leiutenant and the Councell of the Confederates) & in seconding that act (after having impri­soned the Lord Muskerij, S r. Robert Talbott, S r. Lucas Dillon, M r. Brown, M r. Belings, and the rest of their Supream Councell, that had made the peace, and still stood honestly to what they had done) with bringing their armies before Dublin, where having caused the burning, and destruction of those quarters, the town it selfe must have been lost unto them, if upon over­tures [Page 38] of a treaty with the Parliament they had not sent men and supplies to rescue it. And next in the breach of that solemn engagement made between them, and the Marquess of Clanricard, as soone as (upon beleife of their resolution to return unto their duty) the treaty was broke of, and the forces of the Parliament sent home again; Could it be expected, that after two such acts as these any wise man would trust, or treat with the Irish any more, whilst the Government was still in the same mens hands; Who after all this wrought the whole As­sembly to declare they would never have any Protestant Governour more, and namely not my Lord Leiutenant; and who were not ashamed at the same time, both to anull the Peace, and yet acknowledge that the forementiond Gentlemen that had been makers of it, and suffered in justification of it, had neither ex­ceeded their instructions, nor done any thing misbecoming honest men.

These kind of proceedings at Kilkenny joynd to a new expe­dition designed against Dublin, as soon as the season of the yeare would suffer them to march, were, it must needs bee Con­fessed Provocations sufficient to have justified my Lord Leiu­tenant (if he had received no such instructions from the King as he did) finding himself unable to keep the place any longer, in the surrender of it: (rather then to so faithlesse a people, as those were, that then swaied there, and who were driving on a forraign Interests with might and main) into the hands of the Parliament (who were at that time in treaty with the King) upon conditions of giving him free accesse to His MAjESTY, and of repaying unto him those monies, which hee during the troubles of his Government (the Kings Exchequer failing) had out of his own purse lent unto the army. Whether His Excel­lency [Page 39] did in this case like a man of honour, and as became him, let the late Generall O Neale be judge, who (if he be not much wrongd) did affirme unto a confident freind of his, that if he had been intrusted from the English Nation, and with the Interests of the Crown of England there, as my Lord Leiutenant was, he would have done just so, as His Excellency then did.

His supporting my Lord Inchiquin then sinking in the Gene­rall opinion, if it had been duly waighd, should have been an argument of much comfort, and satisfaction to this jealous people to see his Excellency so tender of the Kings honour, and his own word; so just in his freindships, and so exactly carefull to ob­serve conditions; Out of his wariness in all his treaties with them, they might also have pleased to infer (rather, then what they did) these two things; first that like a faithfull servant, he endeavoured to make as good a bargain as he could for the King his master; & secondly that without designes of cheating them into their duty (like those, that some others had) he was resolud to assent unto nothing, but what His MAjESTY, and he might justly own, and safely make good unto them: Finally his steadinesse in a religion, that from very tender yeares he had been imbued with, and his firmnesse in his loialty, in having stood for many yeares all those batteries, that either with ar­guments or incredible offers of advantage, they had often made to win him to their party; in so much, that they might see that nothing but the hand of God and the convinceing of his judgement could alter him in the first, nor any thing in the world corrupt, or shake him in the latter, might at least have been an assurance to them, that he would never become a Proselite to a Religion far lesse rationall, and alluring, then theirs was (I mean Independancy) and that having refused to become their [Page 40] Prince, he would not betray so eminent a loyalty, his Country, his freinds, and so noble a fortune as his is, only to become a Vassall unto Cromwell; from whom he could not possibly promise to himselfe (if a security for the performance, or permanence of it could be given him) any thing of honour, or advantage equall to what he did already enioy, and might hereafter justly promise to himselfe from the King.

Thus went those kind of Spiders about making poison out of every thing, where with having now either allienated, or in­fected farr the greater part of the Kingdom, by abusing them at home, they have attempted also to do the same abroad, and most particularly at Court, by their letters, and sneaking emis­saries such as Hugh Rochford and Fitzmorris, who, under pre­tence of great devotion to the King, by impudent corner sug­gestions, and malicious whispers, have laid all the foregoing ac­cusations to His Excellencyes Charge, & endeavoured so to blast him there, that his MAjESTY might have been enduced to remove him from the Government, which on my soule if he had done, or should do, whilst these distractions continue, it were the ready way to ruine all his Interests in that Kingdom; for my Lord of Clanricard wauing it, as (especially upon that score, and such a conjuncture) without doubt he would have done, Irland afforded not another person, who for all respects was able, and fit for that trust; and no stranger could have been sent, whose want of knowledge in that Nation, and want of interest amongst them, should not have laid him open to so great disadvantages, as he should have done nothing else but loose himselfe, and the Kings businesse. Which is the Reall end, which these base informers, and their abettors driue at, and the lurch they ly at for the broaching of a new Rebellion; [Page 41] the impossibility of setting which on foot, whilst so wise, and experienced a person, and one of so great an alliance, and in­terest in the Kingdom is at the helme: and their utter despaire of ever being able to bring my Lord of Ormond to their bent, are the only true reasons of all their persecutions of, and aver­sions to him.

Whom, as I remember, (before this long, yet necessary digression) I left at Kilkenny, where having in vain endeavoured to qualify the universall discontents, and observing how fast (notwithstanding the admonitory Declaration of all the Bishops from Clonmaenosse to the contrary) the people being alienated with the rauaging, and disorder of their own armies, and al­lured with the successes, and smooth invitations of Cromwell, ran headlong into him for Protection, and vnder Contribution; as also, how great numbers of the Irish souldiers, some frighted with the plague, which now began to spread into the other Pro­vinces of the Kingdom, and others for want of livelyhood, as having neither meat, nor pay, flockt in unto the enemy. He goes into Conaght to confer about carrying on of the publicke businesse, and the remedy of these disorders with the Marquis of Clanricarde at his Castle of Portumna about the end of Christ­mas; who being a person of that eminent merit towards our King, and Nation, & deserving so much honour from all honest men; I shall, I beleive, do a thing very pleasing to your Lordship to give you a breife Character of him.

The Story of his Charity, and Protection to such multitudes of distresst English, and Protestants in the time of those Tragicall Massacres, and Rapines, that at the beginning of the warr were acted in Irland; & his Civillities, & Noblenesse to those of our Na­tion, whose honesty deserved his favour ever since hath so many [Page 42] Liveing Relators, that I need not medle with it; likewise for me to give a particular account with what integrity, and wisdome he hath preservd his Loyalty, through all those straits, & troubles that have hedgd him in, free from the guilt of the least com­pliance with either the Parliament, or Confederates, though me­naced, and courted incredibly by all, not only the Nuntio and O Neale, but even by Sultan Cromwell himselfe (as looking upon his Lordship for the person likeliest now to give him the greatest opposition, and to contribute most to the preservation of what was left) all which assaults he hath stood out with the greatest constancy, and modesty in the world, would make me too tedious upon this occasion.

Wherfore I shall content my selfe to tell your Lordship in short, that he hath conducted his own, and that share he hath had of the Kings businesse, with the greatest prudence, & honesty the freest from faction, or ambition, and with the clearest neglect of selfe interest, & private advantages, that hath ever yet falln under my observation; in fine I will assure you, he is a subject as well worthy of a Princes favour, and as fit for his Counsells, that he is as reall, and hearty in his freindships, and hath a soule as full of justice, and honour as is any where to be found.

Upon his coming to Portumna, my Lord Leiutenant meets with S r. George Monro, who was posted thither out of the north to make some Proposalls in order to the reduction of Vlster to His Excellency & my Lord of Clanricard, (who had the Summer before assisted him towards his Vlster expedition with a Re­giment of foot 100 horse, and 1000 pounds in mony out of the Province of Conaght;) & in case those overtures of his were not approved of, to demand his passe, that he might leave the Kingdome; But what he propounded, was so plausible, that [Page 43] in case mony, and armes could be had in time, and in propor­tion to what he demanded, (as the infection of Galloway out of which towne cheifly both were to be had, made it very difficult) they judged it a very likely expedition; Wherupon my Lord of Clanricard, desirous to keep so able a commander as S r. George in the Kingdom, furnisheth him with what mony he could at the present, and sends him Northward to lay, and pre­pare the businesse before; promising to do his uttermost en­deavours to procure him those supplies of mony, ammunition, and armes by the time appointed; as also to bring his army up as farr as Sligo, there to countenance S r. George in his under­takings, and be ready for any fair occasion, that should present it selfe for the mastering of the Country.

After four, or five daies stay at the most, His Excellency tooke his leave, and hastened towards Kilkenny, obligeing my Lord of Clanricard to come after him, to be present at a meeting he had appointed there, for the procuring of a good understand­ing between the Clergy, the Commissioners, and himselfe, and for taking the best order they could for the raising, and main­tayning an army against the next spring: But though they met, nothing at that time could be done, or agreed upon; Wherfore my Lord of Clanricard returnes into Connaght to take order for his Northren expedition; which out of the great dif­ficulties of getting his men together, arising out of the uni­versall distractions, that were then in the Kingdom, the hard season of the yeare, the Pestilence, the want of monies, and provisions; he could not possibly go through with, against February which was the time designed; Nor even then, when he did, without very great necessities, and inconveniences to himselfe, and his army, as I can well witnesse, having [Page 44] had the honour to waite upon him most part of that journey.

This failing in Point of time, and a great part of the monies promised him, (which neverthelesse as things stood no mans Industry could have remedied) S r. George Monro complained very much of, affirming that their opportunity was lost ther­by; especially now they being come, the army was able to move no further, through extream want of Provisions (kept from them by foule & contrary weather) for which, & the residue of the mony, together with hopes of an accord between my Lord Leiutenant; and the Commissioners some daies were spent in Ex­pectation, but nothing coming in the end, except only a letter from my Lord of Ormond summoning my Lord of Clanricard, suddainly away; his Lordship was forced to leave his army, and the Northren businesse to the hazard, and return back to meet my Lord Leiutenant, and the Commissioncrs at Loghreogh: Wher­upon Sr. George Monro beleiving now that my Lord Leiutenant would leave the Kingdom, seing the divisions amongst the Irish grow daily greater, and giving all for lost, and lastly find­ing the impatience of his own party to treat with the enemy, (as he had often before publiquely declared he would) retires himselfe to Eniskillin, and having made Conditions for him­selfe, the remainder of his Party, and his Officers that were in prison, gave up that place to the enemy, & departed the King­dom. Very soone after whose retirement, my Lord of Clanricards army for extremity of want was forced to returne from Sligo back towards the County of Galway.

Where I will leave it, and come back unto his Excellency, who being left by my Lord Clanricard lately in Kilkenny, after having caused Captain Tickle to be executed for a design he had of be­traying that town unto Cromwell; was by the breach growing [Page 45] daily wider between him, & the Kingdom, and through the encrease of the sickness now come thither, at the joynt request of the Commissioners, and Officers, induced to remove towards Lymerick, where being negligently received without the ac­customed respect used to the Kings Leiutenant, he after a short stay departed thence into the County of Clare. Immediately therupon, the enemy having refreshd his men, and encreased his army, with a great accession of old souldiers, that had for­merly served under my Lord Inchiquin and my Lord Leiutenant, takes the feild, and falls a summoning Castles, and bringing the Country under Contribution, wherin he had a generall success, most of the Castles surrendring upon appearance of a party of horse, except Kiltenan, which gave him some resistance.

His Excellencies army through the forementioned obstinacy, and disobedience of the townes against receiving Garrisons, was so farr dispersed, that there was no meanes of drawing them together; Neither, if that were done, of keeping them in a body, for the Country was destroyed, and wast, so that it could not supply him; besides during these disagrements between my Lord Leiutenant, the Clergy, and the Commissioners there were few, or none of the Irish souldiers (if there had been Provisions for them) that would obey his Excellencies Orders. Of all which Cromwell was well aware, and therfore went securely, and with confidence to work, carrying all before him: A mongst other of his successes, Ballisonan is sold unto him, and Cahir Castle (then the dwelling house of Master Mathewes a yong youth, and halfe Brother to my Lord Leiutenant) given him contrary to those strict orders left by his Excellency with Master Mathewes for the keeping of it; who was so conscious of his own misdoing in the act, that he refused upon severall summons, and invitations [Page 46] to appear before my Lord, & staied still in the enemies quarters to secure himselfe from His Excellencies indignation. But ne­verthelesse this act of M r. Matthewes is made aground of new suspitions, and fresh clamours against my Lord himselfe by the Irish, who all this while run on in their extravagancies, intent only upon their disputes in hand, as if there were no such man as Cromwell in the Kingdom; in so much, that seing so many se­verall meetings assigned, and so much time spent to so litle purpose, His Excellency concludes that those people would ne­ver be brought into order by him, and therfore resolves to withdraw himselfe from the Government, if not to depart the Kingdom, and to commit the mannagement of all unto the Marquis of Clanricard, which was the reason of his Lordships being sent for back from Sligo.

The enemy in the meane time having the Castles of Gowran, and Laghlin, together with the Officers commanding in them delivered into his hands by the common souldiers, sets at last upon Kilkenny; Whence a while before the Earle of Castle-haven, (who was now left with cheife command in Leinster) was drawn out with his forces, by reason the sicknesse raged so, leaving S r. Walter Butler, and Major Walsh with about 50 horse, and some 400 foot in the place, where a breach being made, and the enemy assaulting, they were bravely repulsed, leaving 600 armes behind them; after which check, they resolved, to march of, and are sending their artillery away silently before, whilst the townsmen conuay a drummer privately over the wall, and upon I know not what accord, let the enemy in, unknown to the souldiers, who were then forced to retire to the Castle, & make their termes, which being granted them, they march away.

Kilkenny being gained by him, let us leaue Cromwell at Cashell [Page 47] for a while amongst his Committee men, & returne into Connaght, where the Cleargy, and Commissioners seing that my Lord of Clanricard having refused to take the Government upon him was resolved in case, they continued disobedient unto my Lord Leiutenant (least the Kings Authority should bee exposed to further disobedience & contempt) to leave the Kingdom toge­ther with His Excellency, & considering what a certain ruine their departure would be unto them all; are now courting my Lord Leiuteuant to stay, and offer to come to composition with him: who demands assurance from them that the respective towns of Lymerick, and Gallway shall receive sufficient Guarrisons, and that themselves with all the soldiers, & people shall hereafter readily obay him; Which they undertake unto him, upon condition that all the English what soever under his Excellencies command might be disbanded, and sent away; that the Bishops of the Kingdom might have a share in Councell, and the mannagement of things; that the Receiver Generall (which was S r. George Hamilton Brother in law to my Lord Leiutenant a person of great parts, ho­nour, and merit) might give in his accounts; all which his Ex­cellency, out of his great desire to satisfy, and unite the people therby to preserve the Country, and the Kings Interest (if it were possible) at last assents unto.

This agreement being made, the English were accordingly (to free the Irish of their jealousies, who either were, or would seem to be equally suspitious of the Cavaliers, as of those, that had served the Parliament before) disbanded, and since there was no further employment for them, nor meanes of getting away by sea, they had leave to make their conditions with Cromwell, to passe through his quarters out of the Kingdom, which being granted by him, all the small remainder of my Lord of Inchiquins [Page 48] men, (except a few that Colonell Buller was to Carry for Scil­ly) went under the conduct of Colonell John Daniell into the enemies quarters; so did my Lord of Ardes, and after him, S r. Thomas Armstrong, with whom went also M r. Daniell O Neille upon the Score of carying a Regiment into Spaine, There remained none behind, that was permitted to beare any charge, but Leiutenant Colonell Treswell, at my Lord of Ormonds particular instance to command his Guards of horse; only my Brother John Digby, Colonell Henry Warren, & Colonell Hugh Butler staid to waite upon his Excellencies Person, and beare him company in his ad­ventures.

But before I go on, I must not omit to tell you, how Dean Boile, who was sent to treat with Cromwell for the English, that were disbanded, being offered it, as he saies, by Cromwell, and imagining, as himselfe affirmes, to do a service to my Lord Leiu­tenant, & my Lord Inchiquin, in it, adventured of his own head to take passes from him, for their departure out of the King­dom; Wherof, assoon as ever Dean Boile was gone, he makes use to debaush the Irish Garrisons, to take conditions from him, assuring them my Lord Leiutenant had received his passe to de­part the Kingdom, as appeares by a letter that the Governour of Rosse writ (it seemes by Cromwells order) unto Generall Pre­ston commanding in Waterford; the Copy of which Letter, with that of Cromwells passe, & three of Dean Boiles Letters concern­ing it, together with his Excellencies to Cromwell, when he sent him back his passe by a trumpet of my Lord Clanricards, (having procured them for my own satisfaction) I herewithall send your Lordship, that you may see how absolutely without my Lord Leiutenants privity, or license these passes were accepted, & with what indignation resented. Emer Mac Mahon Bishop of Cloghor, [Page 49] who had been chosen Generall of the Vlster army, having a good while since received his commission from my Lord Leiutenant, was now gathering together his army, which in ad short time af­ter (before my leaving the Kingdom) he had made up to be about 6000 men, wherewith having taken severall little Castles in his way, he was marched up into the Claneboyes, and become master of the feild.

The next enterprize Cromwell went in hand with, was, to take Clonmell which was kept by Major Generall Hugh O Neale, who behaved himselfe so discreetly, & gallantly in defending it, that Cromwell lost neer upon 2500 men before it, & had notwith­standing gone away without it, if they within had had store of powder; but their small proportion being spent, the Governour with his souldiers was fain to go out of the town on the other side of the river by night towards Waterford, & leave the townes­men to make conditions for themselves; which they did the next morning, the enemy not knowing but the Garrison was still in towne, till the conditions were signed. Thus the losse of this place, & severall other Garrisons, for want of ammunition, was another effect of the disobedience of the townes; In so much, that had it not been for a little magazine, that my Lord of Clanricard had providently made before hand, & wherewith, since the losse of Drogheda, his Excellencies army, the Scots, the Vlsters, & most of the Garrisons were surnished; All might have gone to an irrecoverable ruine, whilst the walld townes like free States lookt on, as unconcernd, denying to afford it to them.

This being true, no body that hath heard of any injuries, or injustice in point of trade, or prizes here, can blame the King, or my Lord Leiutenant for it, neither of whom they did obey, further then they pleasd themselves, but now having received Garrisons, (as I make no question they have) I dare be bold to assure any body, that trafficks that way, of all equity, & justice [Page 50] from my Lord Leiutenant hands. About the time of the seidge of Clonmell, David Roch having raised above 2000 men in the Counties of Corke, & Kerry, and beginning to make head with them, received a small brush from my Lord of Broghall, which only dispersed his men for a few daies, his losse being not con­siderable for any thing, but the Bishop of Rosse, who being taken was hanged with two other Priests by Cromwell, for being found in armes (as they said) against the Right worshipfull the State of England.

Soone after the gaining of Clonwell, Cromwell, upon letters out of England, inviting him thither, goes to sea, and leaves Ireton in cheife command behind him, to subdue the rest of that mise­rable wasted Kingdom, whilst himselfe went about the conquest of new Empires, more worthy of his presence; But since he is gone, I cannot but here observe, that of all those thousands, that either came with him thither, or were sent after, there are now few hundreds surviving, either to reap the benefit, or report the stories of their Victories; his army upon his departure being sunke to a very inconsiderable number, especially in foot, and neer three parts of those consisting of either Irish, Jones, or my Lord of Inchiquins men, who only are able to undergo the wofull incommodities of that Country, now groning under a univer­sall plague famine, and desolation, to that degree, that if they knew but halfe the misery that expects them there, I am confident that no threats, nor flatteries, could perswade men out of England thither, in hopes of reaping the fruites of their fellowes labours in that destroyed Kingdom. Which, as low as tis brought, may chance to cost Cromwell a second expedition, and another army, and yet go without it.

For they have Waterford, Galloway, and Limrick three of the strongest, and most considerable townes of the Kingdom still untaken, any of which, if they be well Garrisond (as questionless [Page 51] now they are) will be neare a summers work to reduce; The forts of Duncannon, & Silgo, the Castles of Caterlo, Athlone, Charlemont & Neauagh are not easy puachases; the Province of Connaght is still preserved intire by my Lord of Clanricard, who will be able to bring 4000 men of his own into the feild, now that Galloway & his Country is somewhat cleard from the infection of the plague; which begins to rage greatly in the enemies quarters, as Cork Youghall, Wexford, and Dublin it selfe; Kilkenuy, Clonmell, with severall places there abouts being left desolate with it. The County of Clare in Mounster brought unto my Lord Leiutenant at a Rendezvous just upon my coming away, above 2000 men wher­with his Excellency being invited by the Magistrates was ready to march into Limrick for to Garrison the place, and to make it his residence

What Forces the Irish had in Vlster, & towards Kerry, I have already told you, as likewise what Connaght, and the County of Clare afforded: I must add that Hugh Mac Phelim had in Wicklow, & towards Wexford, hard upon 2000 men, & at Waterford. Generall Preston and Hugh O Neale had litle lesse; to conclude besides all this the Lord Castlehaven, the Lord Dillon, and the Bishop of Drum­more, made account they should draw together a considerable body in Meath, and the rest of Leinster to joyne with the Marquis of Clanricard towards, the releife of Tecroghan, then beseidged by Colonell Reynolds. Thus your Lordship may see that (provided they bee united amongst themselves) (as truly I left them) and that meanes can be found of keeping them in bodies together, there are men enough in armes yet to dispute the business with an enemy, that is not halfe their number, & whose quarters are pestered likewise with the plague, and famine, as well as theirs, especially these having such strengths, and fastnesses, still in their hands, as are almost inaccessible to Cromwells souldiers. Who after having mastered the greatest part of Mounster, and [Page 52] Leinster, and their supplies from England coming in but slowly [...] have made bold at last with the people they flattered with be­fore, & altered their manner of proceedings, taking from them by force what they pleased, and violating their protections gi­ven; making not nice to tell them, they suffered them to pos­sesse their estates but during pleasure, and till they could have planters to put into their roomes; by which kind of clear dealing they have so lost, & made desperate the natives, that lamenting their former too ready compliance with the enemy, they now call for my Lord Leiutenant again, & taking armes in their hande begin to rise in all quarters of the Kingdom, so that it is impos­sible for a greater power then Ireton has there to attend to the suppression of them all.

In this posture left I that Kingdom, it being very probable, that if the enemies recruites, and provisions out of England did faile through any other diversion, and the Irish receive but any moderate supplies from abroad, they would not only make good all that was left them, But also recouer upon the enemy considerably this Summer, which really I wish with all my soule they may, Principally for His MAjESTIES sake, and the present engagement of the Kingdom of Scotland, to both which the pre­servation of what is left, or the regaining of what is lost in Irland, must needs be, if well considered, of high concernment; And in the next place for the sake of many worthy families amongst them, some of which were never involved in the association, nor had any hand in the warr, and many of the rest, through the menaces & strange kind of proceedings of the Parliament against the whole Nation upon the Insurrection, & the villanous prac­tises of Parsons, & Burlacy, the then Lords Justices who desired to make them all forfeit their estates, were frighted & forced into Rebellion. All which are now to suffer equally, and by Cromwell with out distinction designed for ruine, together with those, that [Page 53] were the Originall authors of the first Rebellion, and those ugly massacres, that were committed: which indeed deserves commi­seration, since very many of the Nobility, & gentry, with the body of the people wish the King as well, & have as great dispo­sitions to his service, as can be desired, having been abused who [...] into those offences they have committed, by a few malicious ill affected persons, craftier then most of the rest; Who ha [...] with great art, and industry acquired unto themselves the opi­nion of wise, religious, and honest men: Wherby they mislea [...] that credulous, and for the most part unwise Nation, upon pre­tence of the advancement of their Roman Religion, and pre­servation of their Country, to what they please.

Having been able to perswade them, that all these afflictions, & misfortunes they suffer under, are come upon them for their admitting of a cessation, & a peace indisobedience to the Nuntio, & for their joyning with Heretiques; Not suffering them to con­sider rightly, that it is their disobedience to the lawfull King, & the blood, and murther they are guilty of that, makes them so unfortunate, that is their breaches of publike faith in compliance with the Nuntio, the rapine, and want of justice, that raignes amongst them, that hath brought upon them these heavy pu­nishments, & given them over to be scourged by the hand of so faithless, & Bloody an enemy. And surely whosoever shall recollect how first, after the double breach of the former peace, they were immediately punished with the defeat of two considerable armies, one after another; with the desolation of the flourishing­est part of their Country; upon which a famine ensued, that de­voured neer 20000 soules, then how the plague, that hath since over spread the Kingdom, began first at Galloway the place that did most, & longest countenance those ill proceedings of the Nuntio, & O Neale, of any other in the Kingdom; where it swept away about 5000 soules, & those only of the common, and [Page 54] meanest sort of people, who were they, that contrary to the in­clinations of the principall persons (being most of them mode­rate, & well disposed men) carried all things their violent way.

Next how the Vlster army, which I heare have received a great defeat since my coming away) who were the beginners of the rebellion, the breakers of the first Peace, the opposers of the second, & the releivers of Derry, are now come to fall under the hands of Coote, & those men, who, if it had not been for them, had certainly been destroyed; And lastly how the Bishops of Tuam, & Cloghor, who had so deep hands in the contrivance of the warr, & were guilty of so much blood, have both fallen (if the printed relation concerning the last of them be true) upon the edge of the sworde, together with their armies The Bishops of Rosse, & Downe also, (the first of which had, not many weekes before his own miscarriage, appeared very unhandsomely in the persecution of the Protestant Lord Bishop of London Derry, a person of great worth, moderation, and prudence, & one; Who, as he had meritted highly from the King for his loyalty, and constant services, so, also was he very farr to my knowledge, from deserving ill from that Kingdom; The second, one, who had ever cherished stirrs & factions, & both of them notoriously averse to peace, & to the Government, coming to perish igno­miniously in the hands of those enemies, (that by staving off a timely submission to the Kings Authority, & hindering the settle­ment of the Country) they may be said, after a sort, to have brought into the Kingdom. He must needs, as I do, admire the order of Gods Chastisements, with submission acknowledging that he is just, and that his judgements are right.

Through whose fault, or through what miscarriage, Tecroghan is lost after it hath been so long and gallantly defended by S r. Robert Talbot, and the lady Fitz-Garret, and the Vlster army de­feated, I cannot undertake to say, since they are accidents after [Page 55] my coming to sea, Though I do much feare that the first was occasioned principally through the reliques of those unhappy emulations & backwardnesses that dwelt in some of the great ones against others who were like to reap too much honour and ad­vantage from the enterprize in case that place had been re­leived and preserved.

What ever the matter were I confess those mischances have much altered the case from what it was, but yet I despaire not of the business in giving all for gone, but hope Gods justice having been in some measure satisfied, & the people being be­come more humble, & more united, that by Gods blessing they may weather this storm, & preserve themselves with that King­dom to the King. However I am confident this late defeat of the Vlster army under the conduct of the Bishop of Cloghor by so small a party will convince the people, that these misfortunes are not entailed unto either my Lord of Ormonds person, or reli­gion, & conduce much to satisfy them, that his Excellency hath neither betraied the Kings Interest, nor them into this low con­dition they are brought into; Of which being once perswaded, they will turn their hearts, & fixe their hopes wholy upon the Kings Leiutenant; Who, beleeve me my Lord, is as Wise, as Honou­rable, & Gallant a Person as is any where to be found, & as excellent a subject, as any Prince in the world can boast of; Yea and one who, I assure your Lordship, (if ever he shall thinke it fit to give the world an account of his actions) is able with modesty, & truth to say so much for himselfe, and for what he hath done, as will wring a confession out of the mouth of enuy herselfe, that hee hath behaved himselfe so prudently, & so uprightly in the place he now holds notwithstanding all these forementioned misfor­tunes, that no man hath ever out gone him in loyalty to, or merit from the Crowne and Royall house of England, of which a better ar­gument needs not be given then that most Excellent Speech (for [Page 56] the eloquence, and subject of it deserving an Eternall Memory) delivered by his own mouth unto the Generall Assembly of the Confederates upon the conclusion of the Peace wherin you will find the Principles he goes upon, so Loyall, and so Vnbyassed; The Treasons, Defections, and Impaciencies of the people that have faln out since, through the nationall animosities particular factions and pressures of the warr so prudently foreseen, & so Prophetically foretold, that those persons (of what Nation soever they bee) must be as blind as they are Malicious that shall attribute any of those mis­fortuns that have ensued, either to want of Abilities or Fidelity in my Lord Leiutenant.

Wherfore I Lordship (if any where it seeme lesse clear, and satisfactory, then you could wish) not to looke upon this short account I have given, as upon all that might have been said upon the subject, for these being only reflections of my own, and delivered in such hast, it is no wonder, if some things be mistaken, and more forgot, by him that is with all the duty and affection in the world:

My Noblest Lord
Your Lordships most devoted humble servant LEWIS DYVE.

THE COPIES. Of the severall LETTERS Mentioned by S R. LEVVIS DYVE In the foregoing Discourse.

A Letter of the Marquis of Clanricard to M r. Walsingham Secretary to my Brother the Lord Digby concerning his Lordships taking armes In defence of the Cessation-mentioned. PAG. 6.

WORTHY COVSEN,

THough at a late houre, accept of my thankfull acknowledgements for the frequent intelligences and advises I have received from you; though the obstructions they mett within their Passage to mee, and their finding mee engaged in the remotest parts of the Kingdome, did not afford me opportunity to keep the like Correspondence with you, nor reap the full benefit of your advertisements: which a more quick and seasonable convayance might have produced. But now, not knowing what, or whe­ther any right information hath gone from hence of our past proceedings, I hold it not impertinent (having met with so sure a messenger) to enter­taine you with some breife notions of them, Conceiving your friendship and respect to mee, will take of the Scandall of any vanity or ostenta­tion [Page 2] in mee to bee the true relator of my own story unto you in these disa­strous times.

Vpon my Lord Lieutenants and my Lord Digbyes departure (having deve­sted my selfe of that small power then remaining with mee, and sequestred my thoughts from ingageing in any businesse) I retired to some Castles of mine near the sea side, with an intention together with my family to ship for France; but not so setled in that resolution as not to bee inclined to weather out the storme, as long as I could discerne any probability of safety in that solytary retirement, in which I remained untill my Lord of Inchiquin declared for the King, and that intelligence was brought mee of my Lord Lieutenants arrivall in France; and the probability of his returne hither in his former Command.

Then upon Consideration of the Condition of affaires in order to the Kings service, (though the distemper of this miserable age could not afford me such authorities as might secure my undertaking) I thought it a seasona­ble and becoming duty in mee to appear abroad, and make some tryall how the people stood affected towards a setlement: Whereupon finding many friends well disposed, and willing to run any hazard with mee rather then admitt of my departure out of the Kingdome: I put on a resolution to appear in armes in opposition to Generall O Neales, and the Nuntios faction, who were then grown very strong and resolved both to breake the present government, and overthrow all overtures towards a peace.

In breife after I had framed and published a declaration (which I am confi­dent you have seen ere this, and therein observed the streights I was put unto to keep my selfe within due limits, and to make it likewise satisfactory to those parties whose assistance was necessary for mee.) I procured my Lord Taaffe and a party of my Lord of Inchiquins to come and joyn themselves unto those forces I had raised; whereupon wee advanced towards Owen O Neale then at Athlone, who though he exceeded us in number marcht away through the counties of Roscommon and Letrim cleerly out of Conaght: Whereby I recove­red the strong castle of Athlone (formerly as you know so destructively and so unseasonably lost) Iames Town a very considerable place, the Mote, Elphin, & severall other holds of strength and consequence; by which meanes, and by the committall of some principall factions persons, having setled the lower parts of the province. I returned homewards; where some rebellious persons and others of the county of Mayo associated with the town of Galway, and ta­king the advantage of my absence had surprized some Castles of mine, and stopt the armes and ammunition I had contracted for at Galway. But after ha­ving blockt up that town I brought them to a submission within three weekes, and to pay a considerable sum of mony: Besides all which J would have for­ced them to take in a Gurrison but that I was necessitated to hasten away, and attend Owen O Neales motions; who having fetcht a great compasse was gotten [Page 3] into Ormond, and had surprized the Neanagh (a strong Castle of my Lord Lieu­tenants tenanted by young Sr. George Hamilton) after which he tooke the Birr in the Kings County, and then Fort falkland; a fort of the Kings which had a dange­rous Prospect towards mee; giving him passage over the River within seaven miles of Portumna.

But by the time I was drawn of from Galway and gotten home, I received in­telligence from my Lord of Inchiquin that he was in pursuite of Oneile and had by storm regained the Neanagh, and likewise Birr; And finding him desirous of the assistance of my forces to attempt Fort falkland, I repaired immediately unto him, with a considerable party of horse and foot: When being ready at last to fall upon the fort, my Lords Officers tired with foule weather, and long Marches after Oneile would not be persuaded to stay: But whilst this was in dispute (most luckily as it fell out) Owen O Neale with 7000. foot, and 500. horse clapt down hard by us in astreight of Bogge and woode and therby utterly obstructed our passage back; so that our army being forced to stay I prevaild that my men with my Lords Battery should attend upon the fort, whilst my Lords army did face Owen O Neale: Whereby after a day or two battering, the fort was surrendred to us; & O Neale who thought [...]o starve us had that lot him­selfe, being, forced to steal away in the night; and then I having plentifully supplyed the army by boate out of the county of Galway) his Lordship had a free passage back, leaving me in the possession of the fort much to my advantage and security. Soon after which to perfect our Good Successe, we received certain notice of my Lord Lieutenants being landed at Cork, which concludes this story.

I shall not need to enlarge my selfe upon the happy concluding of the peace, and the great difficulties we overcame; they will come fully represented unto you by severall wayes. J shall only expresse my confidence that wee are now secured from any second revolutions amongst these people, though the Marquis of Antrim & Owen O Neale have not yet submitted, for I conceive they are not so considerable but they will be soon supprest if they continue obstinate. I judge it likewise very possible that this summer Dublin may (if God so please) be recovered either by force or treaty. And now beleeving I have tired you with this tedious imperfect relation, I shall with brevity and much truth give you assurance that you shall constantly find mee.

Your very affectionate Cousen CLANRICARDE.

A Letter of Mr. Walsinghams to Colonell Jones Gover­nour of Dublin in justification of the peace of Yrland, and in reply to his second answer to my Lord Lieutenant. Men­tioned, PAG. 8.

SR.

HAvinge been at last so much beholdinge to your vanity, as some daîes since to meete with those papers in printe that I long before heard were transmitted betweene my Lord Lieutenant and your selfe; which I perceive his Excellencies modesty & scorne would have still concealed, had not your itch to have your confidence, and clearkeship known, transported you so far beyond discretion as to snatch at the occasion of publishing my Lord Lieutenants letters (though such indeed as if your care and prudence in manageing the cause you plead for, were not far inferior to your owne vaineglory you would industriously have smothered) to the end you might not want some pretence to intrude upon the world together with them, those manifest Ca­vills, and leane discourses of yours that are stuft with nothing singular but insolence, and malice. And finding that his Excellency with a generous neg­lect both of your person and impertinence (with whom his publicke zeale, and duty to the King and Kingdome had enduced him to take thy paines, and descend so low) had now as one unworthy of so much honor, and incapable of so much reason as was prest upon you, given you over.

Notwithstanding as well for justice sake that you might not want the right of an encounter from a more equall hand then my Lord Lieutenant, as also for that possibly there may be (as I beleive there are) some men so weake and so willing to be deceived, that your impudence and fallacies shall passe for rea­sons with them if not replied unto; I thought it fit that your last voluminous and peremptory Letter be not let passe unscand, and brought unto the test by a more familiar pen; that may with decency deale roundly with you, & give you (what you cannot receive from his Excellencie) the confusion of an foyle.

Though for man to thinke either with reason or language to contribute to the satisfaction of any discreet unprejudiced person, much lesse to the recti­fieing your mistakes after my Lord of Ormond hath gone before: is a sottish­nesse as great as yours, who after two addresses from his Excellencie so civill, so full of prudence, & unanswerable truth, had the face to tell him you were no­thing [Page 5] satisfied therewithall, nor any way convinced in judgement thereby.

By which affirmation of how much impudence and malice you are convic­ted by your selfe, I leave you and the world to gather out of what I shall here­after say; which I am confident will convince other men aswell as you (that know it well enough already) that your judgment was drownd in ambitious, and selfe interests so absurd, and so ill byassed, that since reason and justice were inconsistent with them, you had no will to be rectified.

For if you had, surely you would never have produced arguments to cou­lor your persisting withall; that well examined perswad point blanck against, and may be returned with a double force upon you; (unlesse you did it out of so invincible a simplicity (as to deale painely with you) is not compatible with that hipocrisy & sophistry your unmannerly epistle swels withall; as I now come ro instance particaliarly unto you.

In the first place you hold forth the protestant religion for a baby to the people, and alas good man your compassion and care of it is very great, aswell beco­mes the sonne unto a Bishop, and one imbued both by education and many yeares profession with it, you say you see not how it can be advanced by an army of Papists, nor how it can be secured in the peace no provision being made for it therin: yet that tis no such miracle (they being secured of their owne libertie of conscience) that an army of Catholiques, subjects to a prote­stant King, and lead by a protestant Generall, may in order to the restoreing their opressed soveraigne, and to the supression of such a Turco Iudaisme as is now on foot be induced unto it; and that it is no new thing in the world for men to be ingaged so, nay (where they have no tyes of duty, nor other such powerfull motives as these men have) directly against the interest of their owne religion, you neede but looke into the, Othoman armies where you shall find thousands of Christians fighting daily against Christianity it selfe, and under the ensignes of France & Spaine many regiments of protestants fighting in quarrells if you will beleive the princes themselves purposely set on foot for the advancement of the Roman Catholique faith: which if waighed makes it nei­ther impossible nor strange that the Irish should be content to concur with any body, and almost upon any termes to the destruction of that Wild Bore who having already rooted up and overturned all government and religion in En­gland, is now preparing to do the like in Irland.

Now as for the provision the you find unmade for the protestant religion in the peace, I beleive you urge that only to shew your owne dexteritye in finding out objections: for you are rationall enough to know where his Majesties authoritie is once restored his lawes returne to their vigor; and you should be lawyer e­nough to know that there are lawes enough provided in this last fourescore yeares for the securitye of the protestant religion, all which the Roman Catholi­ques will willingly submit unto except such penal statutes as deprive them of the [Page 6] free exercise of their religion, that are indeed by the peace to betaken a way, and which being laide aside, take not any thing from the security of the pro­testant.

The Roman Catholiques are not the givers but the cravers here; they desire only to secure their owne, not to usurpe upon the liberty of othermens con­sciences; as is evident both by their daily professions, and the whole trans­actions of the peace, what absurdnes then it is for any one to thinke a new pro­vision necessary; or to expect it in this case, that very condition for that ar­my of sixteen thousand foot, and two thousand five hundred horse, with the deputation of those Trustees for to secure them of pardon for their past of­fences, and of liberty of conscience, with those other promised graces and immunities against the severitie of the lawes in force, untill all were confirmed in Parliament: to any man endued with but Comon sense is a sufficient argu­ment; to say nothing of the apprehensions (though vaine) still amongst them that they are yet not for all this secure enough.

And what cause they had to insist upon this army and these commissioners, do you but looke into your owne Conscience and laying your hand upon your hart imagin so well of your selfe as that it were your owne case, and J am sure you will tacitely confesse it is a provision but very reasonable. Nay let a loo­ker on consider the time these men tooke to submit to his Majesties authority, when he had neither meanes to punish, nor protect them left; and he will certainly commend their duty, and be far from discommending either the king or my Lord Lieutenant for any thing that in the peace is granted unto them; not excepting against either the number of that army, or power of those Comissioners you make your selfe so scandalized withall.

His Excellencie hath been already pleased to tell you that as to the army the su­preme comand thereof is in the Kings Lieutenant; the ordering of which, and disposing of all future commands wherin so it consist of, and be to Roman Catholiques will in effect be left to him; now that there are very many of that Re­ligion inseparable from their duty to the King, both the confederats and the Par­liament have to their great cost and trouble had a plentifull experience; wit­nesse the prudent and generous Marquesse of Clanricard, Whose eminent piety and constancy in his profession, joynd to his irreprehensible allegiance to the King will remaine to the glory of his Nation and Religion a great and lasting exam­ple to future times of a firm and united Loyalty both to divine and humane Ma­jesty; as it hath serud the present already for a pattern unto severall Other considerable persons in Ireland to follow. And you have no reason but to thin­ke there are a good number of those in this army which will somwhat lessen the groundles danger you fancie to your selfe: especially if you take also into consideration the frequent wayes and dispensations that have bin found for entertaining very many protestants into severall imployments in this army; and [Page 7] how both these parties (to say nothing of those in the north that have submit­ted to the Kings authoritie) added to that remnant army as you call them in mounster consisting of about six thousand men, led by an able and succesful com­mander (who being undeceived at last by the publike villanies in England have betraid themselves (it you will have it so) againe into their duty will ballance any thing of ill that may be pretended in the case, I leave it to any one that is but capable to judge in such a matter.

This dangerous argument being once removed how litle remaines of hazard in that other of the power of the commissioners, is very evident by the articles of peace; where it is plain that their power is absolute in nothing but the levies to be made upon their owne and that part of the peoples free holds which formerly acknowledged their Iurisdiction, and who now had entrusted themselves into their hands: whilst in all the other cases so industriously quoted by you (though to no other end but take up paper, and amuze the readers) they limit him as litle as formerly the counsel table did; He being able to determin nothing without their advise or Consent, nor they to actuate any thing without his Commission & authority: which circumscription should you still affirme to bee too much, would entirely vanish should his Majestie com in person hither (as tis both hoped and beleived he will) there being no condition in the peace that li­mits him.

But suppose the hazard & preiudice of the protestant religion by the peace were as great as you affirm it is, whether must be in fault the King, or those men that prest him to that extremity that he was only left to choose whether he would drown, or take hold of a brier to save himselfe; whether he would utterly abandon his interest in all his Kingdoms to those that were rebells against his person, his posterity and Kingly power, or by giving the Irish whose rebellion could in the nature of it beare nothing so ill a Construction those not much unreasonable conditions they so positively insisted upon) repossesse himselfe of one of his three Kingdoms again, and therby becom enabled to dispute for the other two.

Thus far have I discoursed for the satisfaction of other men, with your selfe I might deale more breifly, and tell you it is grosse hipocrisy for you to pretend so much sollicitude for the security and advantage of the protestant reli­gion on this side; and yet can find them both sufficiently provided for by an army of Sectaries on the other side (without any protestant superiour to moderate them as these have) that have not only quite puld down the whole building of that Religion but almost leveld the walls of Christianitie it selfe? by providing a libertie for all opinions and religions in the world the Catholique and protestant alone excepted because they conceive them forsooth to be more destructive to the great ends of their republique then any other, the first, as being too Mo­narchique, too full of Majesty, & pleading prescription amongst Christians, with too [Page 8] much authority; and therefore likely to gain overmuch ground upon them in a time when all order & religion were of the hinges, & the people so much at a gaze; and the second as being for decency & order not only overpopish but also from its birth too much interwouen with the interests, of this Crown and royal familie.

Can any thing be more ridiculous then, that you who derive your power from the Commanders and Commissioners of this army of saints, and who are by your Commission (if I be not mistaken) incorporated into it, having likewise set aside the profession, and exercise of this protestant religion (misconceive me not) that Religion which for near a Century of yeares hath been practised & established in the church of England, & accommodated your selfe clearly to Mr. Cromwells Cut (though such a one as you or scarce himselfe if Cathechized can give an account either of the tenents or constitutions of) should becom so great a patron of, and so much concerned in, the interests of a religion that either out of Change of judgment, or out of endes (no matter which in this case) is a­bandoned by your selfe already.

After the protestant religion comes the English interest; a consideration indeed if urged to a person whose trust from, and concernment in it were somwhat lesse then my Lord Lieutenants, fit for you that are of English blood, and whose sword & pen are both by nature, and the lawes obliged to the service of that crowne (in which onely, and the colonies of English here, the English interest of this King­dome is included) but what this English Interest is when we shall have once exa­mined your fright concerning it will soon be over; it appears to me to be no­thing else but that the right and authority of the crown of England over them should be acknowledged by all the subjects of this Kingdom; and those Colonies of English, aswell as the native Irish, be therby protected and secured in the possession of such fortunes, and estates, as either by the sword, the roiall gift, or purchase have bin lawfully acquired unto them. Beyond this the English Inte­rest is an unknown-land to me; and how far this Interest thus stated is secured by, or Consistent with that peace you blame so, I leave it to any third unpreiu­diced person to determin.

Who I am certaine will find them square so well together, that he shall have reason to beleive the English interest taken in your sense infers an obedience to you, and your independant masters abstract from all relation to the crown: an esta­blishment of your Tetrarchy here, till your ambition were wearied out, and you with your corrupt and hungry family had ungratefully glutted yourselves in the blood and fortunes of those noble persons whose smiles and patronage in your mercenarie pleading daies were the top of your ambition; that so by this conse­quence, the lives and estates of all that have been here in armes, may beleft a prey to worse rebells then the worst of these have ever been.

This is an English interest indeed that the peace securs not, and which I cannot blame you for pleading for with so much passion as to affirme, that were there [Page 9] neither king nor parliament you would maintaine it; neither for averring that my Lord Lieutenants transporting a considerable part of the English army hence, was de­structive unto: but as to the true English Interest I mentioned before, it was very suteable to that, that my Lord Lieutenant should without dispute [...]omply with the Kings commands: from whom only he had his commission and derived his authoritie, and whom both himselfe and that army in all relations both of ho­nor and duty were obliged to obey. Besides his Excellency knows well enough how much he was concerned in the support of that cron [...]ne that gave him and all the English in this Kingdome the title to what they possessed here; nothing of which could be long secure unto them, and the crowne at home in danger.

In the next place I do not know whether the Parlement is more beholding to you for asserting their infringed authoriti [...]; or the Irish themselves in your being so generous as to let them see the invalidity of this peace they are abu­sed withall: for to prove both which you bring noworse an argument then an English act of Parliament; which underfavour your own skil in the lawe (if you have not forgot it) will tell you can be of no force here, untill received by a Parliament in Irland: which asserts a power as just and absolute to it selfe, as the Parliament of England can; else should the ancient conquerors of this King­dome, and their free posterity, unjustly undergoe the dominion of those, to whom neither Interest, nor merit hath given any right or footing here, or priviledge over them.

Besides you shall have others which will tell you, and make it good, that a Prince cannot give a way the Iurisdiction of his people to one that hath no title to it (as the Parlement of England hath none to Irland) without their own consent: yet grant for argument sake that these people by taking armes unlawfully had put themselves into that condition that might aswell enable as induce the late King of ever glorious memory to invest the Parliament of England with such a po­wer over them as that act involues; yet can it not be beleived that the King ever intended to trust them with managing the war of Irland against himselfe: as by what they have don in England tis evident they would have done; but let us also suppose it possible that the royall power can be so convayed unto another, as that contrary to the intention of the King it may be converted to his own destruction (which is a possition I am sure that no Sophister lesse accute, and le­arned then your selfe will be able to make good) yet must this power surely needs revert to its firfl originall the crown: through the death both of the King that gave it, of the Parliament it was conferd upon, and that (since that the Kings death is out of dispute) this Parlement hath for this seaven yeares at least wanted both a King and freedome which being the head and hart of that body are two things most necessary to the life and essence of it, nay that, that breathlesse headles carcass of a Parliament, hath by those Independant vermine that bred out of the putrifacton of it; been anatomiz'd and quite dismembred since, there is [Page 10] no man that is not deafe and blind that can be uninformd.

Now that such a martird mooncalfe canstil be a living Parliament I am sure there is no man wakes that can be so perswaded; especiallie the King that calld it being dead, which both the law & custom tells you, that a Parliament could neuer yet survi­ve: upon which conclusion you must needs grant that his present Majestie (who hath already confirmed by his; both my Lord Lieutenant, and all that his Excel­lency hath don by his Royal fathers Commission) hath now indisputably reverted to him the power to manage a war, and conclude or con [...]irme a peace in Irland except that you will still maintainé that the authoritie of the late Parliament is by I know not what legierdemain translated into those usurpers, that have not only destrojed that Parliament but also declared that they intend there shall never be any more; and this non consequence if you still insist upon, I will conclude you are crackt as was that Spanish gallant and leave you in your quest of Windmills.

But if you can prevayle with your selfe to be so ingenuous as acknowledg the preceding truths, I will hold on still, and endevour to remove out of your ten­der conscience your last and greatest difficult of breach of trust: indeed a scruple very suitable to a man of honour such as I would willinglie take you for; and to be­gin the worke I must tell you that the premisses are very convinceing that in your compliance with my Lord Lieutenant there is no trust broken either with God, or King, or Parliament (who are all you can pretend to owe a faith unto) by deserting those villanous impostors, who have supplanted religion subverted Mo­narchy, murthered the King, violated the Parliament annihilated the lawes, tram­pled upon learning and nobility, and left neither worth nor justice unopprest within their reach; which kind of perfidious people surely to deceive right reason it selfe tells you there is no deceipt.

Yet had you no such assurance I should thinke it strange, that you who have stretcht your Conscience so often & so far already, as first to breake your trust with the King when by severall oathes both as a gowne man & a swordman you had oblidged your faith unto him; then with religion which considered with your education, parents, and a long profession, we may say (& not improperly) that it was e­ven by nature convayed into you; after, with that late carcase of a Parliament from whom you tooke both Commissions and employment; and lastly with that presbyte­rian Senate that preferd you hither as a proselite of theirs, should I say now make a scruple of breaking with these wretches, to whom you can pretend no other tye, but a Confraternity in treacherie and mischeife.

It is not your repetition of Rebells and bloody Rebells will serve for your excuse, since that you your selfe are ingaged with those rebells that have waded dee­per into blood, and committed murther even with the sword of Iustice upon not only innocent but Royall blood; more impudently, and more in humanly then any people how barbarous soever that as yet have breathed under the face of heaven.

'Tis true there hath been much barbarity and cruelty acted in this Kingdom since these unhappy tumults in the midst of confusion and disorder, but nothing done under the forme of a mischeivous law or the colour of abused Iustice, against any body; much lesse against the life, or person of a King, and the best of Kings, such as those whom you will needes profess a faith unto have butchered on a scaffold, with a hitherto unequalld villany, which without all doubt heaven to convince the world that there is a divinity and justice there, will certainly when his indignation towards us is in some measure satisfied, at last see Notoriously punished upon them, and all their abettors with scourges as much transcending ours, as do their crimes.

And in order to this just revenge it wil be vertue in the King and my Lord Lieu­tenant (which as your selfe confesses will be a sin in you circumstances conside­red) not onely to forgive but court Father Reyley (& if there be any others of his party lesse pardonable and lesse avowable then hee) unto their duty whom you can pretend to do nothing with in your Intrigues but either confirme them in their present, or ingage them in a new rebellion worse and more malitious then that they are alreadie plunged in, and which they (being a trampled and a­bused people, of another nation and religion from their Soveraigne) leapt at first into, out of a general feare, and sense of their particular wrongs from, and aver­sions to those, who frequently misused upon them both their own power and the Kings authoritie.

For the restitution of whose just Soveraignty, and the preservation of whose life, my Lord Lieutenant (whom you expres a shamlesse impudencie to accuse with any guilt of his destruction hath run greater adventures in his person, made more prudent essaies, and under went the hazard of a better fortune then any subject in the three Kingdoms had to loose besides; against whom your inference is very stran­ge, that because by the Kings own direction & Commission he endevoured to set on foot the Royall interest again, he musts need be guilty of, what was acted by those that (before he left France, or appeard the second time here about it) had al­ready robd the King of his libertie, and actually declared against his life.

But they having since ravisht from his Majestie his life aswell as liberty, and ta­ken away both his Crowne and Royall head together, so contrarie to your then declared opinion (delivered as your selfe confesses to my Lord Lieutenant when the army first Seized on the person of the King who as you there professed to belei­ve intended nothing else but to secure him from attempts & danger) must needs be a motive sufficient either to Convert you from adhering longer unto them, or an argument at least to convince me and all the world, that you both approved of, and consented to, what ever they have done: how forraine soever you seeme to make it to your charge, in a Citty where, and at a time when, if you should own it you might well feare to pull the indignation of the people, and a certain destruction upon your own head.

Yet surely you would much more have plaid the man of honor to have laide aside these grosser cheats & Mummeries, & dealing plainly to haue avowed the bare faced Truth (as your great masters in England have found the courage and the confi­dence to do) that it is neither your care of the protestant Religion, or English In­terest, neither your duty to the Parliament, nor tendernes in breach of trust, that holds you from submitting to the King & my Lord Lieutenant but your over conscious­nesse of your own past unfaithfulnes and ingratitude to those you had so many ties unto, your despaire of a full and free forgivenes, your observation that villany now a daies is only prosperous, and your conception that the course you are in sutes more with your mistaken Interest & wild ambitions then returning to your duty would; lastly your desire to continue yourselfe and that Sr. Politicke, your most reverend brother, there A Moses and Aron to the Irish Isralites to conduct them safe out of the boggs and woods of their fortunes and estates through the deserts of delinqnency; untill they stript of all those cumbersom impediments were rea­dy for the land of promise, and you laden with their Egiptian spoiles, and a good old age were fit to be transplanted from Dublin to the government of the new Ierusalem.

But let me now at last before it be too late prevayle with you so far as to perswade your selfe that it is never too late to mend, that both the King and my Lord Lieutenant have mercy and generosity enough to forgive and forget all your past transgressions, that fortune (how hopefully soever she seem to looke upon you) hath neither leased out her wheeles unto your Chariot, nor victory intailed her selfe unto you Ensignes so, as to encourage you to that confidence and pre­sumption you do put on; forgetting that God Almightie doth frequently lull in security and besot with their past and present prosperities those that are de­signed for a headlong destruction: and lastly that (how succesfull soever it may be for a time) there is a fulnes of iniquity which men being once arrived unto, Gods judgments are never long behind. Which exuberance of sin if any people ever attai­ned unto, surely it is they that have been either actors in, or abettors of, the murther of the King: of the guilt of which horrid crime, that you may cleare your selfe, and prevent the hevy judgment that infallibly attends it by a sea­sonable submission and returning to your duty, is all that he aimes at, who hath dealt thus freely with you; and who on that score will be most really.

Sr.
Your very humble servaunt. EDWARD WALSINGHAM.

The severall Papers concerning Cromwells Passe to my Lord Lieutenant. Mentioned PAG. 48.

Dean Boyles, Letter to my Lord Lieutenant touching the transactions with Cromwell in behalfe of the disbanded English.

May it please your Excellency

BEing now returned from the enemies quarters, I am bold to give your Lordship an account of what we have done there; we were two dayes held in suspence by Generall Cronwell whether he would descend to any capitula­tion upon those articles we delivered him, dureing which time, his argu­ments were few, but his perswasions many, to come in upon a Cleare score without any articling for conditions, and that he sayd would put the whole party into a Condition of being trusted by the Parliament, which their insi­sting upon articles would deprive them of; But we, wholy waving the force of his perswasions, told him that we were limited by instructions, and to de­cline them in any particular, were very unfaithfull, and beyond our Com­mission, we therefore desired his positive resolution, whether he would ascer­taine them of their securities, or the like, or no, that so we might returne with an account to them that sent us, whereupon ireton objected that by those proposals, which wee gave in to them, our design might be to contract for the Lord Inchiquint estate, aswell as others, he being under your Excellencies command, to which I made him this answer, that indeed it was much the de­sires of the Officers to serve him in that particular, but that I had peremptory directions from his Lordship to signify unto them that it was not your Excellen­cies intent, or his Lordships to Capitulate with then at all, or to be comprized under any general Conditions, whereuphn Cromwell then made answer, that if that were our purpose he would not a jot the more decline the businesse; There were many houres wasted in debate. before we came to any issue, at last the result of all determined in these inclosed conditions, wherin your Excellency may he pleased to observe, that there lyes no obligation at all on our partes, but all on theirs, so that your Excellency may dispose of your men, or any number of them, as you shall thinke fitting, notwithstanding any enga­gements [Page 14] from us, only thus much we are obliged to, that our party under the couert of those articles, do not prejudice them in the surprisal of any of their guarrisons, or the like, which emboldens me to beseech your Excellency, that Sr. Thomas Armstrong may take notice of it, and send his engagement hi­ther, for Sr. Robert Sterlings, and Lieutenant Collonel Daniells security, and mine, this inclosed to him I held it my duty to present open to your Excellencie, be­fore I sent it to himselfe. My Lord Dureing my being there, I had many oppor­tunities, and hints given me by Generall Cromwell, and Ireton whereby I might plainly understand that if I would move any thing from your Excellency, or the Lord Inchiquin they would willingly hearken to it, but I waved them all so far that they at last in plain English asked mee what your Lordship intended to doe, if this party came of: I said I was not acquainted with your resolutions, But that I beleeud you would endeavour to forme the army there into a conside­rable body, if upon the comeing off of the English party, you did not find their behaviours to be such, as might give you no great confidence of them, & so enforce you to desert them, if you were not necessitated to tarry with them for want of convenient transportation; to which they insinuated unto me, that I might have a Passe for your safe going of, if you had a mind to it, & that I desired it; my reply was that I had no commission to that purpose, but on the contrary had positive directions not to aske any thing in your Lordship, or the Lord Inchiquins behalfe, yet if they would deliver me any such passes for your Excellency, and the Lord Inchiquin, I would reserve them by mee, and if I had any opportunity, make use of them; the Passes I have here to dispose of as your Excellency shall appoint My Lord Inchiquin doth exceedingly dislike my bringing them at all, and the rather, be cause there is not included in them a liberty for the ship it selfe, and all others to goe with you, that have an in­tent to wayte upon you: But J find if your Excellency have any inclination to make use of such a Passe, it might easily be gayned for any, that shall desi­re it, either for my Lord Muskery; or my Lord Taaffe, or any other officer of quality; They say they are very much concerned for the Marquis of Clan­ricard and if he would but desire any thing that lyes in their power to serve him, he should find that the State of England would not be unmindfull of those many good offices (they were informed) he had done for the poor Protestants in that country. They gave me likewise a hint concerning Sr. Georg Hamilton, and the Castle of Nenagh, but I took no notice of it. Vpon discourse with Gene­rall Cromwell, he sayd that he had no interest at all in your estate, nor any de­signe upon it: he pretends to be a great servant of your ladies, and much to pitty her condition, the estate which she brought your Lordship, they openly professe, shall not be given to any from her. The day before I came from thence, there came a pacquet, which gave them some seeming disturbance, upon the observance whereof, I used meanes by one of their own party to dis­course [Page 15] with the captaine that brought it, who certifyed him that the news was very bad, and that Montrose was landed, or certainly did intend to land in Ir­land, with 12000. men, something of consequence there is in it, but whether this be the Certainty thereof, or no, it is not yet known. I must beg your Ex­cellencies pardon for this tedious, and rude diversion, which I could very much lengthen by severall other passages, but I fear I have transgressed too farr already, which submitting to your Excellencies Charitable interpretation, I remain.

My Lord,
Your Excellencies most faithfull and most humble servant, M. BOYLE.

Cromwells Passe unto my Lord Lieutenant.

THese are to require you, and every of you, to permit and suffer his Ex­cellency the Lord Marquis of Ormond, and his family (not exceeding the number of twenty persons) with three horses, and also their clothes, hou­shold stuffe, and other goods (not being merchandize) quietly, and safely to take shipping at any place within the river of Shannon, or at Galloway, or to Passe to Kinsale, and take shipping there, and from such place of their shipping to be transported to any parts beyond the seas, (except to England, Wales or Scotland) without any violence, injury or molestation, as you will answer the Contrary at your perills. Provided they take shipping, and depart from Irland within the space of two monthes after the date hereof, and that in the mean time they, or any of them do not act any thing to the prejudice of the Parlia­ment, or Commonwealth of England. Given under my hand, and seale the seaventh day of May, Anno Dom. 1650.

O. CROMWEL.
To all Officers souldiers and others under my command, & to all Captaines & com­manders of any of the shipping under the obedience of the Parliament.

Dean Boyles second Letter to my Lord Lieutenant to justify himselfe concerning the fore mentioned Passe,

May it please your Excellency.

REflecting upon the present sad Condition of those, who have adhered unto his Majesties service, I assumed to my selfe very much satisfaction (above many others) in the Clearnesse of my deportments therein, which hitherto hath alwayes justified me in the opinion of those, who have been en­trusted in the mannagement of his affaires; But I find by some Letters of your Excellencies to my Lord Inchiquin that I now ly under some hazard of being blasted in your Excellencies esteeme, by a severe charge layd on my discretion, and a greater wound upon my integrity, as if I had exceeded the limits of my Commission, in this last, (and I may justly call it unfortunat) transaction: My Lord, my pretence is so slender to the first of these, that I can very easily disgest any thing, that is objected me on that score, being much more sensi­ble of my own weaknes, then any other man can bee, though J cannot yet con­vince my selfe of any sin against the rules of reason: for apprehending When I left your Excellency, that it was your resolution to depart the Kingdome, and finding the intentions of the enemy to block up that Harbour, by their ship­ping, from whence you purposed your departure, I esteemed it a speciall peice of providence for the preservation of your person, and your honour, that they by an accidental discourse should offer that of themselves, which I suspected you might have been necessitated to make suite for; As for that clause in the Passe obligeing you not to act any thing to their disadvantage, during your re­mainder here, though I must confesse that to be no way suitable to your Excel­lencies condition, yet I conceive it may justly excuse my acceptance of it, I not making it at all my busines to seeke it, and might therefore appear imper­tinent, and indeed injurious to your Excellency to except against it, which I the rather past over out of an opinion that your Excellency would have declined the service here, by the time of my returne out of their quarters. But for this par­ticular as it intrencheth onely upon (that which I cannot own) discretion; I submit it wholy to your Excellencies better disquisition, having this sanctuary at last to be my refuge, that if I have transgressd therein, it had no other de­sign in it, but your Excellencies preservation, and honour. But as to the other particular of exceeding, my Commission, I must beseech your Excellencies leave a litle to justify my integrity, the rather in that I look upon my selfe out of any Capacity to serve you hereafter, whilst I ly under the justice of that reproofe, [Page 17] dishonesty being an offence which J abhominate towards the most ordinary person, much more towards your Excellency, who have layd so many obliga­tions upon me; I had nothing in Charge from your Excellency in the transaction of that busines, but to declare your refusall of comeing to any conditions with them at all, or of having any inclinations there unto, which I did oftentimes not privately, or to the meanest of them, but publiquely, to the cheifest amongst them, Cromwell and Ireton. Which I conceive to he a perfect discharge of what was intrusted to me by your Excellency, and as for my bare reception of the Passe, as it proceeded not at all from my demand, so it cannot certainly, without very much severity, be interpreted a breach of my Commission.

This poor party being very suddainly to be dispersed to their severall desti­nies, I know not what providence intends mee for the future, but for the present I am like to be necessitated to the same misfortune with them, and by this great mistake of my essayes for their service, to be inforced to desert the persons whom I honour, and to retire amongst those, who are, and have been my most professed enemies. I know not when I shall have the opportu­nity to wayte next upon your Excellency, and have therefore assumed the con­fidence of giving your Excellency the trouble of this my just excuse; if it may prevayle to reestablish me in your Excellencies good opinion, it wil afford mee many peacefull thoughts, while I continue in my banishment. However, as I was your Excellencies most faithfull servant, before you placed and of your favours on mee, so no misinterpretation of my actions shall make me a whitt decline my unalterable resolution of avowing my selfe.

My Lord,
Your Excellencies most obedient and hum­ble servant. M, BOYLE.

The Governour of Rosse his Letter to Generall Preston com­manding in Waterford.

My Lord.

HAving had experience of your Lordships honour, and civility, and consi­dering the condition of the place under your command, what by con­tagicusnes [Page 18] within your citty, and the sword about it, and the regardles inconfiderablenes of your party for your releife, induces me to sympathize with your Lordship, J haveing now a seasonable opportunity to offer such conditions to your Lordship, as may befit such a person of honour to accept hereof, and blemishes; and objections being removed, you have no lesse presidents then the Lord of Ormond, and the Lord of Inchiquin; Their Commis­sioners, and the Lord Lieutenant Generall Cromwell for each, and in behalfe of both parties have concluded for their Comming in to the Lord Lieutenant Generall Cromwell, and to take up armes that will, others to goe beyond seas, with their equipage within two monthes. This was confirmd, and ratifyed last Friday at Fetherd. And I would not tell you a false thing for Rockes of pearle; If you please to be so fortunate to your selfe, and family, as to adhere to this offer here inclosed they shall be confirmd under the Lord Cromwells hand, and seale, upon the capitulation, and agreement betwixt your Lordship, and my selfe, for the surrender of the Citty to the use of the state of England; If you please, I shall meet you for a personall treaty, where you shall appoint for better satisfaction, and during our meeting, or going from it, no acts of ho­stility to be comitted on either side, of which I assure to your Lordship if your Lordship promise the like to mee; And for the Citizens they shall have the same conditions, as Rosse had, which is now a Flourishing place. In tendernes to your Lordship, and the Citty, that both may be preserved, and in a happy con­dition, I did prevayle to make these overtures, and negotiation, desiring your Lordships answer I remain.

My Lord,
Your Lordships humble servant. D, AXTEL.

Dean Boyles Letter to Cromwell about the Passes he recei­ved from him.

My Lord,

I presume your Lordship remembers upon what score the Passes for the Lord Lieutenant, and Lord Inchiquin were received by mee from your Lordship [Page 19] upon a suspicion I had there might fall out some unhandsome cariage towards them, upon the departure of these English out of the quarters; which oppor­tunity of serving them, I was not very unwilling to imbrace, conceiving it an honourable expedient for their security, in case they should be necessitated thereunto. But I find His Excellency it not at all satisfyed with me therin, I having no Commission to that purpose, and upon intimation sent his Lordship that I had such a thing, he commanded me to returne it with civility to your Lordship; But finding by the Copy of a Letter to the Governor of Waterford (which I here inclose) that there is some use indeavoured to be made thereof to his exceeding preiudice, and dishonour, he hath commanded metosend it to himselfe least the returne of it should be perverted to his prejudice, as the ac­ceptance was; I have hereby returned your Lordship the Passe for the Lord Inchi­quin, and from both have received very slender thankes for bringing them. Your Lordship knows I made no engagement for any thing no either of their behalfes, but on the contrary in the discussion of those proposaIls, which I presented to your Lordship from the Officers, did declare, that I had positive commands to except the Lord Marquis of Ormond, and Lord of Iuchiquin, from having any benefit of, or relation unto any thing, that was comprized in that treaty, so that the suggestions of M. Axtell to the Governor of Waterford, though they are nothing a greable to the conditions we received from your Lordship, yet they give a very great dissatisfaction to many here of my integrity, as pre­suming me to act some thing under hand, either by design, or beyond Com­mission wherein if your Excellency, would be pleased to afford me the justice of some kind of vindication, it would extremly oblige me in a very gratefull resentiment.

My Lord,
Your Excellencies humble servant. M. BOYLE.

My Lord Lieutenants Letter to Cromwell when he sent him Back his Passe.

SR.

DEan Boyle having brought me a Paper signed, and sealed by you, seeming to be a Passe for me to transport my selfe beyond seas; I did much wonder from whence, or for what reason it was, that you either gave, or he accepted it; since he was directed to declare to you (if it came in question) that I had no intention to treat with you for a Passe, or any other thing; And though I am yet to seek a reason for his part of that transaction, yet yours appeares to me in Axtells Letter to Generall Preston; I have by this Trumpetter returned you your Paper, and for your unsought courtesy do assure you, that when you shall desire a Passe from me, and I thinke fit to grant it, I shall not make use of it to corrupt any that commands under you, I remain.

Your humble servant. ORMONDE.

The Speech of his Excellency the Marquis of Ormond unto the Generall Assembly of the confederates in Irland upon the signing of the peace, in answer to the Oration of Sr. Richard Blake Chairman of the Assembly. Men­tioned. PAG. 55.

My Lords and Gentlemen.

I Shall not speake to those expressions of duty and Loyalty, so eloquently di­gested into a Discourse, by the Gentleman appointed by you to deliver your sense, you will presently have in your hands greater and more solid Ar­guments of His Majesties gratious acceptance of them, then I can enumerate, or then perhaps, you your selves discerne, for, besides the provision made against your remotest feares of the severity of certaine Lawes, and besides many other freedomes, and bounties conveighed to you, and your posterity, by these Articles, There is a doore, and that a large one, not left, but sett open to give you entrance, by your future merits, to whatsoever of honour, or other ad­vantage, you can reasonably wish, so that you have in present fruition what may abundantly satisfye, and yet there are no bounds set to your hopes but you are rather invited, or, (according to a new Phrase, but to an old & better pur­pose) You seeme to have a Call from Heaven, to excercise your Armes and utter­most fortitude, in the noblest, and justest Cause the world hath knowen; for let all the Circumstances, incident to a great & good Cause of warr, be examined, and they will befound Comprehended in that which you are now called war­rantably to defende; Religion, not in the narrow circumscribed definition of it, under this, or that late found out distinction, but Christian Religion, is our Quarrell, which certainly is as much and as fatally struck at (I may say more) by the blasphemous Lycence of this Age, then ever it was by the rudest Incursions of the most barbarous and most avowed Enemys to Christianity. The venerable Lawes, and fundamentall Constitutions are trodden under impious, and, for [Page 22] the most, part Mechanique feete. a The sacred person of the King (the life of those Lawes) under an ignominious imprisonment, & his life threatned to be taken away by the Sacrilegious hands of the basest of the People that owe Him obediences, And, to endeare the Quarrell to you, the fountaine of all the benefits you have but now acknowledged, and of what you may further hope for by this Peace, and your owne merits, is now in danger to be obstructed by the execrable mur­ther of the worthjest Prince that ever ruld these Islands. In short, Hell can adde no­thing to the desperate Mischeife now openly projected.

And now judge, if a greater, or a more glorious feild was ever set open to action; and then prepare yourselves to enter into it, And receive these few Advices from one throughly embarqued with you in the Adventure.

First. Let me recommend unto you, that to this, as to all other holy Actions, you would prepare yourselves with perfect Charity, a Charity that may obliterate whatsoever b of Rancours a long continued Civill warr may have contracted in you against any that shall now cooperate with you in so blessed a worke, & let his engagement with you, (who ever he is) be, as it ought to be, a Bond of Unity, of Love, of Concord, stronger then the nearest tye of nature.

In the next place, marke, and beware of those that shall goe about to renew, or create c Iealousies in you, under what pretense, soever, & accompt such as infernal Ministers, imployed to promote the black Designe on foote, to subvert Monarchy, & to make us all slaves to those that are so to theire owne avaritious Lusts.

Away, assoone & as much as possibly may be, with those distinctions d of Na­tions, and of Partys, which are the feilds where in the seede of those Rankor weeds are sowen by the great Enemy of our Peace.

In the last place, Lett us all divest ourselves of that preposterous, that ridiculous Ambition, and selfe Interest, which rather leads to our threatned generall Ruine, then to the enjoyment of Advantages unseasonably desired.

And if at any time you shall thinke yourselves pincht to neare the bone by those Taxes, & Leavyes that may be imposed on you for your defense, Consider then, how vaine, how foolish a thing it will be, to starve a Righteous Cause for want of necessary sup­port; to preserve yourselves fat & guilded sacrificies to the rapine of a mercilesse Enemy.

And if wee come thus well prepared to a Contention, so just, on our part, God will either blesse our Endeavours with successe & victory, or f Crowne our suffe­rings with honour, & patience; for what honour will it not be, if God have so de­termined of us) to perishwith a long glorious Monarchy? And who can wante pa­tience e [Page 23] to suffer with opprest Princes? But as our Endeavours, so let our prayers be, vigorous, that they may be delivered from a more unnatural Rebellion then is mentioned by any story, now raised to the highest pitch of successe against them.

I should now say something to you for my selfe, in returne to the advanta­gious mention made of me, g & my Endeavours to bring this settlement to passe; but I confesse my thoughts were wholy taken up with those much greater Concerne­ments; Let it suffice, that as I wish to be continued in your good esteeme & affec­tion, so I shall freely adventure upon any hazard, and esteeme no trouble a diffi­culty too great to encounter, if I may manifest my zeale to this Cause, and dis­charge some part of the obligations that are upon me to serve this Kingdome.

FINIS.

ERRATA.

PAg. 6. l. 7. for Interests, of the crown read Interests of the crown, P. 7. l. 28. for Mon­ster read Mounster. P. 9. l. 22. for prece read peace. P. 24. l. 17. after Col. Birne, read The famous Pudsey with the poleaxe, Colonell Walton, Grissith Cavanagh, &c. P. 29. l. 16. for appeared read as appeared. P. 49. l. 3. for ad read a. P. 50, l. 10. Clonwell read Clonmell. P 51. l. 3. for Neavagh read Neanagh. ibid. for Puachases read Pur­chases. P. 52. for hande read handes. P. 53. for that is their read that it is their. P. 56. for I have given read I have here given. Erratas in the Letters. P. 4. l. 19. for take thy paines read take this Paines ibid. for an foyle read an unglorious foyle. P. 6. l. 42. for it read is. P. 12. l. 1. for to laide ad to have laide ibid. l. 27. for is fulnesse read is a fulnesse. P. 3. l. 8. for Cronwell read Cromwell.

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