IF (according to the old Proverb) Loosers may speak by authority, then may not I be silent, considering the many pressures and oppressions the arbitrary and tyraunicall Government u­surped by my fellow-Subjects, but exercised over me, and other His Majesties loyall Sub­jects, by reason whereof we are fallen to as sad, if not sadder condition, then the Athenians under their thirty Tyrants. Those then that would have beheld these men at the beginning of this Parliament, and have marked with what zeale and hast they went to Westminster to cry Justice, Justice, against the Earle of Strafford, for bringing an arbitrary and tyrannicall govern­ment into Ireland, would have little thought that ever they themselves would have exercised the same government in England over their fellow-Subjects, as now they doe? So that they stand not upon the Quid, but the Qualis, what persons: For, so long as themselves rule, they are content. It seemes that they have learned some Maxime of humane policie, To hate and de­cline that in others, that they may, with the more security, and lesse suspition, accomplish the same to themselves. This arbitrary and tyrannicall government doth very ill beseem a Prince, the Earle of Strafford in Ireland, or any other Noblemen; but doth become Weavers, Basket­makers, or such kind of Mechanicks in England very well. So the Irish Rebellion is called a horrid and bloudy action, a cruell warre: but the English and Scotch Rebellion is stiled a holy and just Warre, the good Cause, a fighting the Lords Battells, the maintenance of Religion, Lawes, and Liberty. So the Kings tax of Ship-money was counted an illegall imposition, a heavy burden, and a great grievance, because it was taken without the consent of the three E­states in Parliament. But the taking (though in the same manner) the twentieth, and fift part of mens estates, besides Excise, plunder, and other illegall Taxes, are no burden, no grievance, but a great ease to the people. So the Oath ex Officio (though legall) w [...]s a great burden and oppression to mens consciences, because it betrayed Off [...]nders into the hands of Justice. But the Scorch and English Covenant, (though forced with the greatest severity) or rather the French League, is no offence, no scruple at all, but a great ease to mens consciences. So the si­lenci [...]g ignorant, illiterate, seditious, and factious Ministers by the Bishops, was stiled a Prela­ticall persecution, an Antichristian Tyranny, and a stopping the mouths of Gods faithfull Mini­sters. But the silencing, imprisoning, and plundering of learned and pious D. Featly, D. Holds­worth, M. Vdall, and many other Orthodox and Protestant Divines, unblameable untill these th [...]s, is nothing (with them) but the suppression of Popery, and Popish Ministers; for such they term [...] all who hold and conforme themselves to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church established by Law. And thus have they learned (like the Jewes) to put darknesse for light and l ght for darknesse; to call evill good, and good evill. It is not unknowne to the world, how by their scanda [...]ous and lying Pamphlets, they labour daily to possesse the people of the Kings intention to bring in Popery. And what is this, think we, but onely that they in the interim may with the lesse suspition, and more security, bring in Atheisme, Heresie, and all Sects and Schismes which have beene ever since Christ. How have they trampled under Feet the Temporall and Ecclesiasticall Lawes? As by imprisoning of mens bodies, plundering and ta­king from them their estates, and robbing their King of his Forts, Townes, Navies, Maga­zines, and Militia. How do they obey Christ, who says, Render to Caesar (though a Heathen) [Page 2] the things that are Caesars, when they take all from him? It is not, give to Caesar, but render implying, that Kings live not upon the gifts and almes of their Subjects, but that they have as great, if not greater right to their Revenues, as Subjects to their goods. With what consci­ence then can the two Houses usurpe the Militia, which (by the Scripture) hath for many yeares belonged to the disposing of Kings, as appeares by that Text in 2 Sam. 18.1. David the King set, or made Captains over Fifties, Hundreds, and Thousands. It doth not say, his great Councell, or his Parliament; nay the word Parliament is not to be found in all the Scriptures: and we know that Parliaments had their originall and being from Kings. What monsters then are they, that would undermine, depose, and destroy those that gave them their being? Are they any better then vipers, who eat out the bowels of their mothers? I speake not this of a free Parliament: there was never any King deposed or wronged by a free Parliament, neither is it de Jure in the power of a Parliament; for God sayes plainly, By me Kings rule, or raigne, Prov. 8.15. He doth not say, by Parliaments, or by the peoples authority; nor are they ac­comptable to their Subjects in case of errour, or faults, but onely to God, as is most cleare in King David, who though he sinned against man, yet appealed onely to God, saying. Against thee, against thee onely have I sinned, &c. Psal. 51. I have sinned against the Lord, 2 Sam. 12.13. And whereas King Richard the second is instanced and objected: I answer, That the de­posing of King Richard, to the scandall of this Nation, was an act of high Treason upon the fairest relation.

I will now speake something concerning the abuses of the Church, and then of my owne. And first, let us consider the sacriledge, profanenesse, and many insolencies offered in Gods house by the Parliaments souldiers, as they are commonly called: as their hewing and hacking downe the stone-workes, as if they intended to build their Babel with the ruines: their break­ing downe the railes, spoiling the Communion Table, pulling down Pulpits, as if they intended to set u a tub, or barrell to preach in: and which is worst of all, their picking the poores box, and stealing their bread from off the shelfe, which is their prime aime at their first coming into the Churches to plunder. And as if the ills that they had already done could not be safe but by attempting greater, they proceed further, by laying violent hands on the Ministers, tearing the Surplice off their backs, trampling the Book of Common Prayer under feet, the abuse of which ought to be punished (according to the Lawes) with great severity. Yet have not the two Houses of Parliament declared their dislike, nor punished any since the Kings departure, as ever I could heare. The Philosopher sayes, Qui vitia non prohibet, jubet & approbat, Those that conuive at vices, and do not punish them, approve of and command them. But let us consider further, what non-fence, false Doctrine and blasphemie is preached up and downe the City by these orbicular Independents, lumps of ignorance, and sillie fellowes in black, most of them be­ing ignominious and contemptible Mechanicks. It was Ierobohams sin, in making the meanest and vilest of the people Priests: and I pray God that it be not the two Houses sin, in suffering the meanest and the vilest of the people to preach, and to make themselves Priests: even such as are, Tinkers, Weavers, Brewers, Bakers, religious. Sowgelders, and Button-makers.

But to leave this, and come to the illegality of my own imprisonments. The cause then of my first imprisonment was, for selling a Book intituled, A Declaration of the Practises and Treasons attempted and committed by Robert late Earle of Essex against Her Majesty, &c. This Book was published by the authority of Queene Elizabeth, and the whole State, in the yeare 1600. For this booke so lawfully licensed was I most unlawfully sent to Newgate by Isaac Pennington the Traitor, and pretended Major, as the King stiles him: during my imprisonment in Newgate, one Clarke, a pretended Constable, with his rabble, forces the key of my shop from me, then goes to my shop: and because he could not open my shop doore quickly, breakes it [Page 3]open, and fals to plundering; where he tooke a sword and gold belt, a Set of Pictures, Sir Ed­ward Deerings Speeches, twelve of the aforesaid Books, and a Bible, saying, that I was a Ma­lignant, and that they were Malignants goods (for such they make those and their goods that have any thing to lose) and that he would carrie them to the Lord Majors, but whether he did or no, I leave to his owne conscience which best knowes: I am sure I received them not again, although I have used all possible meanes that may be. Now whether this be the Liberty of the Subject, I appeale to all the world? or whether there be such a thing as liberty left us in Lon­don, unlesse libertie to plunder? or if when they say libertie, they do not equivocate, and mean imprisonment, bondage and slaverie? For they have Maxims ex contrariis, to fight for the King and yet shoot great Cannon shot at him: destroy his Person, and yet preserve the King: that treason cannot be committed against his Person, but his Power, which Power the two Houses are: and therefore D. Lopus and Parry, who attempted to destroy Queene Elizabeths Person, were not traitors, but died verie innocent; and the learned Judges who condemned them as guiltie of high treason, did them great injustice: so did the Judges who judged, the Earle of Essex (this mans Father) guiltie of high Treason for attempting and endeavouring to take away evill Councellours from Queen Elizabeth, as appears by the Earle of Essex's Defence, and their Replie. The Defence, For my part I intended no hurt to Her Majesties Person, but onely to take away her evill Councellours, &c. The Replie. The Judges delivered their opinion in matter of Law upon two points: The one, That in case where a Subject doth attempt to put himselfe into such a strength as the King shall not be able to resist him, and to force and compell the King to go­verne otherwise then according to his owne royall authority and direction, 'tis manifest rebellion. The other, That in every rebellion, the Law extendeth as a consequence, the compassing the death, and deprivation of the King, as foreseeing, that the Rebell and Traytor will never suffer the King to live or raigne, which might punish or take revenge of his Treason and Rebellion. And therefore this is not onely the sense of the Law, but even common reason and experience teach­eth as much: For the Subjects never obtained a superioritie over their King, but immediately followed the death and deposition of the King, as in the example of Edward the second, and Richard the second.

But to returne to any owne occasion: I wonder what Clarke or any of these holy, pious, and religious plunderers (who rob men in the feare of the Lord, and under a collour of Religion, and long Prayer, devour Widdowes houses) will answer Christ at the day of Judgement, when he will say, I commanded you that you should not covet, rob, nor plunder your neighbours: Why did you? Why truly Lord, I was told that they were Malignants, and that their goods were Malignant goods: blendes Lord, I had an Ordinance of Parliament for what I did then. Let them see whether their pleading that their neighbours were Malignants; or that their Or­dinance, or rather Patent to plunder, will beare them out at that day, for the breach of Gods Commandements. But these franticke Brownists and wild Ambaptists have learn'd new Max­ims of Divinity, as first; That the dominion of things is founded in grace, and not in nature, from whence they conclude, that they may rob the wicked as (they say) the Isrealits did the Egyp­tians. Secondly that the wicked are usurpers and that they onely have right to the creatures, be­ing (as they stile themselve [...]) the meek of the earth, but not to insist on these things, and come to the second cause of my imprisonment, which was; For beating one Nicholas Tew, an Ana­baptist, for saying, The King had none but Rogues about him, and for asking him, with what conscience he could say so, he having taken the late Protestation to defend the Kings Honour? For this (by the information of the said Tew and one Thomas Andrews an arrant honest man) was I apprehended, and had before Isaac Pennington, my old friend, who committed me to Woodstreet Compter, and the next day was sent with a Rabble to the Parliament House, from [Page 4]thence I made my escape to Oxford: after my departure they plundered me of all the Ware in my Shop, to the value of above one hundred pounds, besides my wearing Cloathes, and (contrary to the rules of good huswifery) left not so much as an egge in the nest, for the henne to sit upon: not content with this, they make a further gradation to perpetrate their impieties by murdering me in my reputation, and scandalizing me in their Libells, giving me a nick-name, more befitting the inventors. But it 'tis not strange that they slander me, when they stick not to slander the footsteps of Gods Annoynted, their King, neither is it any marvell that they rob me, when they feare not to rob God, by robbing Churches, and Church-men, their lawfull King, and all the true Nobility: but by whom are they thus robbed? But by those who despise all Arts and Learning, like the fox that contemned the grapes because he could not reach them. When they had thus plundered me, they summon my own mother, and brothers, to make Oath, whether they knew of any more estate that I had, either in money, goods, or debts. O monstrous: Ty­rant: I can the Pope, can Antichrist use more Tyranny over conscience, then these? To make a mother take an Oath to ruine & undo her own child by discovering his estate, that they may rob him? And thus they deale with mens servants, compelling them by their unconscionable Oathes (Iudas like) to betray their Masters, making them take Oaths to discover their Masters Estates, being contrary to the Covenant of their Indenture, of keeping their Masters secrets. Thus themselves being treacherous, false, and perfideous, to their King, would have servants bee so to their Masters. Now those that refuse their illegall Oathes, and Covenant, they imprison; as they have done a young Apprentice of M. Smiths, for refusing to be unfaithfull to his Master, by betraying his Estate, for them to plunder. In like manner deale they with the Kings Souldi­ers, their Prisoners, Either take our Covenant, or else lye in Prison, and be starved, for you shall have no maintainance or allowance from us, not so much as of your own Estates which we have plundered you of. And thus they dealt with me when they put me in the dungeon in the Gate-house at Westminster. Now I say, that it is a quaere; whether an Oath or Cove­nant extorted in this nature obliges, and bindes the conscience? The Schoolmen conclude ne­gatively that Extortum non est tenendum; And in my opinion, it bindes men to nothing but to repentance. Againe, it is another quaere, whether an Oath or Covenant can be imposed up­on the consciences of His Majesties Subjects, without his assent, or without the consent of the three Estates of a free Parliament? The Common Law concludes negatively too. An unlaw­full Oath it is thought, may lawfully be broken, though not lawfully taken. Herod sinned in keeping his Oath, so did Iephthah in keeping his Vow. And I wonder why they should call it the Nationall Covenant? Sure they meane, the Covenant of the S [...]ismaticks and Browni [...]s of the Nation; for Protestants will not take it willingly. Not to insist upon this. I have beene imprisoned, and under Custody ten times since the King went a way, but not as an evill doer; and that is my joy, my comfort. Onely for a pretended Malignant, and because I knew not how to depart from my allegiance, for denying to contribute money to destroy the King and King­dome, For refusing to be under the tyranny and slavery of my fellow Subjects, and to forfeit the freedome and liberty purchased to us by our great Ancestors with the labour and industrie of so many yeares. For these causes and for these crimes have I been plundered, imprisoned, and robbed. Nor am I like to have remedy, or to be bettered, but rather worse: For they have safe­ly done so many evills already, that they will still do more. But to passe by this, Let us loyall English consider how happy we are in our King over other Nations? They fight for their King there, our King fights for us here. Was there ever King so ready to lay downe his life for his Subjects Liberties, as our now King Charles? Who is like to the good Shepheard, that will lay downe his life, for his sheep, as appeares by his readinesse to hazard his life and sacred p [...]son in defence of us his poore distressed Protestants groaning under the bloody and cruell [Page 5]persecution, of Papists in Ireland, and Brownists, Sectaries, Puritans, and Roundheads in Eng­land. Saint Paul fought with beasts at Ephesus. But the King fights with beasts in England, unreasonable beasts; who would have the Bishops preach and keep hospitality, and yet will al­low them no meanes They say that the Bishops would bring in Poperie, but they would bring in Popery themselves. For they would take away all the Clergies meanes, and make them all begging Friers.

But to returne againe to my owne occasions. I was no sooner discharged out of the Gate­house, but one Thomas Weaver, one of the Earle of Essex's Life-guard, meets me in Thames street, and after some greeting, would needs have me to prison againe, without any Warrant. I endeavoured to perswade and convert this Weaver, but all was in vaine: for I had no sooner cast the beame out of his eye, but the shuttle got into his braine: and so I left him.

I now come to speak of my coming to Northampton from Worcester, which was thus.

I hearing of a Declaration published in the names of the two Kingdomes, the second of Fe­bruary last past, 1643. for the acception of all those that would come in, and having divers oc­casions (my mother being dead) to come to London, I relied upon the sinceritie of this Decla­ration, and came accordingly from thence to Northampton. No sooner was I c [...]me to Nor­thampton, and presented my selfe to the Governour, Colonell Whetham, a quondam-Baker in London, but immediately I was stript, and rob'd of fifteen pounds, and after wards scandalous­ly abused in a lying London-Pamphlet, that I had a Crucifix about my neek. Indeed the bring­ing so much money was enough to make any man a Papist, a Malignant, a Spie, or what they please. Somthing must be said for the unjust and perfidious taking away my monie and goods, els the robberie would be too grosse. From thence I was sent to London, and examined by the Committee for Examinations, and promised by them my monie: about a fortnight after that, I went to petition for my monie so promised, and was for peti ioning committed to the Gate­house, where I lay five weeks without anie reliefe. This course usage made me to think that the aforesaid Declaration was nothing but a stratagem or policie of the new State to get mens per­sons as well as their estates into thei power, and then use them as they please. I wonder what Sir Edward Deering got by coming in to them? nothing surely, but was made (as they have made me) a religious beggar. We might well think, that those that break their oath with their King, will scarce keep faith with us, they having learned the Jesuits Maxim, Fides non est tenen­dacum Haereticis & Malignantibus. Not long after this I was againe apprehended by one Cox and Hunt, two wiseakers, upon a pretended and forged suspition of bringing a Saw to the Irish Lords, and was had without any Warrant to Guild-hall, from thence without any examination or Mittimus brought to the New-Prison in Maiden-lane, and from thence to the Tower, before the pretended Lievtenant Isaac Pennington, of whom I demanded my accusers, but they were not to be found. After they had detained me some seven or eight daies close prisoner, not letting me all that while lie in a bed, they send one Plucknut, a shark, to say, I was not the man that he saw go into the Tower with the Saw, he was a tall black man, and had a black beard: upon these words I was discharged. Now I appeale to all the world, whether this be according to the Lawes of God, or the Lawes of the Land, which they have so zealously covenanted to maintaine. It is said, Acts 25.17. It seems unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not examine the crimes against him; and our Saviour dismist the woman because her accusers did not appeare, Joh. 8.10, 11. Besides, 'tis against the Lawes of the Land, as appeares by Magna Charta, 9. Hen. 3.29. in these words, That Iustice shall be delay'd, defer'd, or deni'd to no man. But why do I speake of Law or Gospell, to these who regard neither? Who have not the feare of God before their eyes. Rom. 3, 18. Who feare not to resist, disobay their King. God commanded his people to submit to the yoake of Nebuchadnezzar, a heathen, and an Idolatrous [Page 6]King, and threatened divers punishments to those who did resist, disobay, and not submit to him, as is most cleare in the 27 of Jer. 8, 11. and called him and King Cyrus his Annoynted, though Heathens. If then God would have his people to submit and obay Nebuchadnezzer, a Heathen and an Idolatrous King, certainly then much more would he have us to submit, not re­sist, and obey our Protestant and Christian King, who is not addicted to any of those personall vices which many of his predecessors have beene. Lastly and to conclude, I doe declare and pro­test for my Vindication, that notwithstanding the many slanderous untruths, that I am a Prote­stant, but not of the Amsterdam, Geneva, or New-Eengland Cut: I am for Monarchy regula­ted according to Law, The Doctrine and Discipline of the Church established by Law, and hope to see the King, like Solomon upon his throne, and with his countenance to scatter these cursing Shemei's, these railing Rabshake's and round breeches, like dust before the winde.

Finally if the King prevaile, all his loyall Subjects will be happie: but if the worst should come, and God should punish us for our sins by letting Rebells prevaile; yet, Malo vinci cum Caesare, quam vincere et regnare cum Pompeio. I had rather fall, be overcome, ruined, and undone with my King, the Nobility, and loyal Gentry, fighting for the true Protestant Religion, the Lawes of the Lands and the Priviledges of Parliament; Then to conquer, overcome, rule, and raigne, with Essex; fighting for Schismatiks, Hereticks, Sacriledge, Rebellion, and Treason.