IN the Preface of a Discourse, Intituled, Awake Sampson: Printed in the Year, 1696. I hinted that that was intended to be a Preparatory for a General Alarum.

Since we were told in the Year, 1678. that there was then a Design to subvert the Frame of our English Government, the Destruction of the Protestant Religion, and to adulterate the Coin, and had we took that caution given us timely, we had prevented many of those Evils, which we have so sensibly since felt.

And since the Designs of our Enemies have been variously exercised, ( viz.) to destroy Trade, to invade Property, to alter on Religion, and to adulterate the Coin of the Nation, which hath cost us so much lately to retrieve; let it be a caution to us in other cases for the Future.

It may seem to some to be needless now, to talk of an Alarum seeing we are at Peace; yet the following Discourse will evidence that in the Subject I insist upon, we have more need to be call'd upon now, then in a Time of War: The Reasons are many, but in General, we know in War Watches are set, and People do never sleep secure from Noise; but in a Time of Peace Persons are apt to be too secure: I presume, there is no just Occasion to make an Apology, for waking a Person in danger of a Fire, tho' he is forc'd to it against his Na­tural Disposition; and that such a Person would [Page 2] not be offended, if pull'd out of his Bed when the Flames are about him; tho' he do not see it his Eyes being shut, and he in a sound sleep: It is the Condition of England at this time. We have been oft in Danger, and the Fire as oft quench'd, and tho' (generally speaking) we have had very many and great awakening Providences sounded in our Ears, Yet we have been like the deaf Addor that stoppeth her Ears, and will not hearken to the Voice of Charmers, tho' charming never so wisely; and do not consider a Secret Train is laid to blow us up, and tho' we have hitherto been preserv'd almost to a Miracle, yet whether we have any grounds to expect it always, I cannot tell; my Faith is weak: But on the contrary, tho' we in this Age do not pretend to Prophetick Inspiration, nor do I as little to Prognostication, yet by Com­mon Observations any Man may predict, what Conclusions necessarily follow such and such Premisses; or in a more familiar way of speak­ing, we know if we keep a certain Road on Shore, or steer our Course at Sea, whither at length it will bring us.

How we have taken our Course these Forty Years is too Notorious, and for which the Land mourns; (I would be glad to be de­ceiv'd if my Fears are groundless) that it may vomit out many of its Inhabitants, at least some of us fall short of our Expectations.

And had I not made some Observations, of the wonderful Goodness of God to this Na­tion; as before hinted: I should have despair'd of any hopes of being saved from an utter Destruction, for the Dangers we are now in [Page 3] are so great, that tho' we are at present (Blessed be God) at peace, yet when I consider, the many thousands that have lived comfortably in the Trade of our Wollen Manufacture, and which have contributed to the Support of the Government, and Maintenance of the Poor; are now (and like to be more) reduced to want themselves, having no Employment; by reason that many of those Countries that we have formerly supplied with those Goods, do make not only for their own Use with our Wool, but sup [...] other Forreign Countries also; and not only so, but that we have cut off as it were, and disobliged both Ireland and Scot­land in some late Acts; I am not without my Fears what the Effects may be, besides our Domestick Consumption of Forreign Manu­facturies, and hindring our own, &c.

But if it be said by some, (as it is) that if we loose our Woollen Manufacture, we may employ our poor in a Linnen Manu­facture, &c. I must answer as I did on a like Occasion, about the Year 1669. in a Tract, Entituled, England's Interest by the Benefit of the Woollen Manufacture: (viz.) ‘I am the more large in the Demonstration of this Affair, not only because this hath cost me many Years Labour and Study to consult all sorts of concern'd Persons, besides my own Ex­perience about it; but also because it is so hard to convince People of the meanest Ca­pacity, and some of the wiser sort, how to cure this dismal Malady which some despair­ing of, have rather thought of setting up some other Manufacture in lieu of endeavour­ing [Page 4] to prevent the Exportation of Wool, and manufacturing that at Home, as that of Lin­nen, &c. which is in my Judgment a great Mistake, for other Countries have the Ad­vantage of England in that, but not in this of Cloathing; and it will be found that all or most Trades in England, wholly distinct from this of Cloathing, bring not the Tythe of Ad­vantage that this doth.’

And to confirm my Sentiments herein tho' so long ago writ, I crave leave to add the Opi­nion of a late Author, who say [...]

Divine Providence that appoints to every Na­tion and Country a particular Portion, seems to allot to England which was the first Acceptable Sacrifice to his Omnipotence, that of the Flock the Produce of which, is the most Ʋniversal Covering of all Civilized Countries of the World.

Our Wollen Manufacture is a Talent, which no Nation hath to that perfection as we have; this hath been for many Ages the Support of the Nation, imploying the Poore at home, and our Men and Ships at Sea. Now to decline this, and set up another Manufactory, looks like an Extravagant Mechanick, who by his Improvidence hath lost his own Art, and thinks to retrieve his Misfortune by taking up that of another Mans: This is condemn'd in particular Persons, and therefore much more to be so in a Community.

But it will be said, There is not Imployment for the Hands of the Nation in the Wollen Manufactory; and since Linnen carries away so much of our Money, it seems the Interest of the Nation to imploy idle Hands, in that which will keep Money in the Kingdom.

Now tho' both these Assertions have too much [Page 5] Truth in them, yet neither of them have weight e­nough to enforce the Conclusion, That the Linnen Manufactory is the only Remedy. If we search into the Bottom of our Distemper we shall find another cause of our Disease.

It is not because there is less Wollen Manufactory used in the World than formerly, that our Trade de­clines, nor yet because we make more than formerly; Nor is it altogether to be assigned to the late War: For that our Trade decay'd in the latter part of King Charles the Second, and all the Reign of the Late King. The Reasons then for our Decay in the Wollen Manufactory seem to be these,

• 1. The Growth of Course Wollen Manufactory in Germany, with which the Venetians Trade to Turkey.
• 2. The Prohibition of our Wollen Manufactory in France.
• 3. The Increase of the Wollen Manufactory by our Neighbours with the help of our Wool, so that in some things they out-do us in the Price they can sell at.
• 4. By the great Wearing of East-India and other Silks, and the Ʋse of Calicoes, which was formerly supply'd by our Tammies and Says.
• 5. The Want of the Consumption of Ireland, &c.

Now if there be any thing in all I have said, it seems reasonable to consider well; before the Nation gives up its Staple and long-continued Trade for a Shadow, as I take the Linnen Manufactory to be: For although I believe it can never come to effect, yet so far it may go, as to injure that of the Wollen, by diverting some that are now in it, and so raiseth [Page 6] price of Spinning; than which nothing can be more pre­judicial; for as I mention'd before, nothing can re­trieve our lost Trade abroad, but underselling our Competitors: So then we must labour to make ours as Cheap as we can, and not set up another Manufactory. To bid who gives most for Spinners, is a ready way to ruin the Cloathing Trade of England, but not to set up the Linnen.

Let us consider, besides what hath been said be­fore of injuring the Wollen Manufactory: How it will affect the Kingdom in the two Pillars that sup­port it, That of the Rents of Land, and the Im­ploying our Ships and Men at Sea; which are thought the Walls of the Nation.

For the Rents of the Land they must certainly fall, for that one Acre of Flax will employ as many Hands the Year round, as the Wool of Sheep that graze twenty Acres of Ground. The Linnen Manufactory im­ploys few Men, the Wollen most, Weaving, Combing, Dressing, Shearing, Dying, &c. These eat and drink more than Women and Children, and so as the Land that the sheep graze on raiseth the Rent, so will the Arable and Pasture that bears Corn, and breeds Cattel for their Subsistance.

Then for the Employment of our Shipping, it will ne­ver be pretended that we can arrive to Exportation of Linnen; there are others and too many before us in that: And the Truth is, he that cannot thrive at his own Trade, will hardly do it in that of anothers. If we are beat out of our Inheritance the Wollen Manufactory by Forreigners, over whom we have such Advantages in our Wool, Fullers-Earth, and long Continuance in the Trade; it can be nothing less than a Miracle for us to take from them their Linnen Manufactory, in which they have so much the Ascendant over us.

I shall end this part of my Discourse with the Answer of a West Country Man to his Neighbour, that ask'd, what Voyage he had made in a Fishing at New-found-land, that proved not good? I have made ( said he) a brave Voyage, as you may guess, for I have sold my Bible, and bought a Tobacco-Box: Would it not be so to this Nation, if we should change the Noblest Manufactory in the World, for the poorest and most despicable: So are those People in all parts of the World, that are im­ployed in the Linnen Manufactory, which only thrives where the Country is crowded with Poor, and Bread not to be had, at the Charge of the Parish, where the Tenant is but a Vassal to his Lord, and there is no power in any to relieve; but in the Lord who is strange to the Practice. It is a Mistake in them that believe the Linnen Manufactory in Hol­land, to be the Product of their own Country: It is only the easier part, that of Weaving and Whiting, most of the Thread comes from Saxony.

Thus much for this Author, from whence we may Conclude, That if the Riches and Strength of England, were first of all begun from our Wollen Manufacture by King Ed. 3d. and brought to a greater Perfection in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth; we also ought to take the same care in its preservation: Otherwise we may be reduced to that mean Condition Eng­land was in, when Land and other Commodities was of no Value, till about the Time of that Famous Princess Queen Elizabeth, whose Long and Prosperous Reign had raised this Nation to that Riches and Strength, as elsewhere is enlarged; and Sir Walter Raleigh, as a Wife [Page 8] States-man, and Lover of his Country, (as many, if not most of that Queen's Council were) had began well to promote Englands Interest, but was in the Reign of King James the First undermined by the Interest of Spain, which was then so prevailing that that unfortunate Knight was taken away. But in the latter End of that Reign, and the whole of the three Last Kings, instead of the Spanish the French Interest has so much prevailed amongst us, that we are now under the sad Effects thereof, and that King about the Year 1661. upon a De­sign he had to have forbidden the Trade be­tween France and England, supposing the Va­lue of English Commodities sent into France, did surmont the Value of those that were transported hither: The following Particulars were laid before that King. ( viz.)

Upon which the French King soon laid aside his Design of Prohibition, and instead thereof in­creased the Duties laid upon all our Wollen Manufacture imported into his Dominions, of what was imported in the Year 1654. and 1660. (about which time we exported more Goods, especially of our Wollen Manufactures to France, then was imported from France in­to England in those Years.) But the great Increase of French Commodities imported into England, was after the Arrival of King Charles the Second. And we may rationally conclude, that the Duties paid to the French King when the aforesaid Goods, valu'd at 2600000 l. were [Page 10] exported, together with the Freight, and what was paid for Custom when imported, as also the Profit to the Merchant and Retailer, and by the Advance of Price by our Fancies, the said Summ of 2600000 l. may be rationally increas'd to 3000000 l. so that the Consumers of the French Commodities advanced the French Interest and impoverished our selves; but then after this time in 1662. the French having got vast Quantities of our Wool to encourage that Manufacture, great­er Duties were imposed on our English Commodities in the Year 1664. and further increased in the Year 1667. not only on our Wollens but on all our English Commodities, even great Duties upon our Shipping, that I my self having occasion to go to Lille in Flan­ders, could not land at Dunkirk, tho' I had no Commodities in the Vessel without paying Tun­nage; but thi was not all, but the French King restrain'd and confin'd the Importation of our Wollen Manufactures to his Ports of Callice and Diep, and other Goods to some other in­convenient Ports: By which means, and by the Encouragement of the Consumption of the Cloths, Stuffs, &c. made by his own People; it amounted to a Prohibition of our Commodi­ties in many cases.

And by the way, it hath been examin'd that in the Year 1674. or thereabouts; there was imported from France Silks to the Value of 300000 l. and in Linnen Cloth 500000 l. and Wine and Brandy, 217000 l. where we may also Note, that if such a Quantity was legally enter'd, there was some of all [Page 11] those Commodities run, as it's called ( viz.) Stolen and paid no Duties; besides all sorts of Lace, when in that Year our Exports to France amounted but to 171020 l. and it was further Observed, that in the Year 1675. the Importation of Wine and Brandy was al­most doubl'd of what it was before, and at the latter End of the Reign of King James it was much more increased, ( viz.) the Importation of French Wine and Brandy.

The great Loss of the Trade we formerly had with France of near 1500000 l. per Annum, which we exported of our Wollen Manufacture to that Kingdom; occasion'd that Famous and Worthy Sir Matthew Hale, late Lord Chief Justice to say that our Populousness, which is the greatest Blessing a Kingdom can enjoy; is become the Burthen of our Nation: The uneasiness of this Burthen upon us these late Years, hath occasion'd many unusual Remedies and Attempts, many New Acts of Parliament in the Reign of King Charles the Second, be­ing once misled, our Uneasiness made way for a further Design upon us, as a Man being out of his way will be ready to listen believingly unto almost any Direction. In the 15th. Caroli 2. there was an Act made for the Encourage­ment of Trade in its Title, whilst the Body of the Act was no more, than to encourage the Exportation of Corn; (the low Price there­of being as before, occasion'd by so many thousands want to Employ, and could not have Money to buy Corn) and to give Liberty to carry away our Bullion, which help'd one step forward. In the next Place followed [Page 12] the Act against importing Cattle from Ireland, which was a Cure like the rest that led to farther Inconveniencies, this was in the 17th. Caroli 2. After which a free Liberty was given to Export Leather, which was in the 20th. of that King's Reign, directly contrary to for­mer Statutes successively. And to compleat the whole Design, in the 25th. Caroli 2. there was an Act made, to take off Aliens Duties upon all Commodities of the Growth, Pro­duct and Manufacture of our Nation, except Coals; which fully answer'd their End. All the Priviledges of England were given away by wholesale, whilst all those Acts proved but turnings in a Feavor, which gave ground to the Distemper upon us, no way affecting the true cause, and this not matter of choice; if any other way proposed, the Countrey Air was soon thought best, ( viz.) the Parliament sent home, such was our Case in those Reigns; &c.

Of which Acts I shall by and by more en­large upon, but to speak more of the Trade of France and the Consequence thereof; for as we lost the great Advantage that formerly we had by the prohibiting of our Wollen Ma­nufacture in that Kingdom, during most of the two last Reigns; so the unequal Duties laid upon the German and Flanders Linnens, the Product of our Wollen Manufacture, and by the small Duties laid upon the French Lin­nen, and East-India Calicoes, and Muslings purchased with our Money. This in my Judg­ment being impartial ( viz.) (not concern'd in Interest) must in reason be the main Occa­sion; [Page 13] at least a Foundation for Germany and Flanders, to encourage the Wollen Manufactury in those parts: And it's well Observ'd by the Author of a little Tract, Intituled, The Inte­rest of England consider'd; Printed in the Year 1694. ( viz.)

The fine Linnens of Flanders and Germany, have come in competition these many Years with the Calicoes and Muslings of the East-Indies; and the fine Dowlace and Gauses of France, one the Effect of our Manufactory, the other of our Bul­lion, and yet you will find upon the Book of Rates, if I mistake not, all the Linnen of Flanders charged with about three pence an Ell Custome, and the fine Dowlace of France not at one half penny; and the Callicoes of the East-Indies but at two pence a piece.

Now as that unequal Trade was carried on, all the time almost of the two Late Reigns, so the Necessity in the late War in doubling the Duties upon Flanders Linnen, which is almost half the Value of much of their said Linnen, and the unseasonable timing of the Lace Act, which did (as was lately affirm'd in a Committee, &c.) occasion a Flanders Merchant then in London, dealing much in Lace, to go over to Flanders, and put the States upon the prohibiting our Wollen Manufacture.

And tho' this occasion'd the said Prohibition, yet considering the Little Quantity of Lace, at least visibly brought into England, in comparison of the Linnen imported formerly from Flanders; cannot be the Original, tho' it may be the In­strumental Cause as before hinted.

Hereby it may appear how we have lost our [Page 14] Trade, and how insensibly our Treasure was exhausted, and our Nation beggar'd, whilst we neglected our own Interest, and Strangers (such as proved our great Enemies) were di­ligent to make their Advantage by us, but most of those Evils might have been prevented, had we really assum'd our Ancestors regard to our Wealth and Grandeur.

But leaving Particulars let us be more ge­neral, for tho' we are agreed, that Trade is the main Spring from whence Riches flow, yet we do as much differ in the Method of ac­quiring thereof, and there is certainly as much need of Regulation in Trade, as of Laws to secure one Man's Right from being invaded by another, for it's now become as necessary to preserve Government, as it is useful to make Men rich.

And notwithstanding the great Influence, that Trade now hath in the Support and Wel­fare of States and Kingdoms, yet there is no­thing more unknown, or at least that Men differ more in their Sentiments; than about the true Causes that raise and promote Trade.

The Merchant and other Traders, who should understand the true Interest of Trade, do either not understand it, or else lest it might hinder their private Gain, will not dis­cover it.

Some Writers about Trade, do in their Treatises better set forth the Rule to make an Ac­complish'd Merchant, than how it may be most profitable to the Nation. And those Argu­ments every day met with from the Traders, seem byassed with private Interest, and run [Page 15] contrary to one anothers, as their Interest are opposite.

And how fair and convincing soever their Premises may appear, for the Enlarging and Advancement of Trade; the Conclusions of their Arguments, are directly opposite.

The Reasons why many Men have not a true Idea of Trade is, Because they apply their Thoughts to particular Parts of Trade, where­in they are chiefly concern'd in Interest; and having found out the best Rules and Laws for forming that particular Part, they govern their Thoughts by the same Notions in forming the great Body of Trade, and not reflecting on the different Proportion betwixt the Body [...]nd Parts, have a very disagreeable Concep­tion; and like those, who having learnt to draw well an Eye, Ear, Hand, and other Parts of the Body, (being unskilful in the Laws of Symmetry) when they join them together make a very deformed Body.

Therefore whoever will make a true Repre­sentation of Trade, must draw a rough Scetch of the Body and Parts together, which though it will not entertain with so much Pleasure as a well finish'd Peice; yet the agreableness of the Parts may be as well discern'd, and thereby such Measures taken, as may best suit the Shape of the Body.

The Reason why I use this similitude, is from the Experience we have of the miserable Effects we now, and may more hereafter feel of this separate Trades that have been carried on in this Kingdom, ( viz.) that some few Per­sons gain great Estates, when the Nation in [Page 16] general decays, as in many Particulars may be instanc'd, ( viz.) the French Trade all the Time of the two late Kings, that such Merchants who imported vast Quantities (and some that run their Goods and paid no Customs) of such Commodities that were purchased with Money, and tended to debauch the Nation, then the East-India, by both those Countries this Nation hath lessen'd the Employment of near Five Hundred Thousand Persons, for by such a Number of Persons out of Employ, or double that Number but half Work; it's all one the Nation must be greatly impoverished thereby: For before that time when People were fully imployed, some Families could earn in the Cloathing Trade by spinning and weav­ing Twenty, and some Thirty Shillings per Week, tho' some less, others more; which was most spent by them, and laid out with the Farmer and Grasier, who was thereby better able to pay their Rents to the Nobility and Gentry; by which means the Value of Lands were kept up, but when such a Number of Persons beforementioned had no Employment, it's not probable the Commodities can be sold which necessarily sunk the Rents of Lands, and this was the Occasion of the Irish Act, (as that before of Corn) to prohibit the Im­portation of Cattle, supposing that would be a means to support the Value of Lands in England: But the Mistake is now so manifest, that we have by it lost a great part of our Trade, and laid a Foundation to loose all, and it was well Observed by Mr. Tho. Manly, a Justice of Peace in Kent, shortly after that [Page 17] Act past upon another Occasion about the Ex­portation of Wool; (viz.) If the Irish Wool enables the Forreigners to carry on that Manufacture hurtful to us, we have small reason to assist them further, least we imitate those good Men, who break the Pot, because their Wives break the Pitcher, and ruin our selves because Ireland hurts us.

For if it be true, as is by some affirm'd, (and by Demonstrations made good) that England gain'd by the Trade with Ireland before, and in the beginning of the Reign of King Charles the Second, Two Millions per Annum: It is plain, that Act laid the Foundation of our ruin, for before that Act was in force, the Irish con­tented themselves with Trading only with England, by which Trade we received so great an Advantage, but since the Irish have been necessitated to seek for a Trade elsewhere, which they have found to be our Loss. And tho' the late Act about the Wollen Manufacture in Ireland, was well intended to encourage our own; yet as things now stand, I am not with­out my Fears that it will not be so advanta­gious as was expected, and as it might have been done another way: I would be glad if I am deceiv'd in my Fears.

Before I pass Ireland, I would crave leave to insert a part of a Discourse writ by Mr. An­drew Marvyl, and printed in the Year, 1677. ( viz.)

The fall of Rents, and cheapness of Wool, and decay of Manufacture in England, being suggested to be principally occasion'd by Ireland, the Irish Cattle were thereupon prohibited by an Act of Par­liament, and declared to be a publick Nusance.

Admitting that some of those Counties might be be prejudiced by the Importation of Irish Cattle, yet whatsoever Profit accrued to others by it, did upon the mutual Necessities of all, settle into the Common Stock of the Nation.

And it seems but reasonable, that whatsoever private Obligation a Parliament Man hath to the Place where he is Elected; yet when once he comes to sit, his Trust and his Mind is enlarg'd, and he does no more consider himself as the Politician of a Shire, or the Patron of a Burrough, but as a Representer of the Ʋniversality: Whereas otherwise, if any County, one or more chance to be more fer­tile than other in Members of Parliament, and they act by such narrow Measures, the decision would be by Multitude, not by Reason.

And notwithstanding if we were to tell Counties, those that are not advantaged and are really agrieved, make the greatest Plea; for if we account like Mer­chants by Profit and Loss, all the Profit that can be made (and that very small) by this Act, returns to such Counties which are proper for breeding, and that small profit is lost to them, if not much more by their Corn for want of Trade by it, and the whole Nation hath hereby lost in great measure, the vent of it's Home and Forreign Commodities to Ireland, and the increasing Product to England in General, by Irish Cattle in Specie.

But as to the Political Point, you did herein as much as in you then lay, to cut off all that strong as more natural Dependance of Ireland upon England, and to govern it rather by force of Authority, than by the influential Benignity of Interest. And tho' I am no Polititian, dare say in General, that it concerns you to use us kindly, and to indulge us [Page 19] in all things that tend to civilize, cultivate, and people this Nation.

Memorandum, This was written by Mr. Marvyl, under the Notion of a younger Brother in Ireland to an Elder Brother in England; the reason was that it might not be thought his Writing, because he was not willing to dis­oblige the North Country Members, being his Friends, they being for that Act.

The next Act was about Leather, the Effect of which hath lessen'd the Employment of many Thousands in that Manufacture; so that Act hath given Advantage to Forreigners, contra­ry to the design of the said Laws, and more par­ticularly one lately made in the 12th. Year of Car. 2. as by the Preamble of that Act may appear; wherein 'tis Evident that the Design thereof was for,

• 1. The setting on work the Inhabitants of this Realm.
• 2. The Improving the Native Commodities of this Country to it's best, fullest and utmost Use.
• 3. And that the Advantage accrewing here­by, might redound to the Subjects of this King­dom, and not the Subjects of Forreign Realms.

Wherefore these three Designs were either good, and sufficient Motives for the Prohibi­tion therein exprest or not; if Good and Sin­cere, then whatsoever is contrary must be to the prejudice of England.

So that if those Acts before-mentioned are con­trary to the true Interest of England, and notwith­standing have produced Effects contrary to Ex­pectation, we ought to consider whether it be pro­per that the said Acts should still remain in force.

And then we added another Mistake, upon a Supposition that if Forreigners had a liberty equal to our English Merchants, it would un­avoidably encourage and encrease Trade; and therefore Aliens Duties were taken off; the Effect of which hath, instead of that, laid a Foundation to loose the Freedom of the Eng­lish Merchant, and let Strangers into the My­stery and Advantage of our Manufacture, as well as ruin many of the Wollen Manufactures of this Kingdom, for when those Forreigners have got some Credit, they have engrossed vast Quantities of the said Manufacture, and then leave the King­dom: So that all those Acts before-mentioned, in­stead of promoting have tended to destroy our Trade; and had not the late War fell out as it did, (which occasion'd the Consumption of so much Flesh and Corn in the Fleet and Army) it had been much worse than now it is for the Far­mer and Grazier. Besides the General Decay of our Trade, which we should e're this time been more sensible of. I say again, had not the War came on at that time, we had not only lost our Trade, but the Liberty of Free-born English Men.

And now we have Peace (generally speak­ing) there is much cause upon another Ac­count, to be afraid we shall bring Destruction upon our selves by the Methods used, now to promote a forreign Interest, as we did France in the Two late Reigns; and tho' we are daily told of our Danger, yet we will not credit those Cautions given us. Which brings to my Mind the History of the Jews, who tho' they were often told of their Destruction that would [Page 21] certainly come upon them, if they continu'd to go on in those ways in which they were then walking; and tho' this Warning was given 'em with the greatest Compassion that a Man cou'd express, and all imaginable pains taken to convince them of the certainty of those Evils that were coming upon them; yet they re­jected all good Counsel, and slighted all the Reproofs that were given them by their Pro­phets, until at last Destruction came upon them to the uttermost, and there was no Re­medy.

I would also crave leave to instance in the Case of the Grecian Christians at Constantinople; that notwithstanding the many Warnings given them of the Designs of the Turks against them; yet how careless and insensible they were, and wou'd not make that provision for their De­fence which was required of them, and there­fore, the Effects of that Carelesness was felt by them, when the Turks came to possess that great City: For at the taking of it by Maho­met the Great, At which time the Riches of the Conquer'd was no better than Poverty, and Beauty worse than Deformity; but to speak of the hidden Treasure there found, passeth credit; the Turks themselves wondering thereat: Whereof if some part had in time been bestowed upon the Defence of the City, the Turkish King had not so easily taken both it and the City. But every man (as now we here) was careful how to encrease his private Wealth, few or none regarding the publick State; (it's still our case) until in fine every Man with his private Abundance, was wrapped together with his needy Neighbour in the self same common Misery, [Page 22] (and who knows what may fall out of the same kind hereafter) yet the security of the Constantinopoli­tans was such, that tho' they were always environ'd with their mortal Enemies, yet had they no care of fortifying so much as the Inner Wall of the City, but suffer'd the Officers, (which had the Charge of it) to convert the greatest part of the Money into their own Purse.

I dread to name my Fears, if England, which (for many Generations) hath been so Famous to all the World, should now be given up to ruin, and be a prey to our Neighbours, and thereby a Scorn and a By-word to the World, by the Evil Practices of it's own Natives; but were we unanimous and true to our real English Interest, we need not fear all the World; but on the contrary if we persist in that de­structive Practice of private Interest, what Mi­sery may not justly be expected by us, when we are so insensible of the Train that has been so long laid to blow up those good Foundations, (which have been so many Ages agoe established by our Noble Ancestors) of all our English Liberties and Properties: For I know no Nation under Heaven, as at this Day en­joying those Priviledges we do.

It's thirty Years agoe, there was a Tract published, Entituled, England's Glory: (as a Caution to us against the Designs of its Ene­mies) which I now fear is departing from us. (I will not say as Phineas's Wife at the taking of the Ark, The Glory was departed from Israel) tho' I may say I fear it. I would not fore­stale Providence, nor anticipate the evil Day, yet if I could be any ways instrumental, to [Page 23] awaken us out of that General Lethargy we are fallen into, I should greatly rejoyce; however, I shall endeavour to quiet an uneasie Mind, by discharging it this way, in giving some Account of that which hath occasion'd my Fears.

This Nation is hitherto own'd a Free People, but now long that Freedom may be enjoy'd no Mortal can conclude; for if we do (as we ought) seriously reflect on the condition of most Parts of the World, and more particu­larly many of our neighbouring Nations, how they have lost their Liberties and Priviledges they formerly enjoyed, and consider how we at present are upheld, and the Dangers we are in by our own Folly, and if we did but a little deny our selves, (tho' suppos'd) pre­sent self-denial, and really pursue our real and true English Interest ( viz.) if I as a private Person or in Company carry on a Trade that may be advantagious to my self and Com­pany, which may not only be prejudicial to a greater Number, but tend to the destruction of the whole Kingdom, and peradventure my self at last; I therefore in such a case ought to deny my self in my private and suppos'd pro­fit; and by this happily preserve the rest from Destruction: For if through the Loss of our Manufacture some Hundreds of Thousands have no Employ, Hunger breaks through all Laws, we may not forget what happened not many Years since of the Weavers in Spittle­fields, and if that was so dangerous in one branch of Trade then failing, and but part of this City of London; what may we [Page 24] not fear, when it shall be the General Com­plaint of the whole Nation; which I fear, we shall be more sensible of by feeling, than by my writing: And tho' at present, those Persons before-mentioned are some of them remov'd, and others by turning their Hands another way; which doth and will affect not only the City of Norwich, but the Counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge and Lincoln, and some other Counties; yet when it becomes a General Complaint, I cannot see where we can then have Relief.

I would not Omit the Collection of some Things I observe in a small Tract, printed in the Year 1697. under the Notion of a Letter to a Parliament Man; who says,

I have hitherto given my Observations and Thoughts in general, how all Nations have ac­quir'd their proportions of Gold and Silver, and that they have most, who depend least on their Native Product; Art and Labour are the only Philosophers Stone, that turns the Product of the Earth into Gold.

You see, I have all along in this Discourse shewn, that it is by Labour and Manufacture Bullion is brought into any Country.

Now if this be so, then we have that Foundation left us, by which all the Treasure of the World is purchas'd. But if we lose our Manufactures, we at the same time destroy our Navigation, it being our Manufactures which send our Ships abroad, and they likewise invite them home again with Oyl and Dying Stuffs, &c.

If we make a right use of our present Exigences, [Page 25] we may turn them to the Advantage and En­largement of our Manufacture.

Necessity we say is the Mother of Invention, and there seems reason to believe it will be the Father of our Riches; and if it had no other effect, but to abate our Forreign Expence, it might in a few Years fill this Kingdom with Gold and Silver; it is not commonly considered, how much saving multiplies Treasure: And sure this must be of mighty Advantage to us, when we abate our For­reign Expence and encrease our home, upon that which will bring us in Bullion.

It is said the Fair Sex are shewing us the way how to save and enrich these Nations, may they be the Happy Instruments of doing so great a Good▪

Vives in his Book of a Christian Woman, tells us, that he heard it reported when he was a Boy, that in a City of Spain the Young Men abound­ing in Wealth, gave themselves up to Excess and Extravagancy, which the Ladies observing, and forseeing that it would be the ruin of the City; united in a Resolution that they would abate in their own, and despise and turn their Backs on all Men that were Extravagant and Gay in their Cloaths

The present Circumstances we are under, alters not my Opinion which I have given in another place, That the Parsimony of the Rich is the Ruin of the Poor; and in Truth, in some cases Damage to themselves: But what I say here of the Expence of our Gentry, relates to Forreign Manufactures, such as are more for Curiosity than Ʋse; and had it not been for our Excess in them, the Reign of King Charles▪ the Second had loaded this King­dom [Page 26] with Coin and Bullion: Would it not then be our greatest Wisdom, to retrieve that in this Reign that we lost in that; I mean our Senses as well as Money; both which run a Tilt, while we exceed our Old Character of being Apes of Imitation, and become Apes of Invention, our Great Masters of Trade, sending Patterns for Indians to work out the Money of the Nation from the Rich, and the Bread out of the Mouths of the Poor; perhaps our present Necessities may make us think: And if we did so, I believe we might yet be the greatest People for Trade and Navigation in the World; and were rightly possest of that, we need not fear the Power of all the World. Our Element is the Sea, our Business is there, nor are we Masters of our Possessions on the Land longer than we command the Sea, and that is not to be done only by Ships of War, it is our Fleets in Trade, that are the Nursery of our Fleets in War.

We are an Original in every thing and that I take to be our Misfortune, as it might have been our Happiness; for certainly no Civilized People in the World, would make so little of such Inestimable Funds as we have to work upon; what would the Dutch (and to our shame, we may now bring in the French) do, if they had our Mines of Lead, and Tin, our Fleeces of Wool, &c. And to com­pleat all, an Industrious and Ingenuous People to manufacture and improve them. Can any one be­lieve the Councils of Holland or France would credit a few Merchants and Retailers that should tell them, notwithstanding these mighty Advantages you have above the World, you shall sell none of them, if you will not wear the Livery of the Indians, and [Page 27] that you must purchase with your Money, not with Commodities; but them you must sell to all Na­tions, and having turn'd them into Money send it to the East-Indies: There must certainly be some wonderful Charm in this matter, to make Men fear that all the Nations in the World will com­bine against us, if we wear not the Manufactures of the Indies.

Money can no way be brought into the King­dom, but by the Export of our Manufactures; so that nothing but our ill Conduct can hinder us from full Supplies of Gold and Silver. We account no Man poor, that hath Flocks and Herds, tho' he hath not Money; and the same Reason holds for a Country that abounds with Natural and Arti­ficial Commodities, that are as Necessary for For­reign Ʋse as our Flocks and Herds at home; and are not for Luxury and Luxurious Effeminate Expences, but are Ʋtensils of Life and Society, which a great part of the World are supplied with.

In the Year 1669. was laid before King Charles the Second an Account, by what ways the Trade and Riches of England was begun, and also how it was undermin'd, and after­wards at several times Proposals conducing to our Preservation, was also laid before that Prince, &c.

And in the Year 1677. was published in Print by divers Persons, and more particularly by Mr. Andrew Marvyl, what Evil Conse­quence the Exportation of our Wool to France was to England; and that there had been for some Years near Twenty thousand Packs an­nually imported into the Town of Callice, [Page 28] and much of it from Kent; that before such Quantities of Wool were exported, there was a considerable Trade of the Wollen Manufacture in that Country; but it's now almost lost, and yet some Persons of that Country favouring the Exportation of Wool, in their Prints seem to be pleased, that they have the less poor in their Country thereby; it's necessary for such to consider, what they would do with the Sheep and Bullocks brought up to London, if all other Countries now employed in Wollen Manufa­cture brought up thither (which is the grand Wheel that carries on Trade) were as much depopulated as Kent.

Give me leave to compare Profit and Loss, suppose Kent was the only County in England which produced Wool, and that 6000 Packs were yearly grown there, and put the Rate of 10 l. per Pack, which amounts to 60000 l. and so exported rough, but if that Wool was ma­nufactur'd in Kent, and then exported, it would amount to 720000. so take out the 60000 l. for the Wool, Kent would have gain'd 660000 l. but now France hath got it; and as they have tasted the sweetness, and found the sinnes of our Trade, so they have not spared any Cost to gain it from us, by getting our Wool, either by Craft or Force, for there was not more Art and Skill used by King Ed. 3. in bringing home the Wollen Manufacturers at first to the Wool, than hath been of late to export it to France; the Consequence of which is not only injuri­ous to us, in the loss of what we formerly ex­ported of our Wollen Manufacture thither, but al­so by their supplying Forreign Markets with the [Page 29] Manufacture made with our Wool much cheaper than we, by reason of the cheap Workmanship in France, the which is three or four times the Value of the Wool; which if the French had not our Wool, they could not make any conside­rable Quantity of the Wollen Manufacture ( viz.) Worsted, Stuffs and Stockings, which is now a Considerable Part of our Wollen Manufacture.

But this is not all, but we have been im­posed upon by the Consumption of the French Manufactury in our own wearing, all the Reign of the two late Kings, which was very great before the late War; but since by the great Encrease of East-India Commodities, the French have been undersold: So that from the whole matter, we have not only lost a great part of the Export of our Wollen Manufacture and in a way to lose all, but much of the Consump­tion of our own wearing; the Evil Consequence of which, I fear we shall too sensibly feel, and to take Notice what is already past; as is very well Observed by Mr. Tho. Smith, in a Tract printed the last Year, which he hath also pub­lished another; Intituled, Profit and Loss.

As to the First, The ruin of the Tammy and Greensay Trade, setled in Suffolk and Norfolk for many years, the Use of these Commodies was for our Home Consumption, which be­twixt Twenty or Thirty Years agoe, the East-India Company brought over such Quantities of Callicoes stain'd, &c. which wholly turn'd those of our Commodities out of doors, not only the Wear here, but the Export of it to Ireland, Scotland, and our Plantations, and the [Page 30] People employed forced to leave their Houses, which standing empty where Tradesmen in­habited, Landlords abating 20 l. per Cent. of their Rent, nay, offering large good Houses to any that would keep them in repair, which did also affect the Counties of Lincoln, Lei­cester, Northampton, and Warwick by the Fall of the price of Wool at that time.

The next Instance is in Spittle-fields, there was first the Walloons, and since by the English a very large Silk Manufacture setled, till the East-India Company sent Patterns and Workmen unto the Indies, and by that means beat the English out of that Trade.

A third Instance is, the Glocester-shire Cloth exported by the Turkey Merchants, which brings home Silk and Grogrin Yarn in return, which by the means of the East-India Commodities, the said Merchants Effects lye upon their Hands, and instead of Exporting 30000 Cloaths in a Year, now 5000 serve the turn.

The last Instance is, the miserable Condi­tion of the Manufacturers of Canterbury, these People are Weavers of Silk, the Foundation of which Trade was laid in the time of Queen Elizabeth, when the Nobility and Gentry of England were in earnest to advance the Na­tion; when the Trades of Norwich, Colchester, London, Exon and Canterbury had their Origi­nal, and greatly encouraged: And this of Can­terbury I shall particularly mention, what fell out betwixt the Years, 1697, and 1698.

The Traders in Canterbury upon some pro­spect of Trade, provided Quantities of Goods [Page 31] for the English and West-India Markets, but the coming in of Indian Damask in the Fleet Frigot; the said Canterbury Men were ruined, unless they could have metamorphosed their Tabbies, made of very rich Italian Silk, that came in Exchange for English Serge, into In­dian Silk; they must leave Trading, or sell at 30 or 40. per Cent. loss: By which means, half the Workmen of that Town of the weaving Trade, are now running up and down the Nation seeking Bread, and their Families left to the Parishes to maintain, and the Trade by which that Town hath been upheld for an Hundred Years come to nothing: These are some of the past Effects of the East-India Trade, with respect to the English Manufactury; and who shall pay the Damage?

The next Thing to be consider'd is, what further Mischief this Trade may do to the other Manufactures of England, and this is to be Evidenced upon what they have begun and tryed upon; and partly upon this Supposition, that whatever Commodity is made in England of Wool, may be imitated, and in many re­spects exceeded in Cotton manufactured in India, and be afforded cheaper than our English Trades­men can afford theirs, and be New and Odd, and so pleasing, that it will be the Interest of the Indian Traders to encourage such Trades.

They have already brought over great Quan­tities of double Callicoes, used in the room of English Flannels for Shifts and other Uses; besides great Quantities of Cotton Stockings, which are both worn here, and exported to the West-Indies.

As for Stuffs, they have brought already great Quantities of Cotton Stuffs, dyed, strip­ped, plain, mixed Colour, in the directest op­position to Wollen Stuffs.

As for Silk and Cotton mixed, it were al­most Endless to give an Account how many sorts of Norwich and London Stuffs, that are made of Silk and English Wool, they have imitated and outdone as to Price in Silk and Cotton, but we may Note, that the New-Drapery so called is much more than Old.

But suppose all those Manufactures should be ruin'd, sure they cannot hurt the Cloth Trade; say the Agents of the East-India Company. In Answer, Why may not a Commodity made of Cotton put down Cloth. Cotton is as fine and soft as Wool, it may be spun as small or as large, it may be mill'd and dress'd dyed and stained, and when the English Merchant shall send over Cloth-weavers, &c. I question not but we shall have Cotton Cloth, and Knaves to make it a Fashion, and Fools enough to wear it; and though those Calamities are upon us, and many more in view, though nothing but employing our People can pre­serve this Nation; yet that Trade must be free, tho' it brings the Nation in Bondage, whereas formerly a Million at least were em­ployed in the Wollen Manufacture, who were Instrumental in distributing near Four Mil­lions per Annum for Bread and other Necessa­ries, which the Graziers and Farmers (Ten­nants to the Nobility and Gentry) received; which Persons also did bear part of the Taxes which supported the Government, and [Page 33] therefore in all reason one would think, de­serves Consideration and the greatest Encou­ragement: Yet on the contrary, we find by sad Experience, that many are more fond of the East-India Commodities than ever; so that that is encreasing, as may more evidently ap­pear by a Printed List, which was this Year given to the Parliament, of the Number of Ships sent out and return'd in Two Years last past, with several Remarks and Queries, and Observations thereupon; an Abstract of which I have here recited, and is as followeth. ( viz.)

Note, Of this great Sum not a 40th. part con­sists of our Wollen Manufacture, and that they send out does prevent a greater Quantity, which would be sent out by the Turkey-Company; which would return raw Silk to carry on that Manu­facture in England.

Memorandum, When the Profit the Retailer makes of this great Sum, paid for by the Consumer, must of course encrease the said Sum; which is a Loss to the Nation.

Memorandum, That in the London-Gazette of the 25th. of January last, that a Ship be­longing to the French-India Company is arriv'd at Diep from Surrat; 'tis said her Cargo is worth near 200000 Crowns, and that great part of her Cargo consists in Gold and Silver, which she brought from the Isle of Bour­bon.

Note, The Difference of this Ships Cargo, ours bring over Wrought Goods to the Destruction of our Manufactures, at the Expence of our Silver; the French brings over Gold and Silver, to sup­port their Government and Trade.

Query, Whether the Difference may not proceed from the Discouragement, that the French put up­on the East-India Manufacture some Years since, as appears by the Decree which followeth.