A Short VIEVV OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF King HENRY the Third.
WEarie in the lingring calamities of civill armes, and affrighted at the sudden downfall of a licentious Soveraigne, all men stood at gaze, expecting the event of their long desires, peace; and the issue of their new hopes, benefit. For in everie shift of Princes, there are few either so meane, or modest, that pleasure not themselves with some probable object of preferment.
To satisfie all, a child ascendeth the Throne, Hist. Maj▪ M. Paris. mild and gracious, but easie of nature, whose innocencie and naturall goodnesse led him along the various dangers of his fathers raigne. Ra. de Wendover. Happie was hee in his uncle the Earle of Pembroke, the guide of his infancie; and no lesse for thirtie yeares, whilst De Burgo the last servant of his fathers against the French, both in Normandy and England, with Bigot Earle of Norfolk, and others of like gravitie and experience did manage the affaires. Five and no more were the distempers then in state, but such as are incident in all, the Commons greedy of libertie, as the Nobilitie of rule; and but one violent, raised by some old and constant followers of his fathers, [...]ulio de Bren, Hist. Maj. M. Paris. De Fortbus, and others, men that could only thrive by the wars, misliking those dayes of sloth (for so they termed that calme of King Henries reigne) and rather [Page 2]because the justice of quietnesse urged from them to the lawfull owners, such lands and castles as the furie of war had unjustly given them: for finding in the uprightnesse of the King, that protection could not be made a wrong doer, Hist. Sancti Albani. they fell out into the rebellion which ended their lives and competitions, professing their swords that had set the Crowne upon the Soveraigne, should now secure those small pittances, when Majestie and Law could not.
Dangerous are too great benefits to Subjects of their Princes, when it maketh the mind capable only of merit nothing of dutie.
No other disquiet did the State after this feele, but such as are incident to all: Malice to authoritie, goodnesse and greatnesse may secure themselves from guilt, but not from envie: for highest in trust in publike affaires are still shot at by the aspiring of those that see themselves lesse in employment than they deeme in merit. Those vapours did ever and easily vanish, so long as the helme was guided by wise and temperate spirits, and the King tyed his actions to the rules of good counsell, and not to young, passionate, and single advice.
Thirtie yeares now passed, and all the old guides of his youth dead, but De Burgo, Christ. de Dunst. a man in whom nothing of worth was wanting, but moderation, whose length of dayes giving him the advantage of sole power, his owne ambition and age gave him desire and art to keep out others. This bred to him the fatal envie of most, which the proud title of Earle, and offices then bestowed on him much encreased. Sin by this had wrought, as in it selfe, so in the affection of the people, a revolution; the affection of their fathers forgotten, and the surfet of long peace having led them perchance into some abuses. From thence the Commons (to whom everie dayes presence seeme worst) commend the foregone ages they never remembred, and condemne the present, though they knew neither the disease thereof, nor the remedie. To this idle and usuall humour fals in some noble spirits, warme and overweening, who being as truly ignorant as the rest, Christ: Lichfield. first, by fulling the wisdome of the present and greatest Rulers, making each casuall hap their errour, seeme to decypher everie blemish in government, and then by holding certaine imaginarie and fantasticall formes of Common-weale flatter their own beleefes and abilities, that they could mould any state to those generall rules, which in particular applications will prove them grosse and idle absurdities, confirmed in their owne worths by Sommery and Spencer, Gual: Coven: they take it a fit time to work themselves, into action and authoritie, now a thing they long desired and thought unwilling to seeme to sue for.
Doubtlesse the surest of their aimes was yet to become quiet instruments in serving the State, if they had been held worthy; but the King, taught by the new Earle, Consilia senum hast as juvenum esse; and that such wits, for so they would be stiled, Novandis quam gerendis aptiores, fitter in being fietie to [Page 3]disorder, than to settle affaires, either delayed or denyed their desires. For wise Princes will ever chuse their Instrument, negotiis & non supra, creatures out of free election, that are only otherwise without freenesse or power.
Among this unequall medley there were of Nobilitie, Pembroke, Glocester. Hist. major M. Paris. Hartfield, Darlings of the multitude, some for the merits of their fathers, whose memories they held sacred, as pillars of publike libertie, and oppresiours of encroaching Monarchie. Others of the Gentrie, Fitz-Geffery, Bardolfe, Gruby, Mansell, and Fitz-Iohn, spirits of as much acrimony, and arrogant spleene, as the places from whence they were elected, Camp, Court, or Countrey could afford any. These by force would effect what by cunning the others did affect, but all impatient to see their ends thus frustrate, and that so long as the King followed the directions of the Earle of Kent, they had small hopes of their desires, they made often meetings, and as one saith of them, Hist. minor M: Paris. Clam nocturnis colloquiis, ant flexa in vesperum diem. At last, Sommery and Spencer, two that were far in opinion with the rest, Gentlemen that by forraine education and employment, were better qualified than usually men of those times, and that set upon their owne deserts, the best places when the streame should turne, which some of them did unworthily obtaine (for he died in actuall rebellion Iusticiarius Angliae against his Majestie) advised that the surest means to remove that great and good obstacle, the Earle of Kent out of the way of their advancement, was by sifting into his actions, and siding with his enemie, Peter Bishop of Winchester, an evill man, but gracious with the King, aiming that the worthiest driven out by the worst, they should ever be able to match him with his owne vices, which will be more visible, as he is more potent, and so remove him at pleasure, or else give over the King to such ministers, as losing him the hearts of the people, might smooth him a way to their bad desires: Honores quos quieta rep. despenant pertu bata consequi se posse arbitrantur.
This counsell, heard and approved, and put in execution, the corrupt and ambitious Bishop is easily ensnared to their part, by money and opinion of greater power. Articles are in all hast forged and urged against the Earle, as sale of the Crowne lands, waste of the Kings treasure; and lastly, that which those doubtfull times held capitall, giving allowance to any thing that might breed a rupture between the Subjects and the Soveraigne, as hee had done in making way with the King to annihilate patents granted in his nonage, and enforced his Subjects to pay, as the Record saith, Non juxta singulorum facultatem sed quic quid justiciarius est imabat; Well he cleared himselfe of all but the last, and did worthily perish by it: For acts that fill Princes coffers, are commonly the ruine of first Inventors, bad times corrupt good counsels, and make the ministers yeeld to the lust of Princes, but this King cannot therefore passe blamelesse, that would so easily banish all former merits of so good a servant, for that himselfe was therein chiefe in fault; but Princes natures [Page 4]are more voluable, and more sooner cloyed than others, more transitorie their favours, and as their minds are large, so they easily overlook their first elections, having no further necessitie in the fastnesse of their affections, than their owne satisfaction.
The Bishop now alone manageth the State, Cro. de Leich. chuseth his chiefe instrument, Peter ae Rivallis, a man like himselfe, displaceth the Natives, and draweth Poytovins and Britons into offices of best trust and benefit, and the King into evill opinion of his people: for nothing is more against the nature of the English, than to have strangers rule over them. Of this mans time, Wendover an Author then living saith, Iudicia committuntur injustis leges ex legibus, pax discordan [...]ibus justicia injuriosis. Thus the plot of the tumultuous Barons we [...] cleere, and had not the discreet Bishop calmed all with dutifull perswasions, and enforming the King, the support of this bold mans power (whose carriage before lost his father Normandy, his treasure, and the love of his people, and in that the Crowne) would as by his teaching the son, to reject in passion the just petition of his loyall Subjects, as of late the Earle Marshall the due of his office, draw all the State into discontent, by his bad office and corrupt manners; and doubtlesse, the rebellious Lords had ended this distemper (as their designes) in a civill war.
Denials from Princes must be supplyed with gracious usage, that though they cure not the sore, yet they may abate the sence of it: best it is that all favours come directly from themselves, denials and things of bitternesse from their ministers.
Thus are the strangers all displaced and banished, Claus an. 37. H. 3. [...]. 26. Rivallis extortions ransackt by many strick Commissions, and the Bishop himselfe sent disgraced to his See, finds now, nullam quaesitam scelere potentiam diuturnam, and that in Princes favours there is no distance betweene mediocritie and precipitation; so dangerous are the wayes of Majestie, and men still foolish to strive to run. The Faction still frustrate of their malitious ends, begin to sow upon their late grounds of the peoples discontent, quaerelas & ambiguos de principe sermones turbulentia vulgi: and took it up a fashion, to endeare and glorifie themselves with the senslesse multitude, by depraving the Kings discretion and government, whose nature too gentle for such insolent spirits, was forced (as Trivet sayes) to seek as hee presently did, advice and love among strangers, seeing no desert could purchase it at home, all bore themselves like Tutours and Controllers, few like Subjects and Counsellours.
God we see holdeth the hearts of Princes, 10. Taylor Mon. de Berry. and sends them such Counsellours as the qualitie of the subjects meriteth; for Mounford a French-man became the next object of the Kings delight, a Gentleman of choyse bloud, education, and feature. On this mans content the heady affection of the Soveraigne did so much dote, that at his first entrie of grace, in envie of the Nobilitie, he made him Earle of Leicester; and in no lesse offence of the Clergie, [Page 5]by violating the rights of holy Church. gave him his vowed vailed sister to wife, more of art than usefull. Some have deemed this act of the Kings, making the tye of his dependancie the strength of his assurance, so both at his will.
Mountford made wanton with the dalliance of Majestie, forgetteth moderation; Aaron Fe de Bulgrave. for seldome moderation in youth attendeth great and sudden fortunes: he draweth all affaires publike into his hands, all favours must passe from him, preferments by him, all suits addressed to him, the King but as a Cipher set to add to his figure the more of number.
Great was the Soveraignes errour, when the hope of servants must recognite it selfe to the servant, which ought immediately to come from the goodnesse and good election of himselfe, though Princes may take above others some reposefull friend with whom they may participate their neerest passions; yet ought they so to temper the affaires of his favour, that they corrupt not the affaires of their Principalitie.
The great and gravest men began to grieve, when the unworthy, without honour or merit, dealt thus alone in that which should passe their hands, and to over leap their yeares, to the greatest honours and offices; and therefore ran along with the rising grace of the Kings halfe brethren (though strangers) hoping to divide so the possession of grace, which they saw impossible to breake.
Leicester confident of his Majesties love, Cro. de Reading and impatient either to beare Rivall in favour, or partner in rule, opposeth them all; but findeth in his ebb of favour, the fortunes of others; for this King could as easily transfer over his love, as settle his affection: great wee see must be the art and cunning of that man, that keeps him afloat the streame of Soveraigne favour, sithence the change of Princes wils (which for the most part are full of fancies, and so unsatiate) are hardly arrested, who so would this, must only intend the honour and safetie of his Master, and dispoyled of all other respects, transforme himselfe to his inward inclination, work necessitie of employment, by undergoing the offices of most secrecie, either of publike service, or Princes pleasures; beat downe he must Competitors of worth by the hand of others, conceale his owne greatnesse in publike, with a fained humilitie, and what in potencie or government he affecteth, to let rather seeme the work of others, than any appetite of his owne.
Now were the raines of rule fitly taken by this advantage, H. Knight Mon. Lest. put alone into the hands of the Kings halfe brethren, Adam, Guide, Gadtrey, and William; himselfe, as before, ex magna fortuna tantam licentiam usurpans; for to act his owne part hee was ever ready drawen, when hee had such worthy servants, as would often for his honour urge it.
These Ministers (as Walling fora termes them) tanta elati jactantia, Li. de Wallingford. quod nec supertorem sibi intelligunt, nec parem melitis, & molitis adulationibus, animum [Page 6]regis pro libito voluntatis orationis tramite deliniaentes, doe alone their list; they fill up the places of justice and trust with their Countrey-men, put out the English, exact of whom and who they please, wast the treasure and Crownlands on themselves and followers, set prices on all offices, and ruine the Law within the rule of their owne brests; the usuall reply of their serservants to the plaints of the Kings Subjects being: Guil. de [...]shan. Quis tibi rectum faciet quod Dominus meus vult, Dominus Rex vult. These strangers seemed in their lawlesse carriage not to have beene omitted, but to have entred the Land by Conquest: the great they enforced, not to obey, but serve; and the meane to live so, so as they might justly say, They had nothing, yet lest the King should heare the grones of his people, and greedinesse of his Ministers which good and able men would tell him, Li. Monast. de Ramsey. they bar all avés, suspition being the best preserver of their owne defects, aimeth at those who have more of vertue than themselves, as fearing them most.
Thus is the capacitie of government in a King, when it falleth to be a prey to such lawlesse Minions, the ground of infinite corruption in all the members of the State: all take warrant generally from Princes weaknesse of licentious libertie, and greatnesse makes profit particularly by it: and therefore gives way to encrease ill, to encrease their gaines.
A famine accompanyeth these corruptions, and that so violent, as the King is enforced to direct writs to all Shires, Ad pauperes mortu [...]s sepeliend [...]s famis inedia dificientes: Famine proceedeth, & secutus est gladius tam terribilit, [...] nemo inermis securè possit per provincias per vagace. For all the villages of the Kingdome were left a prey to a lawlesse multitude, who, per divisas partes i [...] nerantes velut per consensum abiorum, as the Record said, did imply that the factious Lords suspected that the King had given some heart to this commotion. Ambitious Peeres bring ever fuell to popular fires, nor was the Church without a busie part in this tragick work; Guil. de Rishanger. for Walter Bishop of Winchester, and Robert of Lincolne, to Mountford and his faction, pracordialiter adhaerebant, and were far engaged; in such designes Church-men are never wanting, and the distaffe of present government, as well in Church as in Common-weale, will ever be a knot of strength for such unquiet spirits, who alwayes frame to themselves some other forme than the present, as well in Religion as in temporall estates, being that which with the giddy multitude winneth the best opinion, and did at this time fitly suit the peoples humours, so much distasting the new Courts of the Clergie, their pomp, their greedinesse, and the Popes extortions.
A faire pretext it was to the factious Bishops, to use their bitter pens and speeches so far against some religious Orders, ceremonies, and state of the Church, that one of them incurred the sentence of excommunication at Rome, M. Paris. and treason at home: for he enjoyned the Earle of Leicester, in remissione peccatorum, ut causam illam (meaning the rebellion) usque ad mentem assumerat [Page 7]ass rens pacem ecclesiae Anglicanae sine gladio materiali nunquam firmare posse: it was not the best doctrine this man could plant by liberty and war, when the first Church rose by patience and prayer: true piety bindeth a subiect to desire a good Soveraigne with a bended knee, rather in time to desire abatement than to resist Authority: Churchmen therefore ought not alwayes to lead us in the rules of loyalty, but knowledge of our own duty in difficult points of Religion, where an humble ignorance is a secure knowledge we may relie on them. To suppresse these troubles, and supply the Kings necessities, a Parliament was called, much to the liking of these Lords, who as little meant to supply the King as he did desire to acquit the State, their ends at this time being onely to open at home the poverty of their Master, to lessen his reputation abroad, and to brave out their own passions freely, which these times of liberty permits, here they began to tell him, he had wronged the Publique in taking to his private election the Justice Chancellour and Treasurer, it should be onely by the common counsell of the Realme, commending the Bishop of Chichester for denying the delivery of the great Seal, but in Parliament, where he received it.
They blame him there to have bestowed the best Places of trust and benefit on Strangers, Io. de Wallinge. and to leave the English unrewarded to have undone the trade of merchandise by bringing in mults and heavie customes, and to hurt the common liberty by non obstantes in his Patents to make good monopolies for private favourites that he had taken from his subjects, Qui quid habuerunt in osculentis & poculentis rusticorum entm bigas equos viva, victualia ad libitum caepit, that is, Judges were sent in Circuit under the pretext of Justice to fleece the People, Causis fictis quaecunque poterant deripuerunt. And that Sir Robert de Purslan had wrong from the borderers of his Forests, Cro. sis. Albani. under pretence of incroachment or Assarts great summes of money, and therefore they wonder he should demand relief from his so pilled and poled Commons that by these former extremities, Gual. de Coventry. Et per auxilia prius data ita dipanperentur ut parum aut nihil habeant in bonis: advising him withall, that since his needlesse expences postquam rex regnt coepit esse, were summed up to be by them above 800000. l. it were fitting to pull from his favourites, who had gleaned the treasure of the Kingdom and shared the old Lands of the Crown, some one of whom the Lords described, to be Miles literatus, or Clericus militaris, that had in short space from the inheritance of avarice grown to the possession of an Earldom; and Mansel another inferiour Clerke, that rose to dispend in annuall revenues 4000. m. whereas more moderate fees would have become a penman no better qualified than with the ordinary fruits of a writing-school, yet told if a moderate supply would suit with his occasions, they were content to performe so far relief in obedience as the desert of his carriage should merit towards them: Reg. Reff. and so as the Record saith, Dies data fuit in tres septimanus, ut interius rex excelsus [Page 8]suos corrigeret, & magnatet ejus obtemperarent voluntati at which day upon new grant of the great Charter admittance to his Counsell (some persons elected by the Commons) and promise to relie upon the Natives, and not on strangers, for advice hereafter they spare him such a pittance, as must force him again to their devotion for a new supply.
Thus the Parliaments that were ever before a medicine to heal up any rupture in the Princes fortunes are now grown worse than the maladie, since malignant humours began to rule more than well composed tempers. The King by this experience of the intents of his rebellious subjects, finding the want of treasure was the way whereby they enthralled his Majesty, begins to play the good husband, closeth his hand of waste, and resolved himselfe (too late) to stand alone.
Experience is pernicious to the private, and dangerous to the good of State when it never learnes to do but with undoing, and never seeth order but when disorder shewes it; yet still alas, such was his flexibility, when he came to be pressed by his French minions, that he could not hold his hands any longer from their vast desires and endlesse wastes, so that an Authour then living saith it became a by-word, Our inheritance is converted to strangers and our houses to aliens. Gual. de Rishang. Followers to a King excessive in gifts, are excessive in demands, and cut them not out by reason but by examples, favours past are not accounted, we love no bounty but what is meer future, the more that a Prince weakeneth himselfe in giving the poorer he is in friends, for such prodigality in the Soveraigne ever ends in the spoil and rapine of the Subject. Yet before the King could again submit himselfe as he had the last Parliament to so many brave and strict inquirers of his disloyall subjects, he meaneth to passe thorow all the shifts that extremity of need which greatnesse could lay before him.
He beginneth first with the sale of Lands, and then of Jewels, pawneth Glascony, and after his Imperiall Crown, and when he had neither credit to borrow (having so often failed the trust he had made) nor morgage of his own, he then layeth to pawn the Jewels of Saint Edwards shrine, and in the end not having meanes to defray the debts of Court, was inforced to break up house, and as Paris sayeth, Guil. de Rishang. with his Queen and Children, cum abatibus & prtoribus humilia satis hospitia quaerunt & prandia.
This low ebbe that again the Kings improvidence had brought him unto gave great assurance to the rebellious Lords that they should now at last have the Soveraigne Power left a prey to their ambitious designes; and to bring it faster on, they desire nothing more than to see the Kings extremity constrain a Parliament, for at such times Princes are ever lesse than they should, Subjects more.
To hasten on the time, and apt the meanes, there are some certain seditious humours that the Kings necessity must repair it selfe upon the fortune, and [Page 9]liberty of the People, that having nothing of his own, he might and meant to take of others, for Kings may not want as long as Subjects have meanes to supply.
This took effect just to their mindes, and wrought a little moving in the State, which doublesse had flamed higher if the King had not assuaged it by Proclamation wherein he declared, Quod quidem malevoli sinistra praedicantes illi falso suggesserunt illum vel eos indebitè gravari, ac jura & libertates regni subvertere, ut per suggestiones dolesas & omnino falsas eorum corda à sua dilectione & fidelitate averterent. But desireth then, that Hujusmodi animorum suorum purturbatoribus ne fidem adhiberent. For that he was ever ready to defend them from the oppressions of the great Lords, Et omnia iura & consectudines eorum debitas bonas & consuetas in omnibus & per omnia plemius observare: and that they may rest off, that Securè de voluntate liberaliteras suas fecit patentes.
But seeing still that Majesty and Right subsist not without meanes and power, and himselfe had of neither so much as would stop the present breach in his own wants or his Subjects loyalties he flieth to the bosome of his People for relief and counsell at Oxford they met in Parliament, where his necessities met with so many undutifull demands, that he was forced to render up unto rebellious wils, his regall power; here the Commons knowing that cum eligere inciperent, they were loco libertatis, stood with the King to have the managing of the State, put to the care of 24. whereof 12. by their election, whereto they look strictly, the other by him, who in all things else was left a cypher, and in this, either by fear or advice filled up his number with Mountford, Gloster, and Spencer, which beside the weakning of his own part, won to these his late opposites and opinion of great interest, they had got into his favour. He hath now neither left him election of publike Officer nor private attendance, his halfe brethren and their followers he must despoil of all fortunes and exile by proscription under his own hand, commanding the processe Pro transfectatione fratrum suorum, to be dire [...]ed to the Earle of Hartford and Surrey, and not to passe either money, armes, or ornaments Nisi informa quam dicti comites inquirerent, and after departure injoyned the men of Bristow that they should not permit any stranger Sive popenquos regis applicare in portu, but so to behave themselves therein that as well the King quam magnaies sui cos merito commendare debeant.
Thus we see how easily mens estates do change in a moment, and how hard it is to make good use of things ill gotten; and thus changing solid power into the rules of power, and these by popular elections, made the State beleeve that by this forme of limited policy they had utterly suppressed the minde of mankinde, for ever dreaming upon the imaginary humours of licentious soveraignty.
But it fell out nothing so, for now every man began to estimate his own [Page 10]worth, and to hammer his head upon all designes, that might enlarge his power and command, then began the great men to pull from the body of the countrey and regall soveraignty, such royall suitors as neighboured any of their own seats, whereunto they inforced the service, and as the Record saith, Ad sectas indebitas & servitutes intolerabiles subditos regis compulerunt. Thus raising indeed Mannours to become great Honours, and rending asunder the Regall Justice made themselves of so many subjects while they lived in duty, Cro. sti. Albani. totidem tyrannos, as the book of Saint Albans saith, when they had left their loyalty Magnas duxerunt magnates regni super subditos regis servitutes & oppressiones, which they bore patiently, for excesse of misery having no ease but custome, made men willing to lay the foundation of servitude by the length of sufferance, which found no other ease nor end untill the quiet of this Kings Raigne.
Mountford, Io. de Wollen. Gloster, and Spencer, the heads of this rebellious plot, having by the late provision drawn to the hands of their 24. Tribunes of the People, the entire mannaging of the State, and finding this power too much dispersed, to worke the end of their desires forced again the King at London to call a Parliament, where they delivered over the Authority of the 24. unto themselves, and created a Triumvirat, Non constituendo reip. causa: (as they first pretended for their own ends) but to make a speedier way to one of them as it fatally did to become dictator perpetuus.
Ambition is never so high but she thinkes still to mount, that station that lately seemed the top is but a step to her now, and what before was great in desiring seemes little now in power.
These three elect new Counsellors, Ord. in Inter rec: Civ. Lord. and appoint quod tres ad minus alternatim semper in curia sint, to dispose of the custody of Castles, & de alus omnibus regni negotiis. The chief Justice Chancellor and Treasurer with all Officers, maiores & minores, they reserve themselves the choyce, and binde the King to this hard bargain, upon such strange security, that he is contented under the great Seal, and Oath, to loosen to them the knot of legall duty, whensoever he assumed to himselfe his regall Dignity. Liceat omnibus de regus nostro contra nos insurgere & ad gravamen nostrum opem & operam dare ac si nobis in nulla tenerentur.
This progedy of fortune in whom she had set a pitifull example of her inconstancy, finding no part of his Soveraignty left, but the bare title, and that at their leaves beggeth succour of Ʋrban the fourth against his disloyall Subjects: the Pope by Bull cancelleth his Oath and Contract, and armeth him with Excommunications against all those that turne not with speed to their due and old obedience; sithence, promises made by men that cannot say they are at liberty are light, and force hath no power to make just interest. These Lords on the other side that had imped their wings with the Eagles feathers, and like no gain, but what was raised out of the ashes of [Page 11]Monarchy made head against their Soveraigne, and to mate him the better called in some I rench forces.
Thus the Commonwealth turned again her sword into her own bowels, and invited her ancient enemies to the funerall of her liberty, so that it was not a wonder she did not at this time passe under a foraigne servitude, and though those men were more sensible of their disgrace, than others miseries, yet found they no better pretext for private interest than that of the publike, and therefore at the entry into this war, they cried liberty, although when they came nere to an end, they never spake once of it. At Lewis the Armies met where the King endeavoured a reconciliation, but in vain, for perswasions are ever unprofitable, when Justice is inferiour to force, the sword decided the difference, and gave the two Kings and their eldest sonnes prisoners.
The person aswell as the regall power being thus in the hands of Mountford, and Gloster, found neither bond of security, nor expectation of liberty, but what the emulous competition of greatnesse, which now began to break out betwixt these mighty Rivals gave hope of, for Leifter meaning (by incroaching by his partner to himselfe, the person of the King and his followers the best portion of the Spoil, and to draw more fruit from this advantage, than it should in fellowship yield, dissolved the knot of their amity.
Equall Authority with the same power is overfatall we see to great actions, for to fit mindes to so equall a temper, that they should not have some motions of dissenting is impossible.
Mountford having thus broke all faith with his confederate, and duty to his Soveraigne, leaves the path of moderation and wisdom to come to the King by that of pride and distrust.
To him he telleth that his aymes and ends had no other object ever, but order of the State and ease of the People, that he did not in this carry affection against duty, but well knew how to rein his desires to his just power, and so no lesse to his Majesties content if he would be ruled, which was to command the Castles and Forts of his now opposites Gloster and the rest into his hands, it was hard to this King thus to take a Law from his inferior. But necessity in soveraigne affairs doth often force away al formability, and therefore those poor Princes who now at the victors discretion seemed to have been onely raised to shew the inconstancy of fortune and vanity of man, suted himselfe with incomparable wisdom to the necessity of the time: neither did humility now wrong Majesty, when there was no other meanes to contain spirits so insolent, but dissembling.
He therefore summoneth in his own person the Forts of his fastest friends to yield to his greatest enemies,
These he intreateth in shew to his lodging, but in effect his prison, and saw [Page 12]himselfe forced to arme against his friends, and to receive new Law from him to whom he lately thought to give it. Thus Leister is become the darling of the common rout, who easily change to every new master, but the better durst not sail along his fortune, by the light of his glory. Chrystall that fairly glistereth doth easily break, and as the assent of usurped Royalty is slippery, so the top is shaking, and the fall fearfull; to hold this man then happy, at the entry of his false felicitie, was but to give the name of the image to the metall that was not yet moulten. For by this the imprisoned Prince was escaped, and fast assured of Gloster, by the knot of his great minde and discontent, and both with the torne remainder of the royall Army, united, and by speedy march arrived (unlookt for) nere Eversham, to the armed troopes of the secure Rebels, whom they instantly assail, for it was no fit season to give time, when no time did assure so much as experience did promise.
Spencer and other Lords of the faction made towards the Prince with the best speed of march, but could not break out, being hurried along the storme of the giddy multitude. Publike affection depends on the conduct of fortune private on our carriage, we must beware therefore of running down steep hils with weighty bodies: they once in motion, subferuntur pondere, steps are then voluntary. Leister at that instant with the King, and out of the tempest might have escaped if his carriage and hope had not made him more resolute by misfortune, so that he could neither forsake his followers nor his ambition. Thus making adversity the exercise of his vertue, ran and fell. Private cogitations make more or lesse of fortune, but thoughts we see once raised to the height of rule, are no more in our own power, having no mean to step upon between the highest of all and precipitation.
The King by this happy accident freed and obeyed, began to search the ground of his former miseries, and why that vertue and fortune that had settled and maintained so long under his ancestors, the glory of his Empire had cast him in his time off, and conspired with her enemies to her almost ruine, as if the genius of the State had quite forsaken her.
Here he findes his wastfull hands had been too quicke both over the persons and estates of his People, the griping avarice of his civill Magistrates, and lawlesse liberty of his martiall followers, Ro. Pat. 53. H. 3. the neglect of grace, and breach of his word, to have left the Nobility at home and necessity, his reputation abroad, Crosti. Albani making merchandise of peace and war as his last refuge; so leaving his old allies became enforced to betake himselfe to persons doubtfull, or injured, and that by giving over himselfe to a sensuall security, and referring all to base, greedy, and unworthy ministers, whose counsell was ever more subtill than substantiall: he had thrown down those pillars of soveraignty and safety, Io. de Tax [...]ter. reputation abroad, and reverence at home.
He therefore now maketh sweetnesse and clemency the entrance of regained [Page 13]rule, for the faults of most of the Rebels he forgot▪ A gracious kinde of pardoning, not to take knowledge of offences, others he forgave that they might but live to the glory of his goodnesse, for the fewer killed the more remain to adorne his trophe. Tyrants shed bloud for pleasure, Kings for necessity; yet least his justice and power might so much suffer in his grace and mercy. Some few he punished by small fines, some by banishment as the guiltlesse, yet unpittied sonnes of the arch-traitor. Treason so hatefull is to the head, that it draweth (we see) the carriage of the innocent children into a lasting suspect, and what is suspition in others is guilt in them.
Upon the constant followers of his broken fortunes he giveth, Claus. an. 52. H. 3. m. 29. but with more wary hand than before the forfeitures of his enemies. Immoderate liberality he had found but a weak meanes to win love, for it left more in the gathering than it gained in the getting▪ and his bounty bestowed without respect was taken without grace, discredited the receiver, detracted from the judgement of himselfe, blunted the appetites of such as carried their hopes out of vertue and service.
Thus at last he learned that reward and reprehension justly laid do ballance government, and that it much importeth a Prince if the hand be equall that holdeth the scale. In himselfe he reformed the naturall errours of his youth for Princes manners, though a mute Law have more of life and vigor than those of letters, and though he did sometimes touch upon the verge of vice he forbore to enter the circle. Cro. de Dunst. The Courts wherein at this time the faults of good men did not onely by approbation but imitation receive true comfort and authority, for their crimes were now become examples and customes he purged severely, since from thence proceeds the regular or irregular conditions of the common state. Expence of house service he measured by the just rule of his proper revenues, and was heard often to say that his errors of wast had been the issue of the Subjects blood. The insolency of his Souldiers made lawlesse by the late libertie of civill armes he spendeth in forraigne expeditions, having seen that the quiet spirits underwent all the former calamities, and the others were never satisfied but in the miseries of innocents, and would if they had no other enemy abroad seek out one at home, as they had done before.
The rigor and corruption of these judiciall Officers, he examineth and redresseth by strict commission for the seem of their security became a murmur of his own cruelty.
The seates of judgement and councell he filleth up with men nobly borne, for such attract with least offence the generous spirits to respect and reverence, the inabilities he measureth not by the favour of private information as before but generall, for every man may in particular deceive and be deceived, but no one can all, nor all one. And to discover his own capacity [Page 14]now and shew what part he meaneth to leave hereafter in all deliberate expeditions, he sitteth himselfe in councell dayly, and disposeth the affaires of most weight in his own person.
Councellors be they never so wise or worthy, are but as accessaries, not principall in sustentation of the State, their Office must be subjection not fellowship in consultation of moment, ability to advise, not authority to resolve: for as to live the Prince must have a particular soul, so to rule his proper and interne Councell, without the one he cannot demurre truly, without the other he can never securely be a Prince; for it offendeth as well the minister of merit as the people, to force obedience to one uncapable of his own greatnesse and unworthy of his fortune.
This wonderous change to the generall State so helpelesse lately to recover their former liberty that they sought now for nothing, but the mildest servitude brought them home again to his devotion and their duty.
He that will lay (we see) the foundation of greatnesse upon popular love must give them ease and justice, for they measure the bond of their true obedience by the good alwayes received.
This peace ever after attended his age and house, and he happily lived to fashion his successour, and to make him partner of his experience and authority, whose down hard education trained him from that intemperance which makes man inferiour to beasts, and framed him to affect glory and vertue which made him superiour to men. So that all the actions of his future Raigne were exact grounds of discipline and policy, who as he was the first of his name since the Conquest, so was he the first that settled Lawes and State, deserving to wear the stile of Englands Iustir, and the proud title to have freed the Crown from the subjection and wardship of his Peeres, shewing himselfe in all his actions ever after capable to command, not the Realme onely, but the whole world. Thus do the wrong of our enemies more than our own discretions, make us sometimes both wise and fortunate.