THE COPPY OF A LETTER to Generall Monck.

London, Printed, 1660.

The Copy of a Letter to General Monck.

My Honoured Lord;

THough vertuous inclinations in their Infancy and Cradle, are best Nursed up with the Milk of Flattery and seeming Courtships; your full grown virtues (which like Saul amongst the people, make you more eminent than others; and the eyes of our Israel to look upon you, as their Deliverer) will bear a more engenuous freedome; which makes me presume (though none more truly honours your Prudence, Piety and Person than my self) as I am here intrusted to receive the corresponding intelli­gences from most Counties that have concentred their Hopes and Addresses in your Lordship, you will Pardon me; if (as the burning-glasse that col­lects the scattered and loose beams of the Sun, to give them a more powerfull and vigorous operation) I reflect the united sense of all to you; in relation to your Words and Actings.

The last of which, have been so prudent in Con­duct; so daring (yet modest) in the approaches to your proposed ends; and so successfull in the great late changes, we look upon, as inlets to a settlement of the peace and happinesse of this Kingdome; as you stand yet unequalled by any in the opinions and affections of the people, even above men; and one­ly below God himself (and our rightfull King) who hath wrought so great wonders by you: And we [Page 3]hope will set fast the bars of our gates, and establish peace in our borders by so glorious an Instrument; and in it record your memory to all posterity, as the deliverer of this Nation from the high Usurpation and severe Tyranny we have long laboured under.

But my Lord in relation to your words, and De­clared desires to the late restored Members of Parlia­ment, there are few satisfied, but such as hope, that with Frederick Duke of Austria, you went abroad in a disguise to hear what others judgements were; by them and their reasons (if convincing yours) to shape your future proceedings; or (if it were your judge­ment) that you did declare and enforce it withall the advantage Oratory or Arguments could contribute to its support; that in the confutation of them all per­sons of those mistaken principles might be reduced by your example; who espouses no interest but in order to Gods glory and the publick good; nor im­pose your opinion upon, but submit it to the dispas­sionate Debates and Resolutions) of a Free Parlia­ment, which humility and self-denial is the crown and glory of all your other noble Actions; and that which sets you up a Scepter in the hearts of all (but Factious and Fanatick people) and gives you a Com­mand of our Persons and Purses.

Yet give me leave, as the Eccho of the Kingdomes voice; to tell your Lordship, it neither is, or ever was, for the alteration of our Monarchicall Govern­ment into Common-wealth foundations, which are inconsistent with our ancient Fundamentall Laws, and the humour of the people of this Nation; who comparing the long happy and flourishing condition [Page 4]it hath for many hundred years enjoyed under their Kings, and Reverent Episcopacy, with the tragicall effects of our late changes; cannot be in love with their Irons and Shackles; nor be willing to submit to Papall. Presbyteriall Tyranny (for such is rigid Presbytery) that have been acquainted with the gentler Yoke; the Fathers of our Church laid upon us.

And though I might make it appear to your Lord­ship by clear proofs, and undisputed authorities from Reason, Nature, Scripture, and Authority.

First, that as all Power is Gods, so there is no exercise of it from divine Commission, but (paternal) what is sea­ted in the person of one man originally; and derivative­ly onely from him (as the spring and source) into the lesser streames of subordinate administrations (which Adam was vested in the state of innocency;) and that all men are borne to this naturall subordination; for the orderly support of humane societies, (families being the epitomies of Kingdomes) wherein the person to whome the supreame power belongs, is onely accountable to God for his Actions (Kings being subject onely to the dire­ction not coaction of humane Laws.

Secondly, That our Kings had this right justly con­veyed to them by the grace of God (not gift of man) and by it have a just title to our allegiance and obedience, both by divine and civill right, as all our laws and Par­liaments have declared.

Thirdly, That King Charles the son (of his late glo­rious Father and our Soveraign) hath de jure; the same; and cannot without Rebellion (a sin as high as that of witch-craft) be denied him.

Fourthly, That Episcopacy is of divine institution an order deduced through all ages of Christs Church; and continued to us by lawfull and undoubted ordinati­on.

Fifthly, That Bishops have in all ages had Reverence payed them as the Pillers and supporters of Christianity; by their pious learned and painfull labours; when living and propagating it when dead; by their bloodshed in Martyrdom; when one dying man made many living Saints.

Sixthly, That it was not the Calling? but exorbitan­cies in it; not the Tree, but the Luxurious branches these times at first complained of; and desired to prune, not digg up.

Seventhly, That it was a Government admired and approved by all the reformed Churches abroad, as essential to the bene esse of a Church; and by many learned di­vines (antient and modern) to the esse, the very being of a Church.

Eighthly, That Presbytery as propounded by our Sy­nod of Divines is of a bastard extraction, and a late birth; being a stranger to antiquity; and an action late­ly legitimated amongst us; a thing so far from being countenanced; as it was never known in the Christian Church.

Yet waving all these and infinite more considera­tions, I could offer (humbly casting my self upon your mercy for a pardon of this deviations) I shall not so much reflect upon your Lordships reasons against in­troducing Monarchy and Episcopacy; as to shew you they were never taken away by any just power; (ad­mit it were in the late Parliament, when full and Free, [Page 6]for untill severall forces and violences were acted upon them and the Secluded Members denied their Votes; There was no Regicide, (no murthering of the heirs that the Vineyard might be ours) no Votes for altering our antient (and best fabricated Govern­ment in the world) but on the contrary all the Par­liaments Protestations, Declarations, Actions, and Covenants were for King and Parliament, Conjun­ctim not divisim; and were so intended to be adhered to by our Confessours (though not Martyrs) the lately restored Members; and only surviving honou­rable mention of that expired Parliament.

Nor did the people of this Nation ever volunta­rily contribute either of their persons or purses to o­ther ends than the Parliament had declared, even a confining of arbitrary power, and keeping all things in their own bounds and channels, a reforming, a­mending the Watch, not the taking it in pieces.

So as the peoples interests in this are safe, but cannot be entituled to the indeavours of the chaines you mention without a just forfeiture of all they en­joy; a maintaining of perpetuall divisions at home and inviting War from the injured persons, and their now powerfull united confederates abroad; ha­ving no Free nor Full Parliament to countenance them in such actings.

And that this was the sense, the Covenant was ta­ken in, and of the Kingdome now in Generall; I desire may be submitted to their Votes in the free Reprosentative to be called, or that they may have a Ballet for it, and then they will appear a hundred for one to make it good.

Nor is the glory of the City, and opening of Trade at home and abroad, to be boyed up by any other Engine than what the name of King actuates: It being the splendor of Courts, encrease of Nobility, Amities abroad, and Peace at home, that loades the Vine with Clusters, and makes the Wine-press to o­verflow; as Londons experience evincingly may prove, if we compare their now withering and for­merly sprouting and flourishing condition together; so as a Common-wealth in those and many other re­spects would rather prove a heightening to the dis­ease than a remedy.

And for the Government of the Church, so far as it is prudentiall, it ought to be submitted to the Par­liament and a Convocation of Divines (justly called) but what is of Divine Right in it, ought to be pre­served and preferred before our Lives and Liberties.

And therefore I most humbly contend for Episco­pacy; as an order at least (if not to maintain it in its primitive glory; and in that none can be sure there is a good Ordination without it (unlesse in case extra­ordinary) and that all doe agree the Ordination by Bishops lawfull; we ought to chuse a safe before a doubtfull way, as all Casuists agree.

However, having fully as I conceive, undermin'd the grounds and satisfied the reasons, your Lordship laid and urged for a Common-wealth; I shall pro­ceed no further upon this head, since you have made my Conclusion; That Episcopacy holds best proportion and semetry to Monarchicall Government; and that I have made it appear, there neither is, nor can be any other form justly introduced into this Nation.

Yet to take in all Interests, and concenter them in a conscientious obedience (the sinew of Govern­ment) I wish both may be so moderated in their ex­ercise of power, as there may be no more leading into captivity, nor complaining in our streets; But that the King with his Parliament, and the Bishops with their Presbyters may joyn to make the close of our Harmony most melodious.

For thus our King will have an inexhaustible trea­sure in the affections of his People; and they best secure their Liberties in becoming their Soveraignes favourites; which happy espousals, I will yet hope to see you solemnize it in a Concurrence with the whole Nation; whose desire it is as well as the Prayer of;

Your Excellencies most humble Servant.

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