A full ansvver to an infamous and trayterous pamphlet, entituled, A declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled, expressing their reasons and grounds of passing the late resolutions touching no further addresse or application to be made to the King. Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of, 1609-1674. 1648 Approx. 346 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 90 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A79846 Wing C4423 Thomason E455_5 ESTC R205012 99864458 99864458 116687

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79846) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 116687) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 72:E455[5]) A full ansvver to an infamous and trayterous pamphlet, entituled, A declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled, expressing their reasons and grounds of passing the late resolutions touching no further addresse or application to be made to the King. Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of, 1609-1674. [8], 160, 181-188 p. Printed for R. Royston, [London] : 1648. Place of publication from Wing. The words "A declaration .. King" on title page are surrounded by square brackets. First leaf has Royal Arms on verso. Text continuous despite pagination. Annotation on Thomason copy: "July. 28". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. A full answer to an infamous and trayterous pamphlet.

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eng England and Wales. -- Parliament. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1660. 2007-02 Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

A FƲLL ANSWER TO AN INFAMOUS AND TRAYTEROUS PAMPHLET, ENTITULED, A Declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament aſſembled, expreſsing their Reaſons and Grounds of paſsing the late Reſolutions touching no further Addreſſe or Application to be made to the KING.

MICAH 3. 11.

The Heads thereof judge for reward, and the Priests thereof teach for hire, and the Prophets thereof divine for mony: yet will they leane upon the Lord, and ſay, Is not the Lord among us? none evill can come upon us.

Printed for R. ROYSTON. 1648.

THE CONTENTS THe Authors Method. pag. 2. Their ſeverall Charges againſt the KING. ib. 1. That His Majeſty hath laid a fit foundation for all Tyranny, by this Maxime, or Principle; That He oweth an account of His actions to none, but God alone; and, That the Houſes of Parliament, joynt or ſeparate, have no power, either to make, or declare any Law. p. 3. 2. The private Articles agreed in order to the Match with Spaine, and thoſe other private Articles upon the French marriage, &c. p. 12 3. The Death of King James. ib. 4. The buſineſſe of Rochel. p. 17. 5. The Deſigne of the German Horſe, Loanes, Privy-Seales, Coat and Conduct-mony, Ship-mony, and the many Monopolies. p. 19. 6. The torture of our bodies by whipping, cutting off eares, pillories, &c. with cloſe-impriſonment aggravated, with the dominion exerciſed over our ſouls by Oaths, Excommunications, new Canons, &c. p. 24. 7. The long intermiſsion of Parliaments; and, at the diſſolution of ſome, how Priviledges have been broken, and ſome Members impriſoned. p. 26. 8. The new Liturgy, and Canons, ſent into Scotland; And the cancelling, and burning the Articles of Pacification. p. 27. 9. The calling, and diſſolving the ſhort Parliament, and the Kings proceeding after the diſſolution therof. p. 28. 10. The King ſummoned the preſent Parliament to have aſsiſtance againſt the Scots: And when He found that hope vaine, He was ſo paſsionately affected to His Malignant Counſellours, that He would rather deſert His Parliament and Kingdome, then deliver them to Law and Juſtice. p. 29. 11. The Queens deſigne to advance Popery, and Her obſerving a Popiſh Faſt: with Secretary Windebank's going beyond Sea by His Majeſties Paſſe after he was queſtioned. p. 30. 12. Commiſsions given to Popiſh Agents for private Leavies. p. 31. 13. The bringing up the Northerne Army to overawe the Parliament. ib. 14. Offers made to the Scots of the plunder of London, if they would advance; or of 4 Northern Counties, with three hundred thouſand pounds, but to ſtand Neuters. p. 36. 15. The buſineſſe of Ireland. p. 38. 16. The unuſuall preparation of Ammunition, and Armes, (upon the Kings return from Scotland) with new Guards within, and about Whitehall; the Fire-works taken and found in Papiſts houſes; the Tower filled with new Guards, Granadoes, and all ſorts of Fire-works, Morters, and great Pieces of Battery; the diſplacing Sir William Balfore, and placing other Officers, who were ſuſpected by them and the whole City. p. 58. 17. The Charge of Treaſon againſt ſome of both Houſes, and the Kings going ſo attended to the Houſe of Commons. p. 62. 18. A Parallel between the Kings proceedings againſt the 5, and the Armies againſt 11 Members. p. 67. 19. Commiſsions granted to the E. of Newcaſtle, and Colonel Legg, for attempting Newcaſtle, and Hull: And their intelligence of forain Forces from Denmark. p. 72. 20. The Queens going into Holland, and her carrying away, and pawning the anncient Iewels of the Crowne. p. 76. 21. When they firſt took up Arms againſt the King. ib. 22. Breach of Honour, and faith in the King for making ſo many ſolemn Proteſtations, againſt any thought of bringing up the Northerne Army, or of Levying Forces to wage war with His Parliament, or of bringing in forain Forces, or Aids, from beyond Sea. p. 79. 23. They have not obſerved their Profeſsions made to the King, nor kept their promiſes to the People. p. 95. 96. 24. That His Majeſty proclaimed them Traytors and Rebels, ſetting up His Standard againſt the Parliament, which never any King of England did before Himſelf. p. 97. 25. The ſetting up a Mock-Parliament at Oxford, to oppoſe and protest againſt the Parliament of England. p. 102. 26. A full Relation of the firſt Tumults. p. 107. 27. The Pacification and peace in Ireland. p. 113. The King's ſeverall Meſſages, and their Propoſitions, and Addreſſes, for peace. p. 118. Their 4 Bills preſented to His Majesty at Carisbrook-Caſtle. p. 132. The Commons Reſolutions of making no more Addreſſes to the King. p. 148. The Concluſion: Demonstrating, That they can never establiſh a Peace to the Kingdome, or any ſecurity to themſelves, but by Restoring the just Power to the KING, and dutifully ſubmitting and joyning themſelves to His protection. p. 156.
An ANSWER to an infamous and trayterous Pamphlet, entituled, [A DECLARATION of the Commons of England, in Parliament, expreſsing their reaſons and grounds of paſsing the late Reſolutions, touching no further addreſſe or application to be made to the KING.]

IF the nature and minds of men were not more inclined to errour and vice, then they are to truth and vertue, and their memories more retentive of the Arguments and evidence, which is adminiſtred to pervert, then of thoſe applied to reclaime them, there would be little need of compoſing any Anſwer to this ſeditious and trayterous Declaration, which conſiſts onely of the ſeverall infamous and ſcandalous imputations and reproaches (except the odious and groundleſſe diſcourſe of the death of King James, which though they have alwaies whiſper'd, they never thought fit to own till now) which have been thrown and ſcattered againſt the King throughout their Declarations and Remonſtrances, and is but the ſame Calumny and Treaſon, bound up in a leſſer Volume; to every particular whereof His Majeſty (whilſt he was at liberty to ſpeak for himſelf, and to take the pains to undeceive and inform his people) gave full and clear anſwers, in His ſeverall Declarations and Expreſſes, ſo that from thence all men may gather the moſt naturall and proper Antidotes, to expell this poyſon, the ſpirit and malignity whereof, (it is hoped) is ſo near ſpent, by the ſtaleneſſe and palpable unskilfulneſſe, as well as malice, of the Compoſition, that it will neither be received by, or work upon any healthfull Conſtitutions; yet it will not be amiſſe, for the information of thoſe, who (it may be) have not taken the pains to read the KING's former Anſwers and Declarations; and refreſhing the memory of others, who have forgotten what they have read, to collect the Anſwers formerly given to thoſe particulars, with which His Majeſty is now charged, and to adde to thoſe Anſwers, what the knowledge and obſervation of moſt men who have been faithfull inquirers into paſt Actions, with that integrity and duty that becomes Subjects, may ſupply them with; For which there will need no great Apology, ſince every honeſt man hath a more regular and legall qualification, to vindicate His Majeſty from thoſe foule aſperſions, then any Combination, or Congregation of men, can have to traduce Him with them.

Before any diſcourſe be applied to the monſtrous Concluſions, which are made, and for the ſupport and maintenance whereof, that Declaration is framed and contrived, or to the unreaſonable gloſſes upon His Majeſties Propoſitions, and proſecution of his deſires of peace and Treaty, it will be the beſt method, to weigh and conſider thoſe particulars, upon which they would be thought to found their deſperate Concluſions, and in which they ſay, there is a continued tract of breach of truſt in the three Pag. 11. Kingdomes ſince His Majeſty wore the Crowne.

1. The firſt Charge is, that His Majeſty in publique Speeches and Declarations, hath laid a fit foundation for all Tyranny, by this moſt deſtructive Maxime or Principle, which he ſaith, he muſt avow, That He oweth an account Pag. 12. of His Actions to none, but God alone; and that the Houſes of Parliament, joynt or ſeparate, have no power, either to make or declare any Law.

That which all learned Chriſtians in all ages have taught, and all learned Lawyers of this Kingdome have alwaies held, and acknowledged, is not like to be a deſtructive principle, and a fit foundation for Tyranny; and ſurely this aſſertion of His Majeſties hath no leſſe authority; For the firſt, the incomparable Grotius, upon whom all learned men look with ſingular reverence, ſaies, that even Samuel jus Regum deſcribens, ſatis oſtendit adverſùs De jur: bell: fol. 64. Regis injurias nullam in populo relictam poteſtatem; which, ſaies he, rectè colligunt veteres ex illo Pſalmi; Tibi ſoli peccavi: Becauſe being all, ejuſàem ordinis, the people owe the ſame obedience to theſe, as they did to thoſe, though the abſolute power and juriſdiction the Kings of Iſrael had, be no rule for other Princes to claime by: And Grotius there cites Saint Ambroſe his note upon the ſame Text, Neque ullis ad poenam vocantur legibus, tuti imperii poteſtate, homini ergo non peccavit, cui non tenebatur obnoxius.

The wiſe and learned Lord Chancellor Egerton, in hisPoſtnat. p. 107. Argument of the Poſtnati, mentions ſome Texts in the Civill Law, of the great and abſolute power of Princes, as Rex eſt lex loquens, and Rex ſolus judicat de cauſa à jure non definita, and ſaies, he muſt not wrong the Judges of the Common Law of the Kingdome, ſo much as to ſuffer an imputation to be caſt upon them, that they or the Common Law doe not attribute, as great power and authority to their Soveraigns the Kings of England, as the Canon Laws did to their Emperours; and then cites out of Bracton, (the Chief Juſtice in the time of King Hen. 3. and an authentique Authour in the Law) theſe words, De Chartis Regiis & factis Regum non debent nec poſſunt Juſtitiarii, nec privatae perſonae diſputare, nec etiam ſi in illa dubitio oriatur, poſſunt eam interpretari, & in dubiis & obſcuris, vel ſi aliqua dictio duos contineat intellectus, Domini Regis erit expectanda interpretatio & voluntas: and the ſame Bracton in another place ſaies of the King, Omnis ſub eo eſt, & ipſe ſub nullo, niſi tantum ſub Deo.

The ground of that excellent law of Premunire in the16 Rich. 2. c. 5. 16 year of King Rich: 2. c. 5. and the very words of that Statute are, That the Crown of England hath been ſo free at all times, that it hath been in no earthly Subjection, but immediately ſubject to God in all things, touching the Regality of the ſame Crowne, and to none other; and upon that Maxime of the Law, that good Statute againſt the Pope, was founded.

If the King were bound to give an Account of his Actions to any perſon or power whatſoever (God excepted) he could not be the onely ſupream Governour of this 1 Eliz. c. 1. Realme, which he is declared and acknowledged to be by the Oath of Supremacy, which every Member of the Houſe of Commons hath taken; or if he hath not, he ought not to ſit there, or to be reputed a Member of Parliament by the Statute of 5 Eliz. c. 1.

For the other part of this moſt deſtructive maxime or principle, That the Houſes of Parliament, joynt or ſeparate, have no power either to make or declare any thing to be Law, which hath not been formerly made to be ſo: It hath been the judgment and language of the law it ſelf in all Ages, and the language of all Parliaments themſelves.

It was the judgment of the Parliament in the 2 year of King Hen. 5. (remembred and mentioned by the King, in his Anſwer to the 19 Propoſitions) That it is of the Kings regality to grant or deny ſuch of their Petitions as pleaſeth himſelf, which was the forme then uſuall to preſent thoſe deſires, which by the Kings approbation and conſent were enacted into Laws.

It was the language of the Law in the 36 year of K. H. 6.Dyer, fol. 60. pl. 19. reported by my Lord Dyer, that the King is the head, and that the Lords are chief and principall Members, and the Commons, to wit, the Knights, Citizens and Burgeſſes, the inferiour Members, and that they all make the Body of Parliament: and doubtleſſe the Priviledge of Parliament was not in that time held ſo ſacred a thing, when an Action of Debt was brought againſt the Sheriffe of Cornwall for having diſcharged one Trewynnard, a Burgeſſe of Parliament, taken in Execution during the Seſſion of Parliament upon a Writ of priviledge directed to the ſaid Sheriffe, and the Kings Bench (where the Action was brought, and the Sheriffe juſtified) was in thoſe daies the proper place to judge what was the priviledge of Parliament, the Law being the moſt proper Judge of that priviledge, as well as of all other rights.

It is the language of the Authour of Modus tenendi Parliamentum, who lived before the time of William the Conquerour, and it is the language of Sir Edw. Coke in the4 part. Inſtis. p. 25. Chapter of the high Court of Parliament, which was publiſhed by a ſpeciall Order of the Houſe of Commons ſince the beginning of this Parliament, that there is no Act of Parliament but muſt have the conſent of the Lords, the Commons, and the royall aſſent of the King: and the ſame Sir Edward Coke ſaies, in the 11. p. of that Chapter, that Innovations and Novelties in Parliamentary proceedings are moſt dangerous, and to be refuſed.

It is the language of the Parliament in the 1 year of1 Iac. c. 1. King James, when to the firſt Act that was paſt, they deſired His Majeſties royall aſſent, without which (they ſay) it can neither be compleat or perfect, nor remaine to all poſterity, &c.

Laſtly, it is the language of this preſent Parliament, andExact Collect. p 207. in a time in which they were not very modeſt in their pretences, for in their Declaration of the 19 of May, they acknowledge, that by the conſtitution of this Kingdome, the power is in His Majeſty and Parliament together, albeit they conclude in the ſame Declaration, that if He refuſed to joyne with them, they will doe their work themſelves without Him.

There is no one Propoſition that hath more miſ-led men, then the diſcourſe of the Parliaments being the ſupream Court of Judicature, and therefore that they have the ſole power to declare Law; It is confeſſed, that the Houſe of Peers in Parliament (for any pretence of the Houſe of Commons to judicature is groundleſſe, and unreaſonable, and unheard of, till within theſe laſt ſeven years) is the ſupream Court of Judicature, whither any perſon that conceives himſelf oppreſſed by the judgment of any other Court, may by writ of Error remove that judgment, of which he Complaines, and from the Sentence of that Court there is no Appeale; which His Majeſty well expreſſed in His Anſwer to that Declaration of the 19 of May, in theſe words, We deny not, but they may Exact Collect. p. 251. have a power to declare in a particular doubtfull caſe regularly brought before them what Law is, but to make a generall Declaration, whereby the known rule of the Law may be croſſed or altered, they have no power, nor can exerciſe any without bringing the Life and Liberty of the Subject to a lawleſſe and arbitrary ſubjection: Which aſſertion the too ſad experience of all men hath evinced to be moſt reaſonable. The truth is, that power of declaring in a particular caſe ſo brought before them, is rather a power to declare what ſhall be done in that caſe, then what the law is; for if they reverſe a judgment brought before them, and determine the right otherwiſe, then it hath been judged by the ſworne Judges, that judgement is no rule to the ſworne Judges to judge by, but they may in the like caſe without imputation of Crime or error, judge as they did formerly; which ſhews that the Judges are the onely Interpreters of the Law, in their ſeverall Courts, though in theſe caſes, removed regularly before the Lords, the party muſt acquieſce, there being no other Court to appeale to.

Adde to this, that there hath been in all times, that reverence to the ſworne Judges of the Law, that the Lords in Parliament have alwaies guided themſelves by their opinion in matters of law; neither will it be ever found before this Parliament, that the Houſe of Peers ever declared or judged the law in any particular caſe againſt the unanimous opinion of the Judges, who are aſſiſtants only for that purpoſe; neither is it reaſon that any ſhould be thought fit Interpreters or Declarers of the law, but they who have ſtudied it, and are ſworne to doe it truly. And to this point, though there are multitude of examples and Preſidents, there ſhall be one only remembred: In the Parliament in the 28 year of Hen. 6. upon the 16 of January, the Commons deſired, That William de la Poole Duke of Suffolk ſhould be Committed to priſon for many Treaſons & other hainous Crimes cōmitted by him; The Lords in Parliament were in doubt, what Anſwer to give, they demanded the opinion of the Judges, their opinion was, that he ought not to be Committed; And the reaſon was, for that the Commons did not charge him with any particular Offence, but with generall Slanders and Reproaches; And therefore becauſe the ſpecialties were not ſhewed, he was not to be Committed: this opinion was allowed, and the Duke was not Committed, till a Fortnight after that the Commons had exhibited ſpeciall Articles againſt him, that he conſpired with the French King, to invade the Realme, &c. And then he was ſent to the Tower: So great reſpect did thoſe times beare to the Judges of the Law, and ſo much courage had the Judges then to declare what the Law was.

Having now made it manifeſt, that this moſt deſtructive maxime or principle, is no new poſition, but agreeable to antiquity, Conſcience, truth, and Law, and therefore not like to be a fit foundation for all Tyranny; It will not be unſeaſonable, to obſerve that theſe words were ſpoken by His Majeſty at the firſt Seſſion of Parliament in the 3 year of his Reigne, and that though the matter of them hath been often ſince, and muſt be alwaies averred by him; the very words have not been uſed in Speech or Declaration by His Majeſty ſince the beginning of this Parliament, and that that very Parliament continued many Months after, and never in the leaſt degree made queſtion of them, nor hath any objection been made to them, till this new Declaration of the Commons, near 18 years after, and therefore it is not probable, that they have been before miſ-interpreted or cenſured.

It may be likewiſe in this place fit to inform the people, what theſe men meane by the power of Declaring Law, which they are ſo ambitious of; that they may know how little elſe they would need to deſtroy King and people, if they were poſſeſſed of this power, in the ſenſe they intend; which will beſt appear by the inſtances in which they have aſſumed it.

The King proclaimes Sir John Hotham guilty of high Treaſon, for having ſhut the Gates of Hull, and having made reſiſtance with armed men in defiance of His Majeſty, which he ſaies is high Treaſon by the Statute of the 25Exact Collect. p. 276, 277. year of Edw. 3. c. 2. They declare that Sir John Hotham did not ſhut the Gates againſt Him in defiance, but in obedience to His Majeſty, and that the meaning of that Statute is onely againſt thoſe, who levyed War againſt the Kings laws and authority; that the Kings Authority is only in them; and they only can judge of the laws; and therefore that they who ſhall levy War by their authority, (though againſt the perſonall Commands of the King, and accompanied with his preſence) incur no danger by that Statute: And that they who did attend His Perſon againſt them, are guilty of Treaſon within that Statute.

The King for the information of his Subjects, remembers them of the Statute made in the 11 year of K. Hen. 7. cap. 1. by which it is enacted, That no manner of perſon, whoſoever he be, that attends upon the King and Soveraign Lord of this Land for the time being in His Perſon, and doe Him true and faithfull ſervice of allegiance in the ſame, or be in other places by His Commandement in His Wars, ſhall be convict or attaint of high Treaſon, nor loſe Lands, Goods, &c. They declare that by the King, in this Statute,Exact Collect. p. 280. is meant the Parliament. If they are told the King is Supreme head and Governour over all perſons within His Dominions, and that He is ſo acknowledged to be by the Oaths themſelves have taken, They preſently declare,Exact Collect. p. 703. that it is meant of ſingular perſons rather then of Courts, or of the collective body of the whole Kingdome: Examples innumerable of this kind might be remembred, and the conſequence needs not be preſſed.

That the abſurdity may a little appeare, as well as the miſchief, they apply this faculty of declaring to the ſatiſfying their Curioſity, and ſupporting their Credit, to matter of right, and matter of fact, or to any purpoſe that may advance their Deſignes: They intercept a Letter directed to the Queens Majeſty from the Lord Digby before the War began, and declare it would be diſhonourable Ex. Col. p. 82. to His Majeſty and dangerous for the Kingdome, if it ſhould not be opened; and thereupon with unheard-of preſumption, they open and peruſe the Letter, Her Majeſty being within a daies journey of them: And when the King cauſed Sir John Hotham's Letters to be opened, which were intercepted after he was in Rebellion, They declare, that it was a high breach of Priviledge, which byEx. Col. p. 156. the Laws of the Kingdome, and by the Proteſtation we are bound to defend with our lives and fortune.

One Maſter Booth, a Gentleman of quality of Lincolnſhire, delivered a Petition to the King at Yorke, in which he complained of certaine Gentlemen, who as Deputy-Lieutenants, had put the Ordinance for the Militia in execution in that County; and ſet forth in his Petition ſeverall Actions done and words ſpoken by them at that time, and both himſelf and one Maſter Scroope made affidavit before a Maſter of the Chancery, that the Information in the Petition was punctually and preciſely true; which Petition and Oath being printed, the Houſe of Commons frankly declared, That it was falſe; Not toEx. Col. p. 481. ſpeak of their declaring that the Kings comming to the Houſe of Commons was a trayterous deſign againſt the King and Parliament; and that His Proclamation whichEx. Col. p. 40. He publiſhed for the apprehenſion of thoſe Members, was falſe; So that this ſole power of declaring, would not ſtand in need of any other power to ſubvert the whole frame of Government, and ſo diſpoſe of the intire rights of Prince and People according to the variety of their appetites and humour; For they ſay, as ſome preſidents Ex. Col. p. 26 . of their Predeceſſours ought not to be rules for them to follow, ſo none can be limits to bound their proceedings.

And in truth the inconſtancy and contradiction in their rules and reſolutions is no leſſe obſervable then the other extravagancy; In their Petition of the 14 of Decem. 1641. they declared, that the King ought not to manifeſt or declare His conſent, or diſſent, approbation or diſlike of any Bill in preparation or debate, before it be preſented to Him in due courſe of Parliament; yet within few daies after, in the Petition that accompanied the Remonſtrance of the State of the Kingdome, they deſired His Majeſty that He would concur with them, for the depriving the Biſhops of their Votes in Parliament, the Bill for that purpoſe being ſtill depending in the Lords Houſe, and then not like to paſſe.

By the Order of the 3 of January 1641. and many Declarations after, they declared, that if any Perſon whatſoever, ſhall offer to Arreſt or detain the Perſon of any Member without first acquainting the Houſe, that it is lawfull for him to ſtand upon his defence and make reſistance, and for any other Perſon to aſsiſt him in ſo doing; but in their Declaration of the 2 of November following, they deny that Ex. Col. p. 727. they had ſaid ſo, and acknowledged that a Member in the caſes of Treaſon, Felony, or the Peace, may be Arreſted and detained in ordine to his appearance before the Parliament.

There would be no end of theſe inſtances, not to ſpeak of thoſe, where the Houſe of Peers have declared the Law one way, and the Commons an other, as in the Order of the 9 of September.

2. The next Charge is, the private Articles agreed Pag. 12. in order to the Match with Spaine, and thoſe other private Articles upon the French Marriage, ſo prejudiciall to the Peace, Safety, Laws, &c.

What thoſe private Articles were, or are, is not expreſſed, which doubtleſſe would have been, if a reaſonable advantage might have been hoped from it; all thoſe Papers being ſeized and peruſed by thoſe, who have neither reſpect to the dignity of their Soveraigne, or regard of the honour of their Country. The Articles with both Kingdomes, were tranſacted by the great wiſdome of King James, and cannot be imputed to His Majeſty that now is; neither is there in one, or the other, any one Article that was not in the Kings power to agree to, in the manner in which he did agree; and that neither of them were prejudiciall to the Peace, Safety, Laws, and Religion here eſtabliſhed, is moſt evident, for that Peace and Safety were never more viſible, nor the Laws and Religion eſtabliſhed did ever flouriſh more in any age, then from the time of thoſe Articles to the beginning of this unhappy Parliament, which no diſcourſe of correſpondence with Rome, can hinder from being acknowledged.

3. The third matter objected is, a Diſcourſe concerningPag. 12. the Death of King JAMES, in which there is mention of a Clauſe in the Impeachment carried up againſt the Duke of Buckingham by the Houſe of Commons, in the 2 year of this King; & that the King came into the Lords Houſe and took notice of that Charge, and ſaid, He could be a Witneſſe to clear him in every one of them; and that ſhortly after the Parliament was diſſolved, and they conclude, that they leave it to the world to judge where the guilt remaines.

During the life of King James, and to the hour of his death, there was no earthly thing He took equall joy and comfort in, as in the obedience & piety of His Son; who was not more reputed and known to be Heire apparent to the Crown, then to be the moſt dutifull and pious Son in the Kingdome, and was never known to diſpleaſe His Father in His life; The King died in the 59 year of his age, after many terrible fits of an Ague which turned to a quotidian Fever, a diſeaſe uſually mortall to perſons of that age and corpulency of body, which K. James was of.

After His death, in the 1 year of His Majeſties Reigne, there was a Parliament called, during which time there was never the leaſt whiſper or imagination of the King's death, to be otherwiſe then naturall, and yet the King had many great perſons in His Councel, and there were more afterwards in that Parliament, who did not pretend any kindneſſe to the Duke of Buckingham; many of whom muſt neceſſarily have obſerved, or at leaſt have been informed of any Arguments for ſuch a notorious and odious practice, and would not have ſuffered any jealouſie, that could reflect on the Duke, to be untaken notice of.

By that time the Parliament in the 2 year of the King began, one George Egliſham, an infamous Scotch-man, and a Papiſt, having an ambition to be taken notice of as an Enemy to the Duke, tranſported himſelf into Flanders, and from thence about the beginning of that Parliament, ſent over a ſmall Pamphlet in the form of a Petition in his owne name to the Parliament, accuſing the Duke of Buckingham of having poyſoned the Marqueſſe of Hamilton, and King JAMES; which Pamphlet was induſtriouſly ſcattered up and down the ſtreets in the City of London; and the Houſe of Commons being at the ſame time incenſed againſt the Duke, in their Impeachment or Remonſtrance againſt him, thought fit to inſert the giving of that Drink, and applying that Plaiſter (which was all that was mentioned in that Pamphlet concerning King James) as a tranſcendent preſumption in the Duke, as is ſet forth in this Declaration.

If they had been ingenuous, they would likewiſe have ſet forth the Duke's anſwer to that Clauſe, and then the people would have underſtood that there was nothing adminiſtred to the King, without the privity of the Phyſitians, and His own importunate deſire and Command; the applications being ſuch, as unlearned people upon obſervation and experience in thoſe known and common Diſeaſes, believe to do much good, and the learned acknowledge can doe no hurt; And the Parliament continued above a Week after that Anſwer was put in, and no one perſon appeared in that time to offer the leaſt evidence concerning that Clauſe; and the King might very well in juſtice to the honour of a faithfull Servant diſcharge His owne knowledge to free him from ſo horrible an imputation; And after the diſſolution of that Parliament, all imaginable care was taken to examine the grounds, and to diſcover the Authours of that Suggeſtion; And it is known the miſerable wretch, who raiſed the Scandal, with great penitence afterwards acknowledged his Villany, and died with the horrour of his guilt.

In the year following, there was another Parliament ſummoned, which continued and ſate many Months together before the Dukes death, and which was not more devoted to him then the former had been; where thoſe two Gentlemen mentioned in the Declaration bore great ſway, and were nothing reconciled to the Duke or the Court, yet in all their Remonſtrances, not the leaſt word of that aſperſion, all men believing and knowing it to be the moſt groundleſſe, that could be imagined.

After the beginning of this Parliament when the licence of Talking and Preaching ſeditiouſly was introduced, it was whiſper'd amongſt ſome of the chief Agents for the confuſion which hath ſince followed, that they would examine the matter of the Death of King James, and ſhortly after the buſineſſe of the five Members, when the King was at Windſor, and the two Houſes governed ſo abſolutely; This Pamphlet written ſo long ſince by Egliſham was printed, and publickly ſold in Shops, and about the Streets, and a very powerfull perſon of that Faction, with ſome ſeeming trouble in his countenance, told one of the Secretaries of State, that many took the liberty abroad to diſcourſe too boldly of the Death of King James, and that he would ſend one to him, a Clergy man, who could give him a particular information of it; the ſame night the man came to him, who told him that there was a Papiſt, who lived about London, or in the neareſt part of Surrey, who reported, that he could prove, that King James was poyſoned; the Secretary required the Informer to attend him at an houre the next day; and early in the morning, aſſembled the Privy Councell, acquainted them with the Information, and the Informer; and deſired their Lordſhips advice and opinions what ſhould be done upon it; the moſt of them were very ſhy in the matter, and he who had firſt ſpoken of it, and ſent the Informer, ſeemed wonderfully troubled that it was Communicated ſo publickly; by which it was evident he had in the intimation ſome Deſigne either upon that Honourable Perſon or his Maſter, of which he hoped to have made another uſe: The Secretary immediately after he had received the intelligence, ſent an Expreſſe to His Majeſty with the account, and that he intended forthwith to impart it to the Councell, ſince it was no hard matter to gueſſe what was meant by thoſe, who were privy to it, and therefore deſired His further pleaſure upon it; and finding the ſwaying part of the Councell at that time unwilling to meddle in it, he expected the King's Command, and in the mean time only ſent a Warrant to apprehend that Papiſt, which could not be done without the diligence and advice of the Informer, who only knew where he was, and whom he required to aſſiſt. The ſame, or the next day the King returned His poſitive and expreſſe Command, That the Lords of His Councell ſhould uſe all poſsible Induſtry and diligence in the examination, and leave no way unattempted for the full diſcovery: which Command was immediately delivered by the Secretary to their Lordſhips, who thereupon gave ſome directions, but thoſe Lords who deſired to conceale them, knowing onely who the Authors were, though a formall Order was given for the enquiry, no further diſcovery was made, or any avowed Diſcourſe of it till this Declaration; It being then ſaid privately amongſt themſelves, that the time was not yet come, that they might make uſe of that matter.

This is too much to be ſaid, upon the occaſion of this moſt impoſſible Calumny and Scandall, which hath never, nor can make impreſſion upon any ſober honeſt underſtanding, except to beget a horrour againſt the Contrivers of it; And all true Engliſh hearts will ſo far reſent it, as to expreſſe a deteſtation of the Authours, who being drunk with the bloud they have ſpilt, and confounded with the ſenſe of their own wickedneſſe, have by this laſt impotent Act, declared, that they are at the bottome of their malice; and that by the juſt judgment of God, their wits are as near an end as their Allegiance; and that they have no other ſtock left, but of deſpaire and madneſſe, to carry them through their impious undertakings.

4. The next reproach is the buſineſſe of Rochel, and that His Majeſty let divers of the Navy Royall, and other Merchant Ships to be imployed against thoſe, whom he was engaged to have aſsiſted; and the King's Letter to Captain Penington, which they ſay they can ſhew under his own hand, and that hereby Rochel was betrayed.

Though the age, quality, and education of moſt of thoſe who conſented to this Declaration will not admit a Suppoſition, that they knew much of the tranſaction of this matter, yet there are ſome amongſt them, who might well have remembred, that there was only one Ship of the Navy Royall (the Vantguard) lent by His Majeſty to the French King, and that the ſame was returned long before Rochel was beſieged, and neer if not full two years before it was rendered; and therefore it would not be very eaſie to prove, that it was loſt (much leſſe betrayed) by that Action, or that the Ships were imployed againſt thoſe, whom His Majeſty was engaged to have aſsiſted; But becauſe much unskilfull diſcourſe hath been of this Argument to the prejudice of the King, and many wel-meaning people have been too credulous in it, without conſidering that Actions of that nature between great Princes, are grounded upon deep reaſons of State, above the apprehenſion of vulgar underſtandings; and that the King upon this new alliance, having at the ſame time a Warre with Spaine, had great reaſon to gratifie France in all offices of friendſhip; It may be worth the labour briefly to ſet down the truth of that matter, and the proceedings thereupon.

About the time of His Majeſties Marriage with the Queen, the French King had many deſignes upon Italy, and a particular difference and conteſt with the States of Genoa, and upon concluſion of that Treaty, and renewing the antient League and amity, confirmed & ſtrengthned by this Marriage, His Majeſty was content to lend the Vantguard, and to give licence that ſix or ſeven Merchant Ships might be hired (if the Owners were willing) to ſerve the French King in the Mediterranean Sea, and upon a preciſe promiſe, that they ſhould not be imployed againſt thoſe of the Religion in France: Accordingly the Vantguard (and no other Veſſell of the Navy Royall) was delivered, and the Merchants Ships likewiſe hired by the French Agents, with the full conſent of the Owners, One of which (or one by their nomination) Commanded each Ship and carried the ſame into France, and there themſelves delivered the Ships into the poſſeſſion of the French.

After theſe Ships were thus engaged in the French ſervice, and joyned to their Fleet, in which were 20 Ships of Warre likewiſe borrowed of the Hollanders, commanded by Hauthaine the Admirall, and Dorpe his Vice-Admirall, who it is very probable, nor their Maſters, were privy, or conſenting to that enterprize, and with which they were much ſuperiour to thoſe of the Religion, though the Engliſh Ships had been away, they fell upon the Rochel Fleet, and took and deſtroyed many of them; The King was no ſooner informed of this, then he highly reſented it by His Ambaſſadour, and the French King excuſed it upon thoſe of the Religion, who, He Alleaged, had without cauſe, broken the peace; the Duke of Subeſe having when all was quiet, ſeized all the French Ships at Blauet, which very Ships made the beſt part of the Fleet he had now incountred and broken; And that the King of England ought to be ſenſible of the injury, the peace (thus broken) having been made and conſented to by the French King, upon His Majeſties earneſt mediation and interpoſition; Notwithſtanding which His Majeſty juſtly incenſed, that His Ships ſhould be imployed contrary to His pleaſure and the promiſe made to Him, immediatly required the reſtitution of His, and all the Engliſh Ships, the which was no ſooner made, then to publiſh to the world how much He was diſpleaſed with that Action, He entred into Hoſtility with France, the chief ground of that quarrell being, that the Engliſh Ships had been imployed againſt thoſe of the Religion, contrary to the expreſſe promiſe made that they ſhould not be uſed againſt them, as appears as well by the Manifeſt of theLife of Lewis 13. p. 79. Duke of Buckingham, dated 21 July, and printed ſince this Parliament, as by the Records of State of that time. Let the world now judge with what colour the loſſe of Rochel (which as is ſaid before hapned not till neer or full two years after the return of the Engliſh Ships) can be imputed to the King.

5. The fifth Article, is, the deſigne of the Germane-Horſe, Pag. 18 Loanes, Privy Seales, Coat and Conduct mony, Shipmony, and the many Monopolies; all which, are particularly mentioned in the firſt Remonſtrance of the Houſe of Commons of the 15 of December, 1642. as the effects of evill Counſellours, and with a Proteſtation in that Petition which accompanied it to His Majeſty, that it was without the leaſt intention to lay a blemiſh upon His Majeſties Exact Col. p. 4. Royall Perſon, but only to repreſent how His Royall Authority and truſt had been abuſed: And finding that the vile language and aſperſions which they caſt upon the King were generally cenſured and ill ſpoken of, The Lords and Commons afterwards in their Declaration ofEx. Col. p. 198, 199. the 19 of May, tell the people, that if they ſhould ſay that all the ill things done of late in His Majeſties name have been done by Himſelf, they ſhould neither follow the direction of the Law, nor the affection of their owne hearts, which (they ſay) is as much as may be to clear His Majeſty of all imputation of miſgovernment, and to lay the fault upon His Miniſters; and then finding fault with thoſe, who make His Majeſty the Authour of evill Counſels, they uſe theſe words, We His Majeſties loyall and dutifull Subjects, can uſe no other Stile, according to that Maxime of the Law, [The King can doe no wrong:] but if any ill be committed in matter of State, the Councell; if in matters of Iuſtice, the Judges muſt anſwer for it: So that if they would guide themſelves either by the good old, or their own new laws (from which in truth they ſwerve no leſſe, then from the other) they have themſelves anſwered, and declared againſt this Article; but ſince that is not currant, examine the particulars.

The time when this deſigne is ſuppoſed to have been, was when His Majeſty had a War with the two greateſt Kings of Chriſtendome, France and Spaine, and therefore if He had purpoſed to have drawn auxiliary Forces into His Service, it had been no wonder, nor more then all Princes uſe, yet in truth, there was never any deſigne to bring in Germane Horſe, only in thoſe unquiet times when the Kingdom was ſo much threatned from abroad, amongſt other expedients, for ſtrength and defence, ſuch a propoſition was made, or rather ſome diſcourſe upon it, which the King rejected, and did never conſent that it ſhould be put in practice; and therefore it may ſeem ſtrange, that this deſigne ſhould be now objected againſt His Majeſty, who alone refuſed and hindred it, and that Balfore and Dalbiere, (who were the principall, if not the only Projectors of it) ſhould be in ſuch high reputation and eſteem with the Declarers.

The Loanes, Privy Seales, and other courſes of raiſing Money were upon extraordinary, and immergent occaſions, and of the ſame nature, that have been in all times practiced, upon reaſon and neceſsity of State; And Monopolies are weeds, that have alwaies grown in the fat ſoile which long peace and plenty makes, and of that kind they may find a larger Catalogue in their Journall book of the 43 year of Queen Elizabeth (a time that no ſober man complaines of) then in any time ſince, and which was not then, nor reaſonably can be imputed to the Crowne, ſince new inventions have juſtly ſo great encouragements and priviledges by the Law, that if thoſe Miniſters, through whoſe hands ſuch grants are to paſſe, are not very vigilant, it is not poſſible, but upon ſpecious pretences, many things unwarrantable, of that nature, will have the countenance of the Kings hand; yet thoſe particulars were no ſooner complained of to His Maty, then He willingly applied the remedies wch were propoſed; & before theſe troubles began, paſſed ſuch excellent laws for the prevention of the like inconveniences for the future, that a better ſecurity cannot be provided: So that men muſt think this Rebellion to have been raiſed on the behalf of, not againſt thoſe exorbitances, which without it, could never probably have been again exerciſed in this Kingdome.

And here the people cannot enough obſerve, and wonder, that theſe grievances ſhould in this manner be objected againſt the King, who removed and aboliſhed them, in a time when, and by thoſe, who have renued and improved the ſame, and introduced new vexations upon His Subjects in an illimited manner, and intolerable proportion.

That, They ſhould complain of a deſigne of bringing in German Horſe to enſlave us (which (if any ſuch deſigns were) by the goodneſſe of the King was fruſtrated and rejected) who have actually brought in an Army of all Rations upon us, and have no pretence of continuing it, but that they may ſubdue us, diſſolve the Government of the Kingdome, and make us Slaves to their own paſſions and appetite.

That, They ſhould remember the King of inforced Loanes, Privy Seales, Coat and Conduct mony, who (ſinceEx. Col. p. 763, 764, 765. the ſame have been abrogated by Him) have by their Ordinance, compelled men to lend the Fifth and the Twentieth part of their Eſtates for the maintenance of their Armies; that fifth and twentieth part to be rated according to ſuch proportion, as certain perſons named by them ſhall aſſeſſe, and if any perſon ſhall refuſe to pay the monyColl. Ordin. 2. Vol. p. 173. ſo aſſeſſed upon him, then Collectors ſhall leavy it by diſtreſſe, and for want of diſtreſſe he ſhall be committed to priſon, with ſuch circumſtances of ſeverity and uncharitableneſſe as were never exerciſed by any Royall Command.

That, They ſhould complaine of the ingroſsing of Gunpowder, in which His Majeſty did nothing but what by His legall Prerogative He might do, who by their Ordinance of the 3 of April, 1644. for the making of Saltpeter, Col. Ord. 2 vol. p. 477, & 796. and by the other of the 7 of Febr. 1645. for making Gun-powder, have eſtabliſhed all thoſe clauſes in His Majeſties Commiſſion of which there was any colour of complaint, to Projectors of their owne, with ſo much worſe circumſtances, as the juriſdiction their Committees exerciſe (to whom appeales are to be made) is more grievous, chargeable, and inſupportable, then that was of the Councell Table.

That, They ſhould mention the Patent of Wine, which was to pay forty Shillings upon the Tun to His Majeſty, when by the Ordinance of the 22 of July, 1643. they have laid an impoſition upon it of ſix pounds, over and above all Cuſtomes, and by the Ordinance of the 9 of October following, have authorized the Vintners to ſell it at as great, and ſome at greater prices, then was ever tolerated during the time of His Majeſties impoſition.

Laſtly, (to omit the other particulars of Salt, Allum, Tobacco, and the reſt, upon every one of which they have by their particular Ordinances laid much heavier taxes then was thought of in thoſe times) that they ſhould reproach the King with the Ship mony (which by their own computation came not to above 200000l. by the year) as the compendium of all oppreſsion and ſlavery, for which His Majeſty had a judgment in a Court of Law, before all the Judges of England, and which was alwaies leavied by the due formes of Law, and which His Majeſty, when He was informed of the injuſtice of it, frankly quitted, and did His beſt to pull it up by the roots, that no branch of it may hereafter grow up to the diſquiet of His people, when themſelves have almoſt ever ſince by that one Ordinance of the 1 of March, 1642. impoſed a Weekly taxEx. Col. p. 932. upon the Kingdome of three and thirty thouſand five hundred and eighteen pounds, which in the year amounts to no leſſe then one million ſeven hundred forty two thouſand nine hundred and odde pounds, to which they have ſince added by their Ordinance of the 18 of October, 1644. for the relief of the Brittiſh Army in Ireland a Weekly tax upon the Kingdome of three thouſand eight hundred pounds, wch Col. Ord 2 vol. p 563. in the year comes to one hundred ninety ſeven thouſand ſix hundred & odde pounds (as much as ever Ship mony aroſe to) over and above Free-quarter, and all their other Orders for Sequeſtration, and twentieth part, and the cruell circumſtances in the executing thoſe and all other Ordinances, againſt the irregular doing whereof, they will allow no Appeale, to the Judges, though of their own making, but reſerve the intire Connuſance and direction to themſelves.

It is pity that parentheſis of the Spaniſh Fleet with a great Army therein brought into the Downes, 1639. (of which out of their goodneſſe, they ſay, they will ſay nothing) ſhould receive no Anſwer; That having been often unskilfully ſpoken of, as it is now inſinuated, as a deſigne againſt England, whereas they who know any thing, know, that Fleet was bound from Spaine to Flanders, with mony to pay their Army, and new leavied Souldiers to recruit it, of which there was the greater number, becauſe it was purpoſed to carry many old Soldiers from thence to Catalonia, but all thoſe Souldiers in the Fleet were without Armes, and without Officers, and the Fleet ſo far from being provided for an invaſion, that in a little Fight with the Hollanders before the winde brought them into the Downes, they had ſo near ſpent their Powder, that they had a ſupply for their mony from London, which the King could not in honour and juſtice deny, the Hollanders themſelves offering them what Powder they wanted for ready mony.

6. Next follows the torture our bodies heretofore ſufferedPage 18. by whipping, cutting off Eares, Pillories, and the like, with cloſe impriſonment, aggravated with the Dominion exerciſed over our Soules, by Oathes, Excommunications, new Canons, &c. by which they would have it concluded that His Majeſties Government was full of cruelty and oppreſsion.

It is an undeniable evidence of the excellent Government, Sobriety, and obedience of that time, that there were not above ſix infamous perſons, from the beginning of His Majeſties Reigne, to the firſt day of this unhappy Parliament, who were publickly taken notice of to have merited thoſe corporall puniſhments and ſhame; and of the mercy of that time, that thoſe ſuffered no greater, there being not one of them who was not guilty of ſedition to that degree, that by the Law they were liable to heavier judgments then they underwent: And for the Oathes, Excommunications, Ceremonies, and Canons, they were no other, and no otherwiſe exerciſed, then was agreeable to the Laws, and the Government eſtabliſhed; Of and for which, the Sects, Schiſmes, and Hereſies, the diſſoluteneſſe, profaneneſſe and impiety, which have followed that ſince bleſſed Order hath bin diſcountenanced and ſuppreſſed, hath made a fuller and more ſenſible Vindication, then any diſcourſe can doe.

And here the people will again take notice, that theſe Judgments and proceedings (which alwaies paſſed in due form of Law, in Courts of Juſtice, and in which no innocent man can pretend to have ſuffered) are objected againſt the King, by thoſe, who without any colour of juriſdiction, but what themſelves have aſſumed and uſurped, in ſtead of inflicting any ordinary puniſhment, take away the lives of their fellow Subjects, who have not treſpaſſed againſt any known Law, and impriſon others, with ſuch unuſuall circumſtances of reſtraint, cruelty, and inhumanity, that many perſons of reputation, integrity and fortunes, being firſt robbed and ſpoiled of all their Eſtates, for not conforming themſelves to the wickedneſſe of the time, have periſhed in priſon, and very many of the ſame condition are like to doe ſo for want of ſuch nouriſhment, as may ſatisfie nature; and whoſoever compares the good old Oaths formed and adminiſtred by lawful Authority, to every clauſe whereof the conſciences of theſe very men have ſeemed fully to ſubmit, with the Oathes and Covenants injoyned by themſelves, will have reaſon to conclude mens Soules were never in ſo much danger of captivity, and that what the worſt men underwent for their notorious crimes in the time of which they complain, was recreation and pleaſure, to what all are now compelled to endure for being honeſt and conſcientious men.

7. The long intermiſsion of Parliaments is remembred,Pag. 19. and that at the diſſolution of ſome, priviledges have been broken, and that followed with cloſe impriſonment and death.

That long intermiſſion of Parliaments was graciouſly prevented and remedied for the future long before theſe troubles, by His Majeſties conſent to the Bill for trienniall Parliaments, and the people would think themſelves very happy, if they had no more cauſe to complain of the continuance of this, then of the former intermiſſion, they having during thoſe twelve years injoyed as great a meaſure of proſperity and plenty, as any people in any age have known, and an equall proportion of miſery ſince the beginning of this: For the breach of Priviledge, and impriſonment of Members, the Lawes were open for all men to appeale and have recourſe to, and that ſingle perſon that died under reſtraint, ſuffered that reſtraint by a Judgment of the Kings Bench, ſo that if there were any injuſtice in the Caſe, it cannot be charged upon His Majeſty.

8. The Scene is now removed into Scotland, and thePag. 19. new Liturgy and Canons with what ſucceeded thereupon makes up the next Charge, aggravated with the Cancelling and burning the Articles of Pacification which had been there made upon the mediation of the Lords.

If the King had not been ſo tender of the Act of Oblivion in the Treaty of Pacification between the two Kingdomes, that he would not ſuffer any provocation to incline Him to ravell into that buſineſſe, he might eaſily have freed Himſelf from all thoſe calumnies and aſperſions; And it will be but juſtice and gratitude in that Nation, highly to reſent, that whilſt all guilty men ſhelter themſelves under that Act of Oblivion, His Majeſty (who is the only innocent and injured Perſon) ſhould have His mouth ſtopped by it (which is His own expreſſion and complaint in His Anſwer to the Declaration at Newmarket)Ex. Col. p. 106. from any Reply to the reproaches caſt on Him in that matter; otherwiſe He might eaſily have made it appear that that Liturgy and thoſe Canons were regularly made and framed, and ſent thither by the advice, or with the approbation of the Lords of the Councell of that Kingdome; and if the putting them in practice and execution was purſued with more paſſion & impatience there, then in prudence & policy was agreeable, the error was wholly to be imputed to thoſe Miniſters of that Kingdome, who were moſt proper to be truſted in it; however, that ſo generall a defection, and inſurrection was not in any degree, juſtifiable or warrantable by the Laws of that Kingdom, is moſt certain, they having no viſible Forme either of Parliament or King to countenance them, as the ArmyDecl. and Papers of the Army, p. 39. hath lately obſerved; And that the Pacification firſt made by His Majeſties mercy, and Chriſtian deſire to prevent the effuſion of the bloud of His Subjects, how ill ſoever, was broken by them, and thereupon declined by the full advice of the Lords of His Councell, by whoſe unanimous advice the Articles were publickly burned, as may appear by the Record in the Councell Book of that tranſaction.

9. In the next is remembred, the calling and diſſolving Pag. 20. the ſhort Parliament, and the Kings proceeding after the diſſolution.

That the calling that Parliament was an Act of the Kings great wiſdome and goodneſſe, was then juſtly and generally acknowledged, and that it was in His owne power to diſſolve it when He thought fit, is as little doubted, but that He did unhappily for Himſelf, by falſe Information in matter of fact, and evill advice diſſolve that Parliament, is believed by all men, and upon the matter confeſſed by Himſelf, and that that information and advice was moſt pernicious, and the riſe of all the miſeries we have ſince undergone, is not denied; and 'tis therefore the more wondred at, that the charge of that guilt being part of the impeachment againſt two great perſons, whoſe bloud they have ſince drunk, that particular was declined in the proſecution of them both; and that though it be enough known by whoſe falſe information and inſtigation that unfortunate counſell was followed, extraordinary care hath been taken, that he ſhould not be queſtioned for it, which, together with the exceſſive joy that the principall Actors in theſe late miſchiefs expreſſed at that ſad time, gives men reaſon to conclude, that it was contrived by thoſe who have reaped the fruit and advantage of the error: What the King took from His Subjects by power, which He could not otherwiſe obtain, after that diſſolution is not particularly ſet forth, and therefore it is very probable there was no ground for the calumny, nor indeed was any man a loſer by any ſuch Act of His Majeſty.

10. Thus far the catalogue reaches of the Kings enormousPage 20. crimes during the firſt ſixteen years of His Reigne to the beginning of this Parliament, in which they confeſſe they proceeded with eaſe, as long as there was any hope, that they would comply with His Majeſty againſt the Scots, and give aſſiſtance to that war; but when He found that hope vaine, and that they began to queſtion the Authours of thoſe pernicious Counſells, His Majeſty diſcovered Himſelf ſo ſtrongly and paſsionately affected to malignant Counſellours, and their Councells, that He would ſooner deſert and force the Parliament and Kingdome, then alter His courſe, and deliver up His wicked Counſellours to Law and Juſtice.

There are not ſo many years expired ſince the beginning of this Parliament, (though it hath been a tedious age of miſery and confuſion) but that all mens memories will recollect and repreſent to them the folly and the falſhood of this Charge: It is not imaginable that the King could expect after the beginning of this Parliament, that it would comply with Him and give Him aſſiſtance in a War againſt the Scots, when He plainly diſcover'd, that they who were like to be, and afterwards proved, the chief Leaders, and Directors in that Councell, were of the ſame party; and how far He was from ſheltring any Counſellour or Servant from juſtice, or any colourable proceeding of the Law, is as well known: neither did He deny His royall aſſent to any one Bill, till after He was by force & Tumults driven from White Hall, and after he had indeed conſented to whatſoever could be honeſtly asked of Him for the ſecurity and benefit of the Kingdome.

11. The Queen is too near His Majeſty not to bear aPag. 21. part and a ſhare with Him in theſe calumnies, and therefore Her deſigne to advance Popery is remembred, and Her obſerving a Popiſh Faſt, with Secretary Windebanks going beyond Sea by His Majeſties Paſſe, after He was queſtioned by the Houſe of Commons.

What that deſigne of Her Majeſty was for the advancement of Popery, is not particularly mentioned, and therefore no Anſwer can be given to it, and having expreſſed ſo much undutifulnes & malice to Her Majeſty, throughout the whole courſe of their Rebellion, it is not probable they have concealed any thing they could lay to Her charge; For the Faſt obſerved by Her, it is well known that the time of it, was when the King was in the Field, and his Perſon liable to much danger, which piety and devotion was very agreeable to Her goodneſſe and exemplar affection towards her Husband; And the Kingdome would think it ſelf abundantly bleſſed, if the Faſts ſince obſerved by theſe men had produced no worſe effects, then that did, wch was obſerved by her Mty, For S. Windebanke, the Houſe of Cōmons had it in their power to have proceeded againſt him, & to have prevented his eſcape, he being in the Houſe, and according to order withdrawn into the Committee Chamber, after the report was made, and after as much appeared againſt him, as was ever objected or diſcovered afterwards; but the Houſe, contrary to cuſtome roſe without proceeding upon it, and therefore His Majeſty might very well give him leave to diſpoſe of himſelf: And the truth is, they by whom the Houſe was then guided, were beſt pleaſed with his abſence, and purpoſely declined the proceeding againſt him, when he was in their hands, thinking it eaſier to procure his place for one of their principall Members to whom they had deſigned it, upon the advantage of his flight, then if he had ſtaid to abide his Triall, which for many reaſons they would not have thought fit to haſten, or to proceed in.

12. The Allegations of Commiſſions given to PopiſhPag. 21. Agents for private leavies (except they intend the Collections made amongſt the Papiſts of money for the Kings expedition into the North, which was likewiſe amongſt, and no leſſe liberally complied with by the Lords of the Privy Counſell, and the other Proteſtants of the beſt quality throughout the Kingdom) or that the Papiſts began to riſe and arme themſelves in the Northweſt of England and Wales, the raiſing Soldiers under pretence for Portugal, and the ſeizing of the Tower, are ſo ſtale, vaine, and ridiculous, that (though upon the firſt contrivance of them, the fame ſerved the turn of the Contrivers, mens obſervation and knowledge having ſince informed them, that there was nothing like either of them) there needs no further Anſwer to them.

13. The next Article is, the great Caball for bringing Pag. 22. up the Northerne Army to over-awe the Parliament, the chief part of which they can prove (they ſay) to come from Himſelf to the maine Actors, though the King did ſo often and ſolemnly diſ-avow it, as nothing but looſe diſcourſes of a modeſt Petition, which alſo vaniſhed two or three Months (he ſaith) before they knew of it.

They doe well to except againſt the Kings poſitive denying it, when they have onely their owne confident and poſitive affirming it for proof; but they had need ſuppreſſe and burn all His Majeſties Declarations and Anſwers, in which He hath abundantly ſatisfied the world in this particular, as well as they reſtrain His Perſon, and as they have concealed all thoſe Depoſitions taken by themſelves in this Argument, which would manifeſt clearly, that there was no ſuch deſigne by His Majeſty, ſo they need recall all thoſe they have already publiſhed, if they deſire to have that deſigne believed.Ex. Col. p. 107.

The King in His Anſwer to the Declaration, preſented to Him at Newmarket, uſes theſe words, We cannot without great indignation, ſuffer Our ſelf to be reproached, to have intended the leaſt force or threatning to Our Parliament, as the being privy to the bringing up the Army, would imply, whereas We call God to witnes We never had any ſuch thought, or knew of any ſuch reſolution concerning Our late Army; And afterwards His Majeſty in His Declaration of the 12 of Auguſt (a Declaration that never was offered to be Anſwered) at large ſet forth all He ever knew of that buſineſſe, or which upon exact inquiry He could imagine to be in it, by which it plainly appears, that ſome Officers of the Army, (of very good and confeſſed reputation for their affection to their Country) obſerving the ſtrange Petitions every day preſented to the Houſe of Commons againſt the eſtabliſhed Laws and Government of the Kingdome, and the unlawfull manner in the delivering thoſe Petitions, by thouſands of diſorderly perſons in Tumults, ſuppoſed, that a Petition of a moſt modeſtEx. Col. p. 524. and dutifull nature from the whole Army, for the compoſing and ſetling all grievances in the Church and State by Law, might for the reaſon of it prevaile with the whole Houſe, and coming from ſuch a body, might confirm thoſe, who might be ſhaken with any fears of power or force by the Tumults; and His Majeſty being made acquainted with this propoſition, gave his full approbation to it, which He had great reaſon to do, ſince as there was notable induſtry uſed to corrupt His Army, and to make it applicable to the ill purpoſes then reſolved on; ſo pains was taken to perſwade the people, that it was in truth very indevoted to the King, and ready to ſerve the Parliament any way it ſhould direct; And (as His Majeſty ſaies) if in the managery of this debate, any raſh diſcourſes hapned of bringing up the Army, it is evident whether they were propoſed in earneſt or no, that they were never entertained, and the whole matter was laid aſide, above two Months before any diſcovery, ſo that that danger was never prevented by the power or wiſdome of Parliament.

It appears by the evidence and Depoſitions publiſhed by themſelves, by the Order of the 19 of May, 1642. together with that Declaration, that this dangerous Plot began Ex. Col. p. 218. without the leaſt privity of the Kings, upon ſome Officers taking offence & diſ-like, that of fifty thouſand pounds Ordred for payment of the Kings Army, ten thouſand pounds was taken by an after Order out of that ſumme to ſatisfie a new motion and importunity from the Scots: and that thoſe Officers upon that diſtaſt diſcourſed, that they were diſobliged by the Parliament, and not by the King, and thereupon concluded to tender their Services to His Maty in all things honourable and agreeable to the fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome; That in debates afterwards together, mention was made of bringing up the Army to London, and making ſure the Tower; and as ſoon rejected, as propoſed; and onely propoſed (as their evidence ſaies)Pag. 217. to ſhew the vanity and danger of other Propoſitions: And that when the King was made acquainted with it, He ſaid, thoſe waies were vain and fooliſh, and that they ſhould Pag. 219. think of them no more.

That the Petition it ſelf, which His Majeſty approved, was not above the ſize of Petitions, and very much modeſter then any one Petition received by the Authors of this Declaration with approbation, appears by the Petition it ſelf to be read in the 563 pag. of the 1 vol. of the Collect. of Ord. publiſhed by themſelves, which being directed to the two Houſes, as well as to the King, took notice of the ſeditious Tumults, which they ſaid, had beſet the Parliament and White-Hall it ſelf, not onely to the prejudice of that freedome, which is neceſſary to great Councells and Judicatories, but poſsibly to ſome perſonall danger of His ſacred Majeſty and Peers, and therefore deſired that the Ring-leaders of thoſe Tumults might be puniſhed, and that His Majeſty and the Parliament might be ſecured from ſuch inſolencies hereafter; for the ſuppreſſing of which they offered themſelves to wait on them, if they pleaſed, which hath not been ſince thought ſo unnaturall a ſecurity, an Army being ſince called up and kept about them, upon the ſame pretences, to the ſame purpoſe, of which more muſt be ſaid anon: And for the ſtrangeneſs ſuggeſted, that three Gentlemen ſhould flee beyond Sea upon diſcovery of a modeſt Petition, it is no wonder, when men were every day impriſoned, ruined, and deſtroyed upon the moſt triviall diſcoveries, and unreaſonable conjectures and apprehenſions, that men deſired to avoid their Judgment, (who had it in their power to put what interpretation they pleaſed upon any diſcovery, and to inflict what puniſhment they thought fit upon ſuch interpretation) or that the King contributed His allowance to remove His Servants from ſuch a Tribunall.

It is a wonderfull preſumption theſe men have upon the credulity of the people, that they will not examine the truth of any thing they alleage, how eaſie ſoever it is to diſprove them; otherwiſe they would not affirme that at the meeting of Officers at Burrough-Bridge, Propoſitions were made, and private inſtructions brought from the King, whereas it appears, by their own evidence, that Capt. Chudleigh, who is ſuppoſed to have brought thoſe Propoſitions thither (and what they were, appears not) did not receive thoſe Propoſitions from the King; andEx. Col. p. 223. that when he kiſſed the Kings hand, His Majesty ſpake not a word to him of thoſe Propoſitions, which without doubt He would have done, if He had been privy to, or expected any thing from His agitation, it being not alleaged that there was any other Officer of the Army at that time ſo immediatly imployed or truſted in that Agitation: And as there hath not been the leaſt colourable evidence in any of the Depoſitions then or ſince publiſhed, which can reflect upon the King; And as there is much in Maſter Goring's ſecond Examination, and other Depoſitions, ſuppreſſed by them, which if produced, would manifeſt that there was never any ſuch deſigne, as is ſuggeſted; and that to the very Communication concerning it, the King was not any way privy, and diſ-liked it when he heard of it. So it was obſerved then, and not a little wondred at, that Capt. Chudleigh, who was the principallEx. Col. p. 220. perſon imployed, and who confeſſes in his Examination of the 10 of May, that he uſed all his power to incenſe the Army againſt the Parliament; and to kindle a zeale in them towards the King, was ſo far from being in diſfavour with them, that he was immediately imployed by them into Ireland, and afterwards re-called thence, and truſted in the ſecond, if not the firſt Command in the Weſt againſt the King, which they would not have done, if he had been in that manner firſt engaged by His Majeſty.

For the diſcourſe of the Prince his meeting the Army, with the Earle of Newcaſtle and a body of Horſe, it isEx. Col. p. 222. proved to be by a private Major in the Army, who had not only any relation to the King, but at that time had never ſpoken word with His Majeſty in his life, and had no more ground, then the other of the deſigne, for ſome French to ſeize on Portſmouth, which is ſo ridiculous, that it needs no other Anſwer then repeating it.

14. The Offers made to the Scots of the plunder ofPag. 23. London, if they would advance, or of four Northerne Counties, with three hundred thouſand pounds or Iewels of great value, but to ſtand Newters in that deſigne, is another impoſſible branch of this Charge, for which there appears not the leaſt pretence of proof in any thing publiſhed by them, (and they have not been tender of publiſhing all they know, or imagined) but that Maſter Oneale asked Sir Jacob Aſhly, what if the Scots could be made Newtrall? It is not imaginable that the King knew not the temper of that time, (which he ſo grievouſly felt) well enough, to conclude that the Parliament and the Scots were too faſt combined, to be ſever'd for any intereſt of his; and the offer of four Northern Counties, (a thing ſo confeſſedly out of the King's power to give) is ſo ſenſleſſe a calumny, that no man, out of the higheſt fit of madneſſe can believe it, and they to whom this Offer is ſuppoſed to be made, would in all this time have accuſed the King of it, if they had been able to juſtifie any thing like it.

However it is to be obſerved, that though theſe men hold theſe imaginable overtures and deſignes to be very hainous crimes in the King, they reckon the reducing ſuch deſignes into reall and compleat execution, no Offences in themſelves; and that though the King may not wiſh His Subjects of Scotland to ſtand newters in the differences between His Majeſty and His Engliſh people, yet it is no fault in them to engage that Nation to aſſiſt them in Armes againſt the Soveraigne of both Kingdomes; and though a curſory diſcourſe by other men of bringing up the Army to awe the Parliament, be alleaged as a breach of truſt againſt the King never to be forgotten, yet the actuall bringing up an Army upon them, and thereby awing it ſo far, as the driving away many Members, and making thoſe who remained do any thing that Army directs, is no offence in them, either againſt the freedome or priviledge of Parliament.

To that clauſe His Majeſty not being perſwaded by their Petitions to defer His journey into Scotland, in the year 1641. there needs no Anſwer, then the remembring His Majeſties owne words in His Declaration of the 12. of Auguſt, which are theſe: We gave them warning that if Ex. Col. p. 525. there were any more good Bills, which they deſired might paſſe for the benefit of Our Subjects, We wiſhed they might be made ready againſt ſuch a time, when We reſolved, according to Our promiſe to Our Scotch Subjects (with which they were well acquainted) to repair into Our Kingdome of Scotland, to ſettle the unhappy differences there; Upon this We were earneſtly deſired by both Our Houſes of Parliament to defer Our journey thither, as well upon pretence of the danger, if both Armies were not firſt Disbanded, as that they had many good Lawes in readineſſe for the ſetling of differences here, We were by their intreaty perſwaded to defer Our journey to a day agreed on by themſelves, &c. Which relation at large of what followed, may ſatisfie all men of His Majeſties extraordinary complyance; and when He went, He left ſuch a Commiſſion behind him, as was agreeable to Law, and ſufficient to prevent any inconveniences which might ariſe in His abſence; whereas, That deſired by them (being to conſent to all Acts they ſhould paſſe before He returned) was ſo monſtrous, illegall, and unheard-of, that they were themſelves aſhamed to preſſe it farther, and reſted ſatisfied, with that which His Majeſty granted; nor does it appeare that there was in any time before, any iſſued out by the means of Secretary Windebanke of a larger extent; or that was not agreeable to Law, and the policy of that time.

15. Now ſucceeds the high Charge of the buſineſſePa. 24. of Ireland, as if they hoped to perſwade the people, that the King is acceſſary to a Treaſon and Rebellion againſt Himſelf; and that in a time when there were ſo great diſtractions in two of His Kingdoms He ſhould Himſelf put the third into a flame, that ſo He might have none to help Him, to quench the fire that was kindled in the other; the particulars out of which this grand Charge is compounded ſhall be ſeverally examined.

They who have uſed no kind of conſcience or civility in the publiſhing all Letters of His Majeſties, (by what ill means ſoever the ſame have come into their hands) which they imagined might by the ſimplicity and weakneſſe of the people, or the moſt malitious gloſſes and interpretations they could put upon them, beget any prejudice to His Majeſty, cannot be imagined now to conceale any thing that would contribute to their purpoſe, and therefore their not publiſhing thoſe Letters, which they ſay the King ſent into Ireland by the Lord Dillon, immediately before the Rebellion, is argument ſufficient, that either there were no ſuch Letters, or nothing in them, which can in any ſenſe reflect upon His Majeſty; nor can it find credit with any (not malitiouſly and ſtupidly ſottiſh) that after ſo many reiterated infuſions into the people by their ſeverall Declarations that the Rebels of Ireland avowed, that they had a Commiſſiion under the great Seale of England for what they did; It is now inverted into a Commiſſion under the great Seale of Scotland, Sealed at Edenburgh when the King was laſt there; when it is knowne He could no more have affixed that Seale (in whoſe hands ſoever it was) to any ſuch Inſtrument, (if He had had the will, which no Chriſtian believes He had) then He can now diſpoſe of that at London, of which Commiſſion, the world ſhould long ſince have been informed by the Scots, if they could have found a probable ground for the Suggeſtion: And ſurely theſe men would have publiſhed the Depoſitions of thoſe, who (they ſay) have ſeen it, if they had believed them ſuch, as would find credit amongſt men.

What was promiſed to the Iriſh Committee at London, is like to be much better known to the Authours of this Declaration, then to His Majeſty, the greater part whereof being Papiſts, and ſince Active Rebels, having during their ſtay in London, ſo great an intereſt in the powerfull and active Members there, that they were able to prevaile with them to interpoſe in the affairs of that Kingdome in ſuch manner as they deſired; and very probably then laid the foundation, and deſigne of their future Rebellion, upon the principles they then ſaw introduced and countenanced here: By the earneſt advice, and importunate interpoſition of ſome of thoſe principall Members, they prevailed, that after the death of the Lord Deputy Wansford, no ſuch perſon might be appointed temporarily to ſucceed, as was like by his power and vigilance to prevent the wickedneſſe they intended; and if the King gave away, or promiſed them more then five Counties, it was not upon their private mediation, but their publique addreſſe according to their inſtructions from the Parliament, after the Houſe of Commons had made the recovery of, and intit'ling His Majeſty to thoſe Counties, a particular Article of their Impeachment againſt the Earle of Strafford, and ſo blemiſhed His Majeſties juſt and legall intereſt, and what His Majeſty did thereupon, was by the full and deliberate advice of His Councell Board, according to uſuall forms obſerved in the affairs of that Kingdome: It is very probable that His Majeſty might think Himſelf at that time oppreſſed by the two Houſes of Parliament, as He had great cauſe, but that He ſhould expreſſe ſo much, and wiſh that He could be revenged on them, to, or before that Committee, whom at that time He had reaſon to believe to be combined with the other, is more then very unlikely.

The not Disbanding the Iriſh Army is next remembred, and indeed ought not to be forgotten; the not ſeaſonably diſpoſing that body, giving (no doubt) a great riſe, and contributing much to the Rebellion, that ſhortly after brake out; but where the fault of that was, is as evident.

That Army was juſtly and prudently raiſed, when the intention in Scotland was clearly known to invade England, and with a purpoſe to reſtraine or divert that expedition, and if need were, to reduce that Kingdome to their Allegiance, which was the ſenſe, and could be no other of thoſe words charged upon the Earl of Strafford, if any ſuch words were ſpoken: And after the Scots Army was entred England, it was no wonder if the King were not forward to Disband that Army, till He could diſcerne that the other did in truth intend to return, and He no ſooner was confident of the one, then He reſolved the other; but then He wiſely conſidered that the Diſbanding ſuch a body at that time, when ſo much licence was tranſplanted out of this, into that Kingdome, was not ſo like to contribute to the peace of it, as the tranſporting them; and therefore His Majeſty agreed with the Spaniſh Ambaſſadour, that he ſhould have leave to tranſport three or four thouſand of them for his Maſters ſervice, which was no ſooner known, but the Iriſh Committee then at London (who, it may be, had otherwiſe deſign'd the ſervice of thoſe men) prevailed with the Houſe of Commons to interpoſe, and hinder the execution of that Agreement, who (principally, upon conſideration of the umbrage the Crowne of France might take at ſuch an aſſiſtance given to Spaine) preſſed the King to revoke that grant, and to conſent to the Disbanding; That objection was eaſily anſwered by His Majeſty, having agreed likewiſe with the French Ambaſſadour, that the like number ſhould be likewiſe tranſported for France, whereby the whole Army, would have been diſpoſed of; againſt which the Iriſh Committee more preſſed then againſt the other, alleaging that there were not men in that Kingdome to ſpare: whereupon, the Houſe of Commons (by their private Agents) prevailed with the French Ambaſſadour (who more deſired to hinder the ſupply for Spaine, then to procure the like for his Maſter, and it may be, to ſee the King controlled by the Parliament then either of the other) to releaſe the King of His promiſe to him, ſo that they would prevent the Spaniard's having any men; And thereupon they re-inforced their importunity to the King for the preſent Disbanding, and not ſending any of that Army out of Ireland in ſuch a manner, as His Majeſty was forced to yeild to it; and thereby (no queſtion) much was contributed to the opportunity and diſpoſition of rebelling; and to whoſe account that advantage is to be put, all the world may judge: yet it may be fit to obſerve, that of that Iriſh Army (which theſe men would have believed to be no leſſe then a Stratagem againſt the Proteſtant Religion) not one Officer above the quality of Captaine, and not above two of that condition, have ſerved in that Rebellion in Ireland againſt the King.

In all Rebellions the chief Authors and Contrivers of it have made all fair pretences, and entred into ſuch ſpecious Oaths, as were moſt like to ſeduce and corrupt the people to joyne with them, and to put the faireſt gloſſe upon their fouleſt combination and conſpiracy, and therefore it is no wonder, if the Rebels in Ireland framed an Oath by which they would be thought to oblige themſelves to bear true Faith and Allegiance to King Charles, and by all meanes to maintain His Royall Prerogative, at a time when they intended nothing leſſe; And Owen Ex. Col. p. 237. Connelly (who was the firſt happy diſcoverer of that Rebellion) in the ſame Depoſition, in which he ſaies the Rebels would pay the King all His Rights, ſaies likewiſe, that they ſaid, they took that courſe to imitate Scotland, who got a priviledge by it: and Marke Paget in the ſame Examination, in which he ſaies, that the Rebels report that they have the Kings Warrant and great Seale for what they doe; ſaies likewiſe, that they threaten, that as ſoon as they have rooted out the Brittiſh and Engliſh there, to invade England, and to aſsiſt the Papiſts in England: and therefore it is a wonderfull thing, that what they ſweare, or what they ſay, ſhould be imputed to Him, againſt whom they have rebelled and forſworn themſelves. The Authours of this Declaration have (beſides their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy) in the Proteſtation of the 5. of May, ſworn, that they would maintaine and defend the Kings royall Perſon, honour, and eſtate; and ſhortly after would perſwade the people, that they were by that very Proteſtation obliged to take up Armes againſt Him; in their Declaration of the 19. of May, they uſed theſe words,Ex. Col. p. 195. The providing for the publique peace and proſperity of His Majeſty and all His Realmes, we proteſt in the preſence of the all-ſeeing Deity, to have been, and ſtill to be the only end of all our Counſells, and endeavours, wherein we have reſolved to continue freed and enlarged from all private aymes, perſonall reſpects, or paſsions whatſoever: and the very next day Voted, that He intended to make War againſt His Pag. 259. Parliament, and that whoſoever ſhould ſerve or aſsiſt Him were Traytors by the fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome, and (upon that concluſion of His intention) actually leavied an Army, and marched againſt him.

In their Petition of the 2. of June, they tell him, that Ex. Col. p. 307. they have nothing in their thoughts, and deſires, more pretious and of higher eſteem (next to the honour and immediate ſervice of God) then the juſt and faithfull performance of their duty to His Majeſty, and together with that Petition, preſent the 19. Propoſitions to Him, by which they leave Him not ſo much power in His Kingdome, as the meaneſt Member of either Houſe reſerves to himſelf.

Laſtly, (to omit infinite other inſtances) in their Inſtructions of the 18. of Auguſt to the Deputy Lieutenants Ex. Col. p. 572. of Cheſhire, they required them to declare unto all men, that it had been, and ſtill ſhould be, the care and endeavour of both Houſes of Parliament to provide for His Majeſty, That they doe not, nor ever did know of any evill intended to His Majeſties Perſon, when the only buſineſſe and end of thoſe directions and inſtructions were to raiſe that whole County againſt Him; So that this clauſe of the Rebels Oath in Ireland, is no more to be objected againſt the King, then thoſe other clauſes in their own Oaths and Declarations, which they have not yet charged His Majeſty withall.

Concerning the Proclamation againſt the Rebels in Ireland, which they ſay, they could not obtaine in divers Months, and then that but 40 Copies were printed, and expreſſe Order given that none ſhould be publiſhed till further directions: hear His Maj. own full Anſwer to that Charge in His Anſwer to the Declaration of the 19. of May, in theſe words, 'Tis well known that we were, when that Rebellion Ex. Col. p. 247. brake forth, in Scotland, That We immediatly from thence recommended the care of that buſineſſe to both Houſes of Parliament here, after We had provided for all fitting ſupplies from Our Kingdome of Scotland, that after Our returne hither, We obſerved all thoſe formes for that ſervice, which We were adviſed to by Our Councell of Ireland, or both Houſes of Parliament here; and if no Proclamation iſſued out ſooner, it was becauſe the Lords Juſtices of that Kingdome deſired them no ſooner; and when they did, the number they deſired was but Twenty, which they adviſed might be Signed by us, which we for expedition of the ſervice commanded to be printed (a circumſtance not required by them) and thereupon ſigned more then they deſired: So that it is an impudent Aſſertion, that they could not obtain a Proclamation in divers Months, when they never ſo much as deſired or moved it; and it was no ſooner moved to the King, but He gave Order in it the ſame Houre.

But it will not be amiſſe, (ſince this particular hath bin with ſo much confidence, and ſo often unreaſonably objected againſt His Majeſty) to ſpeak ſomewhat of the cuſtome and order uſually obſerved in ſending Proclamations into that Kingdome, and of the reaſon why ſo many, and no more were at that time ſent: except upon any extraordinary reaſons, the King never ſignes more then the firſt draught of the Proclamation, fairly ingroſſed in parchment, which being ſent to the Lord Deputy, or Lords Juſtices in Ireland, is there printed, and the printed Copies diſperſed, as they are in England; His Majeſties ſigne Manuall being not to any of thoſe Copies: The Lords Juſtices and Councell, taking notice of the rumour induſtriouſly ſpread amongſt the Rebels that they had the Kings authority for what they did, which might get credit amongſt ſome; deſired, that they might have twenty Proclamations ſent over ſigned by the King's ſigne Manuall, to the end, that beſides the printed Copies, which they would diſperſe according to cuſtome, they might be able to ſend an Originall with the King's hand to it, to thoſe conſiderable perſons, whom they might ſuſpect to be miſled by that falſe rumour, who when they ſaw the King's very hand, would be without excuſe if they perſiſted: This Letter and deſire from the Lords Juſtices and Councell, was communicated at the Councel Board, and the reſolution there taken, that they ſhould have double the number they deſired, ſigned by the King; and becauſe the ingroſſing ſo many Copies would take up more time, directions were given for the printing forty Copies, all which were ſigned by His Majeſty, and with all poſſible ſpeed diſpatched into Ireland; and the caution that there ſhould be no more printed, then were ſent away thither, was very neceſſary, left the Rebels, by having notice of it, ſhould find ſome device, to evade the end, for which they were ſent, and be prepared to defend their old, or raiſe ſome new ſcandall upon His Majeſty; beſides that there was no imaginable reaſon, why any more ſhould at that time be printed in London.

What was written from Court to the Lord Muskery, that His Majeſty was well pleaſed with what He did, cannot reflect upon His Majeſty, nor had the perſon who is ſuppoſed to have written ſuch a Letter (whom they have in former Declarations declared to be the Lord Dillon & who expreſly denied the ever writing any ſuch Letter) any place or relation at Court, and the King had good reaſon long after to write to the Marqueſſe of Ormond to give particular thanks to Muskery and Punket, They having bin both at Oxford, imployed by the Iriſh to His Majeſty during the Ceſſation, and having made there ſuch profeſſions of their endeavours to reduce the other to reaſon, as might merit His Majeſties thank and acknowledgment, which His Majeſty hath been as forward to give to ſuch of the Rebels here, as have expreſſed any moderation or inclination to return to their obedience, and yet He was never well pleaſed with what they have done, nor can give them thanks for it.

For the delaying and detaining the Earle of Leiceſter, beyond all pretence from going againſt the Rebels, it is wel known how often his Majeſty preſſed the Houſes, that he might be diſpatched and ſent away, and that it was one of the reaſons, which His Majeſty gave in His Anſwer to the Petition of both Houſes of the 28. of April, Ex. Col. p. 144. of His reſolution to go in Perſon into Ireland, becauſe the Lord Lieutenant on whom He relied principally for the Conduct and managing of affairs there, was ſtill in this Kingdome notwithſtanding His earneſtneſſe expreſſed, that He ſhould repair to his Command; after which, it was neer three Months before any preparation was made for his journey, and then about the end of July or beginning of August his Lordſhip came to the King at Yorke, to receive his inſtructions, pretending to have his diſpatch ſo fully from the two Houſes, that he would return no more thither, but as ſoon as he could have His Majeſties Command, he would immediately to Chester, and imbarke; This being about the time that the King was preparing Forces for His defence againſt the Earle of Eſſex; the Earle was detained about a Month before he could receive his inſtructions, and all thoſe diſpatches that were neceſſary, and then he took his leave of His Majeſty, with profeſſion of going directly to Cheſter, but either by command or inclination, that purpoſe was quickly altered, and his Lordſhip returned to London, where he was detained full two Months longer, and then was Commanded expreſly by the Houſes to repair to Cheſter, and not to wait on the King in his way, though His Majeſty being then at Oxford, he could not avoid performing that duty, but by avoiding the ordinary road; when the King heard of his being at Cheſter, where he expected the Ships that were to tranſport him above three Weeks, and that there was no other force in readineſs to be ſent with him, but his own retinue, thoſe Regiments of Foot and Troups of Horſe which had been raiſed for that Service having been imployed againſt His Majeſty at Edge-hill, and being ſtill kept as a part of the Earle of Eſſex his Army, and that there were none of thoſe proviſions or mony to be now ſent over, which had been importunately deſired by the Councell of that Kingdome, His Majeſty conſidered that the Rebels, having been kept in ſome awe, with the apprehenſion of the Lord Lieutenant's comming over with all ſuch ſupplies as were neceſſary to carry on the War, (the aſſurance whereof had likewiſe kept up the ſpirits of the Proteſtants there) if he ſhould now arrive there in ſo private a manner, without any addition of a ſtrength, or proviſion for the ſupply of that ſtrength that was there, it would bring at the ſame time the greateſt affliction, and diſ-heartning to his Proteſtant Subjects that could be imagined, and an equall incouragement to the Rebels, and therefore His Majeſty ſent for him to Oxford, till he might receive better ſatisfaction from the Houſes concerning their preparations for that Kingdom: So that by whom the Earle of Leiceſter was delaied and detained, the world may judge.

The Kings refuſall of a Commiſsion for the Lord Brooke and Lord Wharton, hath been long ſince Anſwered by His Majeſty, the truth of which Anſwer was never yet denied, or replied to; That the Forces to be under their Command, were raiſed before His Majeſties Commiſsion was ſo much as deſired; And then the Commiſsion that was deſired, ſhould have been independent upon His Majeſties Lieutenant of that Kingdome, and therefore His Majeſty had great reaſon not to conſent to it: And how reaſonably thoſe perſons were to be truſted with ſuch a Command, may be judged, by their bringing thoſe very Forces which were raiſed for the relief of the poor Proteſtants of Ireland, againſt the Rebels there, to fight againſt the King at Edge-hill within a very ſhort time after thoſe Commiſſions were deſired.

They ſay they have long ſince named divers Papiſts and perſons of quality, that by the Kings ſpeciall Warrants after the Ports were ſhut by both Houſes of Parliament paſſed hence, and headed the Rebels, when they wanted Commanders; Examine the truth of this, which all men who will take the pains may be judges of.

His Majeſty taking notice of the effect of this Charge, to be ſpoken by Maſter Pim at a Conference with the Lords about the beginning of February, 1641. (the SpeechEx. Col. p. 69. being printed) by His Meſſage of the 7. of that Month to the Houſe of Commons, required to know whether ſuch a thing had been ſaid, and if ſo, upon what ground, His Majeſty being ſure He had uſed all caution in the granting of Paſſe-ports into Ireland.

The Commons anſwered, that the Speech delivered byPag. 70. Mr. Pim, was agreeable to the ſenſe of the Houſe, and that they had received divers advertiſements concerning ſeverall perſons who had obtained His Majeſties immediate Warrant for the paſsing into Ireland, ſince the Order of reſtraint of both Houſes; ſome of which, as they had been informed, ſince their comming into Ireland, had joyned with the Rebels, and been Commanders amongst them, and ſome others had been ſtaid, and were yet in ſafe cuſtody, the Names of whom they ſet downe, being all in cuſtody, and ſaid the particular Names of others they had not yet received, but doubted not, but upon examination they might be diſcovered: But they ſaid they believed it was by the procurement of ſome evill Inſtruments too near His royall Perſon, without His Majeſties knowledge, and intentions.

The King hereupon replied, That the perſons named to Pag. 71. be under reſtraint, made not good the aſſertion in that ſpeech; beſides that, their Paſſes were granted by His Majeſty at His being in Scotland, long before the reſtraint, and being perſons of whoſe good affections there was then no ſuſpition; and that he was moſt aſſured that no ſuch perſon as was comprehended under that Charge had paſſed by His Warrant or privity: and then He deſired His Houſe of Commons to conſider whether ſuch a generall information and advertiſement (in which there was not ſo much as the Name of any particular perſon mentioned) be ground enough for ſuch a direct and poſitive affirmation, as was made in that Speech, which in reſpect of the place and perſon, and being acknowledged to be agreeable to the ſenſe of the Houſe, was of that authority, that His Majeſty might ſuffer in the affections of many of His good Subjects, and fall under a poſſible conſtruction (conſidering many ſcandalous Pamphlets to ſuch a purpoſe) of not being ſenſible enough of that Rebellion, ſo horrid and odious to all Chriſtians, by which in this diſtraction, ſuch a danger might poſſibly inſue to His Majeſties Perſon and Eſtate, as He was well aſſured his Houſe of Commons would uſe their utmoſt endevours to prevent; and therefore His Majeſty ſaid, He expected that they ſhould name thoſe perſons, who by his Licence had paſſed into Ireland, and were there in the head of the Rebels; or that if upon their examination they did not find particular evidence to prove that aſperſion (as His Majeſty was confident they never could) as that affirmation which did reflect upon His Majeſty was very publick; ſo they would publiſh ſuch a Declaration whereby that miſtake might be diſcovered, His Majeſty being moſt tender in that particular, which had reference to Ireland, as being moſt aſſured, that he had been and was from his Soule reſolved to diſcharge his duty (which God would require at his hands) for the relief of his poore Proteſtant Subjects there, and the utter rooting out that Rebellion.

It was above a Month before the King could receive any other Anſwer from them, and then they ſaid, that Ex. Col. p. 117. they had affirmed nothing, but what they had cauſe to believe was true, and preſented ſome of their grounds to His Majeſty; one of which was, that thoſe Licences granted to the perſons under reſtraint were apt to produce ſuch an effect as was mentioned in that poſitive affirmation; and another ground was, that His Majeſty could not be aſſured, that no other did paſſe upon his Licence, and they had cauſe to believe, that ſome did, becauſe they received ſuch generall Information: which reaſons (with ſome other of the ſame kind) they ſaid, they hoped would be ſufficient to perſwade His Majeſty to believe, that as they had ſome cauſe to give credit to the ſaid Informations, ſo they had no intention to make any ill uſe of them to His Majeſties diſhonour, but did impute the blame to his Miniſters.

The King replied again to that Meſſage, That there Pa. 18. was nothing yet declared, that would be a ground for what Mr. Pim had ſo boldly affirmed, for yet there was not any particular perſon named, that was ſo much as in rebellion, much leſſe in the head of the Rebels to whom His Majeſty had given Licence, and therefore. He expected, that the Houſe of Commons ſhould publiſh ſuch a Declaration, whereby that miſtake might be cleared.

Since that time to the houre of the publiſhing this Declaration, they have never made the leaſt addreſſe, or given the leaſt information or ſatisfaction to His Majeſty in that particular, which they then ſaid they had no intention to make uſe of to his diſ-honour; ſo that this laſt preſumption could proceed only from a confidence that the people would believe what they ſaid, not examine the truth of it.

What they mean by the Commanders and Officers, whom the King (they ſay) called off from their truſt againſt the Rebels; and Ships from their guards at Sea, that ſo the Rebels might be ſupplied with forain aides, is not underſtood, except by the Ships they meane thoſe under the command of Captain Kittleby, and Captaine Stradling, who then attended the Iriſh Coaſt, when all his Majeſties Fleet was ſeized by the two Houſes, and imployed againſt Him, and whom His Majeſty upon that occaſion, and confidence of the Loyalty of the Commanders, required to attend Him with their Ships about Newcaſtle, or the North of England, that He might have two of his owne Ships at his diſpoſall, and at the ſame time (that any inconvenience might be prevented by the comming of ſupply to the Rebels) His Majeſty gave notice to the two Houſes of his command in that particular, and required them to take care for the guarding of that Coaſt, which they altogether neglected; notwithſtanding that they found meanes likewiſe to ſeize thoſe two Ships, which His Majeſty hoped He ſhould have been poſſeſſed of.

Nor is it better underſtood what they mean by ſupplies from the Earle of Antrim and Lord Aboyne, or of Armes and Ammunition from the King's Magazines, or from the Queen, which no ſober man believes, or of which no evidence or inſtance hath ſo much as been offered: Some few Suits of clothes in the beginning of the War were taken by the Kings Souldiers about Coventry, when that City was in open Rebellion, which they pretended were prepared for Ireland, and which His Majeſty did what could be done to cauſe to be reſtored, but it was not poſſible, and was apparently their fault, that would not ſend for a ſafe conduct, when they were to paſſe through His Majeſties Quarters.

And how far the King was from conſenting to, or approving that Action, appears by His Majeſties expreſſe Command (which was executed accordingly) for the tranſporting into Ireland of three thouſand Suites ofEx. Col. p. 680. cloths, which He found provided for that Service at Cheſter, after his Majeſty was poſſeſſed of that City, and which had been neglected to be ſent, and which no neceſſity of His own Army could prevaile with Him to ſeize, or divert from that neceſſary uſe for which they were provided.

His Maty never denied any Pieces of Battery deſired by the Councell of Ireland, nor is there the leaſt colour to affirm the ſame; what directions the Rebels give in their Letters of Mart, or whether they gave any ſuch directions as are alleaged, is no way materiall as to His Majeſty; and for Officers and Commanders, who left their truſt againſt the Rebels, it is ſufficiently known, that the Earle of Leven, who by His Majeſties conſent was ſent Generall of the Scots into Ireland againſt the Rebels, was called from thence to lead an Army into England againſt His Majeſty; and when the King's Commiſſioners at the Treaty at Uxbridge alleaged and complained, that many Officers both Scots and Engliſh had in the beginning of that War left that Service, and been entertained by the two Houſes againſt the King, all the Anſwer they could receive was, That they were not ſent for.

This being the caſe (as without any poſſibility of contradiction it is) theſe Gentlemen had no more reaſon to believe the Rebels, when they did ſo often ſwear they did nothing without good authority and Commiſſion from the King, then the Rebels had to believe them, when they ſwore on the 22. of October, 1642. That no private paſsion Ex. Col. p. 663. or reſpect, no evill intention to His Majeſties perſon, nor deſigne to the prejudice of His juſt honour and authority, engaged them to raiſe Forces, and the next day gave His Majeſty battle at Edge-hill: Nor is it more materiall, that Sir Phelim Oneale would not be perſwaded, that Generall Laeſly had any authority from the King againſt the Rebels, then that theſe Gentlemen ſhould be perſwaded in the ſame houre to believe that an Army ſhould be raiſed for the ſafety of the King's perſon, and to ſweare that they would live and die with the Earl of Eſſex, whomEx. Col. p. 457. they nominated Generall to lead that Army againſt the King.

What information was given divers Months before to the Archbiſhop, and others of the Kings Councel, of a deſigne amongst the Papiſts for a generall Maſſacre of all the Proteſtants in Ireland and England, &c. is no objection againſt the King, and as the Archbiſhop was impriſoned divers Months before that Rebellion brake out, ſo it is not like, if they had been able to have charged Him with any concealment, that they would have forborn accuſing him with it at his Triall, when they ſo much wanted evidence againſt him, that they were faine to make his Chaplains not licencing ſuch Books againſt Popery, as they thought did diſcredit the Proteſtant cauſe, an Argument of his Treaſon; and they would likewiſe now have named the others of the King's Counſell, if they could have alleaged any matter, that could have reflected upon them or their Maſter.

Next follows a huddle of the Kings Letters to the Pope, when he was in Spaine, and of others ſince on the behalfe of the Duke of Lorainge, and of the King's having an Agent at Rome (which it is knowne he never had) ſome Months before the Iriſh Rebellion: all which are ſo obſcurely mentioned, and ſo ridiculous, as to any charge againſt the King, that they are not worthy any Anſwer; yet becauſe (how impertinently ſoever) by the licence of theſe times, much hath been ſcandalouſly diſcourſed of a Letter written by the King, when he was Prince, and in Spaine, to the Pope, and ſuch a Letter tranſlated & printed, out of a Copy publiſhed in the French Mercury, it may not be amiſſe to ſay ſomewhat of that buſineſſe.

The Prince being by the command of his Father ſent into Spaine, to conclude a Marriage with the Daughter of that Crowne, which had been long treated of, could not but be obliged, whilſt he was there, to perform all Ceremonies which were requiſite to the compaſſing the buſineſſe he went about; The Kingdome where he was, had a faſt friendſhip with Rome, and ſuch a kind of dependence, that a diſpenſation from thence was thought neceſſary by the wiſdome of that State to the marriage in treaty, towards the procuring whereof, though the Prince would not contribute the leaſt application of his owne, yet he was not reaſonably to do any thing, which might make that diſpenſation the more difficult to be procured; The Pope that then was, writ a Letter to the Prince, which was delivered to his Highneſſe, by his Miniſter there reſident; It was a Letter of reſpect, and in the interpretation of that State, of great kindneſſe; and it would have been thought a very unſeaſonable neglect, if the Prince had vouchſafed it no Anſwer: on the other hand, it was eaſier to reſolve, that it was fit to write, then what; in the mean time, they who were officious that it might be done, prepared the draught of a Letter, and brought it to him; the which, when his Highneſſe had peruſed with his own hand, he expunged thoſe clauſes, which might ſeem to reflect upon the Religion which he profeſſed, and having ſo altered and mended it, he cauſed it to be ſent to the Pope; Copies of the firſt draught were ſpread abroad, by which that was inſerted in the French Mercury, (which is ſo carefully tranſlated and printed, and diſperſed theſe late ill years) and now is given in evidence againſt His Majeſty: But admitting it were the ſame, and that the Prince being in a forain Kingdom, (with the policy whereof he was then to comply) had written that very Letter, which is printed, with what colour of reaſon can any man make that an Argument of his inclination to Popery, who at that time, and ever ſince hath given the greateſt teſtimony of his affection to the Proteſtant Religion, that any Prince or private perſon hath done? The Authours of this Declaration, would not think it juſt, that from their very loving Letters to the Baſhaw at Argyers, and his to them, in 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 which He thanks God that the Agent of the Parliament of England is come thither to make a peace and love betwixt them to the end of the world, as appears by the relation of that buſineſſe fol. 15. publiſhed by their authority, and from the amity with them, to that Degree, that they have given the Turkes men-of-war the freedome of their Harbours, men ſhould conclude, that they are reſolved to turn Turkes, and yet ſuch a concluſion will more naturally reſult from thoſe Letters, and that ſtrict correſpondence, then of the King's affection to Popery from that Letter to the Pope.

It is ſaid that the ſame deſigne was laid in England at the ſame time, and that many thouſands were appointed to cut the Proteſtants throats in this Kingdom alſo, when the King went into Scotland, and that it was confeſſed by ſome of the principall Rebels, that their Popiſh Committee with the King, had communicated that deſigne with many Papiſts in England, by whoſe advice (though ſome things were altered, yet) it was generally concluded, that about the ſame time, there ſhould be the like proceedings of the Papiſts here; all which if true, (as no ſober man believes it to be) does no way reflect upon the King; and that Popiſh Committee was ſent more to the two Houſes, then to the King, and were more owned by them, who tooke ſpeciall care for their Accommodation.

By what is ſaid, it ſufficiently appears, how unjuſt and unreaſonable all the particular Scandals are, with relation to the buſineſſe of Ireland, in which His Majeſty (how impudently ſoever He hath been aſperſed) never did any, or omitted the doing any thing, but according to thoſe rules, which are moſt juſtifiable before God and man; it were to be wiſhed that the two Houſes of Parliament had but as well performed their duty, and obligations; but it cannot be forgotten, that neer the beginning of this Rebellion, when the Houſes pretended wonderfull difficulty to raiſe men for that Service, and when a ſeaſonable ſupply would utterly have broken and defeated the Rebels, the King ſent a Meſſage to them on the 28 of December, Ex. Col. p. 33. 1641. That His Majeſty being very ſenſible of the great miſeries and distreſſes of His Subjects in the Kingdome of Ireland which daily increaſed, and the bloud which had been already ſpilt, by the cruelty and barbarouſneſſe of thoſe Rebels, crying out ſo loud; and perceiving how ſlowly the ſuccours deſigned thither went on, His Majeſty Himſelf would take care, that by Commiſsions (which He would grant) ten thouſand Engliſh Voluntiers ſhould be ſpeedily raiſed for that ſervice, if the Houſe of Commons would declare, that they would pay them: which offer from His Majeſty was rejected, and no conſiderable ſupplies ſent till they had compelled His Majeſty to conſent to ſuch a Bill for Preſſing, as might deveſt and rob Him of a neceſſary and legall power inherent in His Crowne.

Nor can it be forgotten, that they reſerved thoſe men, which were raiſed for Ireland, and would not otherwiſe have been engaged in their Service, but on that pretence, and brought them to fight againſt His Majeſty at Edgehill, and afterwards retained them ſtill in their Service; That they imployed the mony, raiſed by Act of Parliament for the relief of Ireland, and with a particular caution, that it ſhould be imployed no other way, for the ſupport and maintenance of that Army led by the Earle of Eſſex againſt the King, and that from the beginning of the Rebellion in England, (though they received vaſt ſums of mony raiſed only for Ireland) they never adminiſtred any conſiderable ſupply thither, that they could apply to the advancement of their owne Deſignes at home againſt the King.

Theſe particulars (of which kind every man may call to mind many more) nor their notable compliance with the Iriſh Committee, when they came firſt over, are remembred, to imply that the two Houſes of Parliament were guilty of raiſing the Rebellion in Ireland (otherwiſe then by their principles, and proceedings in diminution of the King's ſoveraigne power) or that they cheriſhed it after it was begun (otherwiſe then by not wiſely and vigorouſly endeavouring to ſuppreſſe it, before it ſpread ſo univerſally) but that which may be juſtly laid to their charge is, their affecting and graſping the power of carrying on that War, which ſo great a body is not fit for; their imprudent and unpolitique declaring an animoſity againſt the whole Nation, and even a purpoſe for their utter extirpation, and diſpoſing their Lands to thoſe, who would be adventurers for it; which Act and Declaration it is known drove many into open Rebellion, who were not before ſuſpected, or at leaſt declared to be affected to the Rebels; and laſtly, their giving all their minds up to the kindling that horrid and monſtrous rebellion here, rather then to the extinguiſhing the other in Ireland.

16. Next ſucceeds the Charge againſt the King, for Pag. 29. the unuſuall preparation of Ammunition and Armes (upon His return from Scotland) with new Guards within, and about White-hall; the Fire-works taken and found in Papiſts houſes, the Tower filled with New guards, Granadoes, and all ſorts of Fire-works, Morters and great pieces of Battery, the diſ-placing Sir William Balfore, and placing other Officers, who were ſuſpected by them, and the whole City.

Not to ſpeak of the entertainment they provided for the King againſt His return out of Scotland, when in ſtead of thanking Him for having paſſed ſo many good Acts of grace and favour to them, that there was no one thing more, that the Kingdome could reaſonably aske from Him, or requiſite to make them the moſt happy Nation of the world; They preſented Him a Remonſtrance (as they called it) of the State of the Kingdome, laying before Ex. Col. p. 528. Him (to uſe His Majeſties own words) and publiſhing to the world all the miſtakes, and all the miſ-fortunes; which hapned from His firſt comming to the Crowne, and before, to that houre, forgetting the bleſſed condition all His Subjects had enjoyed in the benefit of peace and plenty under His Majeſty to the envy of Chriſtendome: Not to ſpeak of the licence then uſed in language, when upon debate of ſome pretended breach of Order, one of the principall Promoters of this Declaration publickly ſaid in the Houſe of Commons, without controle, that their Diſcipline ought to be ſevere, for the enemy was in view, when the King was come within one daies journey of the City; His Majeſty found a band of Souldiers entertained to guard the two Houſes of Parliament, which as it had bin never known in age before in that manner, ſo there was not now the leaſt viſible cauſe for it, but that there had been a Plot in Scotland againſt the perſons of the Marqueſſe of Hamilton and Argyle, and therefore there might be the like upon ſome principall Members here: Upon the King's return the Earl of Eſſex reſigned up the Commiſſion with which he had been intruſted by His Majeſty during His abſence to preſerve the peace of the Kingdome, and thereupon that Guard which was drawn together by vertue of that authority in that Earle, was diſſolved with it: The King came then to White-hall, and for what paſſed afterward, heare in His owne words, in His Declaration of the 12. of Auguſt, Great multitudes of Pag. 533. mutinous people every day reſorted to Weſtminſter, threatned to pul down the lodgings where divers of the Biſhops lay, aſſaulted ſome in their Coaches, chaſed others with Boats by water, laid violent hands on the Arch-biſhop of Yorke in his paſsing to the Houſe, and had he not been reſcued by force, it is probable they had murdered him, crying through the ſtreets, Weſtminſter-hall, and between the two Houſes, No Biſhops, no Biſhops, no Popiſh Lords; and miſ-uſed the ſeverall Members of either Houſe, who, they were informed, favoured not their deſperate and ſeditious ends, proclaiming the names of ſeverall of the Peers as evill and rotten-hearted Lords; and in their return from thence, made ſtand before Our gate at White-hall, ſaid, they would have no more Porters Lodge, but would ſpeak with the King when they pleaſed; and uſed ſuch deſperate rebellious diſcourſe, that We had great reaſon to believe, Our owne Perſon, Our Royall Conſort, and Our Children to be in evident danger of violence, and therefore were compelled at Our great charge to entertain a Guard for ſecuring Us from that danger; Theſe are His Majeſties own words, and containe no more then is known to all men, and hath never yet been particularly denied by themſelves, therefore ſure the King had great reaſon to provide ſome Guard for Himſelf; and what was that Guard? Many Colonels and Officers of quality attended the Parliament for Mony due to them by the publique Faith (which to this day hath not been paid to them) theſe Gentlemen upon the Offer of their Service to the King in this exigent, were liſted, and attended at White-hall to defend it againſt the inſolency of thoſe Tumults: and the little Ammunition and Armes which was brought thither, was for that purpoſe: That the Houſes within few daies after raiſed a ſtronger Guard for themſelves, without and againſt the King's Conſent, and with that and other Forces countenanced by that, drove the King from the Towne, is as true and notorious to all the world.

What is meant by the Fire-works found and taken in Papiſts houſes, is not underſtood, except they intend the Lord Herbert's houſe, which being at that time mentioned and examined, was in the Houſe of Commons rejected, as an idle bruite, ſome of their principall Members affirming they had been there, and were ſatisfied, that there was nothing in the practice or deſigne, but what was very juſtifiable.

The Tower was ſo farre from being filled with new Guards, that there were no new Guards put there, till the Houſes took the boldneſſe to doe it; and if the King had made any addition of ſtrength to His own Fort, it would have been no more, then He might well have done: But that the having Granadoes, and all ſorts of Fire-works, Morters and great Pieces of Battery ready prepared in the Tower, ſhould be objected to the King, is wonderfull, ſince it is the proper place, where ſuch Utenſils for war are to be; and if they had been in any other place, it might have adminiſtred ſome occaſion of jealouſie: there were no more pieces of Battery prepared and mounted againſt the City, then had been uſuall and accuſtomed.

It was in the King's juſt power to remove any man from being Lieutenant of the Tower, whoſe fidelity or affection he ſuſpected or made queſtion of, yet (what juſt reaſon ſoever He had for either) Sir William Balfore was removed with his own conſent, and upon ſuch a preſent recompence in mony, as himſelf thought an ample compenſation: it is true, ſome factious Citizens (who were alwaies ready to be applied to any ſeditious action) petitioned againſt Sir John Byron, who ſucceeded in that Command; and alleaged that their jealouſie was ſuch, that they were forced to forbear the bringing in of Bullyon to the Mint; when in truth there was not one of thoſe who concurred in that Petition, that ever brought Bullyon thither, or uſed thar Trade; and to uſe His Majeſties owne words, it is notoriouſly known, There was Ex. Col. p. 546. more Bullyon brought into the Mint, in the time, that Gentleman was Lieutenant, then in the ſame quantity of time in any mans remembrance: And ſurely it will be a great brand upon that time, and the City, to poſterity, and an evidence how far they were from lodging Engliſh hearts in their breſts, that they would think themſelves leſſe ſecure in Sir John Byron, a perſon of Noble Extraction, generous education, unblemiſhed reputation, and a full fortune; then of an indigent Forainer, who had no other Arts to live by, then thoſe of which they juſtly complained, and could not ſerve them, without betraying his faith to his Maſter, to whom he was particularly ſworn, and ingaged by infinite Obligations.

Hitherto they have examined only the errors and overſights, at leaſt the leſſe raging enormities of the firſt Sixteen or Seventeen years of His Majeſties Reigne, now they are entring into the high waies, where they ſay, the tract of open force againſt the Parliament and Kingdom did appear more viſible.

17. The firſt inſtance is the Charge of Treaſon againſt Pag. 29. ſome of both Houſes; and that unparallel'd Act of violence by the King's coming ſo attended to the Houſe of Commons, which they ſay was, but the Prologue to a bloudy Tragedy, &c.

Though the tale of the Members did at that time ſerve their turne, to worke upon the un-skilfull and un-diſtinguiſhing minds of the people, and to apply them to their Service, it was believed they would have now bluſhed to have remembred it, ſince as diſcerning-men were not at that time in any degree ſatisfied of their innocence: ſo all men by the demeanour of thoſe Members afterwards, have concluded that the King had very good reaſon, then, to accuſe them, though it may be the act was not ſo happily deliberated on, as to foreſee thoſe accidents, which might diſturb the progreſſe of it.

Before any thing be ſaid of the matter it ſelf, how far the King was from doing what was not right, it will not be amiſſe to look back, how far they then imputed this act to the King, which is now ſo principall a part of the Charge againſt Him: After His Majeſty had excepted againſt ſome expreſſions uſed by them of His comming to the Houſe of Commons, as if He had intended violence; in their Petition preſented to Him at Tiballs, 1. ofEx. Col. p. 93. March, 1641. they beſought His Majeſty to believe, that the dangerous and deſperate deſigne upon the Houſe, was not inſerted with any intention to caſt the leaſt aſpertion upon His Majeſty, but therein they reflected upon the malignant party, &c. ſo that it ſeems the Houſes then were not of the ſame opinion theſe men are now of.

For the matter it ſelf, That any Members of either Houſe may be proſecuted in the ſame manner, as if they were not Members, in the caſe of Treaſon, or Felony, is ſo known a truth, that no man (who pretends to know the Laws of the Kingdome, or Preſidents of Parliament) ever thought the contrary, or heard the contrary ſaid, till ſince the caſe of theſe Members; and the ſame hath been alwaies acknowledged in all Parliaments, and may be ſaid to be acknowledged4 Part Inſtit. fol. 25. by this, ſince the Lord chief Juſtice Coke ſets it down as a maxime in his Chapter of the High Court of Parliament, which was printed by the eſpeciall Order of the Houſe of Commons, ſince this Parliament began.

That the King had reaſon to accuſe theſe Members of high Treaſon, can be as little doubted, ſince He could make particular proof againſt them of a ſolemn Combination Ex. Col. p. 534, & 535. entred into by them for altering the Government of the Church and State; of their ſoliciting and drawing down the Tumults to Weſtminſter; and of their bidding the people in the height of their rage and fury to go to White-hall; of their ſcornfull and odious mention of His Majeſties Perſon; and their deſigne of getting the Prince into their hands; and of their Treating with Forain power to aſsiſt them, if they ſhould faile in their enterprizes; And why the King's Attourny upon theſe reaſons might not as lawfully accuſe thoſe Members of high Treaſon, as the Attourny Generall in the firſt year of this King's Reigne, did accuſe the Earle of Briſtoll upon a Charge more generall, who was thereupon committed to the Tower; And why His Majeſty might not as well have expected, that upon his Articles (not ſo generall as a meer verball accuſation) of high Treaſon, either Houſe would have Committed their ſeverall Members, as they had done ſo many this Parliament; and about that time, twelve Biſhops together (upon a confeſſed ground, which every man there, who knew what Treaſon was, knew that fact to be none) meerly, becauſe they were accuſed, His Majeſty (upon occaſion of mentioning this paſſage) ſaies, He could neither then, nor yet can understand.

This being the caſe, there remains nothing but His Majeſties own going to the Houſe of Commons, for which, hear His own words in His Anſwer to the Declaration of the 19. of May, where that matter was loudly laid to His charge: When We reſolved, that it was fit for Our own Ex. Col. p. 245. ſafety and honour, and the peace of the Kingdome, to proceed againſt thoſe perſons, though We well know there was no degree of priviledge in that caſe, yet (to ſhew Our deſire of correſpondence with the two Houſes of Parliament) We choſe rather then to apprehend thoſe perſons by the ordinary Miniſters of Juſtice (which according to the opinion and practice of former times We might have done) to command Our Attourny generall to acquaint Our Houſe of Peers with Our intention, and the generall matters of Our Charge (which was yet more particular then a meer Accuſation) and to proceed accordingly; and at the ſame time ſent a ſworn Servant, a Sergeant at Armes to Our Houſe of Commons to acquaint them, that We did accuſe, and intended to proſecute the five Members of that Houſe for high Treaſon; and did require that their perſons might be ſecured in cuſtody; This We did, not only to ſhew that We intended, not to violate or invade their Priviledges, but uſe more ceremony towards them, then We conceived, in juſtice might be required of Us, and expected at leaſt ſuch an Anſwer, as might informe Us, if We were out of the way: But We received none at all, only in the inſtant, without offring any thing of their Priviledges to Our conſideration, an Order was made, and the ſame night publiſhed in print, That if any perſon whatſoever ſhould offer to arreſt the perſon of any Member of that Houſe, without firſt acquainting that Houſe therewith, and receiving further order of that Houſe, That it ſhould be lawfull for ſuch Members, or any perſon to aſsiſt them, and to ſtand upon his or their guard of defence, and to make reſiſtance according to the Protestation taken to defend the Priviledges of Parliament; and this was the firſt time we heard the Proteſtation might be wreſted to ſuch a ſence, or that in any caſe (though of the moſt undoubted and unqueſtionable priviledge) it might be lawfull for any perſon to reſiſt, and to uſe violence againſt a publique Miniſter of Juſtice, armed with lawfull authority: though we well know, that even ſuch a Miniſter might be puniſhed for executing ſuch authority: Upon viewing this Order, we muſt confeſſe We were ſomewhat amazed, having neither ſeen nor heard of the like before, though We had known Members of either Houſe Committed, without ſo much formality, as We had uſed, and upon crimes of a far inferiour nature to thoſe We had ſuggeſted: And having no courſe propoſed to Us for Our proceeding, We were upon the matter onely told that againſt thoſe perſons, We were not to proceed at all, that they were above Our reach of the Law: It was not eaſie for Us to reſolve what to doe if We imployed Our Miniſters of Juſtice in the uſuall way for their apprehenſion (who without doubt would not have refuſed to have executed Our lawfull Commands) We ſaw what reſiſtance and oppoſition was like to be made, which very probable might coſt ſome bloud; if We ſate ſtill, and deſiſted upon this terrour, We ſhould at the beſt have confeſſed Our owne want of Power, and the weakneſs of the Law; in this ſtrait We put on a ſudden reſolution, to try, whether Our own preſence and clear diſcovery of Our intentions (which haply might not have been ſo well underſtood) could remove thoſe doubts, and prevent thoſe inconveniences which ſeemed to be threatned: And thereupon We reſolved to go in Our Perſon to Our Houſe of Commons, which we diſcovered not till the minute of our going, when We ſent out, That Our Servants and ſuch Gentlemen as were then in Our Court, ſhould attend Us to Weſtminſter, but giving them expreſſe command, that no accidents or provocation ſhould draw them to any ſuch Action, as might imply a purpoſe of force in Us, and Our ſelf (requiring thoſe of Our traine not to come within the Dore) went into the Houſe of Commons, the bare doing of which, We did not conceive would have been thought more a breach of priviledge, then if We had then gone to the Houſe of Peers, and ſent for them to come to Us, which is the uſuall cuſtome.

This was His Majeſties Anſwer formerly to this Charge, which is therefore here inſerted at large, as being ſo full, that nothing need be added; and it appeared by the Depoſition of Barnard Aſhly, and others taken by them, that the King gave His Traine expreſſe and poſitive charge, that they ſhould give no offence or ill word to any body, what provocation ſoever they met with; which Depoſitions were carefully ſuppreſſed, and concealed, whilſt they made uſe of the teſtimony of indigent and infamous Fellows, to reproach His Majeſty, from ſome light and unadviſed diſcourſe, which was pretended to be uttered by ſome young Gentlemen, who had put themſelves into the Traine.

To conclude, it is to be obſerved, that though it were ſo high a tranſgreſſion in the King, (againſt whom Treaſon can onely be committed) to prefer ſuch a Charge againſt five Members of the Houſe of Commons, who were called together by His Writ, and accountable to Him for any breach of Duty, that it did abſolve them from their Allegiance, yet the preferring the like Charge1 Article againſt the 11 Members. ſince againſt Eleven Members by the Army, raiſed and maintained by them, and to which they were not accomptable for any thing they did, hath been held no crime; and it may be no ill exerciſe for thoſe Gentlemen, who with ſuch high contempt of that Soveraigne power, to which they owed their allegiance, took delight to deſpiſe and reſiſt His Majeſties juſt Authority, now in their affliction, reſtraint, and baniſhment to conſider the hand of God upon them, which hath compelled them to ſubmit to the mercenary power raiſed by themſelves to ſuppreſſe their King; That though they broke1 Article againſt the 5 Members. through the Kings Article, for endeavouring to ſubvert the fundamentall Laws and Government of this Kingdome, and to deprive the King of His legall power, and to place on Subjects, an Arbitrary and tyrannicall power: yet they could not break through the Charge of the Army for invading, infringing, or endeavouring to overthrow the Rights and Liberties of the Subjects of this Nation, in arbitrary, violent, and oppreſſing waies, and for endeavouring by indirect and corrupt practiſes to delay and obſtruct Juſtice, to the great damage and prejudice of divers of the poor Commoners of England.

Though they were too mighty to be touched upon the2 Article againſt the 5 Members. Kings accuſation, of having endeavoured by many foule aſperſions upon His Majeſty, and His Government, to alienate the affections of His people, and to make His Majeſty 2 Article againſt the 11 Members. odious to them; yet they were not able to bear the burthen of an Accuſation of having endeavoured by falſe informations, miſ-repreſentations, or ſcandalous ſuggeſtions againſt the Army, to beget miſ-underſtandings, prejudices, or jealouſies in the Parliament againſt the Army, and to put inſufferable injuries, abuſes, and provocations upon the Army, whereby to provoke and put the Army into diſ-temper.

Though they ſlighted the King's Charge of having4 Artic. againſt 5 Members. trayterouſly invited and incouraged a forain power to invade His Majeſties Kingdome of England, yet they cannot throw off the Charge from the Army, of having invited the Scots, and other forain Forces to come into4 Artic. againſt 11 Members. this Kingdome in a hoſtile manner, to abet and aſſiſt them in the proſecution and effecting of their deſignes.

Laſtly, they may with their eyes, hands, and hearts lift up to Heaven, remember how they contemned and deſpiſed6 Artic. againſt 5 Members. the King, when he charged them, that they had endeavoured (as far as in them lay) by force and terrour to compell the Parliament to joyne with them in their trayterous deſignes, and to that end had actually raiſed, and countenanced Tumults againſt the King and Parliament; And now their owne Army whereof very many then aſſiſted them in thoſe Tumults to drive away the5 Artic. againſt 11 Members. King, and the Members of both Houſes, accuſes them of having invited, incouraged, abetted, or countenanced divers Reformadoes and other Officers and Souldiers, tumultuouſly and violently to gather together at Weſtminſter to affright and aſſault the Members of Parliament, in paſſing to and from the Houſe; to offer violence to the Houſe it ſelf; and by ſuch violence, outrages, and threats, to awe and inforce the Parliament.

As the Charge allowed, and countenanced now from their owne Army, is upon the matter the ſame, which was with ſo much noiſe and inſolence rejected, when it was preſented from the King, and is now objected againſt Him as a hainous crime, ſo with reference to their Priviledges (which, like the Logitians line, is diviſibilis in ſemper diviſibilia, and ſerves their turne, to inable them to aske any thing from the King they think fit to demand, and to refuſe any thing to Him He requires from them) the progreſſe and proceedings thereupon, hath been very different; in ſtead of ſuſpending and diſcountenancing them upon the King's accuſation, they are brought in triumph with an Army to the Houſe; the Army upon the bare exhibiting their generall Articles, require that the perſons impeached, may be forthwith ſuſpended from ſitting in the Houſe, and will receive no deniall, it muſt be conſented to, for they will not indure, that the perſons impeached by them ſhall continue in power and capacity to obſtruct due proceedings againſt themſelves Decl. and Papers of the Army, p. 52. and for their own eſcape from juſtice to threaten ruine to the whole Nation, as by the Letter from the Army of the 21. of June, appears.

The King was checked upon the matter of Priviledge, and then imperiouſly required to ſend the evidence, which He had againſt thoſe He had accuſed, to the Houſe, where they principally governed, and could eaſily judge what was ſecure for themſelves; His Majeſty deſired, that before His proofs were diſcovered againſt them, and Ex. Col. p. 56. leſt a new miſtake ſhould breed more delaies, it might be reſolved, whether His Majeſty were bound in reſpect of Priviledges to proceed againſt them by impeachment in Parliament, or whether He were at liberty to prefer an Indictment againſt them at Common Law, in the uſuall way, or had His choice; to which they would give no other Anſwer, then that they deſired Him to give directions, that the Parliament might be informed before Friday next, what proof there was againſt them, that accordingly they might be called to a legall triall, it being the undoubted right and priviledge of Parliament, that no Member of Parliament can be proceeded againſt without the conſent of Parliament.

The Army tells them plainly, by their Letter of the 25. of June, That they wiſh the name of Priviledges, may not lie in ballance with the Safety of a Kingdome, and the reality of doing juſtice; which (as they had ſaid too often) they could not expect whilſt the perſons they had accuſed, were the Kingdomes and their Judges. And in the Remonſtrance of the Army of the 23. of June, that no priviledges ought to protect wicked men, in doing wrong to particulars, or miſchief to the publick; and that whoever moſt adores or tenders thoſe priviledges, will beſt expreſſe his Zeale towards them, in taking care they be not abaſed or extended to private wrong and publique miſchief, for they ſay, they clearly find, and all wiſe men may ſee it, that Parliament priviledges as well as Royall prerogative, may be perverted & abuſed, to the deſtruction of thoſe greater ends, for whoſe protection and preſervation they were admitted, or intended (viz.) the Rights and Liberties of the people, and ſafety of the whole; and in caſe they be ſo, the abuſe, evill, or danger of them, is no leſſe to be contended againſt, and a remedy thereof no leſſe to be endeavoured, then of the other: And upon theſe grounds they conclude, that they ſhall be Decl. and Papers of the Army, p. 67. inforced to take ſuch courſes extraordinary, as God ſhall enable and direct them to, unleſſe by Thurſday night next they receive aſſurance and ſecurity to themſelves and the Kingdome, for a more ſafe and hopefull proceeding in an ordinary way, by having thoſe things granted, which before they inſiſted on.

Theſe have been the proceedings of late in the point of accuſing Members, and in the caſe of Priviledge, all which are ſo far juſtified by the Houſes, that the Army hath received publique thanks and approbation for all that they have done, and their accuſations have been received, countenanced, and promoted, and their deſires granted againſt the perſons they accuſed, ſo that as the King did nothing in the accuſation of thoſe Members, but what was juſtifiable by the Law, and former Preſidents of Parliament, ſo whatſoever He did is ſince juſtified by the later Preſidents, which themſelves have conſented to, and approved; And ſo we return to the place from whence this conſideration carried us.

There is a mention of the Lord Digby's appearing in a War-like manner, and afterwards his going beyond the Seas, and from thence giving advice to the King to retire to ſome ſtrong place, &c. which are all ſo well known, have been ſo often anſwered, and have ſo little reference to the King, that time is not to be waſted to reply to them.

18. The next Charge is, the Commiſsions granted to Pag. 30. the Earle of Newcaſtle, and Colonel Legg, for attempting Newcaſtle and Hull, which (they ſay) occaſioned them to provide for their ſecurity; to which their intelligence of forain Forces from Denmark contributed; and then they take great paines to make that jealouſie of Denmarke reaſonable, and fit to ſink into them.

The Commiſſions granted by the King to the Earle of Newcaſtle, and Colonel Legg, were no other then by Law He might grant; neither did He grant any ſuch, before He was aſſured the leading Members in the Houſe of Commons had it in their purpoſe to procure an Order for the ſeizing that Towne, and after they had cauſed a power to be placed about the Tower of London both by land and water under the Command of their new Officer Skippon, who was required not to ſuffer any proviſions to be brought in thither by what Authority or Warrant ſoever.

If there had been any expectation, or apprehenſion of forain Forces to be brought from Denmarke, that could be no warrant for them to ſeize on Hull, without and againſt the King's leave, whoſe peculiar juriſdiction and right it is, to provide againſt forain Invaſions; but as that diſcourſe of Forces from Denmarke, was then looked upon as moſt ridiculous by all men of ſenſe, ſo experience hath ſince made it apparent, that there was not the leaſt colour for it: And the arrivall of that Veſſell with Ammunition and Armes (for there came no Commanders in her) near Hull, was near ſix Months after the Houſes had put a Garriſon into Hull, and neer three Months after Sir John Hotham had ſhut the Gates of it againſt His Majeſty; and if it had not been for that rebellious Act, that Ammunition and Armes had not been ſent.

The Invaſion of the King of Denmark's Dominions by the Swedes was above two years after the ſeizing of Hull, therefore that could not be any interruption to that deſigne, if it had been intended; but that a frivolous report of a diſcourſe between a Servant of the Lord Digby's, (that was never named) with a Mariner, whom he had never ſeen before, to conduct a Fleet into England from Denmarke; or an intercepted Letter from the Hague to Secretary Nicholas, which is pretended to be written the 26 of Novemb. after the Battle of Edge-hill; and in which is mention of Armes for ten thouſand Foot, and for fifteen hundred Horſe ſhould be thought of moment to juſtifie a rebellious jealouſie of the King's purpoſe of countenancing an Invaſion of His owne Kingdome, is below the folly and ſottiſhneſſe of any, to whom ſatisfaction ought to be applied.

The imploying of Colonel Cockram to the King of Denmark, was after the Rebellion was begun, and when the Earl of Eſſex was marching with his Army againſt His Majeſty, and the principall inſtruction given to him, was to preſſe that King to aſſiſt His Majeſty, with Mony, Armes, and Ammunition, (the two Houſes having ſeized all which belonged to His Majeſty) and that the ſame might be ſent by ſome Ships of that Crowne, becauſe all the King's owne were taken from Him, and lay in wait to intercept any Proviſion that ſhould be ſent to His Majeſty; and it is no wonder if the King indevoured by His inſtructions to His Agent, to make His Uncle of Denmarke as ſenſible as he could of the injuries and indignities offered to His Majeſty; nor was that very clauſe (with which theſe wicked men ſo inſolently and rudely reproach His Majeſty) without good grounds, it being known that they ordinarily whiſper'd many things then in their private Caballs, which they durſt not publiquely avow; of which nature were their diſcourſes of the Death of King James, which they are now grown up to the wickedneſſe to publiſh, and the other which was mentioned in that inſtruction.

They ſay they repeat this rather, becauſe when they declared their intelligence, that Cockram was ſent into Denmarke to procure Forces thence, the King diſavowed it, calling it a vile ſcandall in His Anſwer to their Decl. of the 22 of Octob. 1642.

Their charge upon the King in that Declaration of the 22 of Octob. was, That Sir John Henderſon and Colonel Cockram (men of ill report both for Religion and Honeſty) were ſent to Hanborough and Denmarke, as they were credibly informed, to raiſe Forces there, and to bring them to Newcaſtle, and to joyne with the Earle of Newcaſtle, &c. To this the King madeEx. Coll. p. 670. Anſwer, That He had never greater cauſe to be confident of ſecurity in His owne Subjects, and therefore He could not believe ſo vile a ſcandall could make any impreſsion in ſober men: And it is known He did deſire no other aide or ſupply at that time from Denmarke, or from any of his Allies, but Mony, Armes, and Ammunition, but if He had not been confident in the ſecurity of His owne Subjects, He would have been juſtly to be blamed, if He had not endeavoured to get any forain ſuccours to preſerve Himſelf, His Crowne, and the Kingdome from being over-run and ſubdued by the power and ſtrength of His rebellious Subjects.

In the ſame inſtructions to Cockram, they ſay, the King declared, that He then expected aſsistance from His neighbour Princes and Allyes, in particular the greateſt part of the States Fleet from Holland: which if it were truly ſet forth, needs no Anſwer, it being very reaſonable that the King ſhould have expected that all His neighbour Princes and Allyes ſhould have aſſiſted Him againſt ſo odious and horrid a Rebellion, and it may be many of them may live to find the inconveniencie of not being ſenſible of the aſſault, which hath been made upon Soveraignty, eſpecially, if in ſtead of aſſiſting the King, they have contributed toward the oppreſſing the Regall power; but theſe men are ſuch enemies to ingenuity, that in the very repeating, what hath been ſaid or done by the King, they will leave out any words that will make the ſenſe otherwiſe underſtood, then fits their purpoſe, though any man that will take the pains to examine it, will quickly find the truth; ſo they who will peruſe theſe inſtructions (by what means ſoever they came by them) publiſhed by themſelves, will find that the King mentioned the Holland Fleet only, as King's Cabinet, p. 41. allowed by the States to give Her Majeſty a Convoy into England, which theſe men would have underſtood, as lent to aſſiſt the King againſt His rebellious Subjects; whereas it is too well known, that at that time the two Houſes found more reſpect and aſſiſtance from thoſe States, then His Majeſty did; and what His Majeſty then ſaid of His neighbour Princes and Allyes (which they would perſwade the people to relate to ſome preſent engagement from them to ſend Forces to Him) being only grounded upon His reaſonable hope of the ſenſe thoſe Princes would have of the indignities offered to His Majeſty, His words being, He expects and hopes that all His neighbour Princes and Allyes, will not look upon ſo dangerous a Precedent to their owne Crownes and Monarchies, without contributing to ſuppreſſe this ſo pernicious a deſigne begun in this Kingdome: God forgive thoſe Princes who ſuffered His Majeſty to be deceived in ſo juſt and Princely an expectation.

It is here likewiſe to be remembred, that the two HouſesEx. Col. p. 635. had diſpatched their Agent Strickland to the States of the united Provinces, to invite them to their amity and aſſiſtance, and to decline their League with His Majeſty, before Colonel Cockram was ſent for Denmarke, their Declaration to thoſe Provinces bearing date the 8 of Occtober, which was before the time that Cockram went towards Denmarke.

19. The Queens going into Holland, is next objectedPag. 33. to the King, and that contrary to His truſt He ſent the ancient Jewels of the Crowne of England, to be pawned or ſold for Ammunition and Armes, of which, they ſay, they had certain knowledge before they took up Armes; and that they had not ſo much as once asked the Militia, till the Queen was going for Holland; and that Her going beyond Sea was ſtayed, many Months before Her going into Holland, by their motions to the King, becauſe (amongſt other reaſons) they had heard, that She had packed up the Crowne Jewels, by which they might ſee what was then intended by that Iourney, had not they prevented it till the Winter.

They are very unwilling to agree upon the time when they firſt took up Armes, and would have their ſeizing upon the King's Forts, poſſeſsing themſelves of the Militia of the Kingdome, of the Royall Navy, to be thought only an exerciſe of their Soveraigne power, and no taking up of Armes; but though they could perſwade the world that their countenancing and bringing downe the Tumults, by which they firſt drove away many Members from the Houſes, and then the King Himſelf from Whitehall, was not taking up Armes, becauſe there was no avowed Act of both Houſes to bring downe thoſe Tumults, yet ſure they cannot deny their marching out of the City with all the Trained bands of London in a hoſtile manner to Weſtminſter, where both Houſes gave the chief Officers thanks, approved what they had done, undertook to ſave them harmleſſe, and appointed a new Officer of their own to Command thoſe Traine bands, which was on the 11 of Ianuary, 1641. to be taking up Armes.

When they appointed the next day their own new Officer Skippon to beſiege the Tower of London, with the City Forces, by land and water, and not ſuffer any proviſion to be carried thither, when the King's Lieutenant was in it, and declared, that whoſoever ſhould trouble him for ſo doing, was an Enemy to the Common-wealth, which was accordingly executed by him; they muſt confeſſe undoubtedly that they took up Armes; and both theſe high actions (which by the expreſſe Statute of the 25 year of King Edw. 3. are High Treaſon) were before any one Iewell belonging to the Crowne or the King, was carried out of the Kingdome.

For the time of asking the Militia, though no circumſtance of time could make it juſtifiable (not to ſpeak of the Bill preferred to that purpoſe many Months before) the Houſe of Commons by their Petition of the 26 of Ianuary, after the Houſe of Peers had refuſed to concur with them in ſo diſ-loyall a ſuit, deſired His Majeſty to put the Tower of London and the principall Forts of the Kingdome and the whole Militia, into ſuch hands as they thought fit; and the Queen went not into Holland till the 23 of February, neither was her journy reſolved on till the beginning of that Month; ſo that their aſſertion of not having ſo much as asked the Militia till the Queen was going into Holland is utterly untrue, and when they were made acquainted of ſuch Her Majeſties purpoſe, they never in the leaſt degree diſſwaded it.

But what was the Queens going into Holland, and the King's ſending with Her the Iewels of the Crown, to their taking Armes? The Queen might very well go to any place the King thought fit She ſhould go, & the Princeſs Mary (being at that time to go into Holland to her Huſband) His Maj. thought it fit that the Queens Maj. ſhould accompany Her Daughter thither: And for the Jewels of the Crowne (though moſt of the Jewels carried over by the Queen, were Her owne proper goods) let them ſhew any Law, that the King may not diſpoſe of thoſe Jewels for the ſafety of His life, and to buy Arms & Ammunition to defend Himſelf againſt Rebels, who have ſeized all His Revenue, and have left Him nothing to live upon, but thoſe Jewels, which He had only in His power to convey out of theirs, or to leave them to be ſeized on and ſold by them, who applied all that He had elſe, and His own Revenue to haſten His deſtruction.

In their mention of the Queens former purpoſe of going beyond Seas, ſtayed (as they ſay) upon their motion, becauſe they had then heard, She had packed up the Crown Jewels and Plate, they uſe their old and accuſtomed licence.

If they will examine their own Journall, they will not find amongſt all thoſe reaſons, which were carried up by Maſter Pim to the Lords at a Conference on the 14 of Iuly, and the next day preſented to the King to diſſwade Her Majeſties Journy, the leaſt mention, of Her having packed up the Crown Jewels and Plate, but that they had received information of great quantity of treaſure in Iewels, Plate and ready Mony packed up to be conveyed away with the Queen; and that divers Papiſts and others, under pretence of Her Majeſties Goods were like to convey great ſums of Money and other treaſure beyond the Seas, which would not only impoveriſh the State, but might be imployed to the fomenting ſome miſchievous attempts to the trouble of the publike peace: And they might remember that the chief reaſons they gave to diſſwade Her Majeſty, was, their profeſſion and Declaration, (ſince they heard that the chief cauſe of Her Majeſties ſickneſſe proceeded from 5. Reaſon. diſ-content of Her mind) that if any thing which in the power of Parliament might give Her Majeſty contentment, they were ſo tender of Her health, both in due reſpect to His moſt excellent Majeſty and Her ſelf, that they would be ready to further Her ſatisfaction in all things; and that it would be ſome diſ-honour to this Nation, if Her Majeſty 6. Reaſon. ſhould at this unſeaſonable time go out of the Kingdome, upon any grief or diſcontent received here; and therefore they would labour by all good means to take away and prevent all juſt occaſions of Her Majeſties trouble in ſuch manner as might further Her content, and therein Her health, which would be a very great comfort and joy to themſelves, and the reſt of His Majeſties loving Subjects.

Theſe obligations they ſhould have remembred, and left the world to remember how punctuall they were in the performance: The diſcourſe at Burrough Bridge, that the King would pawne His Iewels for the Army, is as materiall, as any other part of the diſcourſe there, being ſaid only by Captain Chudleigh, who it ſeems believed it not, by His engaging Himſelf to the Parliament from thatEx. Col. p. 220. time, (as the better Pay-maſters) and was highly valued by them.

20. It ſeems they take it as granted, that their frivolous and malitious allegations will ſerve turne in ſteadPag. 34. of proofs, and therefore they take the boldneſſe to tax His Majeſty with breach of honour and faith, and to reproach Him for calling God to witneſſe, and making ſo many ſolemn proteſtations againſt any thought of bringing up the Northern Army, or of leavying Forces to wage war with His Parliament, or of bringing in forain Forces or aids from beyond the Sea, which (they ſay) Himſelf ſaid would not only bury the Kingdom in ſudden destruction and ruine; but His own name and Poſterity in perpetuall ſcorne and infamy.

If theſe Gentlemen would deale faithfully with the world, and confeſſe what troubles them moſt, they would acknowledge, that their grief is, that the King is ſo punctuall and ſevere in keeping His word, and proteſtations; not that He is apt to fall from them. If He would have practiſed their arts of diſſembling, and deſcended to their vile licence of promiſing and proteſting, what He never meant to think of after, He might have prevented them in many of their ſucceſſes; but the greatneſſe of His mind alwaies diſdained even to proſper or be ſecure by any deviations from truth and honour; and what He hath promiſed, He hath been religious in obſerving, though to His own damage and inconvenience; He hath made no proteſtation about bringing up the Northern Army, or of leavying Forces againſt the Parliament, or for the Rights of the Subject, which was not exactly true, and agreeable to the Princely thoughts and reſolutions of His heart.

The occaſion of His Majeſties uſing that expreſſion concerning forain Force, (which is here remembred by them) was this: In the Declaration delivered to His Majeſty from the two Houſes at Newmarket on the 9 of March, 1641. they told Him, that by the manifold advertiſements, which they had from Rome, Venice, Paris, and Ex. Col. p. 100. other parts, they expected that His Majeſty had ſtill ſome great deſigne in hand, and that the Popes Nuntio had ſolicited the Kings of France and Spaine to lend His Majeſty four thouſand men apiece to help to maintain His Royalty againſt the Parliament, were ſome of the grounds of their fears and jealouſies; To which His Majeſty made anſwer in theſe words, What your advertiſements are from Rome,Pag. 108. Venice, Paris, and other parts, or what the Pope's Nuntio ſolicited the Kings of France or Spaine to do, or from what perſons ſuch informations come to you, or how the credit and reputation of ſuch perſons have been ſifted and examined, We know not, but are confident no ſober honeſt man in Our Kingdomes can believe, that We are ſo deſperate, or ſo ſenſleſſe, to entertain ſuch deſignes, as would not only bury this Our Kingdome in ſudden deſtruction and ruine, but Our name and poſterity in perpetuall ſcorn and infamy.

That this Anſwer was moſt prudently and juſtly applied to that extravagant and ſenſleſſe ſuggeſtion, cannot be doubted; but becauſe the King at that time, before the War, or a declared purpoſe in them to raiſe a War againſt Him, held it an odious and infamous thing to thinke of bringing in foraine Forces upon His owne Kingdome, that He might not therefore think it afterwards neceſſary, and find it juſt, to call in forain Succours to defend Him from a Rebellion, that beſides mixtures of all Nations, was aſſiſted by an intire forain Army to oppreſſe Him, and His poſterity, no reaſonable man can ſuggeſt or ſuppoſe; and yet how far He hath been from entertaining any ſuch aide, the event declares, which it may be, many wiſe men reckon amongſt His greateſt errours and overſights; and which no queſtion, (if He had not been full of as much tenderneſſe and compaſſion towards His people, as theſe men want) He would have found no difficulty to have practiſed.

They proceed to improve this moſt groundleſſe and unreaſonable ſcandall by another inſtance, that when His Majeſty Himſelf, and the Lords made a Proteſtation at Yorke againſt leavying Forces, He commanded His Subjects by Proclamation to reſiſt the Orders of the Parliament, and did many other Facts, contrary to that Proteſtation, the particulars whereof are mentioned, and ſhall be examined and anſwered.

The Act which they call a Proteſtation by the King & the Lords at Yorke paſſed on the 15 day of June, 1642. being ſix and twenty daies after both Houſes had declared that the King intended to leavy war againſt the Parliament, and thereupon publiſhed their Propoſitions for bringing in Money or Plate for the raiſing and maintaining an Army: The King conceiving ſo poſitive and monſtrous an averment might make ſome impreſſion upon, and gain credit with his people, called the Peers together who attended Him, and taking notice of that wicked Declaration, declared to them, That He alwaies had, and then did abhor all ſuch deſignes, and deſired them to declare, whether being upon the place, they ſaw any colour of preparations or counſels, that might reaſonably beget a belief of any ſuch deſigne, and whether they were not fully perſwaded, that His Majeſty had no ſuch intention: whereuponEx. Col. p. 357. ſeven and thirty Peers, who then attended His Majeſty (being double the number that at that time or ſince remained in the Houſe of Peers at Weſtminſter) unanimouſly declared under their hands (which was publiſhed to the Kingdome) that they ſaw not any colour of preparations or counſels, that might reaſonably beget the belief of any ſuch deſigne, and did profeſſe before God and teſtifie to all the world, That they were fully perſwaded that His Majeſty had no ſuch intention, but that all His endeavours did tend to the firm and conſtant ſetlement of the true Proteſtant Religion, the juſt Priviledges of Parliament, the Liberty of the Subject, the Law, Peace, and proſperity of the Kingdome; notwithſtanding which clear evidence, they made what haſte they could to raiſe an Army, and to engage the people againſt their Soveraigne Lord the King.

That His Majeſty intended not by that profeſſion on His part, nor the Lords thought themſelves obliged on their parts, to give any countenance to, or not to reſiſt the Orders, which then iſſued out every day, from thoſe at Weſtminster, who called themſelves the two Houſes, needs no other evidence, then His Majeſties Declaration publiſhed two daies before (13 of June) in which amongſt other particulars, He declared to the Peers, That Ex. Col. p. 349. He would not (as was falſly pretended) engage them, or any of them in any War againſt the Parliament, except it were for His owne neceſſary defence and ſafety againſt ſuch as ſhould inſolently invade or attempt againſt His Majeſty, or ſuch as ſhould adhere to Him: And that very day, the very ſame Peers (whereof the Earl of Salisbury was one) engaged themſelves to the King under their hands, That they would defend His Majeſties Perſon, Crowne and Dignity, together with His Majesties juſt and legall Prerogative, againſt all perſons and power whatſoever, and that they would not obey any rule, Order, or Ordinance whatſoever concerning any Militia, that had not the Royall aſſent.

The firſt Commiſsion of Array iſſued out ſome daies before this Profeſſion and Proteſtation made by His Majeſty, and therefore cannot be ſaid to be againſt it; and above three Months after the paſſing the illegall and extravagant Ordinance for the Militia, and after that Ordinance was executed in many parts of the Kingdome, notwithſtanding His Majeſties Proclamation of the illegality and treaſon of it, when He had deſired them to produce or mention, one Ordinance from the firſt beginning of Parliaments to this very Parliament, which endeavoured to impoſe any thing upon the Subject, without the King's conſent: of which to this day they never gave or can give one inſtance. The Commiſſion it ſelf of Array, is according to Law, and ſo held to be at this time by moſt learned Lawyers, and was ſo declared to be by Mr. Juſtice Hutton in his Argument in the Exchequer Chamber, in the caſe of Mr. Hambden.

The Letter which they ſay they can produce under His Majeſties owne hand to Sir John Heydon Lieutenant of the Ordnance, of the 20 of June, 1642. is no way contrary to His Majeſties profeſſions, & ſuch as His Majeſty in that ill time was neceſſarily to write, being to a ſworn Officer and Servant of His owne, to ſend ſuch of His own Goods to Him as were in His cuſtody, and which His Majeſty ſo reaſonably might have occaſion to uſe; and if He wiſhed it might be done privately, it is only an inſtance of the wickednes of that time that the King was forced to uſe art and privacy to get what belonged to Him, leſt He might be robbed by thoſe, who nine daies before the date of this Letter had publiſhed Orders toEx. Col. p. 342. intercept whatſoever was going to Him.

His Majeſty required not any ſubſcription for Plate, Horſes, or Armes, till many daies after they had publiſhed their Propoſitions to that purpoſe, & received great ſums of mony, and vaſt quantities of plate upon thoſe Propoſitions, againſt which His Majeſty writ His Princely Letter to the City of London on the 14 of June, and two daies after publiſhed a Declaration with the teſtimony and evidence of all the Peers with Him, in which He ſaid, That if notwithſtanding, ſo clear declaration and evidence Ex. Col. p. 35. of His intentions, theſe men ſhould think fit by thoſe Alarums to awaken Him to a more neceſſary care of the defence of Himſelf and His people, and ſhould themſelves in ſo unheard-of a manner provide (and ſeduce others to do ſo too) to offend His Majeſty, having given Him ſo lively teſtimony of their affections, what they were willing to do, when they ſhould once make themſelves able; all His good Subjects would think it neceſſary for His Majeſty to look to Himſelf; and He did then excite all His wel-affected people, according to their Oaths of Allegiance & Supremacy, & according to their ſolemn Vow and Proteſtation (whereby they were obliged to defend His Perſon, Honour, and Eſtate) to contribute their best aſsiſtance to the preparations neceſſary for the oppoſing and ſuppreſsing of the trayterous attempts, &c.) And then He would take it as an acceptable Service, if any perſon upon ſo urgent and viſible a neceſsity of His Majeſty, and ſuch an apparent diſtraction of the Kingdome, would bring in to Him, or to His uſe, Mony or Plate, or would furniſh Horſe or Armes, &c. This was the time, and the manner of His Majeſties requiring ſubſcription, for Plate, Horſe, and Armes, which theſe men impute to Him.

They ſay the King raiſed a Guard of Horſe, and Foot about Him; and by them did not only abuſe their Committees ſent to Him, beat their publique Officers and Meſſengers, protect notorious Papiſts, Traytors or Felons, ſuch as Beckwith and others, from the Poſſe Comitatus, but alſo with thoſe guards, Cannon & Arms from beyond Sea, did attempt to force Hull, in an hoſtile manner, and that within few daies after that ſolemn Proteſtation at Yorke: All which ſuggeſtions muſt be particularly examined: The raiſing the King's Guard was on this occaſion, and in this manner:

The King reſiding with His Court at the City of Yorke, and being preſſed by both Houſes of Parliament to conſent, that His Magazine at Hull might be removed from thence (for the better ſupplies of the neceſſities for Ireland) to the Tower of London, which for many reaſons He thought not convenient, His Majeſty reſolved to go Himſelf in Perſon to His Town of Hull, to view His ArmsEx. Col. p. 152. and Munition there, that thereupon He might give directions what part thereof might be neceſſary to remaine there, for the ſecurity and ſatisfaction of the Northerne parts (the principall perſons thereof having petitioned Him, that it might not be all removed) and what part might be ſpared for Ireland, what for the arming the Scots, who were to go thither, and what to repleniſh His chiefeſt Magazine the Tower of London; and going thither on the 23 day of April, 1642. He found all the Gates ſhut againſt Him, and the Bridges drawn up, by the command of Sir John Hotham, who flatly denied His Majeſties entrance from the Walls, which were ſtrongly manned, and the Cannon mounted thereon and planted againſt the King; His Majeſty having in vaine endeavoured to perſwade Sir John Hotham, and offered to go in with twenty Horſe, becauſe he alleaged His retinue was too great, was at laſt compelled to returne to Yorke, after He had proclaimed Hotham Traytor, which by all the knowne Lawes, he was declared in that caſe to be.

The next day the King ſent a Meſſage to the Houſes to require juſtice upon Sir John Hotham: to which they returned no Anſwer, till above a fortnight after; in the mean time they ſent down ſome of the choice Members to Hull to give Sir Iohn Hotham thanks for what he had done; and to aſſure him that they would juſtifie him in it; and others into Lincoln-ſhire, with directions to their Deputy Lieutenants and all other Officers, to aſſiſt him if he were in any diſtreſſe; and then they ſent ſome other Members as their Committee to Yorke, with their Anſwer to the King, in which they told Him, That Sir JohnEx Col. p. 179. Hotham could not diſcharge the truſt upon which, nor make good the end for which he was placed in the Guard of that Towne and Magazine, if he had let in His Majeſty with ſuch Counſellours and company, as were then about Him; and therefore upon full reſolution of both Houſes they had declared Sir John Hotham to be clear from that odious crime of Treaſon; and had avowed, that he had done nothing therein, but in obedience to the commands of both Houſes: whereas in truth, though they had preſumed againſt law and right to ſend him thither, and conſtitute him Governour for a time, of that place, there was no word in his Commiſſion, or inſtructions implying the leaſt direction, not to ſuffer His Majeſty to come thither; but on the contrary, the pretence was for His Majeſties eſpeciall ſervice.

His Majeſty made a quick reply to this ſtrange Anſwer, and delivering it to their Committee wiſhed them to return with it to the Houſes, which they refuſed, telling Him, That they were appointed by the Parliament to reſide at Yorke, but they would ſend His Anſwer to Westminſter.

It would be too long in this place, and might be thought impertinent to conſider, whether this cuſtome of ſending Committees to be Lieger in the Counties, which began at this time, be agreeable to law, and the juſt regular power of the Houſes; for as the like will not be found in the Preſidents of former Parliaments, ſo it may be reaſonably believed, that, that Councell, which is called by the Kings Writ to aſſemble at Weſtminſter, can no more appoint ſome of their Members to reſide at Yorke, or in any other place, then they can adjourn themſelves thither; and it ſeems againſt right, that thoſe Deputies which are ſent by the Counties or Cities to be preſent on their behalfs in the Houſe of Commons at Weſtminſter, may be ſent to another place, by which they whom they repreſent are without any Members there.

Upon this Anſwer of the Committee, as unexpected, as the other from the Houſes; and the other acts done in this conjuncture, as the ſending another Committee to Hull, another into Lincoln-ſhire, all to perſwade the people to approve of what Sir Iohn Hotham had done, and to aſſiſt him if there were any occaſion; the King began very juſtly to apprehend a deſigne upon His owne Perſon, and then and not till then, reſolved, and declared His reſolution to have a Guard to ſecure His Perſon, that Sir Iohn Hotham might not (as His MajeſtyEx. Col. p. 261. ſaid) by the ſame forces, or more, raiſed by pretence of the ſame authority (for he raiſed ſome daily) continue the War, that he had leavied againſt Him, and as well impriſon His Perſon as detain His goods, and as well ſhut His Majeſty up in Yorke, as ſhut Him out of Hull.

This Guard was hereupon raiſed, with the advice of the principall Gentlemen of that County, and conſiſted of one Regiment of their Traine bands, commanded by the proper Colonel, who was one of the prime Gentlemen of fortune and reputation there; and one Troup of Horſe, which had the honour of being called the Prince of Wales his Troup, commanded by the Earle of Cumberland, and conſiſting of near one hundred, moſt if not all of them, of the Gentry of that Shire; and that the rumour, ſcandall, and imputation of entertaining Papiſts, might be clearly anſwered; there was neither Officer or Souldier of the Regiment or Troup, who did not take the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy, and they were punctually payed by the King, that there might be no complaint on any ſide.

This was the Guard, the occaſion, and manner of leavying it, full five Months after the two Houſes againſt Law or Preſident, and without the leaſt probable colour of danger had raiſed a greater Guard for themſelves, under the command of their new Officer Skippon, after they had beſieged the Tower, and compelled the King to commit the government of it to a man of their own nomination, and election; after they had put a Governour and Garriſon into Hull, and that Governour and Garriſon kept His Majeſty out of the Towne; after they had in defiance of His Majeſty and againſt His expreſſe pleaſure ſignified to them, put His Royall Navy into the hands, and under the command of the Earle of Warwick; after they had in many Counties executed the Ordinance of the Militia; and after they had brought the danger to His Chamber dore, by their Orders to the very Sheriffe of Yorke-ſhire to aſſiſt Sir John Hotham, and imploying their Committee there to the ſame purpoſe.

For abuſing the Committees ſent to His Majeſty, they ſhould (and no doubt if it had been in their power they would) have mentioned one particular abuſe offered to them; it is very well known that they had all freedome and reſpect, albeit His Majeſty well knew the ill and ſeditious offices they did there; and though they appeared publickly at all meetings, and when His Majeſty propoſed any thing to the County, they produced their inſtructions, and diſſwaded the County from complying with His juſt deſires; the ſuffering and induring whereof might more reaſonably be imputed to the King, then any ill uſage they received; of which their owne Letters printed by Order, will be ſufficient teſtimony; and when the King went from Yorke, towards Nottingham, Ex. Col. p. 185. after He had declared by His Proclamation, that He would erect His Royall Standard; the Lord Fairfax (being one of that Committee) by ſome accident of ſickneſſe continuing ſtill at his houſe in that County; albeit the King well knew the diſ-ſervice he had done Him, and that the keeping him in priſon might prevent much more, that he was like to do Him, yet ſince He had received him there as a Member imployed from the Parliament, and that his returne thither was hindred by an indiſpoſition of health, he would not ſuffer him to be apprehended, but left him un-diſquieted, or diſturbed, to recollect himſelf, and to revolve His Majeſties goodneſſe: So far was that Committee, or any Member of it from being abuſed, whatſoever they deſerved.

The next inſtance of the King's breach of His Proteſtation, or doing ſomewhat againſt it, is, the beating their publique Officers and Meſſengers, and protecting notorious Papiſts, Traytors, Felons, ſuch as Beckwith and others from the Poſſe Comitatus: ſince there is no other named, it may be ſuppoſed, that this is the only, or moſt notorious example of that protection, and therefore it will be fit to examine, what the Caſe of this man was:

This Gentleman Mr. Beckwith (whether a Papiſt or no is not materiall) lived in Beverly, whither His Majeſty came that night, after Sir John Hotham had refuſed to ſuffer Him to come into Hull, and was utterly unknown to His Majeſty, but had the juſt ſenſe an honeſt Subject ſhould have of the indignity offered to his Soveraigne, and the miſchiefe that might befall that County and Kingdome by this rebellious act, and was forward to expreſſe (as moſt of the Gentlemen of that County were) a deſire to repaire His Majeſty, and to prevent the inconveniences which were otherwiſe like to follow.

He had in the Towne of Hull a Son-in-law, one Fookes, who was a Lieutenant of a Foot Company in that Garriſon, whom he ſuppoſed (being only drawn in with the Traine bands) not malitiouſly engaged in the purpoſe of Treaſon, and therefore as well to preſerve a man, who was ſo near to him, innocent, as for other reſpects to his King and Country, he ſent for him to come to him to his houſe, which the other (there being then no intercourſe hindred on either ſide) did, and upon diſcourſe fully ſenſible of the unlawfulneſſe of the act, which had been done, and willing to doe any thing for the King's ſervice; declared, That the Thurſday night following he ſhould have the Guard at the North Gate, and that if an Alarum were given at another Gate, called Heſſell-Gate, he would let thoſe in who came from the King; Mr. Beckwith promiſed if he would perform this, he ſhould have a very good reward, and that if he could convert his Captain one Lowanger (a Dutch-man) to joyn with him, he ſhould likewiſe be very liberally rewarded. This is all that was alleaged againſt Mr. Beckwith, as appears by Sir John Hothams Letter of the whole information to Mr. Pim, entred in the Journall booke of the Houſe of Commons, and printed by their Order.

Fookes (as ſoon as he returned to Hull) diſcovered all to Sir Iohn Hotham, and he derived it to the Houſe of Commons, as is ſaid, and they upon this evidence ſent their Sergeant at Armes, or his Meſſenger to apprehend Beckwith as a Delinquent, who upon notice of the treachery of his Son-in-law, durſt not ſtay at his houſe, but removed to Yorke.

The Meſſenger, with the confidence of his Maſters, boldly came thither, and finding the Gentleman in the Court, and in the Garden where the King himſelf was walking, had the preſumption to ſerve the Warrant upon him, and to claim him as his Priſoner; it was indeed a great wonder that the Meſſenger was not very ſeverely handled, but the reverence to the King's Perſon preſerved him, who bore no reverence to it; and His Majeſty being informed what had hapned, called for the Fellow, and having ſeen his Warrant, bid him return to thoſe that ſent him, and forbear committing the like inſolency, leſt he fared worſe; this was the beating their Meſſenger, and this the protection Mr. Beckwith had; nor was there ever any Poſſe Comitatus raiſed, the High Sheriffe daily waiting on His Majeſty, and obſerving the Orders he received from Him, according to the duty of his office.

Whatever this offence had been, it was never knowne (before this Parliament) that the Meſſenger of either Houſe ever preſumed to ſerve a warrant within the King's Court, much leſſe in his Preſence; which whilſt loyalty and duty were in reputation, was held too ſacred for ſuch preſumptions; the Law confeſſing ſuch priviledges and exemptions to be due to thoſe places, That the Lord cannot Dyer fo. 60. b. pl. 23. ſeize his Villaine in the King's preſence, becauſe the preſence of the King is a ſanctuary unto him, ſaies my Lord Dyer.

For the matter it ſelf, ſure there is no man yet that will avow himſelf to be ſo much out of his wits, as to ſay, that the King ſhould have ſuffered Mr. Beckwith to be carried to Weſtminſter, as a Delinquent for doing the part of a good Subject; and to be tried by thoſe, who owned the Treaſon that was committed, nor can there be one perſon named, whom they ſent for as a Delinquent, and the King protected; except thoſe who had been a yeare together attending upon them and demanding juſtice; or thoſe againſt whom nothing was objected, but that they waited on and attended his Majeſty: For the Traytors and Felons, they were only to be found within their owne verge; and protected by their owne priviledges.

Very few lines will ſerve here, to take notice of the difference between the King's uſage of their Meſſengers, and their uſage of the King's; their Meſſenger ſent by them on an unlawfull imployment, to apprehend a perſon they had no power to ſend for, and for a crime of which (if he had been guilty) they had no cogniſance, and executing their commands in an unlawfull manner, and in a place, where he ought not to have done it, though the command had been juſt, was by the King fairly diſmiſſed without ſo much as impriſonment or reſtraint: The Kings Meſſenger ſent by his Majeſty with aDaniel Kniveton. legall Writ to London, for the adjournment of the Tearme, which is abſolutely in the King's power to do, and can be regularly done no other way, for performing his duty in this Service, according to his Oath, and for not doing whereof he had been puniſhable, and juſtly forfeited his place without any other crime objected to him, was taken, impriſoned, tried at a Court of War, by them condemned to be hanged, and was executed accordingly: That bloud will cry aloud.

But they ſay, with thoſe Guards, Cannon, and Armes, from beyond Sea, the King attempted to force Hull in a hoſtile manner, and that within few daies after that ſolemne Proteſtation at Yorke.

What the Proteſtation was, is before ſet downe, and his Majeſties publiſhed reſolution in this point, before that Proteſtation; nor did his Majeſty ever conceal his purpoſe in this or other caſes of that nature, or diſguiſed his purpoſe with any ſpecious promiſes or pretences, but plainly told them, and the world, what they were to expect at his hands.

To their expoſtulatory and menacing Petition delivered to his Majeſty at his firſt comming to Yorke, on the 26 of March, the King in his Anſwer uſed theſe words, As we have not, nor ſhall refuſe any way agreeable to juſtice Ex. Col. p. 128. or honour, which ſhall be offered to Us for the begetting a right underſtanding between Us, ſo We are reſolved, that no ſtraits or neceſsities (to which We may be driven) ſhall ever compell Us to doe that, which the reaſon and underſtanding that God hath given Us, and Our honour and intereſt, with which God hath truſted Us for the good of Our Poſterity and Kingdomes ſhall render unpleaſant and grievous to Us.

In this ſecond Meſſage concerning Hull, the ſecond day after the Gates were ſhut againſt him, his Majeſty uſes theſe words, If We are brought into a condition ſo much Ex. Col. p. 156. worſe then any of Our Subjects, that whilſt you all enjoy your priviledges, and may not have your poſſeſsions diſturbed, or your titles queſtioned, We only may be ſpoiled, thrown out of Our Townes, and Our goods taken from Us, 'tis time to examine how We have loſt thoſe priviledges, and to trie all poſſible waies, by the help of God, the Law of the Land, and the affection of our good Subjects to recover them, and vindicate Our ſelf from thoſe injuries.

In his reply to their Anſwer concerning Sir Iohn Hotham, preſented to him on the 9 of May, his Majeſty told them, that He expected that they would not put the Militia Ex. Col. p. 192. in execution, untill they could ſhew Him by what Law they had authority to do the ſame without His conſent; or if they did, He was confident, that He ſhould find much more obedience according to Law, then they againſt Law.

Laſtly, in his Anſwer to a Declaration of the 21 of Iune, 1642. (about a fortnight before his going towards Hull with his Guards) his Majeſty told them plainly,Ex. Col. p. 380. That the keeping Him out of Hull by Sr John Hotham, was an act of High Treaſon againſt him, and the taking away his Magazine and Munition from him, was an act of violence upon him (by what hands, or by whoſe directions ſoever it was done) and in both caſes by the help of God and the Law he would have juſtice, or loſe his life in the requiring it; ſo that certainly the King never concealed or diſſembled his purpoſes, and accordingly he did indeed toward the middle of Iuly, go with his Guards to Beverly, having ſome reaſon to believe, that Sir Iohn Hotham had repented himſelf of the crime he had committed, and would have repaired it as far as he had been able, of which failing (to his own miſerable deſtruction) without attempting to force it his Majeſty again returned to Yorke.

Having made it now plainly appear how falſly and groundleſly his Majeſty is reproached with the leaſt tergiverſation or ſwarving from his promiſes or profeſſions (which no Prince ever more preciſely and religiouſly obſerved) it will be but a little expence of time, again to examine how punctuall theſe conſcientious reprehenders of their Soveraigne, have been in the obſervation of what they have ſworn or ſaid.

In the firſt Remonſtrance of the Houſe of Commons, of the State of the Kingdome they declare, that it is farEx. Col. p. 19. from their purpoſe or deſire to let looſe the golden reines of diſcipline and government in the Church, to have private perſons, or particular Congregations to take up what forme of divine Service they pleaſe; for (they ſaid) they held it requiſite that there ſhould be throughout the whole Realme, a conformity to that Order which the Laws enjoyne.

In their Declaration of the 19 of May, ſpeaking of the Bill for the continuance of this Parliament, they ſay, We Ex. Col. p. 203. are reſolved, the gratious favour His Majeſty expreſſed in that Bill, and the advantage and ſecurity which thereby we have from being diſſolved, ſhall not encourage us to do any thing, which otherwiſe had not been fit to have been done.

In the concluſion of their Declaration of the 26 of May, 1642. apprehending very juſtly that their expreſſions there would beget at leaſt a great ſuſpition of their loyalty, they ſay, They doubt not but it ſhall in the end appear Ex. Col. p. 281. to all the world, that their endeavours have been moſt hearty and ſincere, for the maintenance of the true Proteſtant Religion, the Kings juſt Prerogatives, the Lawes and Liberties of the Land, and the Priviledges of Parliament, in which endeavours by the grace of God, they would ſtill perſiſt, though they ſhould periſh in the worke.

In their Declaration of the 14 of Iune, 1642. the Lords and Commons doe declare, That the deſigne of thoſe Propoſitions Ex. Col. p. 376. (for Plate and Money) is to maintain the Proteſtant Religion, the King's Authority and Perſon in His Royall dignity, the free courſe of Iuſtice, the Laws of the Land, the Peace of the Kingdome, and Priviledges of Parliament.

As they have obſerved theſe and other their profeſſions to the King and the Publique, ſo they have as well kept their promiſes to the people; in their Propoſitions of the 10 of Iune, 1642. for bringing in Mony or Plate, the Lords and Commons do declare, That no mans affection Ex. Col. p. 340. ſhall be meaſured according to the proportion of his offer, ſo that he expreſſe his good will to the Service in any proportion whatſoever; the firſt deſigne was to involve as many as they could in the guilt, how ſmall ſoever the ſupply was, but on the 29 of November following, the ſame Lords and Commons appointed Six perſons, who, Ex. Col. p. 765. or any Four of them ſhould have power to aſſeſſe all ſuch perſons as were of ability and had not contributed, and all ſuch as had contributed yet not according to their ability to pay ſuch ſumme or ſums of mony, according to their eſtates, as the Aſſeſſors or any Four of them ſhould think fit and reaſonable, ſo as the ſame exceeded not the twentieth part of their Eſtates.

Infinite examples of this kind may be produced, which are the leſſe neceſſary, becauſe whoſoever will take the pains, to read their own Declarations, and Ordinances, ſhall not be able to find, one proteſtation or profeſsion made by them to God Almighty in the matter of Religion, or to the King in point of duty and obedience, or one promiſe to the people in matter of Liberty, Law, and Iuſtice, ſo neer purſued by them, as that they have ever done one compoſed Act in Order to the performance of either of them: which very true aſſertion ſhall conclude this Anſwer to that reproach of his Majeſties, not having made good his Proteſtations.

21. The next Charge is, That His Majeſty proclaimed Pag. 35. them Traytors and Rebels, ſetting up His Standard againſt the Parliament, which never any King of England (they ſay) did before Himſelf.

His Majeſty never did nor could proclaime this Parliament Traytors, he well knew (beſides his own being the head of it) that four parts of five of the Houſe of Peers 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 were never preſent at any of thoſe trayterous concluſions, and that above a major part of the Houſe of Commons was alwaies abſent, and that of thoſe who were preſent, there were many, who ſtill oppoſed or diſſented from every unlawfull act, and therefore it were very ſtrange, if all thoſe innocent men of whom the Parliament conſiſted as well as of the reſt, ſhould have been proclaimed Rebels and Traytors for the acts of a few ſeditious perſons, who were upon all occaſions named; and if the Parliament were ever proclaimed Traytors, it was by them only who preſumptuouſly ſheltred their rebellious acts, under that venerable name, and who declared, that whatſoever violence ſhould be uſed either againſt thoſe, who Ex. Col. p. 376. exerciſe the Militia, or againſt Hull, they could not but believe it as done againſt the Parliament. They ſhould have named one perſon proclaimed Rebell or Traytor by the King, who is not adjudged to be ſuch by the Law.

The King never proclaimed Sir Iohn Hotham Traytor (though it may be he was guilty of many treaſonable acts before) till he ſhut the Gates of Hull againſt him, and with armed men kept his Majeſty from thence, and beſides the concurrent teſtimony of all Judgments at Law, it appears and is determined by the Lord Chief Juſtice Coke (publiſhed by the Houſe of Commons this Parliament) in his Chapter of High Treaſon, That if any with ſtrength and weapons invaſive and defenſive doth hold and defend a Caſtle or Fort against the King and His power, this is leavying of War againſt the King within the Statute of the 25 year of Edw. 3.

The King proclaimed not thoſe Rebels or Traytors, who Voted, That they would raiſe an Army, and that the Earl of Eſſex ſhould be Generall of that Army (what ever he might have done) nor the Earle of Eſſex himſelf a Traytor upon thoſe Votes, untill he had accepted that title and command of Captaine Generall, and in that quality appeared amongſt the Souldiers, animating and encouraging them in their trayterous and rebellious deſignes, as appears by his Majeſties Proclamation of the 9 of Auguſt, 1642. by which he was firſt proclaimed Traytor: and there was no other way to clear the Earle of Eſſex from being guilty of Treaſon by that act of his, within the expreſſe words of the 2 Chapter of the 25 yeare of King Edw. 3. but by declaring, that by leavying war againſt our Lord the King in his Realme (which in that Statute is declared to be high Treaſon) is meant leavying war againſt the Parliament, and yet Mr. St. Iohn obſerved in his Argument againſt the Earle of Strafford, printed by Order, that the word KING in that Statute muſt be underſtood of the King's naturall perſon, for that perſon can onely die, have a Wife, have a Son, and be impriſoned.

The Lord chief Juſtice Coke in his Commentary upon that Statute, ſaith, If any leavy War to expulſe Strangers, to deliver men out of Priſons, to remove Counſellours, or againſt any Statute, or to any other end, pretending Reformation, of their own head, without any warrant, this is leavying war againſt the King, becauſe they take upon them Royall authority, which is againſt the King; and that there3 Part. Inſtis. fol. 9. may be no ſcruple, by that expreſſion without warrant, the ſame Author ſaies, in the ſame place, and but few lines preceding, that no Subject can leavy War within the Realm without authority from the King, for to him it only belongeth.

Preparation by ſome overt act to depoſe the King, or to Id. fol. 12. take the King, by force and ſtrong hand, and to impriſon Him, untill he hath yeilded to certain demands, this is a ſufficient overt act to prove the compaſsing and imagination of the death of the King, for this is upon the matter to make the King a Subject, and to disſpoyle Him of His Kingly Office of Royall government, as is concluded by the ſame reverend Authour, and likewiſe, that to riſe to alter Id. fol. 9. Religion eſtabliſhed within the Kingdome, or Lawes, is Treaſon.

Theſe Declarers cannot name one perſon proclaimed a Rebell or Traytor by the King, who was not confeſſedly guilty of at leaſt one of theſe particulars: and being ſo, the King did no more then by the Law He ought to doe; and Mr. St. Johns acknowledged in his ArgumentFol. 7. againſt the Earle of Strafford, that he that leavies War againſt the Perſon of the King, doth neceſſarily compaſſe His death; and likewiſe that it is a War againſt the King, when intended for the alteration of the Lawes or Government in any part of them, or to deſtroy any of the great Officers of the Kingdome.

For the ſetting up the Standard, it was not till thoſe perſons, who bearing an inward hatred and malice againſt his Majeſties Perſon and Government had raiſed an Army, and were then trayterouſly and rebelliouſly marching in battle-array againſt his Majeſty their Liege Lord and Soveraigne, as appears by his Majeſties Proclamation of the 12 of Auguſt, 1642. in which He declared His purpoſe to erect His royall Standard; and after they had with an Army beſieged his Majeſties antient ſtanding Garriſon of Portſmouth, and required the ſame (in which the King's Governour was) to be delivered to the Parliament; and after they had ſent an Army of Horſe, Foot, and Cannon, under the command of the Earle of Bedford into the Weſt, to apprehend the Marqueſſe of Hertford, who was there in a peaceable manner without any Force, till he was compelled to raiſe the ſame for his defence, and to preſerve the peace of thoſe Counties, invaded by an Army; and then when his Majeſty was compelled for thoſe reaſons to erect his Standard, with what tenderneſſe He did it towards the two Houſes of Parliament, cannot better appear then by His owne words, in his Declaration publiſhed the ſame day on which that Proclamation iſſued out, which are theſe, What Our opinion and reſolution is concerning Parliaments Ex. Col. p. 561. We have fully expreſſed in our Declarations; We have ſaid, and will ſtill ſay, they are ſo eſſentiall a part of the conſtitution of this Kingdome, that We can attaine to no happineſſe without them, nor will We ever make the least attempt (in Our thought) againſt them; We well know that Our ſelf and Our two Houſes make up the Parliament, and that We are like Hipocrates Twins, We muſt laugh and cry, live and die together; that no man can be a friend to the one, and an enemy to the other; the injuſtice, injury, and violence offered to Parliaments is that which We principally complaine of; and We again aſſure all Our good Subjects, in the preſence of Almighty God, that all the Acts paſſed by Us this Parliament ſhall be equally obſerved by Us, as We deſire thoſe to be which do moſt concern Our Rights; Our quarrell is not againſt the Parliament, but againſt particular men, who first made the wounds, and will not ſuffer them to be healed, but make them deeper and wider by contriving, foſtering, and fomenting miſtakes and jealouſies betwixt body and head, Us and the two Houſes, whom We name, and are ready to prove them guilty of High Treaſon, &c. And then his Majeſty names the perſons.

This was the King's carriage towards, and mention of, the Parliament; very different from theirs, who are now poſſeſſed of the Soveraigne power; the Army; who in their Remonſtrance of the 23 of June laſt, uſe theſe words, We are in this caſe forced (to our great grief of heart) thus plainly to aſſert the preſent evill and miſchief, together with the future worſe conſequences of the things lately done, even in the Parliament it ſelf, which are too evident and viſible to all, and ſo in their proper colours to lay the ſame at the Parliament Dores, untill the Parliament ſhall be pleaſed either of themſelves to take notice and rid the Houſe of thoſe, who have any way miſ-informed, deluded, ſurprized, or otherwiſe abuſed the Parliament to the paſsing ſuch foule things there, or ſhall open to us and others ſome way, how we may, &c. which would not have been mentioned here, if they had been onely the extravagant act, and words of the Army, but they are ſince juſtified, and made the words of the two Houſes by their declaring in their late Declaration of the 4 of March, in Anſwer to the Papers of the Scots Commiſſioners, That if Pag. 88. there be any unſound principles in relation to Religion or the State in ſome of the Army, as in ſuch a body there uſually are ſome extravagant humours, they are very injuriouſly charged upon the whole Army, whereof the governing part hath been very carefull to ſuppreſſe, and keep down all ſuch peccant humours, and have hitherto alwaies approved themſelves very conſtant and faithfull to the true intereſt of both Kingdomes, and the cauſe wherein they have engaged, and the perſons that have engaged therein; ſo that this Remonſtrance, being the Act of the Generall, Lieutenant-Generall, and the whole Councell of War, (which is ſure the governing part) it is by this Declaration fully vindicated to be the Senſe of the two Houſes.

22. The ſetting up a mock Parliament at Oxford toPag. 35. oppoſe and proteſt againſt the Parliament of England, which his Majeſty and both Houſes had continued by Act of Parliament, is in the next place objected againſt his Majeſty.

There was neither reall nor mock Parliament ſet up at Oxford, but when the King found that moſt of the Members of either Houſe were driven from Weſtminſter by force as his Majeſty had been, and yet that the authority and reputation of Parliament was applied for the juſtification of all the rebellious Acts which were done, even to the invitation of Forain power to invade the Kingdome; as well for the ſatisfaction of His people that they might know how many of the true Members of Parliament abhorred the acts done by that pretended authority; as for His owne information, his Majeſty by his Proclamation of the 22 of Decemb. in the year, 1643. invited all the Members of both Houſes, who had been driven, or (being conſcious of their want of freedome) had withdrawn from Weſtminſter, to aſſemble at Oxford upon the 22 of January following, when (He ſaid) all His good Subjects ſhould ſee how willing He was to receive advice for the Religion, Laws, and ſafety of the Kingdome, from thoſe whom they had truſted, though He could not receive it in the place where He had appointed; Upon which Summons and Invitation by his Majeſty, eight and forty Peers attended his Majeſty, there being at leaſt twenty others imployed in his Armies, and in the ſeverall Counties, whoſe attendance was diſpenced with, and nine others in the parts beyond the Seas, with his Majeſties leave; and of the Houſe of Commons above one hundred and forty, there being likewiſe abſent in the Armies neer thirty more, who could not be conveniently preſent at Oxford.

When his Majeſty found the appearance ſo great, and ſo much ſuperiour in number, as well as quality, to thoſe at Weſtminſter, He hoped it would prove a good expedient to compoſe the minds of the other to a due conſideration of the miſery, into which they had brought their Country; and referred it to them to propoſe any advice, which might produce ſo good an effect; what addreſſes and overtures were then made by them, and afterwards by His Majeſty to perſwade them to enter upon any Treaty of Peace, and with what contempt and ſcorne the ſame was rejected, will be too long to inſert here, and is ſufficiently known to the world; thereupon this body of Lords and Commons publiſhed a Declaration to the Kingdome, at large ſetting forth the particular acts of violence, by which they had been driven from Weſtminſter, and by which the freedome of Parliament was taken away, and then declared how much they abhorred the undutifull and rebellious acts, which were countenanced by thoſe who ſtaid there, and declared their own ſubmiſſion and allegiance to his Majeſty; and in the end concluded, That as at no time either or both Houſes of Parliament can by any Orders or Ordinances impoſe upon the people without the King's conſent, ſo by reaſon of the want of Freedome and Security for all the Members of the Parliament to meet at Weſtminſter, and there to ſit, ſpeak, and vote with freedome and ſafety, all the Actions, Votes, Orders, Declarations and pretended Ordinances made by thoſe Members who remaine ſtill at Weſtminſter were void and of none effect; yet they ſaid they were far from attempting the diſſolution of the Parliament, or the violation of any Act made and confirmed by his Majeſty, but that it was their grief in the behalf of the whole Kingdome, that ſince the Parliament was not diſſolved, the power thereof ſhould by the treaſon and violence of thoſe men, be ſo far ſuſpended, that the Kingdome ſhould be without the fruit and benefit of a Parliament, which could not be reduced to any action, or authority, till the liberty and freedome due to the Members ſhould be reſtored and admitted; which Declaration hath not onely ever received any Anſwer, but with great care hath not been ſuffered to be printed in the laſt Collection of Orders and Declarations, where the other proceedings at Oxford of that time are ſet forth, that the people may loſe that evidence againſt them, which can never be anſwered or evaded.

This was that Aſſembly, which theſe Declarers call the mock Parliament at Oxford, and theſe the proceedings of it; of the juſtice and regularity whereof, if there could have been heretofore any doubt made, the ſame is lately vindicated ſufficiently by both Houſes: for if thoſe Lords and Commons at Oxford might not juſtifiably abſent themſelves from Weſtminſter, where their ſafety and freedome was taken from them; by what right or authority could a ſmaller number withdraw themſelves in July laſt upon the ſame pretence? and if that body of Lords and Commons regularly convened by his Majeſties Authority to Oxford, who had firſt called them together at Weſtminſter, might not declare the Acts made by thoſe who remained at Weſtminſter void and of none effect, becauſe they might not attend there and Vote with freedome and ſafety; by what imaginable authority could the Speaker of the Houſe of Commons (who hath no more freedome or power to make any ſuch Declaration, then every ſingle Member of the Houſe) declare, that ſuch and ſuch Votes paſſed in the Houſe were void and null? and that the omiſsion of a circumſtance or ſome formality in the adjournment of the Houſes could not be any prejudice to the future meetings and proceedings of Parliament, when it might meet and ſit again as a free Parliament, as he did by his own ſingle Declaration in July laſt: whereupon that powerfull Umpire (the Army) very frankly declared,Decl. and Papers of the Army, p. 127. That all ſuch Members of either Houſe of Parliament, as were already with the Army for the ſecurity of their perſons and were forced to abſent themſelves from Weſtminſter, that they ſhould hold and eſteem them, as perſons in whom the publique trust of the Kingdome was ſtill remaining, though they could not for the preſent ſit as a Parliament with freedome and ſafety at Weſtminſter, and by whoſe advice and counſels they deſired to governe themſelves in the managing thoſe weighty affairs; and to that end invited them to make their repair to the Army, and ſaid, they held themſelves bound to own that honourable act of the Speaker of the Houſe of Commons, who had actually withdrawn himſelf, and they engaged to uſe their utmoſt and ſpeedy endevour, that he and thoſe Members of either Houſe, that were then inforced any way from Weſtminſter, might with freedome and ſecurity ſit there, and againe diſcharge their truſt, as a free and legall Parliament; and in the meane time, they did declare againſt that late choice of a new Speaker by ſome Gentlemen at Weſtminſter, as contrary to all right, reaſon, law, and cuſtome, and profeſſed themſelves to be moſt cleerly ſatisfied in all their judgments, and were confident the Kingdome would therein concur with them; that as things then ſtood, there was no free nor legall Parliament ſitting, being through the foreſaid violence at preſent ſuſpended; and that the Orders, Votes, or reſolutions forced from the Houſes on Munday the 26 of July laſt, as alſo all ſuch, as ſhould paſſe in that Aſſembly of ſome few Lords and Gentlemen at Weſtminſter, under what pretence and colour ſoever, were void and null, and ought not to be ſubmitted to by the free-borne Subjects of England.

It is not denied, that the preſentation of thoſe humble deſires of the young men and Apprentices of the City of London to both Houſes on the 26 of Iuly laſt, by which they compelled them to reverſe and repeale two ſeverall Acts of both Houſes paſſed but three daies before, was moſt deſtructive to the priviledge and freedome of Parliament; and no queſtion the Speakers and Members of both Houſes had good reaſon to withdraw and abſent themſelves upon that violation; but it is affirmed, that the freedome of Parliament, was as much obſtructed by ſeverall other acts preceding, as it was on the 26 of Iuly laſt; and that the Members of both Houſes, who attended his Majeſty at Oxford, had as great reaſon to withdraw themſelves, and at leaſt, as much authority to declare their want of freedome, as the Speaker and the others had then, or the Army to declare on their behalfs.

When the Tumults brought down by Manwaring and Ven, compelled the Houſe of Peers to paſſe the Act of Attainder againſt the Earle of Strafford, to which the fifth part of the Peers never conſented, (the reſt being driven from thence) and afterwards ſo abſolutely forced his Majeſty to ſigne it, that it cannot be called His Act, His hand being held and guided by thoſe who kept Daggers at His Breaſt, and ſo His royall name affixed by them; and it being told Him at His Counſell board, by thoſe who were ſworn to defend Him from ſuch violence, that if it were not done in that inſtant, there would be no ſafety for Himſelf, His royall Conſort, or His Progeny, the Rabble having at that time beſieged His Court: The freedome of Parliament was no leſſe invaded, then it was on the 26 of Iuly laſt.

When the ſame Captain Ven, then a Member of the Houſe of Commons (in November and December, 1642.) ſent notes in writing under his hand into the City, that Decl. Lords & Commons, Oxf. f. 8 9. the people ſhould come downe to Weſtminſter, for that the better part of the Houſe was like to be over-powred by the worſer part, whereupon at that time and ſome daies after multitudes of the meaneſt ſort of people, with Weapons not agreeing with their condition, or cuſtome, in a manner contrary and deſtructive to the priviledge of Parliament, filled up the way between both Houſes, offring injuries both by words and actions to, and laying violent hands upon ſeverall Members, proclaiming the names of ſeverall of the Peers, as evill and rotten hearted Lords, crying many howers together againſt the eſtabliſhed Laws in a moſt tumultuous and menacing way; and when this act was complained of to the Houſe of Commons, and Witneſſes offered to prove Capt. Ven guilty of it; and a Fellow who had aſſaulted and reproached a Member of the Houſe of Commons in thoſe Tumults coming again to that Bar with a Petition ſhewed, and complained of to that Houſe; and yet in neither of theſe caſes, juſtice, or ſo much as an Examination could be obtained, and when theſe proceedings were ſo much countenanced by particular Members, that when the Houſe of Peers complained of them as derogatory to the freedome as well as dignity of Parliament; Mr. Pim ſaid, God forbid we ſhould diſhearten our friends, who came to aſsiſt us: no doubt the freedome and ſafety of the Parliament was no leſſe in danger and violated then it was on the 26 of Iuly laſt.

When in Ianuary, 1642. (after the firſt Propoſition concerning the Militia was brought to the Houſe of Peers, and by them rejected) a Petition was brought in a tumultuous manner to the Houſe of Lords, in the name of the Inhabitants of Hertford-ſhire, deſiring liberty to proteſt againſt all thoſe as enemies to the Publique, who refuſed to joyne with the Honourable Lords, whoſe endevours were for the publique good, and with the Houſe of Commons for the putting the Kingdome into a poſture of ſafety under the command of ſuch perſons, as the Parliament ſhould appoint; when other Petitions of that nature, and in the ſame manner delivered, were preſented to that Houſe, concluding that they ſhould be in duty obliged to maintain their Lordſhips, ſo far as they ſhould be united with the Houſe of Commons in their juſt and pious proceedings; when at the ſame time a Citizen accompanied with many others ſaid at the Bar of the Houſe of Commons, without reprehenſion, That they heard there were Lords, who refuſed to conſent and concur with them, and that they would gladly know their Names.

When that ſignall Petition of many thouſand poor people was delivered to the Houſe of Commons, which took notice of a Malignant faction, that made abortive all their good motions, and profeſſed that unleſſe ſome ſpeedy remedy were taken for the removing all ſuch obſtructions, as hindred the happy progreſſe of their great endevours, the Petitioners would not reſt in quietneſſe, but ſhould be forced to lay hold on the next remedy, that was at hand to remove the diſturbers of the peace; and when that monſtrous PetitionIb. p. 12. was carried up to the Houſe of Peers, by an eminent Member of the Commons, as an Argument to them to concur with the Commons in the matter of the Militia; and that Member deſired, That if the Houſe of Commons was not aſſented to in that point thoſe Lords who were willing to concur, would find ſome means to make themſelves known, that it might be known, who were againſt them, and they might make it known to thoſe who ſent them: Upon which Petition ſo ſtrangely framed, countenanced, and ſeconded, many Lords thereupon withdrawing themſelves, in pure fear of their lives, the Vote in Order to the Militia twice before rejected, was then paſſed: The freedome of Parliament was as abſolutely invaded, as it was on the 26 of July laſt.

In Auguſt, 1643. the Houſe of Commons agreed, after a long and ſolemn debate to joyne with the Lords in ſending Propoſitions of Peace to the King; the next day printed Papers were ſcattered in the Streets, and fixed upon the publique places both in the City, and the Suburbs, requiring all perſons wel-affected, to riſe as one man, and to come to the Houſe of Commons next morning, for that 20000 Iriſh Rebels were landed; which direction and information was that day likewiſe given in Pulpits by their ſeditious Preachers; and in ſome of thoſe Papers it was ſubſcribed, that the malignant Party had over-voted the good, and if not prevented, there would be Peace; a Common Councell was called late at night, though Sunday, and a Petition there framed againſt Peace, which was the next morning brought to the Houſe, countenanced by Alderman Penington, who (being then Lord Major of London) that day came to the Houſe of Commons, attended with a great multitude of mean perſons, who uſed threats, menaces, and reproaches to the Members of both Houſes; their Petition took notice of Propoſitions paſſed by the Lords for Peace, which (if allowed) would be deſtructive to Religion, Laws, and Liberties, and therefore deſired an Ordinance according to the tenour of an Act of their Common Councell the night before; Thanks were given by the Commons, whilſt the Lords complained of the Tumults, and deſired a concurrence to ſuppreſſe them, and to prevent the like, many of the people telling the Members of both Houſes, that if they had not a good Anſwer, they would be there the next day, with double the number: by theſe threats, and this violence, the Propoſitions formerly received were rejected, and all thoughts of Peace laid aſide: and then ſurely the freedome of Parliament was as much taken away, as on the 26 of Iuly laſt.

In a word, when the Members of both Houſes were compelled to take that Proteſtation, to live and die with the Earle of Eſſex, and ſome impriſoned and expelled for refuſing to take it; when they were forced to take that ſacred Vow and Covenant of the 6 of Iune, 1643. by which they ſwore, that they would to their power aſsiſt the Forces raiſed and continued by both Houſes of Parliament againſt the Forces raiſed by the KING; when they were compelled to take the laſt ſolemn League and Covenant, that Oath Corban, by which they conceive themſelves abſolved from all obligations divine and humane, as their Predeceſſours (the Jewes) thought they were diſcharged by that (though they had bound themſelves) not to help or relieve their Parents; and laſtly, when the Army marched to London in the beginning of Auguſt laſt, in favour of the Speakers and thoſe Members, who had reſorted to them, and brought them back to the Houſes, and drove away ſome, and cauſed others of the Members of a contrary Faction to be impriſoned, and expelled the Houſes, the liberty and freedome of Parliament was no leſſe violated and invaded, then it was on the 26 of Iuly laſt.

Upon theſe reaſons, and for want of the freedome ſo many ſeverall waies taken from them, thoſe Lords and Commons, who attended his Majeſty at Oxford, had withdrawne themſelves from Weſtminſter, and might then, as truly and more regularly have ſaid, what the Army ſince with approbation and thanks have ſaid, on the 22 of Iune laſt, That the freedome of this Parliament Decl. and Papers of the Army, p. 53. is no better, then that thoſe Members, who ſhall according to their conſciences endeavour to prevent a War, and act contrary to their waies; who (for their owne preſervation) intend it, they muſt do it with the hazard of their lives: which being a good reaſon for thoſe lately to go to St. Albons or Hounſlow heath, cannot be thought leſſe juſtifiable for the other to go to Oxford.

Since this objection of calling the Members of Parliament to Oxford is not of waight enough to give any advantage againſt his Majeſty to His Enemies, they endeavour to make their entertainment and uſage there very reproachfull with His friends, and would perſwade them to believe themſelves derided in that expreſſion of the Kings in a Letter to the Queen, where He calls them a Mungrell Parliament, by which they infer, what reward His own Party muſt expect, when they have done their utmoſt to ſhipwrack their faith and conſcience to his will and tyranny.

Indeed they, who ſhipwrack their faith and conſcience have no reaſon to expect reward from the King, but thoſe Lords and Gentlemen who attended his Majeſty in that convention well know, that never King received advice from His Parliament with more grace and candor, then his Majeſty did from them; and their conſciences are too good to think themſelves concerned in that expreſſion, if his Majeſty had not Himſelf taken the pains to declare to what party it related; beſides, it is well known, that ſome who appeared there with great profeſſions of loyalty, were but Spies, and ſhortly after betrayed his Majeſties ſervice, as Sir John Price and others in Wales, and ſome ſince have alleaged in the Houſe of Commons, or before the Committee for their defence to the Charge of being at Oxford at that Aſſembly, That they did the Parliament more ſervice there, then they could have done at Weſtminſter; So that the KING had great reaſon to think He had many Mungrels there.

23. The laſt Charge is the making a Pacification in Pag. 36. Ireland and ſince that a Peace; and granting a Commiſſion to bring over ten thouſand Iriſh to ſubdue the Parliament, and the rebellious City of London, and the conditions of that peace.

That loud clamour againſt the Ceſſation in Ireland was ſo fully & clearly anſwered by the King's Cōmiſſioners at the Treaty at Uxbridge, that there can no ſcruple remain with any, who have taken the pains to read the tranſactions in that Treaty; it plainly appears, that the King could not be induced to conſent to that Ceſſation, till it was evident that His Proteſtant Subjects in that Kingdome could not be any other way preſerved; The Lords Juſtices and Councell of that Kingdome ſignified to the Speaker of the Houſe of Commons by their Letter of the 4 of April, (which was above ſix Months before the Ceſſation) That his Majeſties Army and good Subjects Relat. of the Treaty, p. 141. there, were in danger to be devoured for want of needfull ſupplies out of England, and that His Majeſties Forces were of neceſsity ſent abroad, to try what might be done for ſuſtaining them in the Country, to keep them alive till ſupplies ſhould get to them, but that deſigne failing them, thoſe their hopes were converted into aſtoniſhment, to behold the miſeries of the Officers and Souldiers for want of all things, and all thoſe wants made inſupportable in the want of food, and divers Commanders and Officers declaring they had little hope to be ſupplied by the Parliament, preſſed with ſo great importunity to be permitted to depart the Kingdome, as that it would be extreame difficult to keep them there, and in another part of that Letter, they expreſſed, that they were expelling thence all Strangers, and muſt inſtantly ſend away for England thouſands of poor diſpoyled Engliſh, whoſe very eating was then inſupportable to that place, that their confuſions would not admit the writing of many more Letters, if any, (for they had written divers others expreſsing their great neceſsities:) And to the end His Majeſty and the Engliſh Nation, might not irrecoverably and unavoidably ſuffer, they did deſire, that then (though it were almoſt at the point to be too late) Supplies of Victuall and Ammunition in preſent might be haſtened thither to keep life, untill the reſt might follow, there being no Victuall in the Store, nor a hundred Barrels of Powder (a ſmall proportion to defend a Kingdome) left in the Store, when the out-Garriſons were ſupplied, and that remainder according to the uſuall neceſſary expence beſides extraordinary accidents would not laſt above a Month; and in that Letter they ſent a Paper ſigned by ſundry Officers of the Army delivered to them, as they were ready to ſigne that diſpatch, and by them apprehended to threaten imminent danger; which mentioned that they were brought to that great exigent, that they were ready to rob and ſpoile one another, that their wants began to make them deſperate; That if the Lords Juſtices and Councell there did not find a ſpeedy way for their preſervation, they did deſire, that they might have leave to go away; that if that were not granted, they muſt have recourſe to the law of nature, which teacheth all men to preſerve themſelves.

The two Houſes, who had undertaken to carry on that War, and received all the Mony raiſed for that Service, neglecting ſtill to ſend ſupplies thither; the Lords Juſtices, and Councell by their Letters about the middle of May, advertiſed the King, That they had no Victuall, Cloths, or other proviſions, no Mony to provide them of any thing they want; no Armes, not above forty Barrels of Powder; no ſtrength of ſerviceable Horſe; no viſible means by Sea or Land of being able to preſerve that Kingdome. And by others of the 4 of Iuly, that his Armies would be forced Coll. Ord. 2. vol. p. 344. through wants to disband or depart the Kingdome, and that there would be nothing to be expected there, but the inſtant loſſe of the Kingdome, and the deſtruction of the remnant of his good Subjects yet left there.

This was the ſad condition of that miſerable Kingdome, to whoſe aſſiſtance his Majeſty was in no degree (of Himſelf) able to contribute; and His recommendation and interpoſition to the two Houſes, whom He had truſted, was ſo much contemned, that when upon their Order to iſſue out, at one time, one hundred thouſand pounds of the Monies paid for Ireland, to the ſupply of the Forces under the Earl of Eſſex, (albeit it was enacted by the Law upon which thoſe Monies were raiſed, that no part of it ſhould be imployed to any other purpoſe then the reducing the Rebels of Ireland) His Majeſty by a ſpeciall Meſſage adviſed and required them to retract that Order, and to diſpoſe the Monies the right way, the neceſſities of Ireland being then paſſionately repreſented by thoſe upon the place, they returned no other ſatisfaction or Anſwer to his Majeſty, but a Declaration, That thoſe Ex. Col. p. 57 . directions given His Majeſty for the retracting of that Order, was a high breach of priviledge of Parliament.

When His Majeſty perceived that no aſſiſtance was, or was like to be applied to them, and that the Enemy ſtill increaſed in ſtrength & power, He referred the conſideration and proviſion for themſelves, to thoſe, whoſe ſafeties and livelyhoods were moſt immediately concerned, and who were the neareſt witneſſes of the diſtreſſes, and the beſt Judges, how they could be borne, or how they were like to be relieved; and ſo with the full advice and approbation of the Lords Juſtices and Councell there, and concurrent opinion of all the chief Officers of the Army, that Ceſſation was made, by which onely the Proteſtants in that Kingdome, and His Majeſties intereſt there could at that time have been preſerved.

Of this Ceſſation, neither His Majeſties good Subjects in that or this Kingdom, have reaſon to complain. Examine now the peace, which they ſay was afterwards made, on ſuch odious, ſhamefull, and unworthy conditions, that His Majeſty Himſelf bluſhed to owne, or impart to His owne Lieutenant the Earle of Ormond, but a private Commiſſion was made to the Lord Herbert to manage it.

Whilſt the King had any hope of a tolerable peace in this, or a probable way of carrying on the War in that Kingdome, He never gave a Commiſſion to conclude a peace there, and it plainly appears by the relation of the Treaty at Uxbridge, (to the truth of which there hath not been the leaſt objection) the Acts of the Commiſſioners of both ſides being extant, that there was no expedient propoſed (though deſired often on the King's party) for the proceeding in that War, but that His Majeſty would quit abſolutely all His Regall power in that Kingdome, and ſo put all His Subjects there (Engliſh and Iriſh) out of His protection, into that of the two Houſes of Parliament here, who at the ſame time were fighting for the ſame Supremacy in this, and who had at the ſame time diſpoſed a greater power thereof to the Scots, then they reſerved to themſelves; it concerned the King then in piety and policy, in His duty to God and man, to endevour to preſerve that Kingdom by a peace, which He could not reduce by a war, and to draw from thence ſuch a body and number of His own Subjects, as might render Him more conſiderable to thoſe, who, having put off all naturall allegiance, and reverence to his Majeſty, looked only what power and ſtrength, and not what right He had left.

The peace that was concluded, was upon ſuch tearms and conditions, as were in that conjuncture of time juſt and honourable; and when it could not be continued without yeilding to more ſhamefull and leſſe worthy conditions, the Marqueſſe of Ormond, his Majeſties Lieutenant of that Kingdome, (who had the ſole and intire authority from his Majeſty to conclude a peace, and againſt whom all their envy, and all their malice, hath not been able to make the leaſt objection) beſt knowing his Maſters mind, choſe rather to make no peace, and to truſt providence with his Majeſties Rights, then to conſent to ſuch Propoſitions; nor had the Lord Herbert ever any Commiſſion to make a peace there, but being a perſon, whoſe loyalty and affection to his ſervice, the King had no reaſon to ſuſpect, and being of the ſame Religion with the Enemy, might have ſome influence upon them, was qualified with ſuch a teſtimony, as might give him the more credit amongſt them to perſwade them to reaſon: His reſtraint and commitment was very reall by the whole Councell board there, though when it appeared that his errors had proceeded from unskilfulneſſe and unadviſedneſſe, and not from malice, he was afterwards inlarged by the ſame power.

The unnaturall concluſions and inferences theſe men make from what the King hath ſaid or done, applying actions done lately, to words ſpoken ſeven years before, cannot caſt any blemiſh upon the Kings Religion, which ſhines with the ſame luſtre in Him, as it did in the primitive Martyrs; and even thoſe Letters taken at Nazeby, (which no wiſe Rebel, or gallant Enemy would have publiſhed) will to poſterity appear as great Monuments of His zeale to the true Proteſtant Religion, in thoſe ſtraits in which He was driven by thoſe who profeſſed that Religion, as any Prince hath left, or have been left by any Prince ſince Chriſtianity was imbraced: And if that Religion ſhould proſper with leſſe vigour, then it hath done, and the Chriſtian and Pagan world have leſſe reverence towards it, then they have had, theſe Reformers may juſtly challenge to themſelves the honour and glory of that declenſion, and triumph in the reproaches they have brought upon the moſt Orthodox Church, that hath flouriſhed in any age ſince the Apoſtles time.

Theſe Charges and reproaches upon the King, which have been now particularly examined and anſwered, and of which the world may judge, are aggravated by the King's ſo often refuſing their addreſſes for peace; the truth of which ſuggeſtions (though for method ſake the Order of their Declaration hath been inverted) muſt be now conſidered, and all of that kind, which is ſcattered and diſ-jointed in the Declaration, ſhal for the ſame method ſake be gathered together and reſolved; and in this Argument they ſeem to think, they are ſo much upon the advantage ground, that they are rather to make anPag. 7. Apology to the world, for having ſo often made Addreſſes to their King, then for reſolving to doe ſo no more; that is, for enduring ſo long to be Subjects, then for reſolving hereafter to be ſo no more.

The truth is, they never yet made any one addreſſe for peace; onely ſomtime offered to receive his Crown, if his Majeſty would give it up to them, without putting them to fight more for it, for other ſenſe or interpretation, no Propoſitions yet ever ſent to Him can bear; and whereas they ſay, they muſt not be ſo unthankfull to God, as to forget they were never forced to any Treaty, it is affirmed, that there are not ſix Members, who concur in this Declaration, who ever gave their conſent to any Treaty, that hath yet been, but when they were forced by the major part to conſent to it, they were ſo unthankfull to God for the opportunity of reſtoring a bleſſed peace to their Country, that they framed ſuch Propoſitions, and clogged their Commiſſioners with ſuch Inſtructions, as made any Agreement impoſſible.

Though no Arithmetique, but their own, can reckon thoſe Seven times, in which they have made ſuch applications to the King, and tendred ſuch Propoſitions, that Pag. 7. might occaſion the world to judge, they had not only yeilded up to their wills and affections, but their reaſon alſo, and judgment, for obtaining a true peace and accommodation; yet it will be no hard matter ſhortly to recollect the overtures, which have bin made on both ſides, and thence it may beſt appear whether the King, never yet offred any thing fit for them to receive, or would accept of any tender fit for them to make.

What Propoſitions were made by them to prevent the War, need not be remembred, who ever reads the nineteen ſent to Him to Yorke, will ſcarce be able to name one Soveraigne power, that was not there demanded from him; nor can they now make Him leſſe a King, then He ſhould have been, if He had conſented to thoſe.

After His Standard was ſet up, and by that his Majeſty had ſhewed that He would not tamely be ſtripped of His Royall power, without doing His beſt to defend it, He ſent a Meſſage before bloud was yet drawn from Nottingham, to deſire that ſome fit perſons might be inabled Ex. Col. p. 579. by them, to treat with the like number, to be authorized by His Majeſty, in ſuch a manner, and with ſuch freedome of debate, as might beſt tend to that happy concluſion, which all good men deſired, The peace of the Kingdome; to which gracious overture from His Majeſty, the Anſwer was, that untill the King called in His Proclamations and ag. 580. Declarations, and took down His Standard, they could give Him no Anſwer.

And at the ſame time publiſhed a Declar: to the Kingdome, That they would not lay down their Arms, untill the King ſhould withdraw His protection from all ſuch perſons, Ex. Col. p. 575. as had been voted by both Houſes to be Delinquents; or ſhould be voted to be ſuch; that their Eſtates might be diſpoſed to the defraying of the charges the Common-wealth had been put to; And who they meant by thoſe Delinquents, they had in a former Declaration to the Inhabitants of York-ſhire expreſſed, that all perſons ſhould have reparation out of the Eſtates of all ſuch perſons in any part of the Kingdome whatſoever, who had withdrawn themſelves to Yorke, and ſhould perſiſt to ſerve the King, &c. This was one of their Applications, in which they had yeilded up their wills and affections, and their reaſon and judgment for obtaining peace.

They ſay, they have cauſe to remember that the King Pag. 9. ſomtimes denied to receive their humble Petitions for peace: the which they had rather ſhould be believed in groſſe, then trouble themſelves with ſetting down the time, and manner when it was done; but out of their former writings it is no hard matter to gueſſe what they meane: When the KING was at Shrewsbury, and the Earle of Eſſex at Worceſter towards the end of September, 1642. the two Houſes ſent a Petition to their Generall, to be preſented to His Majeſty in ſome ſafe and honourable way; In which Petition they moſt humbly beſought his Majeſty, to withdraw His Perſon from His own Army, Ex. Col. p. 632. and to leave them to be ſuppreſſed by that power, which they had ſent againſt them, and that He would in peace and ſafety without His Forces return to His Parliament. The Earl of Eſſex by Letter to the Earle of Dorſet, who then attended his Majeſty, intimated that He had a Petition from both Houſes to be delivered to his Majeſty, and for that purpoſe deſired a ſafe Conduct for thoſe, who ſhould be ſent with it; The Earle of Dorſet (by his Majeſties command) returned Anſwer, That as He had never refuſed to receive any Petition from His Houſes of Parliament, ſo He ſhould be ready to give ſuch a reception and Anſwer to this, as ſhould be fit, and that the Bringers of it ſhould come and go with ſafety, onely He required that none of thoſe perſons, whom He had particularly accuſed of High Treaſon (which at that time were very few) ſhould by colour of that Petition be imployed to His Majeſty. This Anſwer was declared to be a breach of priviledge, and ſo that Petition, which (as His Majeſty ſaies in His Anſwer to the Declaration of the 22 of October) was fitter to be Ex. Col. p. 699. delivered after a Battle and full Conqueſt of Him, then in the head of His Army, when it might ſeem ſomwhat in His power whether He would be depoſed or no, was never delivered to his Majeſty, and this is the Petition, which they now ſay He ſomtimes denied to receive.

They ſay that when they deſired Him to appoint a place for a Committee of both Houſes to attend His Majeſty with Propoſitions for Peace, He named Windſor, promiſing to abide thereabouts till they came to Him, but preſently marched forward ſo neer London, that He had almoſt ſurprized it, whilſt He had ſo ingaged Himſelf for a Treaty.

This likewiſe refers to the Petition ſent to his Majeſty at Colebrooke; and all the circumſtances were fully anſweredEx. Col. p. 45. by his Majeſty in his Declaration upon that occaſion, when this aſpertion was firſt unreaſonably caſt upon Him; It is true, after the Battle at Edge-hill, when they could no longer perſwade their friends of the City, that the King's Forces were ſcattered, and their Army in purſuit of Him, but in ſtead thereof, they had pregnant evidence, that his Majeſties Army was marching towards them, and was poſſeſſed of Reading, whilſt the Earl of Eſſex continued ſtill at or about Warwicke, on the 2 of November, they reſolved to ſend an Overture to his Majeſty concerning Peace; and though it muſt not be ſaid they were forced to that Addreſſe, yet truly who ever reads that Petition which was brought to his Majeſty to Colebrooke, will be of opinion by the ſtile of it, that they were fuller of fear, or of duty, then they were when they rejected his Majeſties offer from Notingham, or then they were ten daies after, or ever ſince: That Petition was anſwered with all imaginable candor by his Majeſty; and Windſor choſen if they would remove their Garriſon out of it, for the place of Treaty: But when the Meſſengers were returned, who made not the leaſt mention of a Ceſſation, it appeared by ſure intelligence that the Earl of Eſſex, who had the night before brought his Army to or neer London, after thoſe Meſſengers were diſpatched to his Majeſty, had drawn a great part of his Forces, and the London Traine bands towards his Majeſty, and ſent others to Acton on the one ſide, and Kingſton on the other; ſo that there being likewiſe a Garriſon at Windſor, if the King had ſtaid at Colebrooke, He had been inſenſibly hemmed in, and ſurrounded by the Enemy; whereupon He took a ſudden reſolution to advance to Brainceford; thereby to compell them to draw their Body together, & ſo making His way through that Towne with the defeat of a Regiment or two which made reſiſtance there, and thereby cauſing thoſe at Kingſton to remove, the King went to His own Houſe at Hampton Court, and having there in vaine expected the Commiſſioners from the Houſes to Treat, retired to Reading, where He ſtaid, till He found they had given over all thought of Treaty, and they ſent Him a new ſcornfull Petition, to returne to His Parliament with His Royall, not His Martiall attendance.

In January following, the importunity of the City of London, and generall clamour of the people forced them to pretend an inclination to peace; and ſo they ſent Propoſitions to his Majeſty, which though but 14 in number, contained the whole matter of the former 19. with an addition of ſome Bils ready paſſed the two Houſes, to which His royall aſſent was demanded, one of which was for the extirpation and eradication of the whole frame of Church-government; and another for the confirming an Aſſembly of ſuch Divines as they had choſen, to deviſe a new Government, which they were ſo much the fitter to be truſted with becauſe in the whole number, (which conſiſted of above one hundred, and might be increaſed as they thought fit) there were not above a dozen, who were not already declared Enemies to the old, to the which notwithſtanding there were few of them who had not ſubſcribed, and a promiſe required from his Majeſty, that He would give His aſſent to all ſuch Bils which the two Houſes ſhould hereafter preſent to Him, upon conſultation with that Aſſembly.

How extravagant ſoever theſe Propoſitions were, the King ſo much ſubdued and ſuppreſſed His Princely indignation, that He drew them to a Treaty even upon thoſe Propoſitions, expecting (as He expreſſed in His Anſwer, when He propoſed the Treaty) that ſuch of Coll. Ord. 2 vol. p. 52. them as appeared derogatory from, and deſtructive to His juſt Power and Prerogative, ſhould be waved, and many other things that were darke and doubtfull in them, might be cleared and explained upon debate; and concluding that if they would conſent to a Treaty, they would likewiſe give ſuch authority and power of reaſoning to thoſe, whom they ſhould truſt, that they might either give or take ſatisfaction upon thoſe principles of piety, honour, and juſtice, as both ſides avowed, their being governed by.

How that Treaty was managed, how their Commiſſioners were limited and bound up by their Inſtructions, that they had no power to recede from the leaſt materiall tittle of the Propoſitions upon which they treated; how they were not ſuffered to ſtay one houre beyond the time firſt aſſigned to them, albeit his Majeſty earneſtly deſired the Treaty might be continued, till He had received an Anſwer to Propoſitions of His owne, which He had ſent to the Houſes, becauſe the Committee had no power to anſwer them; and how the ſame day their Commiſſioners left Oxford; the Earl of Eſſex marched with his whole Army to beſiege Reading, is known to all men, who may conclude thereupon, that they never intended that Treaty ſhould produce a peace.

On the other ſide, the King propoſed only, That His Ships might be reſtored to Him, and His Caſtles, and Revenue, which by the confeſsion of all had been violently taken from Him; and that His Majeſty and the Members of both Houſes, who had been driven from Weſtminſter might either return thither, upon ſuch a proviſion as might ſecure them againſt Tumults for the future; or that the Parliament might be adjourned to ſome ſafe place, and ſo all Armies preſently to be disbanded: To which Propoſition from his Majeſty, they never vouchſafed to return Anſwer, and the King after He had above a Month in vain expected it from them; and in that time received a good ſupply of Ammunition, which He was before thought to want, ſent another Meſſage by Mr. Alexander Hambden on the 19 of May, 1643. in which He told them,Coll. Ord. 2 vol. p. 181. That when He conſidered that the ſcene of all the calamity was in the bowels of His own Kingdome, that all the bloud which was ſpilt was of His owne Subjects; and that what victory it ſhould pleaſe God to give Him, muſt be over thoſe who ought not to have lifted up their hands againſt Him; when He conſidered that thoſe deſperate civill diſſentions, might encourage and invite a forain Enemy to make a prey of the whole Nation; That Ireland was in preſent danger to be loſt; That the heavy judgments of God, Plague, Peſtilence, and Famine, would be the inevitable attendants of this unnaturall contention; and that in a ſhort time there would be ſo generall a habit of uncharitableneſſe and cruelty contracted throughout the Kingdome, that even peace itſelf would not reſtore His people to their old temper and ſecurity; His Majeſty could not ſuffer Himſelf to be diſcouraged though He had received no Anſwer to His former Meſſage, but by this did again with much earneſtneſſe deſire them to conſider what He had before offred, which gave ſo fair a riſe to end thoſe unnaturall diſtractions.

This moſt gracious Meſſage from the King, met with ſo much worſe entertainment and ſucceſſe then the former, as it was not only ever Anſwer'd, but the Meſſenger likewiſe (being a Gentleman of quality and ſingular integrity) though he was civilly received by the Houſe of Lords, to whom he was directed, was by the Houſe of Commons apprehended and impriſoned, and never after freed from his reſtraint, till he ended his life, after a long and conſuming ſickneſſe.

This is the Meſſenger they mean, who (to excuſe theirPag 10. inhumanity and cruelty towards him) they ſay, at the ſame time he brought a ſpecious Meſſage of renewing a Treaty, was inſtructed how to manage that bloudy Maſſacre in London, which was then deſigned by vertue of the Kings Commiſsion, ſince publiſhed.

Before any thing be ſaid of that Plot, it is known, that Gentleman was impriſoned many daies before there was any mention of a Plot; and the Houſe of Peers ſolemnly expoſtulated the injury done to them in it, and in vaine required his inlargement, which they would not have done, if there had been any other objection againſt him, then the comming without a Paſſe from their Generall, which was never underſtood to be requiſite, till the Houſe of Commons very few daies before declared it to be ſo, albeit themſelves ſent Meſſengers to the King without ever demanding a Paſſe.

Now to the Plot it ſelf; They have indeed publiſhedColl. Ord. 2. vol. p. 199. a Narration of that Plot, which ſerved their turn barbarouſly to put two very honeſt men to death, and to undoe very many more; and it is very probable they made that relation as full and clear, as their evidence enabled them to do, and yet who ever reads it, cannot conclude reaſonably, that there was ever more in it, then a communion between honeſt men, of good reputation and fortunes, and deſirous of peace, how they might be able to diſcountenance that diſorderly rabble, which upon all occaſions proteſted againſt peace, by appearing as ſtrong and conſiderable in numbers as they, and which certainly ought to have found as great countenance and encouragement from the Parliament, as the other; theſe diſcourſes produced a diſquiſition of the generall affections of the City, and that a more particular computation and eſtimate of the inclinations of particular men, and ſo mention of ſeverall things which in ſuch and ſuch caſes would be neceſſary to be done; and theſe diſcourſes being by the treachery of a Servant diſcovered to thoſe, who could compound Plots and Conſpiracies out of any Ingredients, they joyned thoſe and a Commiſſion they had likewiſe met with, together, and ſo ſhaped a Conſpiracy, that they uſed as a Scar-crow to drive away any avowed and publique inclinations for peace, the preſſing whereof at that time was like to prove inconvenient to them; but thoſe diſcourſes, and that Commiſſion, had not the leaſt relation to each other, nor was there one man, who was accuſed of or privy to thoſe diſcourſes, whoſe name was in that Commiſſion, or indeed privy to it, which had iſſued out a good time before, and was to have been made uſe of (being no other then a fair legall Commiſſion of Array in Engliſh) if the Kings motion with His Army towards thoſe parts gave the people ſo much courage to appear for Him; nor can there be a ſober objection againſt the Kings granting ſuch a Commiſſion, when they had their Ordinances ready upon all occaſions, to be executed in the Kings Quarters, and had named Commiſſioners for that purpoſe in all the Counties of the Kingdome.

But to proceed, in the Overtures for peace, from the end of the Treaty at Oxford, which was in April, 1643. they never made one Overture or Addreſſe to his Majeſty towards peace, till the end of November, 1644. in the mean time what approaches the King made towards it muſt be remembred: After the taking of Briſtol, when his Majeſties ſtrength and power was viſible and confeſſed in the Weſt, and in the North, and the Enemies condition apparently low, and in many of their opinions even deſperate; the King albeit His laſt Meſſenger was ſtill in Priſon, and no Anſwer to his Meſſages, by His Declaration of the 30 of June, again renewed all the profeſſions and offers He had before made, and told them, that revenge and bloud thirſtineſſe had never been imputed to His Majeſty by thoſe, who had neither left His government or nature un-examined with the greateſt boldneſſe and malice, and therefore beſought them to return to their Allegiance: what paſſed from his Majeſty himſelf, and from the Lords and Commons at Oxford in March following, and with what importunity, they deſired there might be a Treaty, by which ſome waies & means might be found, how a peace might be procured, and how peremptorily and diſdainfully they rejected that deſire in their Anſwer to his Majeſty of the 9 of March, Coll. Ord. 2 vol. p. 451. becauſe the greateſt, and the greateſt number of the Peers of the Kingdome, and the greateſt part of the Houſe of Commons, then with his Majeſty at Oxford, ſeemed by Him to be put in an equall condition with them at Weſtminſter, though they had been content ſince to put the Officers of the Army into at leaſt an equall condition with them, by treating with them, is to be ſeen and read, and needs no repetition.

In July following, which was in the year 1644. after He had routed the beſt part of Sir William Waller's Army, and taken his Cannon, his Majeſty ſent from Eveſham another Meſſage to the two Houſes, to deſire them, that there might yet be a Ceſſation, and that ſome perſons might be ſent to Him with any Propoſitions that might be for the good of His people, and He would condeſcend to them: to which they never returned Anſwer.

Two Months after, on the 8 of September, when He had totally defeated the Army of the Earl of Eſſex in Cornwall, taken all their Cannon, Armes, and Baggage; the King again ſent to them, that the extraordinary ſucceſſe with which God had bleſſed Him in ſo eminent a manner, brought Him no joy for any other conſideration, then for the hopes He had, that it might be a means to make others lay to heart, as He did, the miſeries brought and continued upon this Kingdome by this unnaturall war, and that it might open their ears, and diſpoſe their minds to imbrace thoſe offers of peace and reconciliation, which had been ſo often and ſo earneſtly made unto them by Him, and from the conſtant and fervent endeavours of which He reſolved never to deſiſt: and ſo conjured them to conſider His laſt Meſſage and to ſend Him an Anſwer: To this Meſſage likewiſe, they never ſent Anſwer: and theſe were the tenders made by his Majeſty, which they ſay were never fit for them to receive; we ſhall now proceed to thoſe they thought fit to offer, and accuſe his Majeſty for not accepting.

On the 23 of November, 1644. the Committee from the two Houſes brought the Propoſitions to the King, which, they ſay, were agreed on by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms not only as juſt, but neceſſary alſo for the very being of theſe Kingdoms in a ſetled peace and ſafety: And which required his Majeſty to reſigne up all His Regall power in His three Kingdomes, to thoſe who ſent thoſe Propoſitions; to take their Covenant, and injoyne all others to take it; and to ſacrifice all His owne Party (who had ſerved Him honeſtly and faithfully) to the fury and appetite of thoſe, who had caſt off their Allegiance to Him, and to leave Himſelf the meer empty name of a King.

How the twenty daies were afterwards ſpent at Uxbridge, is publiſhed to the world, in which the laſt obſervation made by the King's Commiſſioners muſt not be forgotten, That after a War of neer foure years, for Relat. Treat. p. 175. which the defence of the Proteſtant Religion, the Liberty and Property of the Subject, and the Priviledges of the Parliament, were made the cauſe and grounds, in a Treaty of Twenty daies, nor indeed in the whole Propoſitions upon which the Treaty ſhould be, there hath been nothing offered to be treated concerning the breach of any Law, or of the Liberty, or Property of the Subject, or Priviledge of Parliament, but onely Propoſitions for the altering a Government eſtabliſhed by Law, and for the making new Laws, by which almoſt all the old are or may be cancelled; and there hath been nothing inſiſted on of the Kings part, which is not Law, or denied by the Kings Commiſsioners that the other required, as due by Law.

For the Proteſtation, which they ſay, was entred (aboutPag. 10. the time of this Treaty) in the Councell-Book, and of which his Majeſty gave the Queen account, it is known to be no other then a Declaration, that by calling them a Parliament, there could be no acknowledgment inferred, that he eſteemed them a free Parliament, which few at that time did believe them to be; and they have ſince upon as ſmall reaſons confeſſed themſelves not to be.

They alleage, as a wonderfull teſtimony of their meekneſſePag. 8. and good nature, that after His Majeſties Armies were all broken, ſo that in diſguiſe He fled from Oxford to the Scots at Newarke, and from thence went to Newcaſtle, they tendred to Him at Newcaſtle, and afterwards, when the Scots had left Him to the Commiſsioners of Parliament, at Hampton-Court, ſtill the ſame Propoſitions in effect, which had been preſented before in the midſt of all His ſtrength and Forces: which is rather an Argument that they had at firſt made them as bad as poſſibly they could, then that they were good ſince; and (conſidering the natures of theſe Declarers) there cannot be a more pregnant evidence of the ilneſſe and vileneſſe of thoſe Propoſitions, then that they have not made them worſe; nor is the condition in which they have now impiouſly put His Majeſty for His refuſall, worſe, then it had been, or would be (His Perſonall liberty only excepted) if He conſented to them; and in one conſideration it is much better, becauſe it is now a confeſſed act of violence and treaſon upon Him, which if He once conſent to their Propoſitions, they will (when ever they find occaſion) appear legally qualified to do the ſame.

They have once again out of their deſire of his Majeſties concurrence deſcended to one other addreſſe to Him, and they ſaid, they did ſo qualifie the ſaid Propoſitions, Pag. 9. that where it might ſtand with the publique ſafety, His wonted ſcruples and objections were prevented or removed, and yeilded to a Perſonall Treaty, on condition the King would ſigne but foure Bils, which they judged not only juſt, and honourable, but neceſſary even for preſent peace and ſafety during ſuch a Treaty; and upon His deniall of theſe, they are in deſpair of any good by addreſſes to the King, neither muſt they be ſo injurious to the people, in further delaying their ſetlement, as any more to preſſe His conſent, to theſe or any other Propoſitions.

What the former Propoſitions and Addreſſes to His Majeſty have been, and how impoſſible it hath been for Him to conſent to them with His Conſcience, Honour, or Safety, appears before; and how inconvenient it would have been to the Kingdome if He had done it, they themſelves have declared, by making ſuch important alterations in reſpect of the Engliſh intereſt in thoſe preſented at Newcaſtle, from the other treated on at Uxbridge; it will be fit therefore to examine theſe foure Bils which were to be the condition of the Treaty.

One of theſe Bils is, to deveſt His Majeſty and His Poſterity for ever of any power over the Militia, and to tranſfer this right, and more then ever was in the Crown, to theſe men, who keep Him Priſoner; for it is in their power whether they will ever conſent that it ſhall be in any other; and to give them power to raiſe what Forces they pleaſe, and what Mony they think fit upon His Subjects; and by any waies or means they appoint, and ſo frankly exclude Himſelf from any power in the making Laws.

There need no other Anſwer, why it is not fit or poſſible for the King to conſent to this, then what the Commiſſioners from Scotland gave to the Houſes, when they declared their diſſent; If the Crownes have no power of Anſw. Sc. Com. p. 20. the Militia, how can they be able to reſist their Enemies, and the Enemies of the Kingdomes, protect their Subjects, or keep friendſhip or correſpondence with their Allyes? All Kings by their royall Office and Oath of Coronation are obliged to protect their Laws and Subjects, it were ſtrange then to ſeclude the Crown for ever from the power of doing that, which by the Oath of Coronation they are obliged to perform, and the obedience whereunto falleth within the Oath of Allegiance; and certainly if the King and His Poſterity ſhall have no power in making Laws, nor in the Militia, it roots up the ſtrongeſt foundation of honour and ſafety which the Crown affords, and will be interpreted in the eyes of the world, to be a wreſting of the Scepter and Sword out of their hands.

Nor can this juſt and honourable Aſſertion be anſwered, and evaded, by ſaying, that the Militia was the principall Decl. concerning the Scots Papers, p. 68. immediate ground of their quarrell, in order to the preſervation of Religion, and the juſt Rights and Liberties of the people; and that the Scots Commiſsioners have often agreed with them in it, and that the Kingdome of Scotland fought together with them for it, and upon the ground thereof; and that now they argue againſt their injoying it, almoſt in the very ſame words, as the King did at the beginning of the War in His Declarations.

It is no wonder that what theſe men have done, and the horrid confuſion they have made, have evinced many truths, which appeared not ſo manifeſt to all underſtandings by what the King ſaid, or that they have notMart. Inde p. 15. ſo good an opinion of thoſe, who tell them that there is another and a more naturall way to peace, and to the ending the war, then by Agreement, namely by Conqueſt; As they had of them who with all imaginable ſolemnity ſwore that 3 Art. of the Covenant. they would ſincerely, really, and conſtantly endeavour with their eſtates and lives, mutually to preſerve and defend the King's Majeſties Perſon, and authority in the preſervation and defence of the true Religion, and Liberties of the Kingdomes, that the world may bear witneſſe with their Conſciences of their Loyalty, and that they had no thoughts or intentions to diminiſh His Majeſties Power and Greatneſſe, which Engagements might perſwade many, that their purpoſes were other then they now appear to be.

For that other power, they require to raiſe what Monies they pleaſe, and in what way they pleaſe; All the people of England will ſay, that which the Army ſaid honeſtly in their Repreſentation, agreed upon at Newmarket on the 4 & 5 of June againſt the Ordinance ofDecl. and Papers of the Army, p. 31. Indempnity, We ſhall be ſorry that our relief ſhould be the occaſion of ſetting up more Arbitrary Courts, then there are already, with ſo large a power of impriſoning any Free-men of England, as this Bill gives, let the perſons intruſted appear never ſo juſt and faithfull.

Indeed that is asked of his Majeſty by this Bill, which the King can neither give, nor they receive; the King cannot give away His Dominion, nor make His Subjects, ſubject to any other Prince or power, then to that under which they were born; no man believes that the King can transfer His Soveraigne power to the French King, or the King of Spaine, or to the States of the united Provinces; nor by the ſame reaſon can He transfer it to the States at Weſtminſter. And the learned and wiſe Grotius (who will by no means endure that Subjects ſhould take Armes againſt their Princes upon any ſpecious pretences whatſoever) concludes, Si rex tradere regnum, aut ſubjicere moliatur, quin ei reſiſti in hoc poſsit non De jure bell. fol. 85. dubito, aliud enim eſt imperium, aliud habendi modus, qui ne mutetur obſtare poteſt populus; to the which he applies that of Seneca, Etſi parendum in omnibus patri, in eo non parendum, quò efficitur ne pater ſit; And it may be this may be the only caſe in which Subjects may take up defenſive Armes, that they may continue Subjects; for without doubt no King hath power, not to be a King, becauſe by deveſting himſelfe he gives away the right which belongs to others, their title to, and intereſt in his protection.

The two Houſes themſelves ſeemed to be of opinion, when in their Declaration of the 27 of May, 1642. they ſaid, the King by his Soveraignty is not enabled to deſtroy Ex. Col. p. 35. His people, but to protect and defend them; and the high Court of Parliament, and all other His Majeſties Officers and Miniſters ought to be ſubſervient to that power and authority, which Law hath placed in His Majesty to that purpoſe, though He Himſelf in His own Perſon ſhould neglect the ſame: So that by their own judgment and confeſſion it is not in the King's power to part with that, which they ask of Him; and it is very probable, if they could have prevailed with Him to do it, they would before now have added it to His charge, as the greateſt breach of truſt that ever King was guilty of.

They cannot receive what they ask, if the King would give it; in the Journall of the Houſe of Commons, they will find a Proteſtation entred by themſelves in the third year of this King, when the Petition of Right was depending, in the debating whereof ſome expreſſions had been uſed, which were capable of an ill interpretation; That they neither meant, nor had power to hurt the King's Prerogative: And the Lord chief Juſtice Coke, in the fourth part of his Inſtitutes, publiſhed by their Order ſince the beginning of this Parliament, ſaies, That it 4 Part Inſtit. fol. 14. was declared in the 42 year of King Edw. 3. by the Lords and Commons in full Parliament, that they could not aſſent to any thing in Parliament, that tended to the diſheriſon of the King and his Crowne, whereunto they were ſworne: And Judge Hutton in his Argument againſt Ship-mony, printed likewiſe by their Order ſince this Parliament, agrees expreſly, That the power of making War & Leagues, Pag. 25, 26. the power of the Coyne, and the Value of the Coynes (uſurped likewiſe by theſe Declarers) and many other Monarchicall powers and prerogatives, which to be taken away, were againſt naturall reaſon, and are incidents ſo inſeparable, that they cannot be taken away by Parliament: To which may be added the authority of a more modern Author, who uſes to be of the moſt powerfull opinion,Mart. Inde p. 27. Mr. Martin, who ſaies, that the Parliament it ſelf hath not, in his humble opinion, authority enough to erect another authority equall to it ſelf; And theſe ambitious men, who would impiouſly graſp the Soveraign power into their hands, may remember the fate which attended that Ordinance in the time of King Hen. 3. to which that King metu incarcerationis perpetuae compulſus eſt conſentire, and by which the care and government of the Kingdom was put into the hands of four and twenty; how unſpeakable miſeries befell the Kingdom thereby, and that in a ſhort time, there grew ſo great faction and animoſity amongſt themſelves, that the major part deſired the Ordinance might be repealed, and the King reſtored to His juſt power; that they who refuſed came to miſerable ends, and their Families were deſtroyed with them, and the Kingdome knew no peace, happineſſe, or quiet, till all ſubmiſſion and acknowledgment, and reparation was made to the King, and that they got moſt reputation, who were moſt forward to return to their duty; So that it is believed, if the King would transfer theſe powers, though many perſons of honour and fortune have been unhappily ſeduced into this combination; that in truth no one of thoſe would ſubmit to bear a part of that inſupportable burthen, and that none would venture to act a part in this adminiſtration, but ſuch whoſe names were ſcarce heard of, or perſons known before theſe diſtractions.

If the King ſhould conſent to another of their four Bils, He ſhould ſubvert the whole foundations of government, and leave Himſelf, Poſterity, and the Kingdome without ſecurity, when the fire, that now burns, is extinguiſhed, by making Rebellion, the legitimate Child of the Law; for if what theſe men have done be lawfull and juſt, and the grounds upon which they have done it be juſtifiable, the like may be done again; and beſides this, He muſt acknowledge and declare all thoſe who have ſerved Him faithfully, and out of the moſt abſtracted conſiderations of Conſcience and Honour, to be wicked and guilty men, and ſo render thoſe glorious perſons, who have payed the full debt they owed to His Majeſty and their Country, by looſing their lives in His righteous cauſe, and whoſe memories muſt be kept freſh and pretious to ſucceeding ages, infamous after their deaths, by declaring, that they did ill, for the doing whereof, and the irreparable prejudice that would accrue thereby to truth, innocence, honour, and juſtice, all the Empires of the world would be a cheap and vile recompence.

Nor can this impoſſible demand be made reaſonable by ſaying, It would be a baſe and diſhonourable thing for Decl. concerning the Scots Papers, p. 86. the Houſes of Parliament being in that condition they are, to have treated under the Gallows, to have treated as Traytors, their cauſe being not juſtified, nor the Declarations againſt them as Rebels recalled. It would be a much more baſe and diſhonourable thing, to renounce the Old and New Teſtament, and declare that they are not the word of God; to cancell and overthrow all the Lawes and Government of the Kingdome; all which muſt be done, before their cauſe, or their manner of maintaining their cauſe can be juſtified: and if that were not perverſly blind to their owne intereſt, they would know and diſcerne, that ſuch an act is as pernitious to themſelves, as to truth and reaſon, their own ſecurity depending on nothing more, then a proviſion, that no others for the time to come, ſhall do what they have done; nor can they enjoy any thing, but on the foundation of that Law they have endeavoured to overthrow.

The King hath often offered an Act of Oblivion, which will cut down all Gallows, and wipe out all opprobrious tearms, and may make the very memory and mention of Treaſon and Traytors, as penall, as the crimes ought to have been; they who deſire more, aske impoſſibilities, and that which would prove their own deſtruction; and who ever requires their cauſe to be juſtified, can have no reaſon for doing it, but becauſe he knows it is not to be juſtified.

The end of the third Bill is to diſhonour thoſe of His own Party, whom He hath thought fit to honour; and to cancell thoſe Acts of grace and favour He vouchſafed them, which is againſt all reaſon and juſtice, for if He had no power to confer thoſe Honours, there needs no Act of Parliament to declare or make them void; if He had power, there is no reaſon, why they ſhould be leſſe Lords upon whom He conferred that honour the laſt year, then thoſe He ſhall create the next: nor is this Propoſition of the leaſt imaginable moment to the peace of the Kingdome, or ſecurity of a Treaty; though it be of no leſſe concernment to His Majeſty, then the parting with one of the brighteſt Flowers in His Crown.

The laſt Bill is to give the two Houſes power to adjourn, to what place, and at what time they pleaſe, which by the Act of continuance, they cannot now do, without the King's conſent, though there is no reaſon they ſhould attribute more to His Perſon in that particular, then they doe in other things, to which His aſſent is neceſſary, and if they do indeed believe, that His Regall power is virtually in them, they may as well do this Act without Him, as all the reſt they have done.

The King in His Meſſage of the 12 of April, 1643. rather intimated, then propounded the Adjournment of the Parliament to any place twenty miles from London, which the Houſes ſhould chooſe, as the beſt expedient He could think of, for His owne and their ſecurity from thoſe tumultuous Aſſemblies which interrupted the freedome thereof; to which though they returned no Anſwer to His Majeſty, yet in their Declaration after that TreatyCol. ord. 2 vol. p. 97. at Oxford, they declared the wonderfull inconvenience and unreaſonableneſſe of that propoſition; the inconveniences that would happen to ſuch perſons that ſhould have occaſion to attend the Parliament by removing it ſo far from the reſidency of the ordinary Courts of Juſtice, and the places where the Records of the Kingdome remaine; That it would give a tacite conſent to that high and dangerous aſperſion of awing the Members of this Parliament, and it would give too much countenance to thoſe unjuſt aſperſions laid to the charge of the City of London, whoſe unexampled zeale and fidelity to the true Proteſtant Religion, and the Liberty of this Kingdome (they ſaid) is never to be forgotten, and that they were wel-aſſured, that the loyalty of that City to His Majeſty, and their affections to the Parliament, is ſuch, as doth equall, if not exceed, any other place or City in the Kingdome; which reaſons being as good now, as they were then, the King hath followed but their own opinion in not conſenting to this Bill.

In a word; All the world cannot reply to His Majeſties owne Anſwer upon the delivery of theſe four Bils, or juſtifie their proceeding, That when His Majeſty deſires a Perſonall Treaty with them for the ſetling of a peace, they in anſwer propoſe, the very ſubject matter of the moſt eſſentiall part thereof to be firſt granted; and therefore the King moſt prudently and magnanimouſly declares, That neither the deſire of being freed from this tedious and irkſome condition of life He hath ſo long ſuffered, nor the apprehenſion of what may befall Him, ſhall make Him change His reſolution of not conſenting to any Act, till the whole peace be concluded; for in truth nothing is more evident, then that if He paſſe theſe Bils, He neither can be able to refuſe any thing elſe they ſhall propoſe, for He hath reſerved no title to any power, nor can have reaſon to do it, for having reſigned His choiceſt Regalities, it would be great improvidence to differ with them upon more petty conceſſions, and having made all honeſt men guilty, He could not in juſtice deny to refer the puniſhment of them to thoſe, who could beſt proportion it to the crimes: So that a Treaty could afterwards be to no other end, then to finiſh His owne deſtruction with the greater pomp and ſolemnity: whereas the end of a Treaty is (and it can have no other) upon debate to be ſatiſfied, That He may lawfully grant what is deſired, That it is for the benefit of His people, that He ſhould grant it, how prejuditiall ſoever it may ſeem to Himſelf, and that being granted, Himſelf ſhall ſecurely enjoy what is left, how little ſoever it be, and that His Kingdome ſhall by ſuch His conceſsions be intirely poſſeſſed of peace and quiet; the laſt of which cannot be, (at leaſt His Majeſty hath great reaſon to ſuſpect it may not) without the conſent of the Scots, who peremptorily proteſt againſt theſe Four Bils, And ſay that it is expreſly provided in the 8 Article, That no Anſw. Sc. Com. p. 23. Ceſſation nor any Pacification or Agreement for Peace whatſoever ſhall be made by either Kingdome, or the Armies of either Kingdome without the mutuall advice and conſent of both Kingdomes, or their Committees in that behalf appointed, which is neither Anſwered, or avoided, by ſaying, that no impartiall man can read that Article of the Treaty, but He muſt needs agree, that it could be meant only Decl. concerning the Scots Papers, p. 92. whilſt there was War, and Armies on both ſides in being; and that it muſt of neceſsity end, when the War is at an end; for beſides that war is not, nor can be at an end, till there be an Agreement, (and if it be, why is there ſo great an Army kept up in the Kingdome?) by the ſame reaſon that Article was ſo underſtood as it is now urged by the Scots before their comming into the Kingdome, it may be ſo underſtood after they are gone; and that the Houſes themſelves did underſtand it ſo, in the beginning of January, 1643. before the Scots Army entred, appears by a Declaration Mr. St. Johns made at that time in the name of the Houſes (and printed by Order) to the City of London at Guild-hall, upon the diſcovery of a cunning Plot (as they ſaid) to divide and deſtroy the Parliament and the City of London, under the notion of peace; and by engaging them in a Treaty of peace, without theCunning Plot, p. 3. advice and conſent of their Brethren of Scotland, which (he ſaid) would be contrary to the late Articles ſolemnly agreed upon by both Kingdomes and to the perpetuall diſhonour of this Nation by breach of their Publique Faith engaged therein to that Nation; ſo that the two Houſes having given their judgment in the point, the King hath great reaſon, if He had no other, to have the whole well debated before Him, and the ſeverall intereſts weighed and agreed upon, before He give His conſent to any particulars, which will elſe produce more miſchief then His refuſing all can poſſibly doe.

Nor will theſe and their other extravagant and licentious demands be better juſtified, by their undervaluing the Kings preſent power, in their inſolent queſtion in their late Declaration concerning the Scots Commiſſioners (which in truth, throughout is but a paraphraſe upon that Speech of Demetrius to his Companions of the like occupation, Sirs, you know that by this craft we havePag. 83. our wealth) what can the King give them, but what they have already?

It is not out of their duty or good will to Him, that they make any Application to Him, and if they did indeed believe, that His Majeſty could give them nothing, but what they have already, He ſhould hear no more from them, but they very well know, they have yet nothing, except He give them more; and that the man that is robbed and ſpoyled of all that He hath, when He hath procured a pardon for, and given a Releaſe to the Thieves and Robbers, He hath given them more, then they had before, and that which onely can make, what they had before of benefit and advantage to them; they know and will feel the judgment upon the wicked man in Job, He hath ſwallowed down Riches, and he ſhall vomit Iob 20. 15, 19, 22. them up again, God ſhall caſt them out of his belly; Becauſe he hath oppreſſed, and hath forſaken the poor, Becauſe he hath violently taken away a houſe which he builded not; In the fulneſſe of his ſufficiency he ſhall be in ſtraits: That all their reproachings and revilings with which they have triumphed over the Lords Anointed, muſt come into Pſal. 109. 18. their Bowels like water, and like Oyle into their bones; And that nothing can reſtore and preſerve them, but the Antidotes, and Cordials, and Balme, which the King only can Adminiſter; they know very well, that even the moſt unfortunate Kings, that ever have been in England, could never be deſtroyed without their own conſent; and that all their power, and ſtrength, and ſucceſſe (though for a time it may oppreſſe) can never ſubdue the Crown without its owne being acceſſary to its own ruine; and the King very well knows, that what He yet ſuffers is not through His own default, but by ſuch a defection as may determine all the Empires of the world, and that in the unſpeakable miſeries (which all His good Subjects have undergone) He is yet innocent; the conſcience whereof hath refreſhed Him in all His ſufferings, and maketh Him ſuperiour to their inſolence, contempt and Tyranny, and keeps Him conſtant to His Princely and pious reſolution; but that, if by any unhappy conſent of His own, ſuch an eſtabliſhment ſhall be made, as ſhall expoſe Himſelf, His Poſterity and people to miſery, it will lie all upon His own account, and rob Him of that peace of mind, which He now enjoyes and values above all the conſiderations of the world, well knowing that God requires the ſame, and no more of Him, then he did of his ſervant Joſhuah, Only be thou ſtrong, and very couragious, Ioſhuah 1. 7. that thou mayeſt obſerve to doe according to all the Law which Moſes my ſervant commanded thee, turne not from it to the right hand, or to the left, that thou mayeſt proſper whitherſoever thou goeſt.

Honeſt men and good Chriſtians will be leſſe moved with their bold and preſumptuous concluſion, which they have learned from their new Confederates the Turkes, That God himſelf hath given his Verdict on their Decl. concerning Sc. Com. p. 70. ſides, in their ſucceſſes; not unlike the Logick uſed by Dionyſius, who becauſe he had a good gale of wind at Sea, after he had ſacked the Temple of Proſerpine, concluded, That the immortall Gods favoured Sacriledge. It is very true, they have been the inſtruments of Gods heavy judgments upon a moſt ſinfull people, in very wonderfull ſucceſſes, yet if they would believe Solomon, they would find, There is a time wherein one man rules Eccl. 8. 9. over another to his own hurt; and proſperity was never yet thought a good argument of mens piety, or being in the right; and yet if theſe men did enough think of God Almighty, and ſeriouſly revolve the works of his owne hand throughout this Rebellion, and ſince they had looked upon themſelves as Conquerours, they would be ſo far from thinking that he had given his Verdict on their ſide, that they would conclude, that he hath therefore onely ſuffered to proſper to this degree, that his owne power and immediate hand might be more cleerly diſcerned and manifeſted in their deſtruction, and that the cauſe might appear to be his own by his moſt miraculous vindication of it.

If Maſter Hambden had been leſſe active and paſſionate in the buſineſſe of the Militia, which might have proceeded from naturall reaſon, and reformation of his underſtanding, the judgment and Verdict of God would not have been ſo viſible as it was in the looſing his life in that very. Field, in which he firſt preſumed to execute that Ordinance againſt the King.

If Sir John Hotham had never denied his Majeſty entrance into, and ſhut the Gates of Hull againſt Him, from which naturall Allegiance, and civill prudence might have reſtrained him, the judgment and Verdict of God had been leſſe evident then it was, when after he had wiſhed, that God would deſtroy him and his poſterity if he proved not faithfull to the King, at the ſame time that he had planted his Cannon againſt him; he and his Son were miſerably executed by the judgment of thoſe, who but by his Treaſon could never have been enabled to have exerciſed that juriſdiction; and that having it in his power he ſhould perfidiouſly decline to ſerve his Majeſty, and afterwards looſe his head for deſiring to do it, when he had no power to perform it.

They who remember the affected virulency of Sir Alexander Carew againſt the King, and all thoſe who adhered to him; and how paſſionately he extolled and magnified the perjury and treachery of a Servant, as if he had done his duty to the Kingdome by being falſe to his Maſter the King; and that this man afterwards ſhould by the treachery of his Servant be betrayed, and loſe his head by their judgments, for whoſe ſakes he had forfeited it to the King, cannot but think the Verdict of God more viſible then if he had contained himſelf within the due limits of his obedience, and never ſwarved from his Allegiance.

To omit infinite other inſtances, which the obſervation of all men can ſupply them with, the Verdict of God had not been ſo remarkable and notorious, if the King had prevailed with his Army, and reduced his rebellious Subjects to their duty, which might naturally have been expected from the cauſe, and the fate that Rebels uſually meet with; as that after a totall defeat of the King's Forces, and their gaining all the power into their hands, they could poſſibly propoſe to themſelves, they ſhould not only be in more perplexity and trouble, then when they had a powerfull Army to contend with, but in more inſecurity and danger, then if they had been overcome by that Army.

That the City of London ſhould be expoſed to all imaginable ſcorn, contempt and danger, upon the ſame Ordinance of the Militia, by which their pride and ſedition principally expoſed the Kingdome to the miſeries it hath endured; that the ſame Arts and Stratagems of Petitions and Acts of Common Councell with which they affronted the King, and drove Him from them, ſhould be applied to their own confuſion and ruine.

That thoſe Members who were the principall Contrivers of our miſeries, the moſt ſevere and uncharitable perſecutors of all, who were not of that opinion, and the greateſt cheriſhers of thoſe Tumults, which drove the King and all that wiſhed well and were faithfull to Him from Weſtminſter, ſhould themſelves be perſecuted for their opinions by thoſe, whom they had ſupported, and be driven thence by the ſame force; and as they had to make the KING odious to the people againſt their own conſciences, caſt aſperſions on Him of favouring the Rebellion in Ireland; ſo themſelves to the ſame end, ſhould be accuſed of the obſtructing the relief of Ireland; ſo that to ſome of them, that Story of Jaſon, (which though it be not canonicall Scripture, is yet canonicall2 Mac. 5. Hiſtory) may be literally applied, who ſlew his own Citizens without mercy, not conſidering, that to get the day of them of his own Nation, would be a moſt unhappy day for him, who afterwards flying from City to City, was purſued of all men, hated as a forſaker of the Laws, and being had in abomination, as an open Enemy of his Country and Country-men, was caſt out into Aegypt: Thus he that had driven many out of their Country, periſhed in a ſtrange Land, and he that had caſt out many unburied, had none to mourn for him, nor any ſolemn Funerall at all, nor Sepulcher with his Fathers.

That they who told the King, that if He ſhould perſiſt in Ex. Col. p. 93. the deniall of the Militia, the dangers and diſtempers of the Kingdome are ſuch, as would endure no longer delay, but unleſſe He would be graciouſly pleaſed to aſſure by thoſe Meſſengers, that He would ſpeedily apply His Royall Aſſent to the ſatisfaction of their former deſires, they ſhould be inforced for the ſafety of His Majeſty and the Kingdomes, to diſpoſe of the Militia by the authority of both Houſes in ſuch manner as had been propounded, and they reſolved to do it accordingly, and upon that ground did raiſe the Rebellion againſt the King, That theſe men ſhould be told by their own Militia, That they were cleerly convinced Decl. and Papers of the Army, p. 67. and ſatisfied, that both their duties and truſt for the Parliament and Kingdom, called upon them, and warranted them, and an imminent neceſsity inforced them, to make or admit of no longer delaies, but they ſhould take ſuch courſes extraordinary, as God ſhould enable and direct them unto, to put things to a ſpeedy iſſue, unleſſe by Thurſday next they received aſſurance and ſecurity to themſelves, and the Kingdome, that thoſe things ſhould be granted which they inſiſted on; which were to have ſeverall Acts paſſed by the Houſes, ſpeedily reverſed, and other Acts formerly refuſed, to be conſented to, all which was done accordingly.

That their own Army ſhould rebell againſt them upon the principles of their own Declarations, which (they tellDecl. & Papers of the Army, p. 39, & 40. them) directed ſtill to the equitable ſenſe of all laws and conſtitutions, as diſpenſing with the very letter of the ſame, and being ſupreme to it, when the ſafety and preſervation of all is concerned; and aſſuring them that all authority is fundamentally ſeated in the Office, and but miniſterially in the perſons; and that it is no reſiſting of Magiſtracy to ſide with the juſt principles and law of Nature, and Nations: All which were the very grounds and aſſertions upon which they raiſed and juſtified their Rebellion againſt the King.

Laſtly, that this very Declaration which they hoped would prepare the minds and affections of the people with ſo much prejudice to his Majeſty, that they would concur with them in any deſperate Act againſt Him and His Poſterity, ſhould ſo much incenſe all ſorts of people againſt them, that they are ſince looked on, as the moſt odious ſcum of men, that ever infeſted a Nation; and have loſt more by it, then they have ever got by any Victory.

Theſe are the viſible inſtances of Gods Verdict in the cauſe, ſo that if they had (with all their hypocriticall diſcourſes of Religion) the leaſt ſenſe of Gods favours, or fear of his judgments, if they had not ſaid unto him, Depart Iob 21. 14. from us, for we deſire not the knowledge of thy waies, they would before this have felt, that agony of heart, and trembling in their joynts, out of the very ſenſe of the hand of God upon them, that they would take no reſt, till they caſt themſelves at his feet whom they have offended, and imploy all their faculties towards repayring their gracious Soveraign, and binding up the wounds of their almoſt ruined Country.

Inſtead of which, to make their madneſs as publick and notorious as their Rebellion, they have reſolved, & publiſhed their reſolutions to the Kingdome: 1. That they Pag. 5, & 6. will make no further addreſſe or application to the KING. 2. That no perſon whatſoever ſhall make any, without their leave. 3. That whoſoever ſhall break this Order ſhall incur the penalties of High Treaſon. 4. That they will receive no more any Meſſage from the KING, and that no perſon ſhall preſume to bring any Meſſage from the KING to them, or to any other perſon.

By the firſt and laſt of which, they have made and declared themſelves no Parliament; for being called by the King's Writ to Treat with Him, if they will neither ſend to Him, or hear from Him, they can be no longer a Parliament.

By the ſecond, they have taken away from the Subjects of the three Kingdomes, that which themſelves acknowledge to be their naturall right and liberty, for they ſay (and they ſay truly) in their Declaration of the 6 of May, 1643. That to preſent their humble deſires and Propoſitions Col. ord. 2 vol. p. 98. to His Majeſty is a liberty incident unto them, not only as Members of Parliament, but as free-born Subjects, yet this freedom is by this Vote taken away.

To the third there needs be no more ſaid then what the Army (who no doubt will juſtifie what they ſay) ſaid upon this Argument, Not only to be denied the right Decl. & Papers of the Army, p. 35. and the liberty to Petition, but withall by a cenſure, no leſſe then capitall, to be expoſed to a forfeiture of Eſtate, liberty, life, and all, for but going to aske what a man conceives to be his due; and this without ever asking, or hearing what he can ſay in his excuſe; would carry ſo high a face of injuſtice, oppreſsion, and tyranny, as is not eaſie to be exampled in the proceedings of the moſt corrupt and arbitrary Courts, towards the meaneſt ſingle man: And they ſhall do well to remember their own judgment in their Remonſtrance of the 26 of May, 1642. in theſe words, If the ſolemn proclaiming a man Traytor, ſignifie any thing, it Ex. Col. p. 278. puts a man, and all thoſe that any way aide, aſsiſt, or adhere to him into the ſame condition of Traytors, and draws upon him all the conſequences of Treaſon; and if this may be done by Law; without due proceſſe of Law, the Subject hath a very poor defence of the Law, and a very ſmall, if any proportion of Liberty thereby; and it is as little ſatisfaction to a man that ſhall be expoſed to ſuch penalties, by that Declaration of him to be a Traytor, to ſay, he ſhall have a legall triall afterwards, as it is to condemn a man firſt, and trie him afterwards.

All the particulars of their Declaration are now examined, and however theſe deſperate men may flatter themſelves, and how long ſoever they ſhall continue in this their damnable Apoſtaſie; the preſent age and poſterity will believe that in ſtead of rendring and making the KING appear unworthy of, or unequall to the high Office and charge, to which God hath advanced Him, they have in truth vindicated Him from all thoſe aſpertions and blemiſhes their malice had caſt on Him, and that He appears the moſt worthy the great truſt He was born to, if He had no other title to it, then His admirable virtue & perfection: After the boldeſt & ſtricteſt inquiſition, that was ever made into the life & manners of any Gentleman; after their examining all the actions, and all the words of his life, & with impious licence, perverting and torturing thoſe actions and words with their unreaſonable gloſſes, and interpretations; after their breaking into His Chamber, by corrupting His neereſt Servants, and thereby knowing what in any paſſion or indiſpoſition He hath ſaid or done; After their opening His breaſt, and examining His moſt reſerved thoughts, by ſearching His Cabinets, peruſing His Letters, even thoſe He had written in cipher to His deareſt Conſort the Queen, and His private memorials; They have not been able to fix a crime or error upon Him, which would draw a bluſh from the modeſteſt cheek, nor by all their threats, and all their promiſes, to ſhake His pious and magnanimous reſolutions; ſo that in truth, their main trouble and vexation is no other, then David heretofore gave Saul, who, when he ſaw that he behaved himſelf very wiſely, he was afraid of him. 1 Sam. 18. 15.

But theſe miſerable men muſt know, that if the King were as unjuſt, and as oppreſſing as they would have Him believed to be, or as the beſt of them would be, if he were in His place; they have not any title or qualification to uſe Him as they have done: For if it were lawfull for Subjects to take up Armes againſt their Soveraign, upon pretence, that He were injurious, and performed not the duty and Office of a King, beſides the confuſion, that muſt follow, upon their aſſuming the judgment in that caſe, they would have it in their power to reſiſt, and avoid one of the greateſt and moſt immediate judgments which God ſends to correct and chaſtiſe a Nation, which hath provoked him to diſpleaſure: And Iſa. 19. 4. the Egyptians wil I give over into the hand of a cruel Lord, and a fierce King ſhal rule over them, ſaies God himſelf by the Prophet Iſaiah; He that can deſtroy a Nation by what judgement he pleaſes; he that can humble this people by a famine, and deſtroy that by a plague, may if he think fit, chuſe to doe either by the cruelty and fierceneſſe of a King, I gave thee a King in mine anger, Hoſ. 13. 11. ſaies the ſame Spirit by the Prophet Hoſea. Now if it were lawful for us to be angry with that King, whō God hath in his anger given us; or to be fierce againſt him, whoſe fierceneſſe the Lord hath ſent as his judgment upon us, we might eaſily elude thoſe ſentences of his wrath, and drive thoſe afflictions from us, by our own courage, without waiting his leiſure for our redemption: And it may be no ill reaſon of that expreſſion in the Prophet Samuel, that Rebellion is as the ſin of Witchcraft, that as men go to Witches, and Witches go to the Devill, to get or diſcover ſomewhat, which God would not have them get or diſcover; ſo they who rebell, endeavour by the help of the Devil, to be too hard for God Almighty, and to avoid by their own skill and activity, a calamity, by which God meant to reclaim them; The wrath of Prov. 16. 14. a King is as Meſſengers of death, but a wiſe man will pacifie it, ſaies Solomon; Not, oppoſe and reſiſt, or rebell againſt it; and yet the ſame Solomon tels us, that wrath is cruell; There is an ingredient of injuſtice, of uncharitableneſſe, of cruelty in all wrath, and yet the wiſe man, the honeſt, juſt, conſcientious man, thinks of nothing but pacifying it; gentleneſſe, application, and humility ſhould be uſed to ſoften and mollifie his wrath; Indeed, ſo much is due to any wrath; A wiſe and a charitable man, will take ſo much pains to reform and compoſe the wrath and diſtemper of his Neighbour, of his equall; but there is much more to be done to the wrath of a King; and Tremelius extends this care of the wiſe man much further, then ſuch a pacifying, and renders this Text, Vir ſapiens expiabit eam, let this wrath be never ſo unjuſt, ſo unreaſonable, ſo immerited, the wiſe man, expiabit eam; he will behave himſelf as if the fault were in him, as if he had provoked and incenſed the King to that wrath, he will expiate, he will give ſatisfaction by prayer, by ſubmiſſion, by any ſacrifice that may pacifie, and be acceptable to the offended Majeſty; and by an exact and punctuall performance of what becomes a Subject, convince the King of the errour and miſtake of his paſſion; They who under pretence of innocence and of faultleſneſſe, neglect and contemn the anger and diſpleaſure of Princes, are not innocent enough, nor look on Majeſty with that reverence, which becomes them; Solomons wiſe man will expiate the Kings wrath from what fountain of paſſion or prejudice ſoever it proceeds.

It cannot be denied, that unjuſt, cruell and unmercifull Princes are great afflictions and judgments upon a people; yet the calamities under ſuch are much more ſupportable, then the confuſion without any; and therefore God frequently exerciſed his peculiar and choſen people, with profane, wicked, and tyrannicall Kings, and refreſhed them again, with pious, and devout, and juſt Princes, but it was a ſignall mark of their deſolation, when he declared, that the Children of Iſrael ſhould abide Hoſ. 3. 4. 10. 3. many daies without a King, and without a Prince; and it was a ſure ſigne, when they had no King, that they had not feared the Lord, and then what ſhould a King do to them?

If the moſt notable Miniſters of confuſion, and they who apprehend leaſt the effects of it, would but a little conſider in their own ſtations, the miſery and deſolation that muſt inevitably attend the breach of Order and ſubjection in little; If the Father thought of the impoſſibility of living in his own houſe, if his Wife and Children might follow the dictates of their own reaſons, and wills, and appetites, without obſerving his rule and directions; If the Maſter would conſider the intolerableneſſe of his condition, if his Servants might queſtion, diſpute, and contemn his commands, and act poſitively againſt them, they would be the more competent Conſiderers of the miſchiefs and miſeries that muſt befall Kingdomes and Common-wealths; If Subjects may Rebell againſt the power and authority of Princes, whom God hath appointed to governe over them; There is not one of theſe Declarers, who doth not think he hath a prerogative veſted in him by nature; It is the prerogative of the Husband, the Father, the Maſter, not to have his pleaſure diſputed, by his Wife, his Child, his Servant, whoſe piety conſiſts in obedience; yet they cannot endure the mention of the Kings prerogative, by, and under which, only it is poſſible for them to enjoy theirs. It was a welweighed ſcoffe, by which Lycurgus convinced him, who deſired him to eſtabliſh a popular Government in Lacedemon, Begin (ſaid he) firſt to do it in thine own houſe; and truly though theſe Ephori (whoſe profeſſion is to curb the power of Kings) intended nothing leſſe, then to part with the leaſt tittle of their own juſt authority, They are appealed to, whether they have not felt that power inſenſibly ſhrink from them, whilſt they have been ambitiouſly graſping at that belonged not to them? Is the piety of Children, and the obedience of Servants the ſame it was before theſe daies of licence? Hath not God ſent the ſame defection of reverence, kindneſſe, and affectionate inclinations into Families, to the rooting up and extirpating of all poſſible joy, and delight in each other, which the heads of thoſe Families have cheriſhed and countenanced in the State? It may be there would not be a better or an eaſier expedient to reduce our ſelves, and recover that Allegiance we have forſaken, then by ſadly waighing and conſidering, the effects, and kinds, and ſpecies of Gods judgments upon us, ſince we have been guilty of that breach; If every Father whoſe ſoule hath been grieved and afflicted with the pertinacious undutifulneſſe of a Child, would believe (as he hath great reaſon to do) that God hath ſent that perverſneſſe and obſtinacy into his own bowels, to puniſh his peremptory diſobedience to the Father of the Kingdom, his Soveraign Lord the King; If every Maſter of a Family, who hath been injured, betrayed and oppreſſed, by the treachery, infidelity, or perjury of a Servant, would remember how falſe, unfaithfull and forſworn, he hath been to his Maſter the King, and conclude that his Servant was but the Miniſter of Gods vengeance upon him, for that tranſgreſſion; If the whole Nation would conſider the ſcorn, contempt and infamy it now endures and ſuffers under, with all Nations, Chriſtian and Heathen in the known world, and confeſſe that God hath ſent that heavy judgment upon them, for their contempt of him, for whoſe ſake they were owned and taken notice of for a Nation; It would not be poſſible but we ſhould bring our ſelves to that true remorſe of conſcience for the ill we have done, that God would be wrought upon to take off the ill we have ſuffered, and we could not entertaine a fond hope of injoying the leaſt proſperity our ſelves, without reſtoring to the King what hath been rebelliouſly taken from Him.

They ſay, that though they have made thoſe reſolutions Pag. 37. of making no more applications to the King, yet they will uſe their utmoſt endeavours to ſettle the preſent Government as may beſt ſtand with the peace and happineſs of this Kingdome. What the preſent Government is, no man underſtands, and therefore cannot know what that peace and happineſſe ſhall be, which they intend ſhall accrue to the Kingdome by it; The little Cabinet of Peers (for the Houſe is ſhrunk into that proportion) hath no ſhare in it, as appeares by the giving poſſeſſion of the Navy to Rainsborough without their conſent, after they had asked it; and by their doing many other things of high moment, without ſo much as asking their concurrence; That it is not in the Commons is as plain by their repealing ſuch Acts of their owne, and making others, as the Army requires them to doe; And that the Army is not poſſeſt of it, needs no other Argument, then the invaſion and violation of all the Articles ever made by the Army upon any Surrender, which if the power were in them, would for their own honour have been obſerved, ſo that the endeavour they promiſe to uſe to ſettle the preſent Government, is to take an effectuall care, that all Laws and legall Authority may for the preſent be ſo ſuppreſſed, that there may be no Government at all: And truly it may be in their power for ſome time to improve the confuſion that is upon us, and to draw on the deſolation which attends us; but to ſettle any kind of Government, which can bring peace, or any degree of happineſſe to the languiſhing Kingdome, nay which can be any ſecurity to themſelves and their poſterity, except they ſubmit to the good old one, under which they were born, cannot be within their power, nor ſink into their reaſonable hope: Nothing is more demonſtrable, then that they can never eſtabliſh a peace to the Kingdome, or any ſecurity to themſelves, but by reſtoring the juſt power to the King, and dutifully ſubmitting and joyning themſelves to his protection; and it is as manifeſt, that by that way, they may reſtore the Kingdome to peace, and preſerve themſelves and Families and Poſterities in full ſecurity and honour: The examination and cleering of which two Propoſitions ſhall conclude this diſcourſe.

The reverence and ſuperſtition which the people generally paid to the name and authority of Parliament, and by which they have been cozened into the miſerable condition they now are in, is ſo worn out, that without captivating their reaſons any longer to it as a Councell, they plainly diſcern, the ambition, weakneſſe, vanity, malice, and ſtupidity of the particular Members, of whom it is, and of whom it ought not to be conſtituted, and eaſily conclude, that as they have robbed them of the moſt happy and plentifull condition any free-man of the world ever enjoyed, ſo they can never be inſtruments of any kind of peace and ſecurity to them; and that as they have upon the matter diſſolved the nobleſt ſtructure, and frame of government, in Church and State, that hath been at any time in the Chriſtian world, ſo that they are too much tranſported with paſſion and guilt, and of too little intereſt, experience and underſtanding, to deviſe and ſettle a new form, or to mend any defects in the old: Beſides that, they plainly diſcern that they are not the Miniſters of their Country for whom they were choſen and deputed, but for the Army, whoſe dictates they are obliged and forced to follow, ſo that if their inclinations were good, they have not power to execute accordingly: And are like the Eagle in Eſdras, when 2 Eſdr. 11. 10. the voice went not out of her head, but from the midſt of her body.

The mutuall confidence between them and their Army is totally diſſolved, it being not poſſible for the Houſes ever to repoſe truſt in any Army, for they can never believe any Army to be more at their devotion, then they had reaſon to think that under Sir Thomas Fairfax; nor for the Army to pay a full ſubmiſſion to the Houſes, for, admitting that Party which is moſt powerfull in the Army, for the preſent, is of the ſame mind and opinion with that Party which is moſt powerfull in the Houſes, yet being both ſtill Rivals for the Soveraigne power, they can never intirely truſt, or intirely ſubmit to each other; Though the Houſes ſhould conſiſt of none but ſuch who were glad at that time, that the King was taken from Holmby, and that the Army did not disband, yet they will alwaies remember, that the one was done without their Order or conſent, and that the Army may do the like again when they think fit, and when it may not turn ſo much to their advantage; And that they did not onely not disband at that time, but have declared by their ſolemn Engagement of the Army, 5 of June, That they will not Disband, nor divide, nor ſuffer themſelves Decl. & Papers of the Army, p. 22. to be divided or disbanded, till they have firſt ſecurity and ſatisfaction in thoſe things they have deſired, in ſuch manner as ſhall be agreed upon by a Councell, to conſiſt of thoſe generall Officers of the Army (who have concurred with the Army in what they have done, and what they have demanded) with two Commiſsion Officers, and two Soldiers to be choſen for each Regiment, who have concurred, and ſhall concur with them in the premiſes and in this Agreement; ſo that it is evident that the Army will be governed, and diſpoſed of only by themſelves, for which they have very great reaſon, and without which indeed they can have no ſecurity, for how complying ſoever the Houſes are for the preſent, the Souldiers cannot forget, that they were once declared Traytors but for preparing a Petition, and they wiſely obſerve, that what was done, may be done again; and by the demurs which have been made concerning the ſafety and immunity of the Speakers Id. p. 140, 141. and thoſe faithfull Members who were driven away by violence, and the immunity of the Army in advancing to London, (notwithſtanding the publick acknowledgment and thankſgiving to God for it) They diſcern that they are only ſafe, by the want of power in the Houſes of what party ſoever they conſiſt, the ambition, injuſtice, and tyranny of both being equall.

The Army have already fully declared againſt their late Votes and reſolutions, and therefore it muſt be preſumed they will never concur, or contribute to the ſupporting them: The Generall himſelf in his Letter of the 6 of June, from Cambridge, to the Speaker, tells him, That as it is his moſt earneſt and humble deſire, ſo he found Decl. and Papers of the Army, p. 23. it to be the unanimous deſire and ſtudy of the Army, that a firm peace in this Kingdome may be ſetled, and the Liberties of the people cleared and ſecured, according to the many Declarations by which they were invited and induced to ingage in the late War; And in the Declaration and repreſentation from the Generall and the whole Army of the 14 of June to the Parliament, they tell them plainly and honeſtly, That they were not a meer mercenary Army, hired to ſerve any Arbitrary power of State, but called forth Decl. & Papers of the Army, p. 39. and conjured by the ſeverall Declarations of Parliament to the defence of their owne, and the peoples just Rights and Liberties, and ſo they take up Armes in judgment and Conſcience to thoſe ends, and have ſo continued them, and are reſolved according to the firſt juſt deſires in their Declarations, and ſuch principles as they had received from their frequent Informations, and their own Common ſenſe concerning thoſe fundamentall Rights and Liberties; and to aſſent and vindicate the juſt power and rights of this Kingdome in Parliament for thoſe common ends premiſed, againſt all Arbitrary power, violence, and oppreſsion, and againſt all particular parties or intereſts whatſoever: And in their Remonſtrance of the 23 of June from S. Albons, they ſay, That the Kingdom calls upon them not to disband, Ib. p 63. till they ſee the Rights, Liberties, and Peace of the Kingdome ſetled, according to the many Declarations, by which they were firſt called forth, and invited to ingage in the late War.

Now what thoſe ends, deſires, and principles were in their Declarations, are ſet forth before, and known to all men, who have or will read their Declar: to be no other then the maintenance of the true Proteſtant Religion, the Ex. Col. p. 281. King's juſt Prerogative, the Lawes and Liberties of the Land, and the Priviledges of Parliament, in which endeavours (they ſaid, they would ſtill perſiſt though they ſhould periſh in the work; And they were ſo far from avowing, that they would not ſend to, or hear from the King, or not ſuffer His Majeſty to come to them, that they declare, that as they never gave Him any just cauſe of withdrawing Himſelf from His great Councell, ſo it had ever Ib. 588. been, and ſhould ever be far from them to give any impediment to His return; And in their Declaration in Anſwer to the Kings, after the Battle at Edghill, concerning the allegations, that the Army raiſed by the Parliament was to murther and depoſe the King, they ſay, They hoped Ib. 655. the Contrivers of that Declaration, or any that profeſſed but the name of a Chriſtian, could not have ſo little charity as to raiſe ſuch a ſcandall, eſpecially when they muſt needs know the Proteſtation taken by every Member of both Houſes, whereby they promiſe in the preſence of Almighty God to defend His Majeſties Perſon: And by that Proteſtation of the 22 of October, 1642. (remembred before)Ib. 663. they declare in the preſence of Almighty God, to this Kingdome and Nation, and to the whole world, That no private paſsion or reſpect, no evill intention to His Majeſties Perſon, no deſigne to the prejudice of His juſt Honour and Authority engaged them to raiſe Forces, and to take up Armes; So that theſe being the deſires, ends, and principles in their Declarations, by which the Army was invited to ingage in this War, they will not ſuffer themſelves to be betrayed into a perpetuall abjuring their Allegiance, or to be made inſtruments for the deſtruction of all they were ingaged to defend, but they will diſcern, that as they may be excuſed for having upon ſuch ſpecious profeſſions been miſled by thoſe, whom they might reaſonably believe, (which hath been the caſe of many honeſt men) ſo after ſo palpable a diſcovery of their wicked purpoſes, they can only recover and preſerve their innocence and credit by abhorring thoſe, who having engaged them to honeſt publick ends, would now corrupt them to ſacrifice their bodies and ſouls to their own private luſts, malice, and ambitions: And they cannot forget, that true acknowledgment of the Lords and Commons in their Petition of the 14 of December, 1641. to the King, in which they ſay, they acknowledge His Royall favour and protection to be a great bleſsing and ſecurity to them for the injoying and preſerving of all thoſe publique and private Liberties and Priviledges, which belong unto them.

If the people could be ſo mad; if their fear, or their folly prevailed over them to ſubmit to ſuch a ſetlement, as theſe Declarers would deviſe for them, there are not ten of them, whoſe names are known to the Kingdome, who do know and are agreed what kind of Government they would eſtabliſh in Church or State; Their feares and jealouſies with which they delighted themſelves, are now grown reall diſeaſes, and take away their ſleep from them; ſo that ſetting aſide the peace of Conſcience, which they contend not for, there is not a man amongſt them injoyes that aſſurance of outward Security, as the poor Cavalier does, whom they have robbed and ſpoyled of all that he hath, upon whom all their pride and plenty looks even with an envy and reverence; Is not the Ezek. 8. 3. ſeat of the Image of Jealouſie, which provoketh to jealouſie (as it was in Ezekiel's Viſion) in the gate that looketh toward the North? and do they not every day look to be deſtroyed by thoſe, by whoſe aſſiſtance, they have been inabled almoſt to deſtroy their Country?

They have not a foundation of credit to be truſted or believed at home or abroad, but not only having broken all obligations divine and humane, but publiſhing ſuch a contempt of thoſe obligations, that they are not henceforth capable of any truſt; for how can they be believed upon Oaths (which are the moſt ſolemn bonds between men, when they are lawfully entred into) when they make gloſſes & interpretations upon them to ſerve their turns, directly contrary to the letter and words of the Oath? and if they cannot evade them that way, call them Almanacks of the laſt year, and ſo out of date to direct Mart. Inde. p. 1 . them? when they with whom they have entred into Treaties, and the moſt faſt League could be deviſed, and to whom they have obliged themſelves, never to tranſact any matter of publique concernment to the Kingdome without their concurrence, ſhall be told) after they have raiſed them to the pitch they are now at) that they Decl. concerning the Scots Papers, p. 62. have nothing to do, to aſſent, or diſſent, atteſt or proteſt concerning any thing they ſhall think fit to eſtabliſh in this Kingdome, either for the Government of Church or State? Nay, when they ſhall be told, that it is no more manners Mart. Inde: p. 7. in them to preſſe their advice and inſiſt upon it, then it would be in the ſame number of Spaniards, Indians, or the moſt remote Region of the earth; and that ſo long, as they needed their aſsiſtance, they might have occaſion to give them meetings now and then, whereas now ſince they are able to protect themſelves, they may ſurely be ſufficient to teach themſelves to go about their own buſineſſe?

It will be neceſſary to adde, that in all their tranſactions at home, to which they have applied the Publique Faith, they have not only not performed the contracts they have made, but reſolved at the time when they made them, not to obſerve them, as appears by the Order of the 2 June, 1646. by which the Houſe of Commons reſolved, That all perſons that have or ſhall come Col. ord. 2 vol. p. 889. and reſide in the Parliament Quarters, ſhall take the Nationall League and Covenant, and the Negative Oath, notwithſtanding any Articles that have been or ſhall be made by the Souldiery: And ſo they did not only break the Articles formerly made upon the Surrender of Exeter and other places, but by vertue of this Order, which could not be known to the perſons concerned, they evaded thoſe made afterwards upon the Surrender of Oxford, which were confirmed by themſelves; of which a principall Article was, that no man ſhould be compelled to take any Oath during the time he was allowed to ſtay in London, or at his own Houſe, or where he pleaſed, which was for the ſpace of Six Months after the Surrender.

As upon theſe, and infinite other reaſons, the affections and hearts of the people, are quite aliened from the Parliament, ſo they are with an equall vigour recovered and converted to the King, and a full reverence to His ſacred Perſon (the want of which may be held juſtly the primary cauſe of all our evils, and the advancement of all our diſtractions) and an ample acknowledgment of His Princely wiſdome, and unparalleld conſtancy is confeſſed to be due to Him; And by His truly magnanimous carriage during the time of His Reſtraint, when all perſons have been removed from Him, who are either inclined to His Perſon, or Rights, out of their duty and Allegiance, or to His opinions out of judgment and underſtanding; by His unſhaken conſtancy, in not being moved from His great principles, with all their promiſes, and all their threats ſucceſſively adminiſtred to Him; by the ſharpneſſe and ſteddineſſe of His underſtanding, with which upon all occaſions, and in all diſcourſes with the Commiſſioners, who attended Him, He hath demonſtrated the impiety in point of Religion; the injuſtice in point of Law; the unreaſonableneſſe in point of Policy, even in relation to themſelves, of all that they have propoſed to Him in order to Peace, with ſuch a clearneſſe of judgment, and ſuch a candidneſſe of nature, that ſome of their own Miniſters, not of the ſofteſt and gentleſt conſtitutions, have been forced to their diſadvantage, to publiſh His wonderfull abilities: All men acknowledge that whatſoever hath been wiſely ſaid, or proſperouſly done throughout the managery of his great Affairs, hath proceeded from His own virtue and conduct; and that all the ill Succeſſes, and overſights, which have preceded and cauſed thoſe ill ſucceſſes, were the effects of the unadviſedneſſe, unskilfulneſſe, and paſſion of His Counſellours and Miniſters.

And that the Kings great virtue had, and would have this great influence upon the people, the Army well knew, when (to indear and ingratiate themſelves after the taking His Majeſty from Holmby) they declared in their Remonſtrance of the 23 of Iune from St. Albons, That whereas there had been ſcandalous informations preſented Decl. & Papers of the Army, p. 64. to the Houſes, and induſtriouſly publiſhed in print, importing as if His Majeſty were kept as a Priſoner amongst them, and barbarouſly and uncivilly uſed, they ſaid they could not but declare, that the ſame, and all other ſuggeſtions of that ſort, were moſt falſe and ſcandalous, and abſolutely contrary not only to their declared deſires, but alſo to their principles, which are moſt clearly for a generall right and juſt freedome to all men; and therefore upon this occaſion (they ſay) they cannot but declare particularly, that they deſire the ſame for the King and others of His Party, and they further cleerly profeſſed, that they did not ſee, how there could be any peace to this Kingdome, firm or laſting, without a due conſideration of, and proviſion for the rights, quiet, and immunity of His Majeſties Royall Family and His late partakers; And their Generall by his Letter of the 8 of Iuly to the Speaker, which was as ſoon printed as ſent, freely acquainted them, that their Army had Ib. p. 74. made many Addreſſes to the King, to deſire His Majeſties free concurrence with the Parliament, for eſtabliſhing and ſecuring the common Rights and Liberties, and ſetling the peace of the Kingdome; And to aſſure Him, that the publique being ſo provided for, with ſuch His Majeſties concurrence, it was fully agreeable to all their principles, and ſhould be their deſires and endeavour, That (with and in ſuch ſetling of the Publique) the Rights of His Majeſties Royall Family ſhould be alſo provided for, ſo as a laſting peace and agreement might be ſetled in this Kingdome; And that as they have formerly declared for the ſame in generall termes, ſo (if things came to a way of ſetlement) they ſhould not be wanting (in their ſphears) to own that generall deſire in any particulars of naturall or civill right to His Majeſties Perſon or Family, which might not prejudice, or again indanger the Publique: By which gawdy profeſſions, together with the admiſſion of ſuch Servants and Chaplains to attend His Majeſty whom He deſired, and which had been barbarouſly denied by the Houſes (who were by this time ſo ſenſible of their error, as they deſired His Majeſties preſence amongſt them upon His own Conditions) they raiſed themſelves to that credit with the Kings party, with the City of London, and univerſally with the people, that by this Stratagem onely they grew able and powerfull enough to confine Him to Carisbrooke-Caſtle, and to proceed ſince as they have done; And ſurely when the Army hath throughly weighed and conſidered the huge advantages they have gotten by thoſe profeſſions and proteſtations, and how far they have been from making the ſame good to the King, they will not ſuffer themſelves to be made a ſtalking Horſe to the vile ends of particular perſons, nor let their Morall Righteouſneſſe, in which they ſo much triumph, to grow into a Proverb, for the higheſt and moſt unworthy Craft, Hypocriſie, and Treachery.

It remains now, ſince by any endeavours of theſe men, ſever'd from the return to their duty and Allegiance, it is not poſſible for them to eſtabliſh any peace or happineſſe to the Kingdome, or ſecurity to themſelves, to perſwade them that by doing at laſt the duty of Chriſtians, they may not only preſerve their Country, which no body can doubt, but they may be ſuperiour to any difficulties and hazard, their guilt ſuggeſts they ſhall be liable to.

It is yet in their power ſo abſolutely to make the Kings reſtoration their own work, that His Majeſty may be obliged even in point of gratitude to acknowledge it, and to remember only by whoſe fidelity He hath recovered what He had loſt, and not by whoſe fault He loſt it; and His party, (who for Conſcience ſake have loſt all) know that charity is ſo fundamentall a duty of a Chriſtian, that there is no excuſe for the leaſt degree of animoſity and revenge, let the injuries they have received be never ſo great; and the Kings owne experience of men hath ſufficiently informed Him, that as many of good inclinations have by inadvertency & credulity, been cozened into a combination againſt Him, and it may be, the worſt of them grown by degrees worſe then they intended to be; ſo all who have ſeemed to follow a good cauſe, are not good men, but had ends as ill as they, whom they oppoſed; and therefore all mention and memory of former Errors being blotted out, it may be preſumed He will truſt and imploy all His good Subjects, according to their ſeverall faculties and abilities, without remembring how they have been at any time diſpoſed againſt Him; and they have reaſon to believe that whatſoever His Majeſty ſhall freely conſent to, He will moſt religiouſly obſerve, and cauſe all others to obſerve it; Let them therefore ſeaſonably enter into a Treaty with His Majeſty, attended with ſuch of His Counſell as He ſhall chuſe; and let the fulleſt Articles be agreed upon, which may give a mutuall aſſurance of ſecurity to all perſons and intereſts, to which His Majeſty having given His Aſſent in ſuch manner as ſhall be deſired, all His Counſell and all Miniſters of Juſtice throughout the Kingdome, may be ſolemnly ſworn to thoſe Articles; the which being done, and the ſame confirmed by ſuch an Act; and in that manner paſſed as they ſhall conclude may be valid; Let this unhappy Parliament be diſſolved, an intermiſſion of Parliament being at this time more neceſſary for the vindication of the juſtice, and Lawes of the Kingdome, and reſtoring a happy peace, then ever a convention of Parliament was for the reformation and removing of grievances.

To conclude, unreaſonable and unjuſt Propoſitions may continue the War, and the diſtractions; never make a peace, which is nothing, but the liberty to injoy what in juſtice and right is our due; and as long as the world laſts, that Anſwer of the Ambaſſadour from Privernum to the Senate of Rome will be found to be reaſon, who when he was asked what peace the Romans might depend upon with them, (becauſe they had been guilty of ſome defection) anſwered, Si bonam dederitis, & fidam, Liv. li. 8. 21. & perpetuam; ſi malam, haud diuturnam; which that wiſe Senate confeſſed to be an honeſt Anſwer, and that it was madneſſe to believe any people or private perſon in eâ conditione, cujus eum poeniteat, diutiùs quàm neceſſe ſit manſurum: Let us then (like Engliſh men) make up the breach our ſelves have made, and let not our Country and Poſterity owe their redemption to any forain power; but let us proſtrate our ſelves at the feet of our abuſed Soveraigne, with that hearty acknowledgment and teſtimony which the King of Tyre ſent to Solomon: Becauſe the Lord hath loved his people, he hath 2 Cron. 2. 11 made thee King over them; To a profane, diſſolute, and licentious people, he hath given the moſt pious and temperate King, to recover & reform them by his example; and to a wicked and rebellious people, the moſt gentle and mercifull King to preſerve them by his goodneſſe; But, if they ſin wilfully after that they have received the Heb. 10. 26, 27. knowledge of the truth, there remaineth no more ſacrifice for ſins, but a certain fearfull looking for of judgment, and fiery indignation, which ſhall devowre the Adverſaries.

Micah 7. 4.

The beſt of them is as a Bryer: the moſt upright is ſharper then a Thorn-hedge: the day of thy Watch-men and thy viſitation cometh; now ſhall be their perplexity.

Ezekiel 23. v. 5, 9.

And Aholah played the Harlot when ſhe was mine, and ſhe doted on her Lovers, on the Aſſyrians her Neighbours.

Wherefore I have delivered her into the hands of her Lovers, into the hand of the Aſſyrians, upon whom ſhe doted.

The End.