BEfore We shall give you Our Answer to your Petition and Pro­positions, We shall tell you, that We are now clearly satisfied, why the Method, which We traced out to you by Our Message of the 20 ^th of January, and have since so often pressed upon you, as the proper way to compose the distractions of this Kingdom, and render it truly happy, hath been hitherto declined, and is at length thought fit to be looked upon; We now see plainly (and desire that you, and all other Our good Subjects should do so too) that the Cabalists of this businesse have with great Prudence reserved themselves, untill due preparations should be made for their Designe.

If they had unseasonably vented such Propositions, as the Wisdom and Mo­destie of your Predecessours never thought fit to offer to any of Our Proge­nitours, nor We in honour or regard to Our Regall authority (which God hath entrusted Us with for the good of Our People) could receive without just indignation (and such many of your present Propositions are) their hopes would soon have been blasted, and those Persons, to whom Offices, Honours, Power and Commands were designed, by such ill timing of their businesse, would have failed of their expectation, not without a Brand upon the attempt. Therefore, before any of this nature should appear, they have (certainly with great wisdom in the Conduct of it) thought fit to remove a troublesome Rub in their way, The Law; To this end, (that they might undermine the very foundations of it) a new Power hath been assumed to interpret and declare Laws without Us by extemporary Votes, without any Case judicially before either House (which is in effect the same thing as to make Laws without Us) Orders and Ordinances made onely by both Houses (tending to a pure arbitrary power) were pressed upon the people as Laws, and their obedience required to them.

Their next step was, To erect an upstart Authority without Us, (in whom, and onely in whom the Laws of this Realm have placed that Power) To com­mand the Militia (very considerable to this their Designe;) In further order to it they have wrested from Us Our Magazine and Town of Hull, and bestrid Sir Iohn Hotham in his bold-faced Treason; They have prepared and directed to the People unpresidented Invectives against Our Government, there­by (as much as lay in their power) to weaken Our just Authority and due esteem among them; They have as injuriously as presumptuously (though We conceive by this time Impudence it self is ashamed of it) attempted to cast up­on Us aspersions of an unheard of nature, as if We had favoured a Rebellion in [Page 2]Our own bowels; They have likewise broached new Doctrine, That we are obliged to passe all Laws that shall be offered to Vs by both Houses (howsoever Our own Judgement and Conscience shall be unsatisfied with them) a Point of Po­licie, as proper for their present businesse, as destructive to all Our Rights of Parliament; And so with strange shamelesnesse will forget a Clause in a Law still in force, made in the second yeer of King H. 5. wherein both Houses of Parliament do acknowledge, That it is of the Kings Regality to grant or deny such of their Petitions as pleaseth Himself; They have interpreted Our necessary Guard, legally assembled for the defence of Us and Our Childrens Persons a­gainst a Traitour in open Rebellion against Us, to be with intent to leavie War against Our Parliament, (the thought whereof Our very soul abhorreth) there­by to render Us odious to Our people.

They have so awed Our good Subjects with Pursivants, long chargeable Attendance, Heavie Censures and illegall Imprisonments, that few of them durst offer to present their tendernesse of Our sufferings, their own just Grie­vances, and their sense of those violations of the Law, (the Birthright of eve­ry Subject of this Kingdom) though in an humble Petition directed to both Houses; and if any did, it was stisled in the Birth, called Sedition, and burnt by the common Hangman.

They have restrained the Attendance of Our ordinary and necessary Hous­hold-servants, and seized upon those small sums of Money which Our Credit had provided to buy Us Bread, With Injunctions, That none shall be suffered to be conveyed or returned to Us to York, or any of Our Peers or Servants with Us, so that (in effect) they have blocked Us up in that County.

They have filled the ears of the People with the noise of Fears and Jealousies, (though taken up upon trust) tales of Skippers, Salt-Fleets, and such like, by which Alarms they might prepare them to receive such impressions, as might best advance this Designe when it should be ripe. And now it seemes they think We are sufficiently prepared for these bitter Pills, We are in a hand­some Posture to receive these humble Desires, (which probably are intended to make way for a Superfetation of a (yet) higher nature, (if We had not made this discovery to you) for they do not tell us this is all. In them We must ob­serve that these Contrivers (the better to advance their true ends) disgulsed as much as they could their intents with a mixture of some things really to be approved by every honest man; Others, specious and popular; And some which are already granted by Us, All which are cunningly twisted and mixed with those other things of their main Designe of Ambition and private interest; in hope, that at the first view, every eye may not so cleerly discern them in their proper colours.

We would not be understood, That We intend to fix this Designe upon both, or either House of Parliament; We utterly professe against it, being most confident of the Loyalty, good affections and integrity of the intentions of that great Body, and knowing well that very many of both Houses were ab­sent, and many dissented from all those particulars We complain of: But We do beleeve, and accordingly professe to all the world, that the Malignity of this Designe (as dangerous to the Laws of this Kingdom, the Peace of the same, and the Liberties of all Our good Subjects, as to Our self, and Our just [Page 3]Prerogative) hath proceeded from the subtill Informations, mischievous Pra­ctices, and evill Counsels of ambitious turbulent Spirits, disaffected to Gods true Religion, and the Vnity of the Professors thereof, Our Honour and Safety, and the publike Peace and prosperity of Our people, not without a strong influ­ence upon the very actions of both Houses. But how faulty soever others are, We shall (with Gods assistance) endeavour to discharge Our duty with up­rightnesse of heart; And therefore since these Propositions come to Vs in the name of both Houses of Parliament, We shall take a more particular notice of every of them.

If the 1.2.3.4.5.9.10.15.16.19. Demands had bin writ & printed in a tongue unknown to Vs and Our people, it might have been possible We & they might have charitably beleeved the Propositions to be such as might have bin in Order to the ends pretended in the Petition (to wi [...]) the establishing of Our Honour and safety, the welfare & security of Our Subjects & Dominions, & the removing those Iealousies & Differences, which are said to have unhappily fallen betwixt Vs & Our people, and procuring both Vs and them a constant course of Honour, Peace & hap­pinesse. But being read and understood by all, We cannot but assure Our Self that this Profession, joyned to these Propositions, will rather appear a Mockery and a Scorne; The Demands being such, as We were unworthy of the trust re­posed in Vs by the Law, and of Our descent from many so great and famous An­cesters, if We could be brought to abandon that power which onely can inable Us to perform what We are sworn to, in protecting Our people and the Laws, and so assume others into it, as to devest Our self of it; Although not onely Our present Condition (which it can hardly be) were more necessitous then it is, and We were both vanquisht, and a Prisoner, and in a worse condition then ever the most unfortunate of Our Predecessours have been reduced to, by the most criminall of their Subjects; And though the Bait laid to draw Vs to it, and to Keep Our Subjects from indignation at the mention of it, the promises of a plentifull and unparaleld Revenue, were reduced from generals (which signifie nothing) to deer and certain particulars, since such a Bargain would have but too great a resemblance of that of Esaus, if We should part with such Flowers of Our Crown, as are worth all the rest of the Garland, and have been transmit­ted to Vs from so many Ancestours, and have been found so usefull and necessary for the welfare and Security of Our Subjects, for any present necessity, or for any low and fordid Considerations of Wealth and gain. And therefore all men knowing that those Accommodations are most easily made, and most ex­actly observed, that are grounded upon reasonable and equall Conditions, We have great Cause to beleeve, that the Contrivers of these had no intention of setling any firm Accommodation, but to increase those Iealousies, and widen that division, which (not by Our fault) is now unhappily fallen between Vs and both Houses.

It is asked, That all the Lords and others of Our Privy Councell, and such (We know now what you mean by such, but We have cause to think you mean all) great Officers and Ministers of State, either at home or beyond the Seas (For care is taken to leave out no Person or place, that Our dishonour may be sare not to be bounded within this Kingdom, though no subtile Insinuations at such a distance can probably be beleeved to have bin the cause of Our distractions and [Page 4]dangers) should be put from Our Privy Councell, and from those Offices and im­ployments, unlesse they be approved by both Houses of Parliament, how faithfull so­ever We have found them to Us and the Publike, and how far soever they have been from offending against any law, the only rule they had or any others ought to have to walk by. We therefore to this part of this Demand return you this Answer, That We are willing to grant that they shall take a larger Oath then you your selves desire in your 11 ^th Demand, for maintaining not of any part, but of the whole Law; And we have and do assure you, That We will be carefull to make election of such persons in those places of trust, as shall have given good testimonies of their abilities and integrities, and against whom there can be no just cause of exception, whereon reasonably to ground a diffidence; That if We have or shall be mistaken in Our election, We have and do assure you, that there is no man so near to Us in place or affection, whom we will not l [...]ave to the Justice of the Law, if you shall bring a particular charge and sufficient proofs against him; And that We have given you (the best pledge of the effects of such a promise on Our part, & the best security for the performance of their du­tie on theirs) a Trienniall Parliament, the apprehension of whose Justice will in all probabilitie make them warie how they provoke it, and Us warie how We chuse such, as by the discoverie of their faults may in any degree seem to discredit Our election. But that without any shadow of a fault objected, one­ly perhaps because they follow their conscience, and preserve the established Laws, and agree not in such Votes, or assent not to such Bils, as some persons, who have now too great an Influence even upon both Houses, judge or seem to judge to be for the publike good, and as are agreeable to that new Vtopia of Religion and Government into which they endeavour to transform this King­dom; (for we remember what names, and for what Reasons, you left out in the Bill offered Us concerning the Militia, which you had your selves recom­mended in the Ordinance) We wil never consent to the displacing of any, whom for their former merits from, and affection to Us and the publike, We have in­trusted, since We conceive, That to do so, would take away both from the affe­ction of Our servants, the care of Our service, & the Honour of Our Justice And We the more wonder, That it should be askt by you of Us, since it appears by the 12 ^th Demand, That your selves count it reasonable, after the present turn is served, that the Iudges and Officers who are then placed may hold their places, quam diu se bene gesserint. And We are resolved to be as carefull of those We have chosen, as you are of those you would chus [...], and to remove none, till they appear to Us to have otherwise behaved themselves, or shall be evicted by legall proceedings to have done so.

But this Demand (as unreasonable as it is) is but one link of a great Chaine, and but the first round of that Ladder, by which Our Iust, Ancient, Regall Power is endeavoured to be fetched down to the ground. For it appears plain­ly, that it is not with the persons now chosen, but with Our choosing that you are displeased; For you demand, That the persons put into the places and imploy­ments of those who shall be removed, may be approved by both Houses; which is so far (as to some it may at first sight appear) from being l [...]sse then the power of nomi­nation, that of two things (of which We will never grant either) We would sooner be content that you should nominate and We approve, then you approve [Page 5]and We nominate; The meer nomination being so far from being any thing, that if We could do no more, We would never take the paines to do that, when We should onely hazard those, whom We esteemed, to the scorn of a refusall, if they hapned not to be agreeable not onely to the Judgement, but to the passion, interest or humor of the present major part of either House. Not to speak now of the great factions, animosities and divisions which this power would introduce in both Houses, between both Houses, and in the severall Countries, for the choice of persons to be sent to that place where that power was, and be­tween the persons that were so chosen. Neither is this strange Potion prescribed to Us onely for once, for the cure of a present, pressing, desperate disease, but for a dyet to Us and Our Posterity; It is demanded, That Our Councellors, all Chief Officers both of Law & State, Commanders of Forts & castles, and all Peers hereaf­ter made (as to voting, without which how little is the rest?) be approved of (that is, chosen) by them from time to time; and rather then it should ever be left to the Crown (to whom it onely doth and shall belong) if any place fall void in the in­termission of Parliament, the major part of the approved Councell is to approve them. Neither is it onely demanded, that We should quit the Power and Right Our Predecessors have had of appointing Persons in these places, but for Coun­cellors We are to be restrained, as well in the number, as in the persons, and a power must be annext to these places, which their Predecessors had not; And indeed if this power were past to them, it were not fit We should be trusted to choose those, who were to be trusted as much as We.

It is demanded, That such matters as concern the publique, and are proper for the high Court of Parliament (which is Our great and Supream Councell) may be debated, resolved and transacted onely in Parliament, and not elswhere, and such as presume to do any thing to the contrary, shall be reserved to the Censure and Iudgement of the Parliament, and such other matters of State, as are proper for Our Privy Councell, shall be debated and concluded by such of Our Nobility (though indeed, if being made by Us they may not Vote without the Consent of both Houses, We are rather to call them your Nobility) and others, as shall be from time to time chosen for that place, by approbation of both Houses of Parliament; and that no publike Act concerning the affairs of the Kingdom, which are proper for Our Privie Councell, may be esteemed of any validity, as proceeding from the Royall Authority, unlesse it be done by the Advice and Consent of the major part of Our Councell, attested under their hands: Which Demands are of that Nature, that to grant them were in effect at once to depose both Our Self and Our Posteritie.

These being past, We may be waited on bare-headed; We may have Our hand kist; The Style of Majestie continued to Us; And the Kings Authoritie, declared by both Houses of Parliament, may be still the Style of your Com­mands; We may have Swords and Maces carried before Us, and please Our Self with the sight of a Crown and Scepter, (and yet even these Twigs would not long flourish, when the Stock upon which they grew were dead) but as to true and reall Power We should remain but the outside, but the Picture, but the signe of a King. W [...] were ever willing that Our Parliament should debate, re­solve, & transact such matters as are proper for them, as far as they are proper for them: And We heartily wish, that they would be as carefull not to extend their Debates and Resolutions beyond what is proper to them, that multitudes of [Page 6]things punishable, and causes determinable by the Ordinary Judicatures, may not be entertained in Parliament, and so cause a long, chargeable, fruit­lesse attendance of Our People, and (by Degrees) draw to you as well all the causes, as all the faults of Westminster-Hall, and divert your proper businesse; That the course of Law be no wayes diverted, much lesse disturbed, as was actually done by the stop of the Proceedings against a Riot in Southwark, by Order of the House of Commons, in a time so riotous and tumultuous, as much increased the danger of Popular insolencies, by such a countenance of Riots, and discountenance of Law; That you descend not to the leasure of recom­mending Lecturers to Churches, nor ascend to the Legislative power, by commanding (the Law not having yet commanded it) that they whom you recommend, be received, although neither the Parson nor Bishop do approve of them; And that the Refusers (according to the course so much formerly complained of to have been used at the Councell Table) be not sent for to at­tend to shew cause; At least, that you would consider conveniencie, if not Law, and recommend none, but who are well known to you to be Orthodox, Learn­ed, and Moderate, or at least such as have taken Orders, and are not notorious depravers of the Book of Common Prayer; A care which appeareth by the Di­scourses, Sermons, and persons of some recommended by you, not to have been hitherto taken, and it highly concerns both you in duty, and the Common­wealth in the consequences, that it should have been taken; That neither one estate transact what is proper for two, nor two what is proper for three, and consequently, that (contrary to Our declared will) Our Forts may not be seized; Our Arms may not be removed; Our Moneys may not be stopt; Our legall Di­rections may not be countermanded by you, nor We desired to countermand them Our Self, nor such entrances made upon a reall War against Us, upon pretence of an imaginary War against you, and a Chimaera of necessity. So far do you passe beyond your limits, whilest you seem by your Demand to be strangely straitned within them. At least We could have wisht you would have expressed what matters you meant as fit to be transacted onely in Parliament, and what you meant by onely in Parliament. You have (of late) been perswaded by the new doctrines of some few, to think that proper for your debates, which hath not used to be at all debated within those Wals, but been trusted wholly with Our Predecessors and Us, and to transact those things which without the Regall Authority, since there were Kings of this Kingdom were never trans­acted: It therefore concerns Us the more that you speak out, and that both We and Our People may either know the bottom of your Demands, or know them to be bottomlesse. What concerns more the Publike, and is more (in­deed) proper for the high Court of Parliament, then the making of Laws? which not onely ought there to be transacted, but can be transacted no where else; but then you must admit Us to be a part of the Parliament, you must not (as the sense is of this part of this Demand, if it have any) deny the free­dom of Our Answer, when We have as much right to reject what We think unreasonable, as you have to propose what you think convenient or neces­sary; nor is it possible Our Answers either to Bils, or any other Propositions should be wholly free, if We may not use the Liberty of every one of you, and of every Subject, and receive advice (without their danger who shall give [Page 7]it) from any person known or unknown, swom or unswom, in these matters in which the Manage of Our Vote is trusted by the Law to Our own Judge­ment and Conscience, which how best to inform, is (and ever shall be) left likewise to Us; and most unreasonable it were that two Estates, propo­sing something to the Third, that Third should be bound to take no advice, whether it were fit to passe, but from those two that did propose it. We shall ever in these things which are trusted wholly to Us by the Law, not decline to hearken to the Advice of Our great Councell, and shall use to hear willingly the free debates of Our Privie Councell (whensoever We may be suffered to have them for sending for, and they shall not be terrified from that freedom, by Votes (and brands of Malignants and Enemies to the State, for advising what no Law forbids to advise) but We will retain Our Power of admitting no more to any Councell then the Nature of the Businesse requires, and of di­scoursing with whom We please, of what We please, and informing Our Un­derstanding by debate with any Persons, who may be well able to Inform and Advise Us in some particular, though their Qualities, Education or other Abilities may not make them so fit to be of Our sworn Councell, and not tye Our Self up not to hear any more then twenty five (and those not cho­sen absolutely by Us) out of a Kingdom so replenished with Judicious and Ex­perienced Persons in severall kindes. And though We shall (with the pro­portionable Consideration due to them) always weigh the Advices both of Our Great and Privie Councell, yet We shall also look upon their Advices, as Advices, not as Commands, or Impositions; upon them as Our Councel­lours, not as Our Tutors and Guardians, and upon Our Self as their King, not as their Pupill, or Ward; for whatsoever of Regality were by the Mode­stie of Interpretation left in Us in the first part of the second Demand, as to the Parliament, is taken from Us in the second part of the same, and placed in this new fangled kinde of Councellours, whose power is such and so expres­sed by it, that in all Publike Acts concerning the Affairs of this Kingdom, which are proper for Our Privie Councell (for whose Advice all publike Acts are sometimes proper, though never necessary) they are desired to be admit­ed joynt Patentees with Us in the Regality, and it is not plainly expressed who­ther they mean Us so much as a single Vote in these Affairs: But it is plain they mean Us no more at most then a single Vote in them, and no more power then every one of the rest of Our Fellow-Councellours; onely leave to Us, out of their respect and dutie, (and that onely is left of all Our ancient Power) a Choice, whether these that are thus to be joyned with (or rather set over) Us, shall be fifteen, or twenty five, and great care is taken that the Oath which these Men shall take, shall be such, in the framing the form of which (though sure We are not wholly unconcerned in it) We may be wholly excluded, and that wholly reserved to be agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament.

And to shew that no more Care is taken of Our safety, then of Our Power, after so great indignities offered to Us, and countenanced by those who were most obliged to resent them: After Our Town and Fort kept from Us (from which, if it were no otherwise Ours then the whole Kingdom is, We can no more legally be kept out then out of Our whole Kingdom, which sure your selves will not deny to be Treason) Our Arms, Our Goods sent away, and [Page 8]Our Money stopt from Us, Our Guards (in which We have no other Intention then to hinder the end of these things from being proportionable to their be­ginnings) are not onely desired to be dismissed before satisfaction for the injurie, punishments of the injurers, and care taken for Our future Security from the like: But it is likewise desired, (and for this Law is pretended, and might as well have been for the rest, which yet with some ingenuity are it seems ac­knowledged to be but Desires of Grace) that We shall not for the future raise any Guards or extraordinary Forces, but in case of actuall Rebellion or Invasi­on, which if it had been Law, and so observed in the time of Our Famous Pre­decessours, few of those Victories which have made this Nation famous in other parts, could have been legally atchieved, nor could Our blessed Pre­decessour Queen Elizabeth have so defended Her self in 88. And if no Forces must be leavied till Rebellions and Invasions (which will not stay for the calling of Parliaments, and their consent for raising Forces) be actuall, they must undoubtedly (at least most probably) be effectuall and prevalent.

And as neither care is taken for Our Rights, Honour, nor safety as a Prince, so Our Rights as a private Person are endeavoured to be had from Us, it being asked, that it may be unlawfull and punishable, not onely to conclude, but even to treat of any Marriage with any Person for Our own Children, or to place Gover­nours about them, without consent of Parliament, and in the intermission of those, without the consent of Our good Lords of the Councell, that We may not only be in a more despicable state then any of Our Predecessours, but in a meaner and viler condition then the lowest of Our Subjects, who value no liberty they have more, then that of the free Education and Marriage of their Children, from which We are asked to debar Our Self, and have the more reason to take it ill that We are so, because for Our choice of a Governour for Our Son, and of a Hus­band for Our Daughter, (in which the Protestant Religion was Our principall Consideration) We conceived We had reason to expect your present thanks, and the increase of your future trusts.

We suppose these Demands by this time to appear such as the Demanders cannot be supposed to have any such reall fear of Us as hath been long pretend­ed, they are too much in the style, not onely of equals, but of Conquerours, and as little to be intended for removing of Iealousies (for which end they are said to be asked, and that is not as Merchants ask at first much more then they will take, but as most necessary to effect it, which (if they be) God help this poor Kingdom, and those who are in the hands of such Persons, (whose Jealousies nothing else will remove) which indeed is such a way, as if there being differen­ces and suits between two persons, whereof one would have from the other se­verall parcells of his ancient Land, he should propose to him by way of Accom­modation, that he would quit to him all those in question, with the rest of his Estate, as the most necessary and effectuall means to remove all those suits and differences. But we call God to witnesse, that as for Our Subjects sake these Rights are vested in Us, so for their sakes, as well as for Our own, We are re­solved not to quit them, nor to subvert (though in a Parliamentary way) the ancient, equall, happy, well-poised and never-enough commended Constituti­on of the Government of this Kingdom, nor to make Our Self of a King of England a Duke of Venice, and this of a Kingdom a Republike.

There being three kindes of Government amongst men, Absolute Mo­narchy, Aristocracy and Democracy, and all these having their particular con­veniencies and inconveniencies. The experience and wisdom of your Ance­stors hath so moulded this out of a mixture of these, as to give to this King­dom (as far as humane Prudence can provide) the conveniencies of all three, without the inconveniencies of any one, as long as the Balance hangs even be­tween the three Estates, and they run joyntly on in their proper Chanell (be­getting Verdure and Fertility in the Meadows on both sides) and the over­flowing of either on either side raise no Deluge or Inundation. The ill of ab­solute Monarchy is Tyranny, The ill of Aristocracy is Faction and Division, The ills of Democracy are Tumults, Violence and Licenciousnesse. The good of Monarchy is the uniting a Nation under one Head, to resist Invasion from abroad, and Insurrection at home: The good of Aristocracy is the Conjuncti­on of Counsell in the ablest Persons of a State for the Publike benefit: The good of Democracy is Liberty, and the Courage and Industry which Liberty begets.

In this Kingdom the Laws are joyntly made by a King, by a House of Peers, and by a House of Commons chosen by the People, all having free Votes and particular Priviledges: The Government according to these Laws is trusted to the King, Power of Treaties of War and Peace, of making Peers, of chu­sing Officers and Councellours for State, Judges for Law, Commanders for Forts and Castles, giving Commissions for raising men to make War abroad, or to prevent or provide against Invasions or Insurrections at home, benefit of Confiscations, power of pardoning, and some more of the like kinde are placed in the King. And this kinde of regulated Monarchy having this power to preserve that Authority, without which it would be disabled to preserve the Laws in their Force, and the Subjects in their Liberties and Proprieties, is intended to draw to him such a Respect and Relation from the great Ones, as may hinder the ills of Division and Faction, and such a Fear and Reverence from the People, as may hinder Tumults, Violence and Licenciousnesse. Again, that the Prince may not make use of this high and perpetuall Power to the hurt of those for whose good He hath it, and make use of the name of Publike Necessity for the gain of his private Favourites and Followers to the detri­ment of His People, the House of Commons (an excellent Conserver of Li­berty, but never intended for any share in Government, or the chusing of them that should Govern) is solely intrusted with the first Propositions concerning the Leavies of Moneys (which is the sinews as well of Peace as War) and the impeaching of those, who for their own ends, though countenanced by any Surreptitiously gotten command of the King, have violated that Law, which he is bound (when he knows it) to protect, and to the protection of which they were bound to advise Him, at least not to serve Him in the contrary. And the Lords being trusted with a Judicatorie power, are an excellent Screen and Bank between the Prince and people, to assist each against any Incroachments of the other, and by just judgements to preserve that Law which ought to be the Rule of every one of the three. For the better enabling them in this, be­yond the examples of any of Our Ancestors, We were willingly contented to oblige Our Self, both to call a Parliament every three yeers, and not to dissolve it in fifty dayes, and for the present Exigent, the better to raise Money, and [Page 10]avoid the pressure (no lesse grievous to Us then them) Our People must have fuffered by a longer continuance of so vast a Charge as two great Armies, and for their greater certainty of having sufficient time to remedy the inconveni­encies arisen during so long an absence of Parliaments, and for the punishment of the Causers and Ministers of them, We yeelded up Our Right of dissolving this Parliament, expecting an extraordinary moderation from it in gratitude for so unexampled a Grace, and little looking that any Malignant Party should have been encouraged or enabled to have perswaded them, first to countenance the Injusticies and Indignities We have endured, and then by a new way of Satisfaction for what was taken from Us, to demand of Vs at once to confirm what was so taken, and to give up almost all the rest.

Since therefore the Power Legally placed in both Houses is more then suf­ficient to prevent and restrain the power of Tyranny, and without the power which is now asked from Us We shall not be able to discharge that Trust, which is the end of Monarchy, since this would be a totall Subversion of the Fundamentall Laws, and that excellent Constitution of this Kingdom, which hath made this Nation so many yeers both Famous and happy to a great degree of Envie; since to the power of Punishing (which is already in your hands according to Law) if the power of Preferring be added, We shall have nothing left for Vs, but to look on; since the incroaching of one of these Estates upon the power of the other is unhappy in the effects both to them and all the rest; since this power of at most a joynt Government in Vs with Our Councellors, (or rather Our Guardians) will return Vs to the worst kinde of Minority, and make Vs despicable both at home and abroad, and beget eternall Factions and Dissentions (as destructive to publike Happinesse as War) both in the chosen, and the Houses that chuse them, and the people who chuse the Chusers; since so new a power will undoubtedly intoxicate persons who were not born to it, and beget not onely Divisions among them as equals, but in them contempt of Vs as become an equall to them, and Insolence and Injustice towards Our peo­ple, as now so much their inferiours, which will be the more grievous unto them, as suffering from those who were so lately of a neerer degree to them­selves, and being to have redresse onely from those that placed them, and fear­ing they may be inclined to preserve what they have made, both out of kinde­nesse and policie; since all great changes are extreamly inconvenient, and almost infallibly beget yet greater Changes, which beget yet greater Inconveniencies.

Since as great an one in the Church must follow this of the Kingdom; Since the second Estate would in all probability follow the Fate of the first, and by some of the same turbulent spirits Jealousies would be soon raised against them, and the like Propositions for reconciliation of Differences would be then sent to them, as they now have joyned to send to Us, till (all Power being vest­ed in the House of Commons, and their number making them incapable of transacting Affairs of State with the necessary Secrecie and Expedition; those being retrusted to some close Committee) at last the Common people (who in the mean time must be flattered, and to whom Licence must be given in all their wilde humors, how contrary soever to established Law, or their own reall Good) discover this Arcanum Imperii, That all this was done by them, but not for them, grow weary of Journey-work, and set up for themselves, call Parity [Page 11]and Independence, Liberty; Devour that Estate which had devoured the rest; Destroy all Rights and Proprieties, all distinctions of Families and Merit; And by this means this splendid and excellently distinguished Form of Government end in a dark equall Chaos of Confusion; and the long Line of Our many no­ble Ancestors in a Iack Cade or a Wat Tyler.

For all these Reasons to all these Demands, Our Answer is, Nolumus Leges Angliae mutari: But this We promise, that We will be as carefull of preserving the Laws in what is supposed to concern wholly Our Subjects, as in what most concerns Our Self: For indeed We professe to beleeve, That the preservation of every Law concerns Us, those of obedience being not secure, when those of protection are violated; And We being most of any injured in the least vic­lation of that, by which We enjoy the highest Right and greatest Benefits, and are therefore obliged to defend no lesse by Our interest then by Our duty, and hope that no Jealousies to the contrary shall be any longer nourished in any of Our good People, by the subtill insinuations, and secret practices of men, who for private ends are disaffected to Our Honour and Safety, and the Peace and Prosperity of Our People. And to shew you, that no just indignation at so reproachfull offers shall make Us refuse to grant what is probable to conduce to the good of Our good People, because of the ill company it comes in, We will search carefully in this heap of unreasonable Demands, for so much as We may (complying with Our Conscience, and the dutie of Our Trust) assent unto, and shall accordingly agree to it.

In pursuance of which Search, in the 4 ^th Proposition, under a Demand which would take from Us that trust which God, Nature, and the Laws of the Land have placed in Us, and of which none of you could endure to be depri­ved, We finde something to which We give this Answer, That We have com­mitted the principall places about Our Children to persons of Quality, Inte­grity and Pietie, with speciall regard that their tener yeers might be so season­ed with the Principles of the true Protestant Religion, as (by the blessing of God upon this Our care) this whole Kingdom may in due time reap the fruit thereof: And as We have been likewise very carefull in the choice of Ser­vants about them, that none of them may be such, as by ill Principles, or by ill Examples to crosse Our endeavours for their Pious and Vertuous Education, so if there shall be found (for all Our care to prevent it) any person about Our Children (or about Vs, which is more then you ask) against whom both Hou­ses shall make appear to Vs any just exception, We shall not onely remove them, but thank you for the Information; Onely We shall expect, that you shall be likewise carefull that there be no under-hand dealing by any to seek faults to make room for others to succeed in their places.

For the 5 ^th Demand, as We will not suffer any to share with Vs in Our power of Treaties, which are most improper for Parliaments, and lest in those Treaties in which We are neerliest concerned, not onely as a King, but as a Father, yet We do (such is Our desire to give all reasonable satisfaction) assure you by the word of a King, that We shall never propose or entertain any Trea­ty whatsoever for the marriage of any of Our Children, without due regard to the true Protestant Profession, the good of Our Kingdoms, and the Honour of Our Family.

For the 6 ^th Demand, concerning the Laws in force against Iesuites, Priests, and [Page 12]Popish Recusants, We have by many of Our Messages to you, by Our volunta­ry promise to you, so solemnly made never to pardon any Popist Priest, by Our strict Proclamations lately published in this point, and by the publike Examples which We have made in that case since Our Residence at York, and before at London sufficiently expressed Our zeal herein. Why do you then ask that in which Our own Inclination hath prevented you? And if you can yet finde any more effectuall Course to disable them from Disturbing the State or eluding the Law by trusts or otherwise, We shall willingly give Our Consent to it.

For the 7 ^th concerning the Votes of Popish Lords, We understand that they in discretion have withdrawn themselves from the service of the House of Peers, (and had done so when use was publiquely made of their names to asperse the Votes of that house, which was then counted as Malignant as those (who are called Our unknown and unsworn Counsellours) are now) neither do We con­ceive that such a positive Law against the Votes of any whose blood gives them that right, is so proper in regard of the Priviledge of Parliament, but are content, that so long as they shall not be conformable to the Doctrine and Dis­cipline of the Church of England, they shall not be admitted to sit in the House of Peers, but onely to give their Proxies to such Protestant Lords as they shall chuse, who are to dispose of them as they themselves shall think fit, without any Reference at all to the Giver.

As to the desires for a Bill for the Education of the Children of Papists by Pro­testants in the Protestant Profession, many about Us can witnesse with Vs, That We have often delivered Our Opinion, that such a Course (with Gods bles­sing upon it) would be the most effectuall for the rooting out of Popery out of this Kingdom; We shall therefore thank you for it, and encourage you in it, and, when it comes unto Vs, do Our Dutie; And we heartily wish, for the publike good, that the time you have spent in making Ordinances without Vs, had been imployed in preparing this and other good Bills for Vs.

For the 8 ^th, touching The Reformation to be made of the Church Government and Liturgie, We had hoped, that what We had formerly declared concern­ing the same, had been so sufficiently understood by you and all good Subjects, that We should not need to have expressed Our Self further in it. We told you in Our Answers to your Petition presented to Vs at Hampton-Court the first of December, That for any illegall Innovations which may have crept in, We should willingly concur in the removall of them; That if Our Parliament should advise Vs to call a Nationall Synode, which may duely examine such Ceremonies as give just cause of Offence to any, We should take it into Consideration, and apply Our Self to give due satisfaction therein; That We were perswaded in Our Conscience, that no church could be found upon the Earth, that professeth the true Religion with more purity of Doctrine, then the church of England doth, nor where the Government and Discipline are joyntly more beautified, and free from Superstition, then as they are here established by Law; which (by the grace of God We will with Constan­cie maintain (while We live) in their Purity and Glory, not onely against all Invasions of Popery, but also from the Irreverence of those many Schis­maticks and Separatists, wherewith of late this Kingdom and Our City of London abounds, to the great dishonour and hazard both of Church and State, For the suppression of whom We required your timely and active assistance. We told you in Our first declaration, printed by the advice of Our [Page 13]Privie Councell, That for differences amongst our selves for matters indifferent in their own nature concerning Religion, We should in tendernesse to any number of Our loving Subjects very willingly comply with the advice of Our Parliament, that some Law might be made for the exemption of tender consciences from punishment or prosecution for such Ceremonies, and in such cases, which by the judgement of most men are held to be matters indifferent, and of some to be absolutely unlawfull; Pro­vided, that this ease should be attempted and pursued with that modestie, temper and submission, that in the mean time the Peace & quiet of the Kingdom be not disturbed, the Decencie & comelinesse of Gods Service discountenanced, nor the Pious, Sober, Devout actions of those reverend Persons, who were the first labourers in the blessed Reformation, or of that time, be scandaled and defamed. And We heartily wish, that others whom it concerned, had been as ready (as their dutie bound them, though they had not received it from Us) to have pursued this caution, as We were and still are willing & ready to make good every particular of that Promise. Nor did We only appear willing to joyn in so good a Work, when it should be brought Us, but prest & urged you to it by Our Message of the 14. of Feb. in these words, And because His Majestie observes great and different troubles to arise in the hearts of His People, concerning the Government and Liturgie of the Church, His Majestie is willing to declare, That He will refer the whole consideration to the wisdom of His Parliament, which He desires them to enter into speedily, that the present distractions about the same may be composed: but desires not to be pressed to any single Act on His part, till the whole be so digested and setled by both Houses, that His Majestie may cleerly see what is fit to be left, as well as what is fit to be taken away: Of which We the more hoped of a good successe to the ge­nerall satisfaction of Our People, because you seem in this Proposition to desire but a Reformation, and not (as is daily preached for, as necessary, in those many Conventicles which have within these nineteen moneths begun to swarm, and which, though their Leaders differ from you in this opinion, yet appear to many as countenanced by you, by not being punished by you (few else, by reason of the Order of the House of Commons of the 9 ^th. of September, daring to do it) a destruction of the present Discipline and Liturgie. And We shall most cheer­fully give Our best assistance for raising a sufficient maintenance for preaching Mi­nisters, in such course as shall be most for the encouragement and advancement of Piety and Learning.

For the Bills you mention, and the Consultation you intimate, knowing no­thing of the particular matters of the one (though We like the Titles well) nor of the manner of the other, but from an Informer (to whom We give little credit, and We wish no man did more) Commonfame, We can say nothing till We see them.

For the 11 ^th. We would not have the Oath of all Privie Councellors and Iudges straitned to particular Statutes of one or two particular Parliaments, but extend to all Statutes of all Parliaments, and the whole Law of the Land, and shall wil­lingly consent that an enquirie of all the breaches and violations of the Law may be given in charge by the Iustices of the Kings Bench every Terme, and by the Iudges of Assize in their Circuits, and Iustices of Peace at the Sessions, to be pre­sented and punished according to Law.

For the 17 ^th. We shall ever be most ready, (and We are sorry it should be [Page 14]thought needfull to move Us to it) not onely to joyn with any (particularly with the States of the united Provinces, of Which We have given a late proof in the Match of Our Daughter) for the desence and maintenance of Protestant Re­ligion, against all designes and attempts of the Pope and his adherents, but singly (if need were) to oppose with Our life and fortune all such Designes in all other Nations, were they joyned: And that for Considerations of Conscience, far more then any temporall end of obtaining accesse of strength and reputation, or any naturall end of restoring Our Royall Sister and her Princely Issue to their Dig­nities and Dominions, though these be likewise much considered by Us.

For the 18 ^th. It was not Our fault, that an Act was not passed to cleer the Lord Kymbolton, and the five Members of the House of Commons, but yours, who inserted such Clauses into both the Preamble and Act (perhaps perswaded to it by some who wish not that you should in any thing receive satisfaction from Vs) as by passing the Preamble We must have wounded Our Honour against Our Conscience, and by another Clause have admitted a Consequence, from which We could never have been secured, by declaring, That no Member of either House, upon any Accusation of Treason, could have his Person seized without the Consent of that House, of which he is a Member, though the known Law be, That Priviledge of Parliament extends not to Treason, and if it did, any Member (the House being for a short time adjourned, and so their Consent not being so had) how treasonable soever his Intentions were, how cleerly soever known, and how suddenly soever to be executed, must have fair leave given him to go on and pursue them, no way, how Legall soever, after the passing such a Clause, being left to prevent it.

To conclude, We Conjure you and all men to rest satisfied with the Truth of Our Professions, and the Reality of Our Intentions; not to ask such things as de­ny themselves; That you Declare against Tumults, and punish the Authours; That you allow Vs Our Propriety in Our Towns, Arms and Goods, and Our Share in the Legislative Power, which would be counted in Vs, not onely breach of Priviledge, but Tyranny and Subversion of Parliaments to deny to you: And when you shall have given Vs satisfaction upon those Persons who have taken away the One, and recalled those Declarations (particularly that of the 26 ^th. of May) and those in the point of the Militia (Our just Rights, wherein We will no more part with then with Our Crown, lest we inable others by them to take that from Us) which would take away the other; and declined the beginnings of a War against Vs, under pretence of Our Intention of making One against you: as We have never opposed the first part of the 13 ^th. Demand, so We shall be ready to concur with you in the latter.

And being then confident that the Credit of those Men, who desire a ge­nerall Combustion, will be so weakned with you, that they will not be able to do this Kingdom any more harm, We shall be willing to grant our generall Pardon, with such Exceptions as shall be thought fit, and shall receive much more joy in the hope of a full and constant happinesse of Our People in the true Religion, and under the Protection of the Law, by a blessed union between Us and Our Parliament (so much desired by Vs) then in any such increase of Our Own Revenue (how much soever beyond former Grants) as (when Our Sub­jects were wealthiest) Our Parliament could have setled upon Us.