IT's more then three months since I came home, out of the Mediteranian Sea; and none, high or low, hath said to my face, this or that hath bin il done by you, whilst you were on the said Voiage.

Yet about the time that Captain Appleton's Remonstrance was given in, as those that triumph before Victory, news must needs be carried to my Relations in Fa­mily (whilest I was absent) a file of Musquetiers was provi­ded for me, to carry me to the Power; another friend com­ing to my house, said, the Watermen upon the Thames gave out I was gone to prison, and this Report was raised about Chattam, and the Exchange: But when I heard thereof, and that some were troubled at it, I answered; One that is accused of theft, and never plaid the Thief, either directly, or indirectly, he knows not wherein he is guilty: So I know not of any offence to the State, that I can be made capable of. Surely therefore, before they do such a thing, they will tell me for what, and wherefore it is.

I shal now crave leave to make a little further deviation, before I come to answer the contrivers of the Remonstrance, who have thereby kindled a fire which is like to end I know not where. And in the first place I shall lay down before you, how I have laboured to deliver, and by multiplyed acts of civility have endeavoured to ingage these who appear a­gainst me.

He saith in his Remonstrance, whereas his sicknes and Cap­tain Witherages death was cause of his not coming forth to assist me (although I wanted not Information enough) as by the Letters appeareth, which herewith I present you, how backward he was to come out, and how unready the Ships were to do service: so that among others, his great Friend, the great Duke, that knew very wel how he did, expounded it not to be sickness, but treachery; for who knows not, that a man may draw up a Commission in an hour, and he might have done it as well then for Captain Line, as he did after­wards to jostle out Captain Cox: And if a man have an Ague, or some such smal distemper, an Engagement with the Ene­mie may shake it off sooner, then a Cartooch of Grego. But if it would not, must therefore such a peice of the Nations strength lye still, when there is an opportunity of doing ser­vice, and in his power either to put in another man, or else to sit in his Gabbin and order others to do the business? And although in his first, second, and third Letter he mentions nothing of his sickness to me; and though Mr. Morgan Reed the Nations Consul, laments to me greatly of his dulness in several Letters within a few days one after another; as also Mr. Longland the States publick Minister in sundrie of his Letters, saying, he had little or no mind to do service for the State; and in one Letter saith, If Captain Appleton would have followed his counsel (rather then the advice of others, the chief of which he declares in some Letters, made open defiance to the State) we bad joyn'd our Forces, and so I had not been left to fight the Enemie all alone; and notwith­standing much more wrote against him by Captain Wood and others, for his backwardness; yet for all this, when I wrote to the Higher Powers about him, I did, as it were, take a Mantle and cover his failings, and miscarriages, using but his own words, saying, I beleeved, or judg'd his sickness and Captain Withrages death retarded the coming out of those Ships to our assistance Again, when he did that filly act in his own person, fetching a Dutch man out of the Great Dukes Centinels house, because he rescued the Fleming: Up­on which came all our trouble about the Phaenix, as saith [Page 11]Mr. Longland by his Letters; and he that will open his eyes, may see, that if that foolish business had not been, there had not an extraordinary Messenger been sent from the great Duke into England, complaining of him; and consequently there had not been so much discontent given him in the An­swer by that person, as made the Dukes Secretary say pub­lickly on the place of Legorn, the Parliament of England had sent his Master so much poyson when they sent him that Letter.

I say, notwithstanding this, when as he was sent to me as a Prisoner to Porte Longone, that I might do justice on him, really pittying his Condition, I desired some of our Cap­tains to wait on him from Porta Feraro; and when he came, although somthing was done in a private civil way, that the Duke might not be greatly enrag'd, when as we should ap­pear to mock at his justice; yet he knows I did effectually end eavour to help him out of that trouble; and when he had made his Remonstrance to send home, wherein he weakly declared his men forc'd him ashore to the Mould, I hope him to make a better Remonstrance then so; and if he had come to acknowledg'd my Favours, I might have helpt him to draw up one now, according to the tenor of Truth more to his re­pute then this, that is ful of horrid Falsities; If I had direct­ed him to write thus, it had been according to very truth, Briefly.

When God was pleased to give us a very good opportu­nity, insomuch that we might have relieved C. Badiley, if we had had hearts to have been unanimous, and had vigorous­ly prosecuted it, or had wils to take his counsel in coming out in the night, as we ought to have done; but omitting it, the Lord was pleased so to order it, by the alteration of Winds which are in his fists, that when the said Badiley would have reliev'd us, and have cleer'd us of Legorn, he was made unable and uncapable of hindring, or preventing our Ruin and Destruction.

To come to the business of Legorn, when he came thither in his home-ward way, at the time when the great Duke had newly declared we must be gone to engage the Enemie, let [Page 12]the ods be what it will; I say seeing me now busie in fitting the Ship with all Accoutrements for an engagement, and filing a Vessel with Lumber to make the Ships ready and clear, when as he was making up his things to go for Genoa, for his friend. The great Duke declared he should not stay in his Territories, or come ashore into his Town, he comes to me; Oh saith he, this almost breaks my heart, to think that you should go to fight, and I go home to answer what is al­ledg'd against me. My Lieutenant also having heard him sadly express, he knew they sent for him into England to que­stion his life: Truly I could not but pity the man, and an­swered, Captain Appleton, it's a dangerous thing to dally with the Commands of the Councel of State: But since the Captain of this Ship, Jonas Pool, cannot be sent for from Ve­nice in any time, if you be real indeed, and that your peace can be made with the great Duke, I will be your friend to further you all that lyeth in my power, and to that purpose Mr. Longland and a Councell of Officers shall be called toge­ther to consider of the business; and there upon Debate it was concluded in the Affirmative, if he could procure that leave as before: Oh but then how should he get that leave! I answered not (at that private meeting or Councell) as he in his Remonstrance (like some Chancery Bils) saith, it was then agreed he should give six hundred Dollars to buy his peace, which is a most notorious untruth, there was not one word about Dollars spoken there; but I said to him, your best way in my opinion was, to confer with Consul Read, who hath great friends at Court, and it may be by means of a little greace to his Highness Secretary, or Master of the Ceremonies, and upon your humble submission he wil remit your offence; and it seems it was so effected after I was gone: but if it cost him more to do it then his feasting with the great Duke was worth, it will shew he hath been as simple as he is now malitious. In all ages some there be that will reward others evil for their good; I think it would have been a good business for this man, who feared the questioning of his life at home, to have an opportunity given him, that by his Gal­lantry in Service, he might have done somthing to remove [Page 13]that fear, as also the dis-reputation, which otherwise he could not.

And then as to his Engagement at last, wheras no effectu­al course was taken to rid himself of those ships that were on board him, after our example in the Paragon, who notwith­standing a great number of men were killed and wounded on the upper Deck and else-where, to the number of about fourscore, so that all was ordered to withdraw thence but the Commander himself; and howbeit almost as many were run down into holes, the Enemy being bord and bord: and although the Fleet had all left her without any encourage­ment, yet three or fourscore men was got up to bear away the Enemy by main force of hand; how much more should they have done it, that had so much encouragement as their Admiral, and other their friends, to be within two or three ships length of them; and although I was so neer as about Musket-shot off, about half an hour together, not seeing a Man, stirring upon the upper Deck, I think it a great fault in a wise Vice-admiral, what ever it be thought of the Remon­strancer: And although an Anchor was not let go, which was the duty of his place to have order'd, for so the Ship in all likelihood had been sav'd. Nay, as there is good testimony, although I had heard, when my Lieutenant was on bord the Leopard, to tell him how effectually I recommended to him the coming forth; but they neglecting it, his Mate Wrighting­ton, whom he highly commended to me, I am sure a man that knew when it was a fit season for them to sail, he was at their neglect so transported in passion, that he either stampt, or tore his hair, or used some such gesture, saying, These cursed men (meaning the Captains) are besotted, or bewitched to this Mould; why cannot we go to Sea now we have so gallant an opportu­nity, and that the Admiral sends for us.

I say, that neither in my Narrative, nor else how I should cry up this mans faults, but rather take a garment to cover them, when as I say he was forward to come out, but over­powred by others, forbore it; yet after all, that a mans heart should be so like a Forge, to blow up coals of Mischief and Falsities on another (which are like to fall on himself) could [Page 14]hardly have been imagined, but that Experience shews it.

One word more of the Witnesses, by many Letters that came to Porte Longone from Mr. Longland, Consul Read, and others, wherein was Complaints upon Complaints of Cap­tain Seaman, and another. I say, whatsoever reports came from Legorn concerning their backwardness, or rather stub­bornness to come out with others of their Neighbours under the same obligation with themselves, as we use to say; he that hath but half an eye in his head, and one dram of ho­nesty in his heart, knowing what then past, as that there was but four ships of the Enemies in Legorn Road; and as Cap­tain Appleton himself confesseth, the Enemie that fought us was shattered as much as we: if they had come to our Relief, we must have been (in humane appearance) in England with the Merchants great Cargazon long before the last yeer end­ed. And yet I wrote not any thing to those in Power or any others that I remember against these by name, that were the cause of so much loss and damage as the Nation received thereby.

Again, about the beginning of February last, seeing a stout gale of wind of the shore, it was much on my heart to go out at that time; and seeing but nine of the Enemies men of War in the Road, and there could be expected but two more in the Offing: A Councel of Officers being called, the Question was carried from me, and answered in the Negative; and why Captain Seaman, said he? it's the way to lose three or four good ships, shewing cowardize enough I think. It was replyed, not so I trow; here is besides others the Leopard, the Bonaventure, the Sampson; and since I have gone to Sea, any one of these would not fear half a dozen, or the whole num­ber of these our Antagonists; but what said Mr. Longland to me, you do but strive against the Stream, in seeking to get out these Ships, they think they shall have their pay, and then it's no matter what service they do; you must get Ships else-where to fetch them hence, if you will make any use of them; whereupon I wrote (upon that very score) somewhat passionately unto the Councel of State among other matters, the ensuing passage.

I also wrote to the Generals of the Fleet, and the Copy of that Letter is hereunto annexed.

I wrote also another Letter to a Friend at White-Hall, to this effect: I wish it may not so fall out, that the State had better give a hundred thousand pounds a ship, and ten pounds a month to a Marriner, then that their ships should lie in Legorn Mould so long, without any relief.

And further; however I wrote not a word against this man, but when I came to speak of the Sampson in my Narra­tive, hid all his failings, saying; That the Ship being taken abackstaies, the Enemy had opportunity to fire her: yet Mr. Longland, (who I beleeve would write no such thing without good proof) saith, it's no such matter; The Captain and Company run under hatches, and did not look after trim­ming of Sails as they should have done.

But now, as if he were no small Proficient in Machiavels School, in hopes that something may stick, writes hideous things against me, that made some of his Kindred talk of coming to Execution Dock, of those that with-drew from Legorn; and since his return for England, his malice hath been let out to the full, charging me with horrid falficies.

Capt. Marsh another of the Witnesses, knoweth very well that when his great failings hath much transported me, so after keen arguments in private, and promise of amend­ment, I have been civil towards him: And though he hath put his hand to Capt. Appletons Remonstrance, that would make men believe Mr. Longland were one of the veriest Vil­lains in the world; yet coming to my house since his coming home, he told me he could not but vindicate Mr. Longland, when he was spoke against, and therefore in their home­ward way, he was call'd by the rest, Longlands creature, but it may be this man was meerly drawn in, and therefore I pitie him.

Again Captain Ell, after he had presumptuously left the Convoy, where all care was taken for his preservation, once and again, being come to Messina, upon his acknowledgment [Page 17]I pass'd those things by. Four dayes after, in Circa, being a­bout ten leagues from Zant, he tels me he had a mind to be gone for Smirna; but I answered, have a care what you do, lest you loose the ship your friends have intrusted you with­all, I must carry my business before me, in regard the Harry stops there: but I intend not to Anchor there, if the wind be fair. Well saith he, I will speak with you again, yet did not, slipping away in the night. But though pragmaticall self-conceitedness was judg'd a higher Tower then the Convoy, it was a thousand to one it had not occasioned his Mer­chant, and Owners to bid farewell to their Ship and Goods, for had not a strong gale of wind brought him in after us to Zant, four Turks Men of War had call'd him to an account, This made me hint to the Committee of the Navy, how the Convoy was slighted, as it was by him unto the very last. But to see how things are carried by way of Retalio, he and others wel know, and the Levant Companies purses heaviest feel.

Yet being he had embraced the States Service afterwards, I advis'd him, no man should be more willing to passe by prejudicatednesse of opinion against him, then my self, as may appear by my Letters to him: However, after he had been in the service of the State a few weeks, I sent him an Order to go for Naples, or M [...]ss [...]na: yet he stayes, putting the State unto charge of some hundred pounds, which fault he laid on his men; and although I have heard the contrary, yet I winked at that time, and hitherto mentioned nothing of it.

Next, in our Engagement at Legorn, such was his failing, that I told him and others, at our very next meeting, after we came thence: Those that had nimble ships were extream­ly too blame: But said I, since we are home-ward bound, and I know not what eminent Service we may be call'd too for the Honour of the Nation, I will not cause contention now among you; but where ever there hath been a failing, let every man amend one next time, and one would have thought it would have wrought upon ingenious spirits.

But after we came to the Bay of Legos, I sent a Warrant [Page 18]to him to spare two men, exchange of 2 Dutch men, to help man the Augustine Prize, yet he absolutely refused it, al­though earnestly advis'd to the contrary by Captains, and others about him, that told him he could never answer it, yet peremptorily he denied it. Whereupon I bid the Cap­tains, and others about me to take notice; he and his Con­sort Fisher, that made the like refusal, were discharg'd out of the States service, and that I would never give them any kind of order more, untill we came to the Generals, where their contempt should be laid open, and I did forbear know­ing any of them a long time.

But at length through perswasion of friends, and their own sollicitations in publique and private, to forgive that one failing, what amendment should I see, I was prevailed with all to lay aside prejudice.

Although I suppose by this time, that he very well knew that howbeit upon his own quarter Deck (as some prag­maticall men in former times have done) he might cry, Am not I king now? am not I King now? Yet by the Laws Martial, which were either made to be put in Execution, or to be like Bug-bears which are to skare children, all the Councel he can find in England, can hardly save him from a most se­vere sentence for his contempt.

Again, coming into the Downes, this Captain Ell comes to me in the Evening, desiring he might have leave to go to Canterburie to meet his Wife; yea said I, go, but pray be here speedily, I know not what Orders may come from Au­thority, nor who suddenly may appear on the back of the Goodwin to engage us; In words he would comply, and re­turn accordingly; but was wanting thence ten dayes, and upward, as if (at least) he were a Prince, not to be accomp­table for any disservice to the State, which caused his men to mutiny, when his Ship was ordered to go to Sea. All this time I wrote nothing against him.

Next they bring in one Whiting, that was heard say so, and so, it may be it is true as spoken from him; but I deny that I ever spake such things, neither is there any reason or sense for why I should. But admit the latter had been true, [Page 19]it would have shewed ingratitude enough in him, a man whose life and freeedom I had first beg'd of the great Duke, and then at my request his estate, and his worthy and grate­full friends (by the rule of contraries) to the value of 3000 crowns, and the ship, all sentenc'd for lost, and confiscated, were reprieved, remitted, and given back to them; at length being made Commander of the Fire-ship, his wretched cowardize in not prosecuting the work he was sent about, with Main-saile and all: which had he done, having such an opportunity as he had upon the Dutch Admiral, for ought I know it might have turn'd the day; and then the base lea­ving the next man to himself behind him, would have caus'd many a man to have brought him home in chains, and tryed him for his life; and if so, I know not what would have become of him.

In fine, I have alwayes endeavour'd to govern with sere­nity, mixt with some authority, and rather by multiplyed acts of Civility have laboured to engage them, then by ri­gorousnesse to dishearten them: and let whose will say to the contrary, I have been alwayes ready to cry up to the height in any service of worth in them, and have covered all fail­ings at the same time, as my Letters to Authority do witnesse for me.

But we see not only many of the Proverbs fulfill'd now and then, but old Stories. Wash some creatures ears with never so much water, and they will be no whiter, heap coals of love on some, and they will turn back coals of fire on you, when it lies in their power, Traytor or any thing they wil not baulk at.

But not to be tedious in rehearsing ingratitude, I shall re­turn to the Remonstrance, where I find Mr. Redding magnified in an employment he was sent on by M. Longland, who with the deceased Captain Wood, is vilified to some purpose.

A word of the former, of whom Ditto, Mr. Longland en­form'd me something, as that Captain Appleton should create him Agent, and that he went to Florence contrary to his ad­vice, and at the great Dukes Court he made Master Longland be look'd on as an Impostor, which forc'd him to send away [Page 20]from Florence in the night for his Commission. I also heard him say, that for ranting in Naples, wherein he and his Com­pany kill'd a Child, or for shooting at the Justice, he was ar­raign'd at the Bar on life and death; yet by crying out he was forc'd to fly from his Country in his Kings Cause, it fell out so, that he was sav'd on a general day of grace, and set free with fellons, and murtherers: but as for service for the Common wealth of England, I heard of none he did; yet if by a day of grace of greater advantage, his spirit is changed, that now he shal think of doing it in good earnest, I shall be very glad.

Next a word of Mr. Longland, one of the abused persons in charity I can do no lesse then speak out a word of my knowledg concerning him, and the dead: It's 16. yeers since I knew Mr: Longland first at Aleppo, and as he then shewed himself as grave; sober, discreet, and as religious a Mer­chant as ever I met withall abroard: So ever since the Parli­ament begun (oppose who would) as there wanted not Scoffers, and Opposers enough in those parts, he would still justifie the Parliaments proceedings, and the Armies, as by very many Letters of his appeareth altogether as freely and effectually before, as since he was the States servant: so that although they might have Friends abroad, I am confident they had no man like minded, that hath made it so much his study to advance the Benefit, and honour of the Nation, and good people in his restlesse motions that way, and to rejoyce at their good successe, as if he were to be look'd up­on more like a States-man, then a Merchant; and he deser­ved not the imputation of such a wicked wretch, as would betray the States Captains into Prison, and send away a Post into England to complain of the Remonstrancer; and then for Captain Appleton to say the deceased Cap: Wood tri­umphed over him, I dare say is a most false thing, in that there are many can testifie he was a man restlesse to serve o­ther Captains in their necessities (who had shewed them selves his great enemies) in so high a nature, as that the like can hardly be parallel'd, and so much I can further say for the said Captain, according to what Mr: Longland denotes [Page 21](as his opinion) in his Letter to me at my first coming into Porto Lon­gone, he was a man more readier to serve the State, then such as eat their bread, before ever he entred into the States service to receive their pay, not only in taking care to hasten Ammunition, and other things to me at my first harbouring in Longone, but otherwise. And if Captain Apple­ton, and Captain Seaman, the letter of which struck him as I have heard, for expressing his zeal to the States Affairs; I say, had they hearkned to his counsel, or those keen Arguments he us'd to draw them forth to my assistance in Porto Longone; at my first coming there, we had been in Eng­land long since; and all along to his death, he was a faithful, stout ho­nest man, and one that to his last breath would acknowledg their de­struction was of themselves, they did not follow Order, and went out too soon in the morning, being they went not in the night.

But again to the Remonstrance: Whereas he saith, that he stir'd about taking the Phaenix Frigot by my order, if I forget not, that will prove very false, because he had hindred it once before, and so I was minded to make no further use of him in that businesse, yet I do not deny, but that (without giving disturbance to the Dukes Port) I ordered that she should be stollen away from the drunken Dutch, and to that purpose I picked out (at was Capt: Cox his desire) some chief persons: and ha­ving encouraged them all that lay in my power, I sent them away a­bout it, and at the time it might have taken place, I went on the moun­tains to see her steal away, at my return being certainly inform'd how it had taken effect, to the joy of my heart, being confident it was as good a piece of service as could be done the Nation at that time: And so the Councel of State esteemed it, when they were pleas'd to give Mr. Longland, and my self thanks for it: And truly if such service meet with no kind of esteem, such an ill Consequence may follow, as that those that eat the States bread, will turn as very Drones as their hearts can desire, who are on the other side.

And Cap. Appleton well knoweth; if not, I am sure I have heard, at first the great Duke commended the Exploit, saying the Turks had stole her away from the drunken Flemmings, whilst they minded their bu­sinesse no better, and all seemed to be covered, so that in many dayes after, the Duke sent me not a word about it; and it's judg'd (by pru­dent men) he would never have taken notice of it as a disturbance to his Port; had not that foolish childish act of Captain Appletons in taking the Dutch man out of his Centinels house, with his own hand (as if he had been Lord Paramount in that Countrey) highly incens'd him, as indeed it would any other Prince, or State in the like Case. [Page 22]And when the great Duke did dispatch away a Messenger to me to la­ment that high affront in his first Letter, as one in whom the thoughts about the Phaenix Frigot were utterly extinct, and drownd, he mentions not a word to me of that business, until his second Letter came long af­ter, and then I could do lesse then own it, and labour to justifie it, as I can do now more fully.

And I could wish also, that Authority had been pleased to have done it more effectually in their Answer, and not leave Mr. Longland, and my self (their Servants) in some kind of difficulty, or shame upon us about it. For I fear it opened a gap to some further trouble.

Now to prove that the said Act was no disturbance or affront to his Port (or at least) ought not to have been esteemed so without great par­tiality, it is clearly thus, against which (I believe) there can be no rati­onal Objection.

Some weeks before the Phaenix was surprized, a smal English ship bound for Barbary, comes out of the Mould, and was shot at by the Dutch men of War, with divers shot, and they afterwards chas'd her; now if the great Duke accounted that no disturbance, so as to make a publick com­plaint, by imprisoning the Captains, denying them provisions, or by sending an extraordinary Messenger into Holland. Then he ought not to account Capt. Cox slipping away with the Frigot (after the drunken fit of the Dutch was over) in such a manner as that the vessel (being far without shot of his Cannons, when the attempt was made) did get a­way, and yet not discerned by his people from the shore, to be any af­front, or disturbance at all to his Port.

But if it be objected here, they did the Duke service therein, in regard it was contrary to his Laws that a Ship should carry Lead to Barbary: I answer, they might have acquainted him with it while she was in his Cubert, or in the Mould, and not let him know of it afterwards by the ratling of their shot. And thus I have answered the Remonstrancer in that particular, wherein peradventure he hop'd I would have come under the Lash of Justice for breach of Orders; but he is not so secret in lay­ing the plots of his malice, but it may be as openly discovered.

Again, the next thing mentioned at his coming to Legorn the last time is, That the Dukes Secretary, my self, and the Dutch had concluded to Fight; A pretty story, that made me smile, though malice enough lye under these sinders; but as cunningly as the Remonstrance is drest up, the knots about it are not so tied, but a little skill and honesty is able to un­do them all, and make the filthiness that is underneath, to be sufficient­ly discovered. I know there was a Treaty, if you will have it call'd so, [Page 23]between the Dukes Secretary, Mr. Longland, and my self, as there was it may be the same between the Dutch, and that Secretary, but to say be­tween us three was a Treaty, is a horridfalsity, or much less, that it was concluded amongst us to Fight the Dutch, and yet the searcher of hearts must be appealed unto in this thing, amongst other falsities, as if they were very truth; Great impiety, and God may be a swifter witness against false Swearers, then they are aware of.

One would wonder to see how the Great Dukes failings should all be covered by Cap. Appleton, whose name he could not mention, except with a scorn, but that we know by an old practice, Two arch enemies wil make friends to bring about their ends upon those that are faithful

There's not a man or Boy in the Fleet, but must needs take notice, that the Great Duke thrust us out of his Port, and that after all means had been used for the gaining of thirty days time, until our Venice ships that had cost the State of England so vast an Expence, came up to our Assistance, insomuch that Mr. Longland and my self, proffered the Great Dukes Secretary as much money as the Phaenix Frigot was worth, to give the Dutch, or do what he would withall, and although he knows thereupon, what a Speech I made in the face of each Ships Company, saying, our condition was much like those Leapers we read of: The Great Duke commanded us to be gone hence in ten dayes time, and if not, here are more Guns brought down (for ought I could perceive) to expiate our Destruction; so that if we stay any longer we must perish, and if we go forth, we can do no more; wherefore as Gods providence had put us on such necessitous service, so I hop'd our sins should not hinder his High appearance with us in it; & the rise I had from thence, to stir them up to quit themselves like Englishmen, was not unknown. And though he very well knoweth in the steerage of every ship it was pasted up, to this effect, That whereas the Great Dake had required us to go thence in so short a time, each individual man, as wel Captains as others, were therefore required to give their attendance to their res­pective Shipt, and not to go thence on shoar upon any terms, without speciall leave, as they would answer the contrary at their perils, &c.

And moreover, though he very well knew the Duke had an opportu­nity to procure our Conjunction (or at least) to have caus'd our Enemy to have gone out, and Fought us in the Sea, yet slighted it, & at length set at liberty the Dutch Captains, and many of their Marriners, which he had in Prison, & though our Ships were taken very near the Mould head, shoots not a shot in their defence; yet notwithstanding all this, Capt. Appleton takes no notice of it, as if he would Petition him for the [Page 24]money back again, which he saith it cost him formerly to procure his pardon.

But it may be some wil say (as I have heard they have already) the Great Duke is a Worthy and Magnificent Prince, and wrote you, that the ships might stay longer in his Mould, if there was a necessity for it.

I answer: Truth is, untill we had a loss here in England of the Gar­land, and other ships, I had very good respect from him, (and I endea­voured with as much reverence, respectiveness, and thankfulness to ac­knowledge the same) and he told me he was not my Friend so much because I was in an eminent Employment for the State, but upon an old score, I might Command him, yet the News of a fore-mentioned loss turned the streame presently; for like Politicians they took the strongest side, and then I could no more be heard in what was but Ju­stice and reason, then if those words had never come out of his mouth. I very wel know what was wrote in answer to mine, about the latter end of Feb: last, I desired when winds and weather hindred my coming to Legorn (within the time limited) it might be lookt upon as a just impediment. The Answer runs thus, You shall have eight days added to the former, and longer if necessity required. What necessity is that, but the being crost by winds and weather: for all men know, vvho use those parts, that the Northerly wind bloweth sometimes so fresh, that a man may be put to Lee­ward, so that in eight days he cannot get up to Legorn-Road. If he had meant other­wise, that knew how importunate I was, But for thirty days time, would have said, take the time you desire, then should I have known what to have done. If yet any will make a more favourable construction of his words, I shall only say thus much, I wish he may find what I have oft times thought on, to be a true saying, One ounce of reall honesty and integrity, will turn better to account in all cases, then a whole pound of Court policy, where mentall reservations are used, by which they will have liberty to make two severall Constructions.

And for this crying up of magnificency, I know not what to make of it, except there be such abroad as differ in judgement from some Atheistical spirits, I have met withal in the parts, where I have been, both of Aegypt and Greece, who have held, that in so many hundred thousand yeers (I forgot the just number, there shal be a Revo­lution of all things, as if I should be a writing, and you should be a reading, just as we are now, I say peradventure some men may be of the mind, the Revolution may come about sooner.

In fine, Let others judge of that Transaction what they will, I am of opinion, that the blood of the men of our Nation which fell that day, will lye (in a speciall man­ner) at the Great Dukes door.

But to the Remonstrance in answer to my charge of Treachery or Cowardise, or they know not what themselves, I suppose the proofs that are herein included will acquit me of the former, and if those, (who very well know I have complained of them as great failers in service) do not acquit me of the latter, let me lye under that indignity. I ever counted it one of the unhandsomest things in the world, to be speaking out any thing tending to self applause; yet I am in a manner constrained to write like such a one at this time, although my aim is that God alone may have ho­nour by it.

The 29 of August 1652 it fell out that more then the seven eight parts of our ships Company mutinied [Page 25]against me (notwithstanding about midnight be­fore every individuall man in the Ship, who was not wound­ed, gave me his hand to live and dye with me if occasion were, against the enemy next day) but then got on their best cloaths, or one way or another declared themselves, by making the Ship uncapable of steerage, or otherwise, that they would leave the Ship Paragon, and the rich Merchants Ships to be de­stroyed; nay, so high was the mutiny, that some gave out they would destroy my person, if I would not give them leave to call for quarter, in case the enemy had come up a­gaine. And when I had made a speech among them, to en­courage them what in me lay (although now so spent, that it was a very great paine to me to speake so as to be heard twice or thrice my length) notwithstanding some Comman­ders came after me, where I was heaving over bord the lum­ber our men had got up to cloy our Guns, and told me, I strove against the streame, and those very men that held up their hands before to stand by me, had declared they would call for Quarter among the rest, when ever the Enemy came neere; and upon that score begg'd of me to loose no more time, but forsake the Ship, and give them leave to fire their Merchants ships with rich Goods, and flye also: But my an­swer to them was to this effect: As it is said, was given to Queen Eleanor in another case, I will not give you such leave as you desire, but if you will begin upon your owne account, doe it; I can fire our Ship when the Enemy comes within Musket shot. And adding, Be but patient, and waite upon God a little, and I am perswaded God will save this part of Englands strength and wealth, whether men will or no; and so it sell out through Gods mer­cy in causing it to fall flat calme; of which miraculous pre­servation (if some Merchants were rightly sensible) they would not murmur, and quarrel, and be ready to speake all manner of evil, whether right or wrong, against the States faithfull Servants. It's feared, because really and truly they are such, although the pretence be otherwise, and yet as far peradventure as the former from Christianity; Oh the event and successe hath not answered the great desires of gaine that was on their hearts, being the Goods were left by the way, & not brought through.

But for the Service before mentioned, the Councel of State by Order of Parliament, sent me a Letter of Thanks, wherein they did no more declare how well they resented my weak endeavours, and how it should be advantagious to me at my returne (which includes kind Acceptance, the most I a­spired after) then I with all reverence and thankfulnesse did acknowledge.

But peradventure some will say, What need all this dis­course concerning what past in your first Engagement? You are not blamed for Cowardise then; it's thought, according to what was reported and openly said on the Exchange, when as this Remonstrancers Letters came for England, with some other Letters from (Malignant) Merchants, such as would be gladder that the Dutch, then that the English should pre­vaile, and no other, Badiley was turn'd Coward, Badiley was turn'd Coward.

When all things that have been said in the foregoing ex­pressions, and shall yet be declared, be weighed in the ballance of Truth, and be found downe weight, not having a tittle of fallaciousnesse in them; and when the Testimony is likewise considered, I believe there is hardly ever an honest man in England, but will confesse with altogether as much honesty, they might have cryed out, and said, Badiley was turn'd Turke, Badiley was turn'd Turke.

But naught saith (I should say naughty people) he had Currants, and I know not what in his Fleet, and for private advantage sake turn'd his back upon the Enemy: The con­trary to that hath been declared to the Committee of the Admiralty, and it can be fully proved that for ought I could know, my losse in the Perrigreene (for want of timely suc­cour) was more then I had in our part of the Fleet, that came away, although the shirt on my back had been priz'd at the highest value, but if there were some small difference, that were a likely matter indeed, sithence that it now appeareth be­fore the Commissioners of the Navy. In zeale to the States Service, and it cannot be imagined to any other end, at Porto Ferraro, I run out of my owne particular stock, to the value of 1000 l. in Circa, which I believe the State will make me good hereafter.

I shall now come to ravell out the later end of the Re­monstrance into some parts, and so answer them.

Captaine Appleton saith in one place (that after I was gone for Porte Ferraro) I sent him order to hasten to mee as soone as the Dutch weighed Anchor, and upon his life to do it with all diligence; and a little below he saith, without Mr. Longland he durst not act, my order being to the con­trary.

As Elihu well said; Just as the mouth doth tast meate, so the eares of wise men tryeth words: To whom I appeale, whether there be not Non-sense, or Contradiction enough in that part.

For he that looketh in the Letter, wherein I advis'd him to hasten after, as for life when as the Dutch were com­ing out, that we might not be too much over-prest before they came for our assistance, shall not finde that I there or­der'd him (however) he should not act any thing without Mr. Longlands presence and assistance.

Wherefore such an Order must be either before, or after that Letter was sent him; if he saith it were before, then this Letter makes it of none effect; but if he saith it were af­ter, it made the former order null, and void.

Whether it were before or after, certainely no knowing man will imagine, that by my Letters, or Orders, I shut out my owne Authority, so as to say, although I come there my selfe in person, yet you are to act nothing with­out Master Longland: and if this be beleev'd, I would not part with the Command I had over that Squa­dron.

Then thus it will follow: Why did not hee and the rest come out when I sent for them (as it were in person) by my Lieutenant? And if my former order of hastning as for life were in his eye, why then did he not hasten as for life? For if so, in all likelihood we had got together, and obtai­ned the Victory over our Enemies.

If yet he saith, Mr. Longlands opinion was to be taken be­fore he stir'd next morning, why did he not conform to his Counsell (for what ever they say in their Remonstrance) it [Page 28]will be prov'd by what Mr. Longland hath wrote to the Councell of State, Committee of the Admiralty, and my selfe about that Business, is a reall truth.

When he saw they would go out so soon, contrary to his Advice, he shut himselfe in his Chamber, giving up all for lost; and as it's prov'd, when Cap. Wood came ashore woun­ded, oh saith he (as he confess'd to his last breath) Master Longland, Our Destruction is of our selves, our Destruction is of our selves, we cannot blame Captaine Badiley, nor any body else, since we went not out in the night when as we were sent for, I saw wee went too soone in the morning; if we had staid while the Ad­mirall had been engag'd, all might have been well enough, or words to that purpose.

Truth is, I did write him such a Letter as he mentions, wherein he was ordered to hasten after me as for life, in case the Enemie came to looke after me in the Sea, and I did it for these reasons.

First, because all men had complained of his dulnesse and backwardnesse in coming to our assistance the time that wee were formerly engag'd.

And secondly, in regard that I had sent some Propositi­ons to the great Duke, humbly begging him to endeavour the Dutch might comply, and not fight our Ships under his Cannons, but come out to Sea, and do it there.

Now who could imagine, that hee that had made such a deale of pudder, complaining of English Commanders in a [...] high manner about violating his Port, would not have constrained the Dutch, if they would have fought us, to come out and fight at Sea, and upon that score did I verily believe they would have been with me, either at Porte Fer­raro, or as soone as ever I came thence; much lesse could we imagine, that ever the Duke would turn all the Dutch Captains, and others of that Nation that had affronted him out of Prison, and unworthily suffered some of our Ships to be taken within Musket-shot of his Works, and not shoo [...] a shot in our defence.

And it is as true as the former, that after that Letter be­fore mentioned (upon other news I did advise) that in my [Page 29]absence I would have them consult with Mr. Longland about the time of their coming out: but they that run may read, and clearly see, that Cap. Appleton hath neither conform'd to my Order and Advice, in coming out in the night, ha­ving such a fit opportunity, which made the Masters Mate, or Pylot say, they were cursed people to be so be­witched to that Mould, as not to goe when their Admirall sent for them; neither hath he conform'd to Mr. Longlands advice, which was; that since they did not goe in the night, they should not goe out so soon as they did, but stay whilst I was engaged with the Enemie before they went out.

But Cap. Appleton doth not confesse in so many words, that my Lieutenant came to call him away in the night; however, besides the testimony given in, such jugling is dis­covered by his owne expressions; he saith he had thoughts of coming out, but that the wind faltered; now, how came he by such thoughts? either they were from mee, or from Mr. Longland, but they were not from Mr. Longland, he con­fesseth that the want of his Order was an impediment.

But what saith he? Cap. Badiley sent to see in what readi­nesse we were in, and to tell me the Constant Warwick would be sent neer the Mould head in the morning to assist us, with the Fire-ship.

Cap. Appleton well knoweth I saw the Ships all clear, and ready to engage at a quarter of an hours warning before I left the place of Legorn, which was about eight or ten dayes before: and besides, by Cap. Appletons owne Letters, and by Cap. Coxe that was in with them the night before, I heard they were in a readinesse: so that now to send my Lieute­nant at midnight through the Enemies Boats, or Scouts that lay in wait for ours, it had been as vain a thing in me as in him, to make such a lame excuse.

But he addes, the Messenger told him that the Constant Warwicke, and the Fire-ship should be at the Mould head in the morning to receive him forth: were it not now an easie thing to condemn him out of his own mouth, and say, why went you out of the Mould so soone in the morning (being you went not in the night) since you had word sent, the [Page 30] Constant Warwicke and the Fire-ship should be at the Mould­head to receive you, and in effect intimating, that untill then you were not to come forth: For as soone as they be­gan to loose Saile in the Mould, I was heard say, surely they will not be so mad as to come forth before the Constant Warwicke and others be neere the Mould-head to receive them.

But to proceed; he saith when he first engag'd, Cap. Ba­diley and his Fleet might have come to us quarter winds, if they would: To that I shall only say thus much, let me lie under the censure and dis-reputation about it, if I cannot prove by some hundred Witnesses, that as the winde gave leave, so we plyed in.

And I make no question, but as many Witnesses can make it clearly appear, no time was lost after their coming out of the Mould, but all diligence was used to hasten in to their succour, and many of the Parragons men can averre, they never see me more earnest then I was at that time, in looking after the Sailes and Steerage, and in labouring a­bout hoysing the Top-gallant Sailes so long, untill it was fear'd all would have come downe about our eares; and al­ways gave the Ship Brace and Sheat as the wind would give leave, and slackned no other Saile untill we came within shot, and then haled up our Main-saile (as was all the rea­son in the world) being the Capstain that heaves our tacks aboard in those Ships would have hindered the use of foure Guns, besides other inconveniences that might have hap­ned.

Next he saith, at last we came within halfe shot, as if we had lost time before (an easie understanding can trace the malice that runs through his expressions) I have given the Councell of State already an Account what I did when I came neere, as that I went directly with the Admirall of the Dutch, preparing to grapple with her; but casting my eye about, and feeing none of our Frigots had executed my Orders about relieving the Leopard, considering shee was worth three of the Dutch Admirall, I powred about thirty pieces of Ordnance, and a volley of small shot into her, and stood away for the Leopard, with a reall intent to have [Page 31]gone on Bord those were on bord her, but it was judg'd no wisdome to run stemlings on bord with all Saile, being a fresh gale of winde when we first came neere her: And pas­sing by the Julius Cesar stern within two or three ships lengths from her at most; and within halfe Musket-shot of the Leopards stern, it may be that is halfe shots length, Cap. Appleton speaks of, having discharged first a broad side, and a volley of small shot, on that ship, and the Sunne, in hopes to have cut one Mast or another by the bord, we made way to flat our Ship round, fully intending to have gone on bord with our fore-saile hal'd up either between the Sunne, and the Julius Cesar, (and so should have been able to have fenc'd on both sides) or else to have lain alongst the Sunnes side, with my Bow-sprit over the Leopards Poop: but it pleased God the wind so dullard all on a suddain, that our Ship with as much endeavour as ever was us'd, would not weare nor beare up, so that wee were forc'd to bring our Ship to, and stand further, before we could make her stay; and when we had got her about, we stood away for the Ju­lius Caesars side again, resolving to get on bord that time; and having pass'd another broad side on her about Musket­shot off, the Helm was put a weather to beare up againe, but the Ship we could not make work with that little wind, if a thousand Common-wealths had lain upon it: And the sight of it transporting me into a passion, I call'd to my Lieute­nant to passe the word among the nimble Ships, that I would have them goe on board the Leopard, or those Ships on bord her to see to dis-intangle her from those Ships: Whereupon having none within call but the Mary Rose, he call'd to her to go on bord; but they being no better man'd excus'd it; thereupon I stept up to look for the Lewis, with words in mouth to this effect; Where is this vapouring flash Ell now, with his forty men, and his 20. Guns, or his thirty Guns and his fourscore men? where is hee? see if you can make him hear, that we may employ him in this service? but he was gone out of call after his owne inventions. In all this time there ap­appears not a man upon the Leopards upper Deck that I could discern: and being extreamly troubled to see the Leo­pard [Page 32]manag'd no better, I call'd to man the Pinace, and the Lord my great witnesse knoweth, with a full resolution to have gone on board her with my boat, when I could not with the ship, verily believing the Captain had been kil'd, and chiefe Officers, and had kept my resolution.

But although Capt. Appleton now saith the two Ships on bord him call'd for quarter, or he knoweth not for what; those Ships untill I was gone fir'd five times as many Guns as the Leopard did in my sight; for I never saw her shoot but once in halfe an hours time: I say the with-drawing of the Leopards men within doors and hatches, and their not ap­pearing to let goe an Anchor in any time, nor doing any thing else towards their owne preservation, caus'd me to think some part of the Leopard might be in the Enemies pos­session, and so was diverted from going in my Boat.

But Captain Appleton saith, his men call'd to the Constant Warwicke, to tell them the Enemies cal'd for Quarter, and therefore they should forbeare firing on those that lay on bord her. As for the Frigots Commander, let him answer for it, that hee did not acquaint me with what he was in­form'd of from the Leopard.

But if I had been in Cap. Appletons place, and exprest so much as now he doth, truly I should have fear'd I should have been accounted one of the greatest Cowards, or fools in the world; for if the men did call for quarter, which I believe is as true, or as false as many other things mentio­ned in the Libell, or Remonstrance, then why did he not call his men upon the Deck to enter them, (at least) why did not he himselfe appeare on the Poope, when his Admirall came by, and have told him so much: Or if his with-draw­ing were through feare, why was not some body else sent on the Poope to have done it, and have shook his hat, cry­ing All is ours, all is ours. I but saith he, to colour the mat­ter, (as if we were all asleep in the Fleet besides) by a story he tells in his Remonstrance (in point of truth, like that of 600 Crowns agreed on at a Councell of Warre to be given for his re-establishment) how that 5 of the Enemies ships so gal'd him, that he was not able to possesse them that cal'd [Page 33]for quarter. If it be not a dreame, I am sure they were in­visible, above two hundred persons beside my selfe will de­pose the contrary; none was neere within Saker shot, if a­ny were within shot of their best Ordnance, but only the Admirall of the Dutch, that made what meanes he could with his Sprit-saile, and Sprit-saile top saile to get away; and being twice Musket-shot from him, discharg'd no Ord­nance upon him that I and others could discern: and I be­lieve it will be very hard to prove by the testimony of any honest man, that ever they were struck with a shot from any Ship of the Enemie while we were neere, but only from them two on bord the Leopard: Now then except his ship had been shot-free between Decks, since no man can aver any E­nemie was neer but those on bord, or had been within Mus­ket-shot of him, his men would have been as secure on the upper deck, as on the lower, & they might have bin as safe all the time they were entring the Dutch ships, he saith cal'd for Quarter, as to have staid in their own; and therefore I know not what to make of that passage, it shows so like a frenzy Fiction.

Next, Cap. Appleton magnifies the valour of Cap. Ell, and Cap. Fisher, telling how they did assist, as if no body else did; and again he declares, Cap. Ell did great execution on the Enemy. This is just the old proverb, Claw me, and I'le claw thee: But you have sufficient Witnesses given in alrea­dy, and I dare say there may be found above a hundred more to attest those that did least service in reference to the Leo­pards reliefe, did as much service, or rather more then was done by the Lewis or Mary.

Next Cap. Appleton saith I cal'd off the Lewis and the Ma­ry that would have assisted him, and set my Main-saile to goe away, &c.

For answer; When I saw all hopes past, in humane Rea­son, not because the Enemie was now grown three to one, there being foure of our best Ships lost before I could come up, and one since, nor because many more expected from East and West every houre to their assistance, but none to ours; Although I believe it's justifiable for a Commander in [Page 34]Chiese to with-draw in such a case, or else old Van Trumpe had been in a poore condition, when as twice together, al­though the numbers were upon the matter equall, he let us take away so many ships, and staid not by it, but with-drew with the rest.

Neither was the Leopard left in that Case (whether sunck or afloat we could not tell) in regard most of the Com­manders of our nimble Ships had acted quite contrary to order in this (as they did in my last) engagement, which yet is a sad, and heart-discouraging mischief.

And although I had of my selfe no inclination to leave the place, as I did, yet when halfe a score of the Chief Offi­cers in the Paragon came, and gave me it, as an opinion they would justifie upon their lives, saying to this effect: Sir, if now you goe on bord the Leopard, and those with her, to relieve the former, we cannot see how it's possible you can dis-intangle your selfe againe before both ships be ashore; besides saith many, it's very questionable whether she be not sunck already, and ly on the ground. Hence it was, I set my Main-saile, and came away; and if he looks on that, to be the sign of calling off the Fleet, Capt. Appleton is in the right; but if his meaning be according to the litterall sense of his Expressions, how that I cal'd to Cap. Ell and Captain Fisher to come away, when as they were going to relieve the Leopard, by sufficient Testimonie, it will be prov'd a most false thing.

I know not upon what other score the Machiavelian poli­cie (except it be to tickle the minds of some of their Own­ers) they should appeare against mee, who before sundry upon the Parragons decks, and in her Round-house, as hath all other Captains said in our passage home-ward; in case the Admirall had gone on bord the Leopard, or those Ships lay entangled with her, in all likelihood the whole Fleet except the Frigots (who could have fled) had been lost: And now we come to the stresse of all, what Capt. Appleton saith of Cap. Ell and Cap. Fisher, and they say of themselves the Leopard had been relieved, but that I hindred them.

I know not what to make of such impudency and in­solency, I professe were I in their case, my owne Con­science would tell me, that although other contempts were pardoned, which the Law Martial saith is Death, I deserved the severest sentence for coming short of my Du­ty, and not complying with the Admirals Order, in point of the Leopards reliefe: But a word more.

First, for Capt. Ell, before we came neere the Leopard, see­ing our Rear-Admirall aground, whereas all the Frigots had speciall order to relieve any who were opprest by the Ene­my, and seeing they did not act accordingly, as I was hasten­ing in to the Leopards reliefe, being he was neere me, either I call'd to him, or did expect although he were of the Rear-Admirals Squadron, he should follow me, and keep near me in my Weather-quarter, where then he was, his Leader being aground: for knowing that the Lewis was almost double man'd, in proportion to other Merchants Ships, I thought to have her by me to employ upon some eminent service, when as there should be occasion, but whil'st we were endeavouring to bear up, and goe on board the Leopard, he goeth after his owne inventions, so that when our Ship would not work (it being little wind, and our Ship heavy and foule) I bid call to the Lewis to bear up, and go on bord the Julius Caesar; and seeing she was gone out of call, and that the Mary Rose had made her excuse for want of men, I confesse I was almost distracted with passion, saying (amongst other things in my mind) to this effect, When such vapouring Blades are in a Gen­tlewomans Chamber, oh then they are mighty men of valour; but now here is service to be done, they can turne shifters above all that ever any Commander in chiefe was troubled withall, before me. Yet as he lay in my way as we were withdrawing, when we saw it was too late to doe any more then what was done, I might bid him follow me.

As for Capt. Fisher thus, knowing there was such pittifull Captaines to be employed with me in this service, that perad­venture would forget in the morning, what they did over night; I sent a Copy of what was agreed on at our Councel [Page 36]of War, to Capt. Fisher, wherein among other Orders it was agreed as followes.

If any of the Admirals, Vice-Admirals, or Rear-Admirals Squadron, were laid on bord by the enemy, then such as were next to them of that Squadron, ought to have laid any such Ship of the Enemies on bord againe on the other side. But now pray mark, not to tell you how peremptorily he hath refused my Warrant or Command, before or afterwards ex­prest in some kind elsewhere, see how he layes himselfe open under the lash of the highest censure, or severest sentence, take but his owne words, He broke through the Dutch Fleet, and then did very good service a second time, meaning he made a bord or two near the Leopard, I say in that he did not goe on bord the Leopard according to the Order of the Councel of VVar, he being of that Squadron, the Vice-Admirals Squadron, what hath this man to say, but that truly he is not such a novice in Matchiavels Arts, nor yet such a sottish person as some of his men complained to me of, when as they mutined in the Downes; nor yet such a reputed Coward, which made me de­sire any one might Command that Ship rather then he, and sure enough he had never been in that place, but that Mr. Longland advis'd me the owners earnestly desired it, and for quietnesse sake it were best I yielded. But I say, he knows well enough (it's said being well backt) how to abuse his Com­mander, in hope that (right or wrong) something may stick to his disparagement.

But in the close, Capt. Appleton declares how the Marriners wrested his sword out of his hand, and put his arm and shoul­der out of joynt; whether that were true as that the Ships on bord him cal'd for Quarter, some of his chief Officers are not able to tel, for though they saw C. Appleton the day they were surprized, yet heard nothing of any such thing, but however it seems he was able to hold it before, then one would think I should have seen it, or himselfe at least (in his place) on the Poop, all the time I was neer him, so long together. After that comes in a story of the Gunners order to blow up the Poop, I am sure his time had been better employed if he had ordered the Gunner to have turned the muzzles of two or [Page 37]three Guns downe into the Hatchway, and have sunk the Ship, which he omitting to doe in time, did very much trou­ble my spirit, and I think may be rank'd among the highest of his failings: But I think there is too much of that before.

In the last place he tels a long story of what the Great Duke said, among others I think it will little advantage him; for is that Expression because Authority should be incensed a­gainst me: Then thus, The Great Duke said Capt. Appletons Crime was unpardonable in that he came not out to my As­sistance in nor after my first Engagement; would he there­fore have Authority incens'd against me meerly upon such a score?

But then, some of Mr. Longlands house, some about the Duke, Italians, French, &c. are brought in to speak he knows not what, nor it may be they themselves; but two witnes­ses are brought in at last, that were then so sober as to re­member some French and Italians had said they would teare me in pieces for a Coward if ever I came thither. I suppose if this stuffe be weighed (in the Ballance of understanding mens Judgements) it will be found very ridiculous.

Because some English Merchant hath said sundry times upon the place of Legorn, What Newes from our Rogues at West­minister? meaning the Parliament (although it's a shame English men should so speak (was the Parliament ever the worse for that? And although Italians and French have been heard many a time say, They could teare some worthy mem­ber of our State to pieces upon the account of being enemies to the Romanists, would it not be a ridiculous thing for him that heard such expressions, to acquaint the Higher Powers of it, in hopes to bring them into dis-reputation upon such a score?

What though the Spectators at Legorn, were a thousand Legorn Ladies, and as many Fooles and Knaves among them, is that any thing to me? Were they not like a Company that being in a Ladies Chamber near the Sea-coast, seeing a Ship with some little wind and sea, to their understanding, dri­ving into a Bay, and not being able to get off the shore, by weathering one point or other, cut the mast by the bord, and [Page 38]all that time they cryed out, Oh Fooles, oh Knaves, what, cut your Masts by the bord this weather? loose so much of your friends interest that might be sav'd? not considering the ac­cidents that are subject to happen on bord Ship, when those that were there saw they could not get off with a saile; and peradventure he that had Command perceived there was no­thing in his Ship but an old Junck, unto which there is no trust at all to be given, without his Masts be parted withall.

Indeed if the Spectators had flesh'd some of the Great Dukes old Gallies, and had with them such instruments, and instru­ment-users, as walk to and againe among the Banks in these Vessels, and would have come to tow our Ship too and again, when she would not steere, and if then we would have done no more then we did, indeed they might justly have said som­thing in our disparagement.

But what need I speak so much of them, I wish there may be none in the world who pretend to better principles, that would not (at least in word and thought) condemne and execute before they heare, contrary to the manner of the Ro­mane Heathens.

I have now finisht my Answer to the Remonstrancers, where­in I have not onely opened the dresse it was made up in, but shewed the filthy malice from whence such productions as are there held out, did issue forth; and I doe believe most noble and ingenuous spirits will confesse, I am no more worthy to be blamed in what past neer Legorn the 4 of March last, then I was to be blam'd for what past among as the 28 and 29 of August before, wherein God made me instrumentall to save a better Ship then the Leopard, and a vast Estate of the Nations, for then I did but my endeavour, and both that, with my re­solution will be prov'd to be every whit as much in the last, as in the former Dispute, so long as in reason there was any hope; although I confesse it was not answer'd from Heaven with such successe: And if any man will yet say, I would have done more had I been in your place, I hope he will give me leave to think, that more knowing men would have blamed his prudence, then there is, that would have com­mended his valour.

In fine, I suppose if all the paines and care I was at, were well weighed, to keep our Ships from ruine in Porto Longone, and what was done to get Victuall and other necessaries for the people ten Moneths together, with the correspondence I held with most adjacent places.

As also, what hardship I under-went in sundry Journeyes by Sea and Land, to effect the conjunction of both Squa­drons, having been way-laid as I was inform'd sundry times. And if it be also considered what aversnesse and contrarinesse was in most peoples spirits (unto this Common-wealths service) with whom I had to doe, which men we were yet forc't to make use of, it must needs be concluded, Never any subject of State or Prince, could possibly undergo more trou­ble in the time, then I have gone through.

To conclude all, what I crave is onely good acceptance, and that which of right belongs unto me; and the like I de­sire in the behalfe of the States faithfull Servant, Mr. Charles Longland, whom the Remonstrancer hath greatly abus'd. My practice shall not be after the manner of those in Constantino­ple, who going up to that Pallace, take fire on their head, and cry, Justice, Justice; but I hope I shall have that when I go els­where, which will be like fire in my heart, to kindle desires, that Davids last words may be remembred: