WEre there no other Reason for the writing of this Discourse, yet would it sufficiently apologize for itself, in that it is intended to undeceive the minds of good men, who may easily be mis-informed in reading over a printed Paper called A true Narrative of the Cause and Manner of the Dissolution of the late Parlia­ment. Wherein things are with so much partiality and mi­stake set down, that although I should easily have believed the Author thereof to have been perfectly a friend to the party and interest of some of the late Members, yet I should not have thought him a Member present at those Trans­actions, had he not in the title of his Paper printed himself so to be.

And first of all, though I intend to be very brief, and only touch at things, which may be more dilated upon and clear­ed hereafter by a better hand, yet before I descend to an­swer this Paper particularly, I shall premise something to give a witness to the ground of that fear and jealousie that lay upon my self and others whilst sitting there, and that judgment of impossibility for us to do any good, our Prin­ciples and Constitutions being duly weighed, and our Pra­ctice thereupon.

[Page 2]These three things were evidently in the principles of di­vers of those men in the House (whom I, amongst others, thought it not safe to sit longer with) which though I will not determine but that they might be the issues of a deluded mind, yet looked very like the worst designs.

First, a general owning themselves to Rule the Nation on­ly as Saints, to whom the right of Civil Government did belong, and as having an extraordinary call from Christ thereto, being the beginning of a fifth Monarchy, which was never to cease, but to break in pieces all Powers by making War with them. In which, besides the dishonour was cast upon the good waies of God and his people, and the a­buse of many truths, and in particular that of the Kingdom of Christ on earth, a thing to be expected and longed for as the Scriptures hold it forth to us; 'Tis no way hard to discern what a foundation was laid of exalting men (who should take to themselves the name of Saints, though never so unduly) in Government, and excluding all others who had never so great Interest in the Nation, and other fitness thereto, and have a Civil Right to Rule, when Providence shall give them a lawfull call thereto.

Secondly how great a ground was this to put the stamp of infallibility upon all they should do, and conclude the Nation in whatsoever Impositions they should lay upon them, by pretending themselves unquestionably Ruling by a Divine and extraordinary right, a thing never before heard of as thus held forth, and which certainly if pursued to the utmost, would give them under that notion, a right to pos­sess all mens properties and Estates, as well as dispose and govern them, and introduce such Axioms as would soon have turned the three Nations into blood and confusion. I intend not hereby any reflection upon the name of Saints, which my soul honours, nor upon the advantage of having godly men to rule, but upon the ill and dangerous use by [Page 3] Satans temptations may be made of such pretences, especi­ally in these times, wherein his temptations lie mostly that way.

The second was, their manifestly rigid Principles of Impo­sition, contended against with the blood of so many pre­cious Saints, and laying such foundations as would shortly have introduced the bitterest and sorest persecution; To this none are so conscious, or can be, as those that sate daily with them in the House, where they heard men un­sainted and condemn'd into the fourth Monarchy, and looked upon as obstructors of Reformation, and no lon­ger fit for the work, if not through paced to all the Princi­ples of Reformation held forth by Mr. Feake and others at Black-Fryers & other places, and stickled for by som in the House. To this purpose Letters are written to the Church­es all the Nation over, to blast that part of the House that agreed not with them; and at a set-meeting at a Nembers house, of divers Members, Consultation had to leave the House, and Remonstrate against them as hinderers of Re­formation, and not fit to Govern the Mation any longer. And things indeed amongst them grown to that height, that it was evident in a short time scarce any should have been judged meet to publish the Gospel, or receive the Magistrates countenance, that had not been baptized into their spirit and principle. And this I cannot but mention, that when the last great Debate was about Ejecting scan­dalous Ministers, it was confidently averred, None should be countenanced by the Magistrate but such as disclaimed their Ordination: Which, though I would not seem to ju­stifie it in the least, how hard an Imposition it was to put men upon this Dilemma, either to leave their present sub­sistence, or disclaim the Ordination they had (it may be conscienciously) received either from Bishops or Presby­ters, is no hard thing to judge.

[Page 4]III. There appeared an evident design to alter the Go­vernment of the Army, and have put it into such hands as would perfectly have corresponded with their principles, and given them a safe opportunity to have imposed whatso­ever they had pleased upon the Nation; and as there was just cause to fear, would have brought out what did not yet appear. This was certainly given in direction to divers Members met together, to pull down some in the Army, and set up others, either with or before them, as is most no­toriously known: And what other signification, but to al­ter the Government of the Army, the endeavours of many in the House who came purposely prepared to take away the Officers pay, could have, I known not, unless it were to make a dangerous breach between the Parliament, and the Army who called them thither, or else to breed animosities in the Army, and set them at variance among themselves. This could not but be judged a most destructive thng, con­sidering the strength of the Nation, and the Interest of all the good people, was not a little bound up in the Armies safe and well consisting together. And this I cannot but remember, that some of the chief of those men who de­claimed so much against the Officers taking their pay, and not going a warfare at their own charge, did at the same time while they were gazing at the mote in their brethrens eye, never reflect upon the beam in their own, they holding several places under the Commonwealth more beneficial then most individual Officers pay in the Army, so much de­claimed against.

Now for the particulars expressed in the printed Narra­tive, I shall consider them apart, and give the true and ge­nuine signification to divers things there picked up, and put together with the greatest disadvantage and prejudice that is possible.

On the 12 instant divers Members came to the House with an intention to inform them of our insufficiency to do that good we were called for, as so constituted, and to per­swade them to joyn with them to resign their Power (as [Page 5] being a thing most safe and adviseable) whence they recei­ved it; and if their concurrence could not be had, judged it their duty to do it in their particulars, and did it accor­dingly, by withdrawing themselves accompanied with the Speaker, to the Horse-Chamber in White-Hall, where near 80 Members voluntarily subscribed a Resignation of their Power to the Lord General, to which place none were com­pelled to come, and in which resignation none were desired to joyn but such as had a freedom thereto, as was there often exprest by some Members present; which resignati­on by the Speaker, accompanied likewise with the said Mem­bers, was delivered to the Lord Generall. What happened to those few Members that remained in the House I know not; but am conscious of no force (as is intimated) either intended or offered to the Parliament whilst a House was sitting.

To the first particular mentioned in his discourse, that began the day that the Parliament was dissolved, 'tis already toucht at in that part of it which concerns the Officers Pay. For the latter part of it that concerns the casting out the Bill of Assessment, the Answers to it are altogether insuf­ficient. First, how the casting out the Bill can be said to be waved, as the Author affirms, when spoken and voted a­gainst with the greatest earnestness, I understand not. The other answer, That it was only because the Rates therein proposed were unequal, is also invalid: For the Bill had been long in debate, and divers places upon desire were eased; but to make a general alteration for some inequality was not thought fit now to be done, considering our pre­sent condition in Scotland and elswhere, because it would obstruct the raising the Mony so soon as was necessary; and if so, surely the throwing out the whole Bill, and to have staid till another could have been drawn and past with all those alterations, would have hindred it to purpose; be­sides that such alteration without divers preparations which would have taken up far more time then could have been had, could not have been made with any certainty or equa­lity; [Page 4] and the Act itself also making the best and soonest provision that might be to remedy all unequal Assesses throughout the Nation, by Pound-rate so much spoken for. So that to me it seems nothing could be intended but the direct casting out the Bill, by which no small inconve­niences would have followed to the hazarding the safety of the three Nations, and all under the plausible pretext of easing the people.

For the second particular of that Speech mentioned concerning Sir John Stowel, the Author most unequally wrest it, it being neither spoken to take up or justifie a Cavalier-interest: neither were other things spoken to engage either Lawyers, or Corrupt Gentry, as the Author suggests; though I must needs say, whoever opposeth them must needs be grateful to all, they having disengaged all to them, (like him whose hand was against every man, and every mans hand against him) but only urged to shew the discontents were amongst good men in the Army and elswhere, that the faith of the Army and honour of the Nation should be no more regarded; and that men pro­fessing Principles so far above their Brethren, should be so short in this, as not to make to him a reasonable satisfacti­on, being cleared by the Court of Articles: which was all was desired or contended for, and that not in the least upon his score, but upon the account of Common Justice, which ought to be shewed to all and every Man, without respect of persons, to have his due.

To the third particular, which was, the frequent pulling down of all things, and never setting up: It was so appa­rent, that this Author ventures not upon an answer; and indeed if he should, would but have engaged me to have made it more evident and plain. And for that he saith of the Gentlemans opinion that spake it, it being a private reflection, I shall pass it over. Those who heard those pas­sages in the House, are best able to judg of them: Though I see no inconvenience in being for pulling down things bad, to set up things better; and being against pulling [Page 7] down of all things, and erecting nothing.

To the fourth particular, That which was spoken was, That although we were only a Parliament by our own no­mination, and never intrusted by the People with their Liberties or Properties, but came by an extraordinary call, had yet made the dangerousest attempts upon both that ever Parliament did. The instance of taking away Presen­tations was surely most pregnant to evince this, it being an evident intrenchment upon Propriety; and if that were once admitted, where it would end no man could tell; espe­cially now when men apply the name of Antichristian to every thing they like not. In the debate, many who were against the Vote, were yet most willing to have taken all possible care that none but good men might have been presented, by constituting some most able and godly to have judged of all that were presented, or any other way that might have been proposed to effect that end. But to have voted away all Right of Presentation in any, with­out any consideration had how to put it into a better way, would unavoidably have produced one of these two things: Either that there should have been no Presentation at all, which had been an evident design to root out the publike Ministry; Or else it must have remained in the Parliament: And then besides the unnecessary taking it from them whose right it was, and that the Parliament al­ready had a right to approve of all that were by any pre­sented, I see no change of the thing for the better.

The fifth particular mentioned, was, An endeavour to destroy the Ministry, as appears by the last Vote the Sa­turday before the dissolution: To which the Author speaks many things, and concludes, That their desires ever were only, That the Lord Jesus might reign, and the Nations flourish. But if we may judge (as surely it is the best way) of mens intentions by their actions, and their end by their means; whether pulling down Laws, and taking away Property be the means to make a Nation flourish, and sup­planting publike Ministry the way to advance our Saviours Reign, let every sober Christian judge.

[Page 8]The true Narrative of that Weeks debate is this, There was a Committee appointed to consider of a way to eject the scandalous Ministers, and encourage the good. The Committee brought in by way of Report, as the best way to effect this, That Commissioners from hence should be sent into each County, who should joyn with some in that County for the end aforesaid. This alone the first part of the Report after a Weeks Debate, being put to the Question, was carried in the Negative, the Consideration of Tythes being distinct in the latter part of the Report: The sole Reason in which all the Arguments did concen­ter, or the most considerable of them. Why this was not agreed to was, because all were to be ejected as being An­tichristian in their Basis and foundation. It was offered, and would likely have been agreed unto, to the end sa­tisfaction might have been given, that whatever names or things were either evil, or might have given just ground of offence to any, should have been either altered or re­moved; yet this would not satisfie with much more that was urged to this purpose, which cannot now be repeated, shewing also how unjust and cruel it was to turn out the good and bad together, and put many godly, painfull, faithfull Teachers, out of their Freeholds, to seek a sub­sistence for them and their Families. And now how lit­tle reason the other Members had to agree with them in this Vote, I leave it to all good men to judg, especially when they or many of them at the same instant that they pressed this, professed fully against the Magistrates Pow­er in any matters of Religion, and particularly in that of placing or sending forth men to Preach the Gospel so that when all had been swept away, what possibility or hope could there be of having ever resetled a constant publick Preaching Ministry in this Nation?

In the last clause he saith, The difference in the House never appeard so effectual, as when divers after seeking God came with their Bibles in their hands, and God bore such witnes, that they who were otherwise minded, could not with­stand [Page 9] in their consciences their power and wisdom, there­fore endeavoured thus to dissolve the House. Meetings in­deed there were several daies, and divers of the Members on many daies came not to the House to attend their ser­vice, and indeed at last came little there but when some things were to be driven forwards to the great trouble of divers godly Members, who now began to fear that that meeting was rather to make a faction and get Proselytes, then to the pretended ends which were good and com­mendable at first. I shall not venture to judg any in this matter, though this Author determins, that they after meetings convicted divers Members consciences, and that made them leave the Parliament, a high exercise of Judi­cature; and as to my own particular, I can affirm untrue­ly made; yet this I must say, It is never a worse time then when good means are tampered with to bad ends, when Ahab proclaims a Fast to accuse Naboth. What effects that meeting had elsewhere I know not, but in the House, those who came from it were more stif and pervers then be­fore, and pressed such things as seem'd little agreeable either to the Scriptures or right Reason, and sometimes made such use of divers Texts, imposing such sense upon them, as all gracious hearts would have been grieved at, and I have no pleasure to repeat, and indeed made it more then a little evident, and gave just ground of fear that both Scri­ptures urged, and daies set apart from the House, were on­ly used to engage the minds of wel-meaning men, and the better to carry on things before resolved and determined.

To be plain, and conclude, some Men grew to that height of Censure, that some who differed from them, have been as from God, and in his Name by them rejected; and I cannot but mention the confidence was taken by One of his own Opinion, as that he said, He spake it not, but the Lord in him; which had it been believed, All reasoning had cea­sed, and every man must have yeilded present obedience to what he had promulged (though never so destructive.) The Divisions (which cannot be spoken of without sorrow [Page 10] and grief, to be amongst such men, (and which I heartily wish might rather have been silently buried, then this occasion given by the Author to revive them) were such, as that all the Actions were full of Inconsisten­cy in themselves, sometimes carryed by one Party, som­times by another: The three Nations, the Interest of all the Saints, and the Cause so long fought for, called for deliverance another way, nothing being visible to the pro­spect of any Wise man, but generall Confusion, and the loss of All, by having in the midst of such distempers, the Com­mon Enemy come in like a Deluge upon us, and so become at once a prey to our Enemies, and a Reproach and a By­word to all the Nations round about us.