GEntle Sir, you are happily arrived on this shore; we are now upon firme ground, upon the faire Continent of France: we are not circumscrib'd or coopt up within the narrow bounds of a rheumatick Island; we have all Europe before us. Truely I am not a little glad to have shaken hands with that tumbling Element the Sea; And for England, I never intend to see her againe, unlesse it be in a Map; nay, In statu quo nunc, while this Faction reignes, had I left one eye be­hind me, I should hardly returne thither to fetch it; therefore if I be missing at any time, never looke for me there. There is an old Proverb, From a blacke German, a white Italian, a red French­man, I may adde one member more, and, from a Round-headed Englishman, The Lord deliver us.

I have often crossed these Seas, and I found my selfe alwayes pitifully sicke; I did ever and anone tell what Wood the Ship was made of; but in this passage I did not feele the least motion or distemper in my humors: for, indeed I had no time to thinke on sicknesse, I was so wholly taken up, and transported with such a pleasing conceit, to have left yonder miserable Island.

Miserable Island indeed; for I thinke there was ne­ver such a tyrannie exercised in any Christian Countrey under [Page 2] Heaven; a tyrannie that extends not onely to the body, but the braine also; not only to mens fortunes and estates, but it reaches to their very soules and consciences, by violented new coercive Oaths and Protestations, compos'd by Lay-men, inconsistent with the liberty of Christians. Never was there a Nation car­ried away by such a strong spirit of delusion; never was there a poore people so purblinded and Puppified, if I may say so, as I finde them to be; so that I am at a stand with my selfe, whether I shall pitie them more, or laugh at them. They not onely kisse the stone that hurts them, but the hands of them that hurle it; they are come to that passive stupidity, that they adore their very persecutors, who from polling fall now a shaving them, and will flay them at last, if they continue this popular reigne. I cannot compare England, as the case stands with her, more pro­perly, then to a poore beast, sicke of the staggers, who cannot be cur'd without an incision. The Astronomers, I remember, affirme that the Moone (which predominates over all humid bodies) hath a more powerfull influence o're your British Seas then any other; so that according to the observation of some Navigators, they swell at a spring tide in some places, above threescore cubits high: I am of opinion, that that inconstant humorous Planet, hath also an extraordinany dominion over the braines of the Inhabitants; for when they attempt any Innova­tion (whereunto all Insulary people are more subject then other Citizens of the world which are fixed upon the Continent) they swell higher, their fancies worke stronglier, and so commit stranger extravagancies then any other: witnesse these mon­strous barbarismes and violences, which have been, and are daily offered to Religion and Iustice, (the two grand supporters of all States) yea, to humane Reason it selfe, since the beginning of these tumults.

And now, noble Sir, give me leave to render you my humble thanks for that true and solid information you pleased to give me in London of these commotions.

During my short sojourne there, I lighted on divers odde Pamphlets upon the Seamstresses stalls, whom I wondred to see selling Paper sheets in lieu of Holland: one the one side I found the most impudent untruths (vouch'd by publike authority) the basest scurrillities, and poorest gingles of wit, that ever I read in my life; on the other side I met with many pieces that had good stuffe in them, but gave mee not (being a stranger) a full satisfaction, they look'd no further then the beginning of this Parliament, and the particular emergences thereof: But you have, by your methodicall relation, so perfectly instructed and rectified my understanding, by bringing mee to the very source of these distempers, and led me all along the side of the current by so streight a line, that I believe, whosoever will ven­ture upon the most intricate task of penning the story of these vertiginous times, will find himselfe not a little beholden to that piece, which, in deed may be term'd a short Chronicle rather then a Relation. Wee are come now under another clime, and here we may mingle words, and vent our conceptions more se­curely, it being, as matters stand, in your Countrey, more safe to speake under the Lilly then the Rose; wee may here take in, and put out freer ayre; I meane, we may discourse with more liberty: for, words are nought els but ayre articulated, and coagula­ted, as it were, into letters and syllables.

Sir, I deserve not these high expressions of your favou­rable censure touching that poore piece; but this I will be bold to say; That whosoever doth reade it impartially, will discover in the Author the Genius of an honest Patriot, and a Gentleman. And now me thinks I looke on you unfortunate Island, as if one did looke upon a Ship toss'd up and downe in distresse of wind and weather, by a furious tempest, which the more she tugs and wrastles with the foamie waves of the angry Ocean, the more the fury of the storme encreaseth, and puts her in danger of shipwrack; and you must needs thinke, Sir, it would move compassion in any heart, to behold a poore Ship [Page 4] in such a desperate case, specially when all his kindred, friends and fortunes; yea, his Religion, the most precious Treasure of all, are aboard of her, and upon point of sincking. Alas I can contribute nothing now to my poore countrey but my prayers and teares, that it would please God to allay this tempest, and cast over board those that are the true causers of it, and bring the people to the right use of Reason againe. It was well ob­served by you, Sir, That there is a Nationall kinde of indispo­sition, and obliquity of mind that rageth now amongst our people, and I feare it will be long ere they returne to their old English temper, to that rare loyalty and love which they were used to shew to their Soveraigne: for all the Principles of Monarchie are quite lost amongst us, those ancient and sacred flowers of the English Diadem are trampled under foot; nay, matters are come to that horrid confusion, that not onely the Prerogative of the Crowne, but the foundamentall Priviledge of the free-borne subject is utterly overthrowne, by those whose Predecessors were used to be the main supporters of it. so that our King is necessitated to put himself in Armes for the preser­vation not only of his own Regall rights, but of Magna Charta it selfe, which was never so invaded and violated in any age, by such causlesse tyrannicall imprisonments, by such unexampled destructive taxes; by stopping the ordinary processes in Law, and awing all the Courts of Justice, by unheard of forced oaths and Associations, and a thousand other acts, which neither pre­sident, Book case or Statute can warrant, whereof, if the King had done but the twentieth part, hee had been cryed up to be the greatest Tyrant that ever was.

Sir, I am an Alien, and so can speake with more free­dome of your Countrey. The short time that I did eate my bread there, I felt the pulse of the people with as much judge­ment as I could; and I find, that this very word Parliament is become a kind of Idoll amongst them, they doe, as it were pin their salvation upon't; it is held blasphemie to speake against [Page 5] it. The old English Maxime was: The King can doe no wrong; another Nominative case is now stept in; That the Parliament can do no wrong, nor the King receive any: And whereas there was used to be but one Defender of the Faith, there are now started up amongst you, I cannot tell how many hundreds of them. And as in the sacred profession of Priest-hood wee hold, or at leastwise should hold, That after the Imposition of hands, the Minister is inspired with the Holy Ghost in an extraordinary manner for the enabling of him to exercise that Divine Functi­on: so the English are growne to such a fond conceit of their Parliament members, that as soone as any is chosen by the con­fus'd cry of the Common people to sit within the walls of that House, an inerring spirit, a spirit of infallibility presently en­tereth into him (so that he is thereby become like the Pope, a Canon animatus) though some of them may haply be such flat and simple animals, that they are as fit to be Counsellors there, as Caligula's Horse was to be Consull, as the Historian tells us.

Touching Parliament, there breaths not a Subject un­der Englands Crowne, who hath a higher esteeme of it then I, it makes that dainty mixture in our government of Monarchie, Optimacie and Democracy, betwixt whom, though there be a kind of co-ordination of power during the sitting of Parliament, yet the two last, which are composed of Peers and People, have no power, but what is derived from the first, which may be called the soul that animates them, and by whose authority they meet, consult and depart: They come there to propose, not to impose Lawes; they come not to make Lawes by the sword; they must not be like Draco's Lawes, written in blood. Their King calls them thither to be his Counsellors, not Controllers; and the Office of Counsell is to advise, not to inforce; they come thi­ther to intreat, not to treat with their Liege Lord; they come to throw their Petitions at his feet, that so they may find a way to his heart.

'Tis true, I have read of high things that our Parliaments have [Page 6] done, but 'twas either during the nonage and minority of our Kings, when they were under protectorship, or when they were absent in a forraigne war, or in time of confusion, when there were competitors of the blood-royall for the Crowne, and when the number of both Houses was compleat and individed; but I never reade of any Parliament that did arrogate to it selfe such a power Paramount, such a Superlative superintendence, as to checke the Prerogative of their Soveraigne, to question his ne­gative voyce, to passe things, not onely without, but expresly against his advice and royall command: I never heard of Par­liament, that would have their King, being come to the meri­dian of his age, to transmit his intellectualls, and whole fa­culty of reason to them. I finde some Parliaments have been so modest and moderate (And moderation is the Rudder that should steere the course of all great Councells) that they have de­clined the agitation and cognizance of some state affaires, hum­bly transferring them to their Soveraigne and his privie Coun­sell: a Parliament man then, held it to be the adaequate object of his duty, to study the welfare, to redresse the grievances, and supply the defects of that place for which he served; the Bur­geois of Linne studied to find out something that might advance the trade of Fishing; he of Norwich, what might advantage the making of Stuffe; he of Rye, what might preserve their Harbour from being choaked up with Sand; he of Taveston, what might further the Manufacture of Kerseyes, and they thought to have complyed with the Obligation, and discharged the consciences of honest Patriots, without soaring above their reach, and ro­ving at randome to treat of universals, to bring Religion to their barre, to prie into the Arcana Imperii, the cognizance of the one belonging to the King, and his interne Counsell of State: the other to Divines, who, according to the Etymologie of the word, use to be still conversant in the exercise and speculation of holy and heavenly things.

I am clearely of your opinion in these two particu­lars; [Page 7] for, secrecie being the soule of policie, matters of State should be communicated but to few; and touching Religion, I can­not see how it may quadrat with the calling, and be homogene­ous to the profession of Laymen, to determine matters of Divi­nity, who, out of their incapacity and unaptnesse to the worke, being not pares negotio; and being carried away by a wilde kind of Conscience without Science, like a Ship without a Helme, fall upon dangerous quick-sands; so that whilest they labour to mend her, they mar her, whilst they thinke to settle her, they confound her, whilest they plot to prevent the growth of Poperie, they pauce the way to bring it in, by conniving at, and countenancing those monstrous Schismes, I observed to have crept into your Chruch since the reigne of this Parliament: so that one may justly say, These your Reformers are but the exe­cutioners of the old project of the Jesuits, the main part where­of was, and is still, to hurle the ball of discord, and hatch new opinions still 'twixt the Protestants, to make fractions and scissures betweene them, and so render their Religion more despicable and ridiculous.

But me thinks, matters are come to a strange passe with you in England, that the Iudges cannot be trusted with the Law, nor the Prelats with the Gospell; whereas from all times, out of their long experience and yeeres, these two degrees were of men used to be reverenced for the chiefe Ttruch-men, and unquestionable Expositors of both, which another power seemes now to arro­gate to it selfe, as the inerring Oracle of both: but I pray God that these grand Refiners of Religion, prove not Quacksalvers at last; that these upstart Polititians prove not Impostors: for I have heard of some things they have done, that if Machiavell himselfe were alive, he would be reputed a Saint in comparison of them. The Roman ten, and Athenian thirty, were Babies to these; nay, the Spanish Inquisition, and the Bloet-Rade (that Councell of blood) which the Duke of Alva erected in Flan­ders, when he swore, That hee would drowne the Hollanders in [Page 8] their Butter-tubs, was nothing to this; when I consider the pro­digious power they have assumed to themselves, and doe daily exercise over the bodies, the estates and soules of men.

In your former Discourse you told me, that amongst multi­tudes of other mischiefs, which this new Faction hath wrought, they have put division twixt all sorts and sexes, twixt all con­ditions, both of men and women; one thing more I may say they have done in this kind: for, they have laboured to put division between the Persons of the holy Trinity, by making the first Person to be offended at that voluntary genuflexion and reve­rence which hath been from all times practised in the Christi­an Church to the name of the second Person; so that Iesu-war­ship, as I have read in some of your profane Pamphlets, is growne now to be a word of reproach amongst you.

But to the point; there is one thing I can never cease to wonder at: that whereras at the beginning of this Parliament, there were as able and experienced, as stout and well spoken Gentlemen, as any in the whole Kingdome, that sate in the House, and made the far major part, I wonder I say, that they would suffer this giddy-headed Faction to carry all before them in that violent manner, that they did not crush this Cocatrice in the shell.

First, Sir, you know there is nothing so agreeable to the nature of man, as noveltie; and in the conduct of humane affaires, it is alwayes seene, that when any new designe or facti­on is afoot, the Projectors are commonly more pragmaticall and sedulous upon the worke; they lie centinell to watch all advantages, the Sand of their braines is alwayes running this hath caused, this upstart Faction, to sticke still close toge­ther, and continue marvellously constant to their ends; they have been used to tyre and out-fast, to weary and out-watch the moderate and well-minded Gentlemen; sometimes till after midnight, by clancular and nocturnall sittings; so that as his Majestie sayes in one of his Declarations, most of their Votes [Page 9] may be said to be nought else, but Verdicts of a starv'd Iury.

Another reason is, That they countenanced the flocking to­gether of the promiscuous rabble from London, notwithstan­ding the two severall motions the Lords made unto them, that they might be suppressed by Parliamentary Order: This rio­ous crue awed the wonted freedome of speech in both Houses, cryed up the names, and confronted many of their Members: yet these new Polititians not onely conniv'd at them, but call'd them their friends; and so they might well enough, or rather their Champions; for they had ordered the matter so, that they were sure to have them ready at their devotion, at the heaving of a finger: and from this tumultuous mongrell crue, they de­rived their first encouragements to doe such high prodigious insolencies they have committed since. Adde hereunto, that they complyed exceedingly besides with the Common Councell of the City, they used to attend them earely and late, and knock heads together; and if any new thing was to passe in the House, they would first wait on them, to know their pleasure, and af­terwards it should be propunded and put to Vote in the House: And how derogatory it is to the high Law-making councell, to make their chiefest Members wait from time to time on the Magistrates of the City, who in former times were used to at­tend them upon all occasions in Westminster, I am ashamed to thinke on; nor am I lesse ashamed to remember those base Ar­tifices and indirect courses that were practis'd at the election of this pretended Major; here they tack'd about to a second choyce after the the first was legally made, and how the Com­mon-Councell was pack'd up of the arrandest Schismaticks up and downe the City. And to that mutinous wealth-swolne City, and the said unbridled packe of Oppidans (seconded afterwards by the Countrey clownes) who offered such outrages to Gods House, the Kings house, and the Parliament house, may be ascri­bed all our miseries, and the miscarriage of things: for they caused his Majesty to forsake his owne standing palace, to ab­sent [Page 10] himselfe from his Parliament, and make that unusuall pro­gresse up and downe his Kingdome ever since, it put all Coun­sell at a stand, and in a confusion: But because the businesse may take better impression in you for the further illustration of it, I will relate unto you an old Egyptian Fable which comes pat to this purpose:

Such as the Sun is in the Firmament, a Monarch is in his Kingdome: for, as the Wisest of men saith, In the light of the Kings countenance there is life, and I believe that to be the morall of this Astrean Fable.

I thanke you a thousand times for this rare high fetcht Apologue; there is nothing illustrates things better, or fasteneth them more firmely in the mind, and makes the memo­ry of them more pleasing to the fancie, then Apologues, Em­blemes, Allegories and Parables: And now, that you compare a Monarch to the Sunne, I remember to have read in your story, of a complement that Marshall Byron put upon Q Elizabeth, who, after a splendid audience, where the choycest Ladies about the towne were commanded to wait, when shee asked him, how he liked her Maids, he answered, Mad me, There is no body able to judge of the light of the Stars whilest the Sunne is up. A handsomer complement then that Lord (whom I will for­beare to name) who was sent from his late Majesty to condole [Page 10] [...] [Page 11] [...] [Page 12] the Arch-Duke Albertus his death, did put upon the late In­fanta at Bruxel, who when the Infania had made an Apologie, That she could not entertaine him then, in that high degree that the Ambassador of so great a King deserved, it being a time of mourning: he answered, Madam, This turnes to my advantage; for it were dangerous to looke upon the Sunne, unlesse some cloud interposed. Your Britannick Sun, though he be now o're-set with these un­luckie clouds, engendred of the vapors of distempered braines, and the rotten hearts of many of his owne meniall servants, who have proved like the sonnes of Serviah unto him, ingratefull monsters, yet is he still in his owne Orb, and will, when this foule weather's passed, and the ayre cleared a little by thunder, shine more gloriously and powerfully then before, it being a maxime of State, That Rebellion suppressed, makes a Prince the stronger; And Rebellion durst never yet looke a Prince long in face: for the Majestie of Gods anointed, useth to dart such re­fulgent piercing beames, that dazle the eyes of disloyalty, and strikes her starke blind at last. And truly, as you say, I am al­so clearely of opinion, that these ingratefull Londoners, as they were the comencers, so have they been the continuers and contri­vers of this ugly Rebellion ever since; They seeme to have ut­terly forgotten who hath given them the sword, and by, and from whom they hold their Charter. Their Corporations are now growne body politicks, and so many petty Republikes amongst them; so that they begin to smell ranke of a Hans-town, Poore simple Annimals, how they suffer their pockets to be pick'd, their purses to be cut; how they part with their vitall spi­rits every week; how desperatly they post on to poverty, and their owne ruine, suffering themselves in lieu of Scarlet-gownes, to be governed by a rude company of Red-coats, who 'twixt plundring, assessements, and visits, will quickly make an end of them. I feare there is some formidable judgement of regall revenge hangs over that City; for the anger of a King is like the roa­ring of a Lyon; and I never read yet of any City that contested [Page 13] with her Soveraigne, but she smarted soundly for it at last. The present case of London beares a great deale of proportion with that of Monpellier here in France, in Charles the seventh's time; for when that towne had refused the publishing of ma­ny of the Kings Edicts and Declarations, murthered some of his Ministers and Servants, abused the Church, and committed other high acts of insolencie; the Duke of Berry was sent to re­duce the towne to obedience, the Duke pressed them with so hard asiege, that at last 600. of the best Citizens came forth in procession, bare-headed, and bare-footed, with white wands in their hands, and halters about their necks, to deliver the keys of all the gates to the Duke, but this would not serve the turne, for two hundred of them were condemned to the gallies, two hun­dred of them were hang'd, and two hundred beheaded, the King saying, he offered those as victimes for the lives of his servants whom they had murthered with the false sword of Justice.

But, Sir, I much marvell how your Church-government, which from all times hath been cryed up to be so exact, is so suddenly tumbled into this confusion? how your Prelates are fallen under so darke a cloud, considering that divers of them were renowned through all the Reform'd Churches in Christen­dome for their rare learning and pietie? At the Synod at Dort, you know, some of them assisted, and no exception at all taken at their degree and dignity; how came it to passe, that they are now fallen under this Eclypse, as to be so persecuted, to be push'd out of the House of Peers, and hurried into prison? I pray you be pleased to tell me.

Sir, I remember to have read in the Irish Story, That when the Earle of Kildare, in Henry the eighth's time, was brought before the Lord Deputy for burning Cassiles Church, he answered, My Lord, I would never have burnt the Church, un­lesse I had thought the Bishop had been in it; for 'twas not the Church, but the Bishop I aim'd at. One may say so of the Anglican Church at this present, that these fierie Zelots, these [Page 14] vaporing Sciolists of the times are so furiously enraged against this holy Primitive order: some out of Envie, some out of Ma­lice, some out of Ignorance, that one may say, our Church had not been thus set on fire, unlesse the Bishops had been in't. I grant there was never yet any Profession made up of men, but there were some bad; we are not Angels upon earth; there was a Iudas amongst the first dozen of Christians, though Apostles, and they by our Saviour's owne election: Amongst our Pre­lates, peradventure (for I know of no accusation fram'd against them yet) some might be faultie, and wanting moderation, be­ing not contented to walk upon the battlements of the Church, but they must put themselves upon stilts; but if a golden chaine hath happily a copper linke, two or three, will you therefore breake and throw away the whole chaine. If a few Shooe-makers (I confesse the comparison is too homely, but I had it of a Scots Doctor) sell Calfes skin for Neats leather, must the Gentle-Craft be therefore utterly extinguish'd, and must wee goe barefoot therefore? Let the persons suffer in the Name of God, and not the holy Order of Episcopacy. But because you de­sire to be further informed of the procedures against Bishops, I will relate unto you another Apologue which principally glaunceth at this subject:

Sir, by this Ornilogicall Apologue, you have not onely confirmed, but also enriched, and much enlarged my under­standing in the knowledge of things. Good Lord, how pitifully were those pore Prelates handled; what a Tartarian kind of [Page 18] tyrannie it was, to drag twice into prison twelve grave reverend Bishops in that manner, causâ adhuc inaudita, and afterwards afterwards not to be able to frame as much as an accusation of misdemeanor, against them, much lesse of Treason, whereof they were first impeach'd with such high clamors: But I conceive it was of purpose, to set them out of the way, that the new Facti­on might passe things better amongst the Peers. And it seemes they brought their worke about; for whilest nhey were thus reclused and absent, they were thrust out of doores, and ejected out of their owne proper ancient inheritance, as it were. But would not all this, with those unparalell'd Bills of Grace you mentioned in your first Discourse, which had formerly passed, suffice to beget a good understanding, and make them confide in their King?

No, but the passing of these Bills of Grace, were term'd Acts of Duty in his Majesty; they wet so far, that 'twas not sufficient for him to give up his Tower, his Fleet-Royall, his Magazines, his Porte, and Castles and Servants, but he must de­liver up his Sword into their hands, all the Souldiery and Mili­tary forces of the Land; nay, he must give up his very Vnder­standing unto them; he must resigne his owne Reason, and with an implicit Faith and blind Obedience, he must believe, who they did, was to make him glorious; and if at any time he taxed them, or prescribed wayes for them to proceed and expedite matters, or if he advised them in any thing, they tooke it in a kind of in­dignation, and 'twas presently cryed up to be Breach of Pri­viledge.

There is no way in my conceit, to make a King more inglorious, both at home and abroad, then to disarme him; and to take from him the command and disposing of the Mili­tia throughout his Kingdome, is directly to disarme him, and wrest thē Sword out of his hand: and how then can he be term'd A Defenders how cand hee defend either himselfe, or others? tis the onely way to expose him to scorne and derision; truely, [Page 19] as I conceive, it was a thing most unfit for them to aske, or him to grant: But I pray Sir, be pleased to informe mee further touching this particular.

Because I find your Genius to be delighted with Apo­logues, I will goe on to illustrate this point unto you that way, I began with the Heavens, I then descended to the lower Region of the Ayre; and now I will bring you to the Earth.

This Fable seemes to mee, like a Nosegay of fragrant flowers, the matter of it is so closely put together and made up; but I pray Sir, What should be the reason, that they made that extravagant proposall for mannaging the Militia through­out this land.

They cry'd out that the Kingdome was upon point of being ruin'd; that it was in the very jawes of destruction; that there were forreigne and inland plots against it: all which are prov'd long since to be nothing else but meere Chymera's; yet people for the most part, continue still grossely besotted, that they cannot perceive to this day, that these forg'd feares, these Vtopian plots, those publike Idea's were fram'd of purpose, that they might take all the martiall power into their hands; that so they might without controlement cast the government of Church and state into what mold they pleased, and ingrosse the chiefest offices to themselves: And from these imaginary in­visible dangers proceeded these visible calamities, and grinding [Page 21] palpable pressures which hath accompanied this odius warre ever since.

Herein me thinks, your Stastis have shewne them­selves politique enough, but not so prudent; for Prudence and Policy, though they often agree in the end, yet they differ in election of the meanes to compasse their ends: The one serves himselfe of truth, strength of Reason, and integrity, and gallant­nesse in their proceedings; the oteer of fictions, fraudulence, lies, and other sinister meanes; the worke of one is lasting and permanent, the other worke moulders away, and end in infamy; for fraud and frost alwayes end foule. But how did they requite that most rare and high unexampled trust his Majesty reposed in them when he before passed that (totall) Act of continuance, a greater trust then ever English put in Parliament. How did they performe their solemde promise and deepe Protestations, to make him the most glorious (at home and abroad) the richest and best belovedst King that ever raigned in that Island.

Herein I must confesse, I they held very ill correspon­dence with him; for the more hee trusted them, the more dif­fident they grew of him; and truly, Sir, herein white differs not so much from blacke, as their actions have been disconso­nant to their words: Touching the first promise, to make him glorius; if to suffer a neighboring Nation to demand and ob­taine what they pleased of him; if to breake capitulation of peace with a great forreigne Prince by the renvoy of the Capu­chins, and divers other Acts; if to bring the dregs and riffraffe of the City to domindere before his Court gato, notwithstan­ding his Proclamations; if to confront him and seeke his life by fire and sword in open field, by open defiance, and putting him upon a defensive warre; if to vote his Queen a Traytresse, to shoot at her, to way-lay her to destroy her, if to hinder the reading of his Proclamations, and the sleight in of his Decla­rations enclosed in Letters, sign'd and seal'd with his owne hand, for feare they should bring the people to their wits againe; if [Page 22] to call them fetters of gold, divellish devices, fraught with doctrines of division, reall mistakes, absurd suppositions, though never dropt from Princes pen, more full, more rationall and strong sinewy expressions; if to suffer every shallow brain'd Scoolist to preach, every Pamphletter to print; every rotten hearted man or woman to prate what they please of him and his Queen; if to sleight his often acknowledgement, condissentions, retractations, pronun­tiations of Peace, and proffers of Pardon; if to endeavour to bring him to a kind of submission; if to bar him of the atten­dance of Domestiques, to abuse and imprison his messengers, to hang his servants for obeying his Commission; if to preferre the safety and repute of five ordinary men, before his honoue; and being actually impeach'd of Treason, to bring them in a kind of triumph to his House; if for subjects to Article, Treat and Capitulate hith him; if to tamper with his Conscience, and make him forget the solemne sacramentall oath at his Coronati­on; if to devest him of all regall rights, to take from him the election of his servants and officers, and bring him backe to a kind of minority; if this be to make a King glorious, our King is made glorious enough. Touching the second promise to make him the richest King that ever was; if to denude him of his native rights, to declare that hee hath no property in any thing but by way of trust, not so much property as an Elect King; if to take away his customes of his inheritance; if to take from his Exchequer and Mint; if to thrust him out of his owne townes, to suffer a lowsie Citizen to lie in his beds with­in his royall Castle of Windsor, when hee himselfe would have come thither to lodge; if to enforce him to a defensive warre, and cause him to engage his Jewells and Plate, and plunge him a bottomelesse gulph of debt for his necessary defence; if to an­ticipate his revenue royall, and reduce him to such exigents that he hath scarce the subsistence of an ordinary Gentleman; if this be make a rich King, then is our King made sufficiently rich. Concerning their third promise, to make him the best be­lovedst [Page 23] King that ever was; if to call all the aspersions that possibly could be devised upon his government by publique elabo­rate remonstrances; if to suffer and give Texts to the strongest lung'd Pulpiteers to poyson the hearts of his subjects, to intoxi­cate their braines with fumes of forg'd jealousies, to possesse them with an opinion, that he is a Papist in his heart and con­sequently hath a designe to introduce Popery; if to sleight his words his promises; if to his Asseverations, Oaths and Pro­testations, when he calls heaven and earth to witnesse, when he desires no blessing otherwise to fall upon himselfe, his wife and children, with other pathetick deep-fetcht expressions, that would have made the meanest of those millions of Christians which are his vessals to be believed; if to protect Delinquants, and proclaim'd Traytors against him; if to suscitate, authorise, and encourage all sorts of subjects to heave up their hands against, and levie armes to emancipate themselves from that na­turall allegeance, loyalty, and subjection, wherein, they and their fore-fathers were ever tied to his royall Progenitors; if to make them sweare and damne themselves into a rebellion; if this be to make a King beloved, then this Parliament hath made King Charles the best belovedst King that ever was in England.

I cannot compare this Rebellion in England, more properly then to that in this Kingdome; in King Iohn's time, which in our French Cronicle, beares to this day the infamous name of Iaqerie de Beauvoisin; Then Peasans then out of a sur­fet of plenty, had growne up to that heighth of insolenco, that they confronted the Gentcie, and gathered in multitudes, and put themselves in armes to suppresse them; and this popular tumult never ceased till Charles le Sage suppressed it; and it made the Kings of France more puissant ever since: for it much increased their Finances, in regard that these extraordinary taxes which the people imposed upon themselves for the sup­port of the war, hath continued ever since a firme revenue to the Crowne; which makes me thinke of a fractious speech of [Page 24] the late Henry the Great, to them of Orleans: for whereas a new imposition was laid upon them, during the league by Monseur de la Chastre, who was a great stickler in those wars, they petiti­oned Henry the fourth, that he would be pleased to take of that taxe, the King asked them, Who had laid that taxe upon them? they said Mons. de la Castres, during the time of the League, the King replyed, Puis que Monsieur de la Chatre vous à ligue qu'il vous dessligue; and so the said taxe continueth to this day.

I have observed in your Cronicles that it hath been the fate of your Kings to be baffled often by petty companions; as Iack Stpawe, Wat Tyler, Cade, Warbecke and Symnel. A Waspe may sometimes doe a shrew turne to the Eagle, as you said be­fore; your Island hath been fruitfull for Rebellions, for I thinke there hapned neere upon a hundred since the last Conquest, the City of London, as I remember, in your Storie hath rebelled seven times at least, and forfeited her Charter I know not how often, but she bled soundly for it at last, and commonly the better your Princes, tre worse your people have been, or the case stands, I see no way for the King to establish a setled peace, the by making a fifth Conquest of you: and for London, there must be a way found to prick that tympany of pride wherewith the swells.

'Tis true, there hath been from time to time many odde Insurrections in England, but our Kings gathered a greater strength out of them, the inconstant people are alwayes accessary to their miseries: Kings Prerogatives are like the Ocean, which as the Civilians tell us, if he lose in one place, he gets in ano­ther. Care and Crosse ride behind Kings, and the same they say, may be eclypsed awhile, but they will shine afterwards with a stronger lustre. Our gracious Soveraigne hath these three or foure yeeres passed a kind of Ordeal or fiery triall; hee hath been matriculated and serv'd halfe an Appretiship in the Schoole of Affliction; I hope God will please shortly to can­cell the Indenture, and restore him to a sweeter liberty then