The Confession followes in haec verba.

JUNE 1642. BEing in Dublin Candlemas Terme last was twelve moneth, the Parliament then sitting, Master Roger More did write to me desiring me that if I could in that spare time I would come to his house (for then the Parliament did nothing but sit and adjourn, expecting a commission for the continuance thereof, their former commission being expired) and that some things he had to say to me, that did neerely concerne me, and on receipt of his Letter, the new Commission for continuing the [Page 5] Parliament landed, and I did returne him an answer that I could not fulfill his request for that present, and thereupon he himselfe came to towne presently after, and sending to me, I went to see him to his lodging, and after some little time spent in salutations, he began to discourse of the many afflictions and sufferings, of the Natives of that Kingdom, and particularly in those latter times of my Lord of Straffords Government (which gave distast to the whole Kingdom) and then he began to particularize the suffering of them that were the more ancient Natives, as were the Irish, how that on the severall Plantations they were all put out of their Ancestours estates; which sufferings as he said did beget a generall discontentment over all the whole Kingdome in both the Natives; to wit, the old and new Irish, and that if the Gentlemen of the Kingdom were disposed to free themselves furtherly from the like inconveniency, and get good conditions for themselves for regaining their Ancestours (or at least a good part thereof) estates, they could never desire a more convenienter time, then that time, (the distempers of Scotland being then a foot) and did aske me what I thought of it. I made him answer that I could not tell what to think of it, such matters being alto­gether out of my element, then he would needs have an oath of secrecie from me, which I gave him, and thereupon he told me that he spoke to the best Gentlemen of quality in Lemster, and a great part of Conaught touching that matter, and he found all of them willing thereunto, if so be they could draw to them the Gentlemen of Ʋlster, for which cause said he, I came to speake to you; then he began to lay down to me the case that I was in then, overwhelmed in debt, the smalnesse of my estate, and the greatnesse of the estate my Ancestors had, and how I should be sure to get it againe, or at least a good part thereof, and moreover how the welfare and mainteining of the Catholique Religion, which (he said) undoubtedly the Parliament now in England will suppresse) doth depend on it, for said he it is to be feared, and so much I heare from every understanding man, the Parliament in­tends the utter subversion of our Religion; by which perswasions he obtained my consent, and so demanded whether any more of Ʋlster Gentlemen were in Town, I told him that Master Philip Rely, Master Torrilagh O Neile, brother to Sir Phillim O Neile, and Master Colloe Macmahone were in town, and so for that time wee parted.

The next day he invited Master O Rely and me to dine with him, and after dinner, he sent for those other Gentlemen Mr. Neale, and Mr. Macmahon, and when they were come, he began the discourse formerly used to me, to them, and with the same perswasions formerly used to me, he obtained their consent, And then he be­gan to discourse of the feazebility and easines of the attempt con­sidering matters as they then stood in England, the troubles of Scotland, the great number of able men in the Kingdome (mean­ing Ireland) what succours they were (more then) to hope for, from abroade, and the Army then raised all Irish men, and well armed (meaning the Army raised by my Lord Strafford against Scotland) then of the manner how it ought to be done.

First, that every one should indeavour to draw his owne freinds into that act, and at least those that did live in one Countrey with them, and when they had so done that there should be a set day appointed, and every one in his own quarters should rise out that day and seize on all the Armes he could get in his countrey, and send to the Irish in the low Countreis, and Spaine, to let them know of the day and resolution, so that they be over with them by that Day, or soone after with supplyes of Armes, and Ammu­nition as they could, and this Day to be neere winter, so that Eng­land could not be able to send forces into Ireland before May, and by that time there was no doubt to be made, but that they themselves would be supplyed by the Irish beyond Seas, who he said could not misse of help from either Spaine or the Pope; But that his resolution was not in all things allowed. For first it was resolved nothing should be done untill first they had sent to the Irish over Seas, to know their advice, and what hope of succour they could give; for in them as they said, all their hope of releife was; and they would have both their advice and resolution, be­fore any further proceedings more then to speake to, and try the Gentlemen of the Kingdome, every one as he could convenietly, to see in case they would at any time grow to a Resolution, what back and strength they might trust to. Then Master Moore told them that it was to no purpose to spend much time in speaking to the Gentlemen, for there was no doubt to be made of the an­cient Irish, that they would be ready at any time, And that all the doubt was in the Gentlemen of the Pale, but he said that for his owne part he was really assured when they had risen out, the [Page 7] Pale Gentlemen would not stay long after them, at least that they would not oppose them in any thing but be Neuters, & if in case they did, that they had men enough in the Kingdome with­out them. Moreover he said, that he had spoke to a great man (who then should be nameles) that would not faile at the ap­pointed day of rising out to appeare and be seene in the Act, but that untill then he was sworne not to reveale him. And that was all that was done at that meeting, onely that Master Moore should the next Lent following, make a journey downe into the North to know what was done there, and that he also might in­forme them what he had done, and so on parting Master Philip Rely and I did importune Master Moore for the knowledge of that great man that he spoke of, and on long intreaty, after bin­ding us to new secrecy, not to disclose him untill the day should be appointed, he told it was the Lord of Mayo, who was very powerfull in command of men in those parts of Conaght where-he lived, and that there was no doubt, to be made of him, no more then was of himselfe, and so we parted.

The next Lent following Master More according to his pro­mise came to Ʋlster, and by reason it was the time of Assizes in severall Counties, there he met onely with M. Rely, and nothing was then done, but all matters put off untill the May follow­ing, where we, or most of us, should meet at Dublin, it then both being Parliament and Terme time; In the mean time there landed in Ireland one Neale O Neale, sent by the Earle of Tyrone out of Spaine, to speak to those Gentlemen of his name and kindred, to let them know that he had treated with Cardinall Richelieu for obtaining succour to come for Irrland, and that he prevailed with the Cardinall, so that he was to have Armes, Munition and Mo­ney from him, on demand to come for Ireland, and that he onely expected a convenient time to come away, and to desire them to be in a readinesse, and to procure all others whom they could to be so likewise, which message did set forward the proceedings very much, so that Master More, Master Rely, my Brother and I, meeting the next day in Dublin, and the same Messenger being there too, it was resolved that he should returne to the Earle into Spaine with their resolution: which was that they would rise out 12. or 14. dayes before or after Alhollantide, as they should see cause, and that he should not faile to be with them by that [Page 8] time; (there was a report at that time and before, that the Earl of Tyrone was killed, which was not beleeved, by reason of many such reports formarly which was found to be false) and so the Messen­ger departed with directions, that if the Earles death were true, he should repaire into the Low-countries to Colonell Owen O Neale and acquaint him with his Comission from the Earle (whereof it was thought he was not ignorant, and to see what he would advise, or could do himself therein, and returne an answer. But present after his departure the certainty of the Earles death was known, and on further resolution it was agreed that an expresse Messenger should be sent to the Colonell to make all the resolu­tions known to him, and to returne speedily with his answer, and so one Toole Connilly a Priest (as I think Parish Priest to Master More) was sent away to Colonell O Neale.

In the interim there came severall Letters and news out of Eng­land to Dublin, of Proclamations against the Catholiques in Eng­land, and also that the Army raised in Ireland should be disband­ed and conveied into Spaine, and presently after severall Colonels and Captaines landed with directions to carry away those men, amongst whom Colonell Pluncket, Colonell Birne, and Captaine Brian O Neale came, but did not all come together, for Colonell Pluncket landed before my comming out of town, and the other two after: whereupon a great feare of suppressing Religion was conceived, and especially by the Gentlemen of the Pale, and it was very common amongst them, that it would be very incon­venient to suffer so many men to be conveied out of the King­dome, it being as it was said very confidently reported, that the Scottish Army did threaten, never to lay down Armes, untill an uniformity of Religion were in the three Kingdoms, and the Ca­tholique Religion suppressed. And thereupon both Houses of Parliament began to oppose their going, and the Houses were di­vided in opinion; some would have them go, others not; but what the definitive conclusion of the Houses was touching that point, I cannot tell, for by leave from the House of Lords I de­parted into the Countrey before the Prorogation: but before my departure I was informed by John Barnewall a Frier, that those Gentlemen of the Pale, and some others (Members of the House of Commons) had severall meetings and consultations how they might make stay of the Souldiers in the Kingdome, and likewise [Page 9] Arme them for the defence of the King (being then much inju­red both of England and Scotland, as they were informed) and to prevent any attempt against Religion, for it was said (but very secretly) that the King did in those times say to Master Nicholas Plunket (one of the Irish Committee then in England) that if they would stick to him, he would sticke to them; this I heard (I think) from the said John Barnewell, but in truth I am not sure whether from him or no, but certaine I am, that he from whom I heard it, did confidently report it. And presently after I departed into the Countrey, and Master O Rely being a Member of the House of Commons stayed till the Prorogation, and on his coming into the Countrey sent to me to meet him, and I came to his house, where he told me that he heard for certaine that the former narration of Barnewall to me (for I did acquaint him with it) was true, and that he heard it from severall, there was also Emer Macmahone, (made privy formerly to all our proceedings) at Mr. O Relyes, lately come out of the place, where he met with the aforenamed John Barnewall, who told him as much as he formerly told me, and moreover that those Collonells that lately came over, did proffer their service and industry in that act, and so would raise their men under colour to convey them into Spaine, and then seize on the Castle of Dublin, and with the Armes there Arme their soul­diers, and have them ready for any action, that should be com­manded them, but that they [...]d not concluded any thing, because they were not assured how the Gentlemen of the remote parts of the Kingdome (and especially of Vlster) would stand affected to that act, and that assurance of that doubt was all their impedi­ment; then we three began to think how we might assure them of the assistance and help of Vlster Gentlemen: It was thought that one should be sent to them to acquaint them therewith, and they made choyse of me to come, by reason, as they said, that my wife was allyed to them, and their Countrey woman, and would be­leeve and trust me sooner then another of those parts, they or most of them being of the Pale, and so (without as much as to re­turne home) to furnish my selfe for such a journey, (volens nolens) they prevailed, or rather forced me to come to Dublin to conferre with those Collonells, (and that was the last August was twelve-month) coming to Towne, I met Sir James Dillon accidentally before I came to my lodging, who was one of these Collonells, [Page 10] and after salutation he demanded of me where my lodging was, which when I told him, we parted. The next day being abroad about some other occasions of mine owne in Towne I met him, (as he said) comming to waite on me in my Chamber, but being a good way from it, he desired me to goe to his owne Chamber being neere at hand, and then began to discourse of the present sufferings and afflictions of that Kingdome, and particularly in Religion, and how they were to expect no redresse, the Parlia­ment in England intending, and the Scots resolving never to lay downe Armes untill the Catholick Religion was suppressed, then he likewise began to lay downe what danger it would be to suf­fer so many able men (as were to goe with them) to depart the Kingdome in such a time, neither (saith he) doth these other Gentlemen that are Collonells, and my selfe affect our owne pri­vate profit, so as to preferre it before the generall good of the Kingdome, and knowing that you are well affected thereunto, (and I hope, said he, ready to put your helping hand to it on occa­sion) I will let you know the resolution of those other Gentle­men and mine, which is, we are ready to raise our men, and after to seize on the Castle where there is great store of Armes, and arme our selves there; (this was the first motion that I ever heard, of taking the Castle, for it never came into our thoughts formerly nor am I perswaded never would, if it had not proceeded from those Collonells, who were the first mentioners and contri­vers thereof, for ought knowne to me) and then be ready to pre­vent and resist any danger, if the Gentry of the Kingdome like thereof and helpe us, for we of our selves neither are able nor will doe any thing therein without their assistance. I began ac­cording to the directions that were sent with me, to approve of the Resolution, & also to let him know how sure he might be of the assistance of those of Vlster, then he told me that for my more satisfaction, I should conferre with the rest of those Collonells themselves, as many as were privy to that action, and according­ly a place of meeting was appointed that afternoone; and at the time and place appointed I met Sir James himselfe, Collonell Barne, and Collonell Plunket, and that former discourse being renewed, they began to lay downe the obstacles to that enter­prize, and how they should be redressed.

First, if there should war ensue, how there should be money had to pay the souldiers.

Secondly, how and where they should procure succour for forraigne parts.

Thirdly, how to draw in the Pale Gentry.

Lastly, who should undertake to surprize the Castle, and how it should be done.

To the first it was answered, that the Rents in the Kingdome every where, not having respect whose they should be, due to the Lords and Gentry thereof, should be collected to pay the souldi­ers, and moreover they might be sure (my that there was no doubt to be made thereof) to procure money from the Pope, who gave severall promises formerly to my Lord of Tyrone (in case he could make way to come into Ireland) to maintaine six thousand men yeerely at his owne charge, and that notwithstanding that my Lord of Tyrone was dead, yet that he would continue the same forwardnes now.

To the second it was answered by Collonell Birne, that helpe from abroad could not faile them, for (said he) Collonell O Neale told me, that he had, or would procure in a readines, I doe not re­member which of those the Colonells spoke, or whether he spoke positive that Collonell O Neale had the Armes, or would pro­cure them,) Armes for ten thousand men. And moreover (said he) I make no great question that if we send into Spayne we shall not misse of aid, for I being in London the last yeare, in the Scots trou­bles, I was in conference with one of the Spanish Ambassadours there then, and talking of those troubles then a foote, he said, that if the Irish did then rise so, and send into Spayne, their Mes­sengers would be received under Canopies of gold; these last words he told me, and some one man that was present privately, whose name I cannot call to mind (neither well I remember whe­ther he spake to them all or no,) then it was thought that when they were once in Arms for the defence of the Catholique cause, they would be succoured by the Catholique Princes in Christen­dome.

To the third it was answered by Collonell Plunket, that he was as morrally certaine (for those were his words) as he could be of any thing that the Pale Gentry would joyne with and assist them, for (said he) I have spoke to severall of them since my lan­ding in the Kingdome, and I finde them very ready and willing withall, I have at London spoke to some of the Committees, and [Page 12] particularly to my Lord of Gormonstone to let them know this Resolution, and they approved of it very well, and with all, they knew of the former consultations by those Gentry, told me by Barnewall. All this was not done at the first meeting, but at three or foure meetings, and so at the last meeting it was resolved to the last doubt touching seizing the Castle, That Collonell Plunket and Collonell Birne should undertake that taske, and they were named that first should succour them, that should take the Castle with men presently, namely Sir James Dillon who did undertake to be with them, within three (or at the most) foure dayes with one thousand men, and so many more should come to them out of the North, for those two Collonells did not intend to use above one hundred men in the surprizall, whereof they were to have twenty good able Gentlemen; for they made account that having the Castle, they with the Artillery would Master the Towne un­till they were releived from the Countrey, and then there was a set day appointed for the execution thereof, that was the first of the ensuing October, this being the latter end of August or the be­gining of September, Anno 1641. (I doe not know whither) and e­very one should make provision to rise that day, and also seize on all the forts, garrisons, and other places, where they think, any Armes should be, and in particular London-Derry, which should be undertaken by those of Vlster, and because there was a doubt made how all this could be done in so short a time, they did ap­point that all that were there present should not faile to meete againe there the twenty of September, to give an Accompt of all things, as well hopes as impediments, and if at that interveiw all things should happen to be well that they goe forward, or if o­therwise, to prolong the Execution of it to a more convenient time, and so we parted, every man into the Countrey, about his owne taske: and I in my way home, came to Master O Relyes house, and there I received a letter from Sir Phelim O Neale, that his Lady was dead, and to be buried on the Sunday following, this being on the Saturday, and desiring me in all kindnes to come to the buriall, and Master O Rely having received another letter to the same effect, would needes have me goe thither, (whereun­to I was very unwilling, being weary, and withall not provided to goe to such a meeting,) as well (said he) to prevent any jealou­sie from the Ladies freinds, as also to conferre with Sir Phelim [Page 13] touching all these proceedings (for neither he nor I did ever speak to Sir Phelim concerning those matters before) but to his brother Mr. Tiloragh O Neale, & comming thither, we found Capt. Bryan O Neale, lately come out of the low Countries, sent over by Col. O Neale to speake to, and provoke those of Vlster to rise out into Armes, and that he would be with them on notice of their day; the same day, or soone after it; and it was asked of the said Cap­taine, what aide he could send or procure, being but a private Collonell, or where he could get any? He replyed that the said Collonell told him, that hee had sent to severall places that Summer to demaund aide, and in particular to Cardinall Ri­cheleiu into France, (to whom he had sent twice that yeare) and had comfortable and very hopefull promises from them, and es­pecially from that Cardinall, on whom he thought the Collonell did most depend; so that there was no doubt to be made of suc­cour from him, and especially when they had risen out, that it would be a meanes to the Cardinall to give aide; we did the more credit him in regard of the former treaty betweene the said Cardinall and the Earle of Tyrone, (as formerly is said) for my owne part, I did and doe beleeve that the Collonell doth depend on France for aide, more then on any other place, as well for these reasons, as also, that Omer Macmahone formerly mentioned, told me that presently after the Isle of Rees enterprize (he being then in the Low Countreies) did heare for certaine that the Earl of Ty­rone, together with the Colonells, did send into France to the Mar­shall of France (that was the Generall of the French forces at the Isle of Rees) to deale with him for procuring of aide, to come then for Ireland, and that he received in answer from the said Marshall, that he was most willing and ready to contribute his indeaveours for his furtherance therein, but that for the present he could not answer my Lords expectation, by reason that the King had wars then in Italy, which hee thought would be at an end within halfe a yeare, or little more, and then my Lord should not doubt of any thing that he could doe for his assistance, but those warres continued a great deale longer; so for that time that enterprize failed: and after the buriall was done, I gave those Gentlemen knowledge of what I had done at Dublin, and how I was to re­turne thither, and then they began to thinke how to surprize London-Derry, they being neere it, but could not then agree in [Page 14] the manner, and so Sir Phelim desired me to take his house in my way going to Dublin, and that I should have a Resolution to to carry with me touching London-Derry, and thereupon I parted home, but soone after came to Dublin, to the afore-appointed meeting with those Colonells: But first, I tooke in my way Sir Phelim O Neales house, to be certaine what he had done; and his answer was, that he knew that matters could not be put in exe­cution by the fift of October, as was appointed, and that they would make another longer day for it, and that he would pro­vide for the taking of London-Derry by that day; and so I came to Dublin, to give an account of that was done, and also know what further should be done: I was not two houres in my lod­ging when Master Moore came to me (who knew of what was done by those Colonells formerly by Coll. Birne, and told me that the Messenger sent to Colonell Neale was come with answer, desiring us not to delay any time in rising out, and to let him know of that day before hand, and that hee would not faile to be with us within fourteene dayes of that day with good aide, also desiring us by any meanes to seaze the Castle of Dublin if we could, for he heard that there was great provision in it for warre, and Mr. Moore moreover said, that time was not to be over-slipped, and desired me to be very pressing with the Colonells to goe on in their resolution, but on meeting with them they were fallen from their former resolution, because those of the Pale would doe nothing therein first, but when it was done, they would not faile to assist, as Collonell Plunket did affirme, and so on severall meetings, it was resolved on by them to desist from that enterprize for that time, and to expect a more convenient time; but before that their resolution, Sir Phelim O Neale, and the aforesaid Capt. Brian O Neale followed me to Dublin (as they said) to assist and advise me how to proceede with that Colonell (but neither they nor Mr. Moore would be seene therein them­selves to those Gentlemen, but would meete me privately, and know what was done at every meeting, alleadging for excuse, that I being first imployed in that matter, it would not be expedi­ent that they should be seene in it; and moreover they would not be knowne to me to be in Towne, but by a few of their friends, untill they were in a manner ready to depart, at least, as long as I was in Towne, for I left them there, but when I made them ac­quainted [Page 15] with their determination of desisting from that enter­prize, they thought it convenient that we should meete with Ma­ster Moore, and Collonell Birne, to see what was further to be done concerning the former intention of their owne, and accor­dingly we did send to them, that they should meete us, and at that meeting, where were onely Sir Phelim, Mr. Moore, Colonell Birne, Captaine Neale, and my selfe: after long debate, it was re­solved, that we, with all those that were of our faction should goe on with that determination, that was formerly in May con­cluded, to wit, to rise out, and moreover to seize on the Castle, (as the Colonells were purposed) for if it were not for their pro­ject, and the advise sent by Colonell Neale we would never venture to surprize it, neither was it ever thought on in all the meetings and resolutions betweene us, before that those Colonels did resolve on it, but by reason that the other Gentlemen that were private to their proceedings were not present, the certainty of the time, and the manner how to execute it, were put off to a further meeting in the Country; and this was resolved in Dublin on the Saturday at night, being the 26. or 27. of Septemb. and that meeting was appointed on the Saturday following at Mr. Collo. Ma [...]hones house in Far [...]y, in the County of Monaghan, but by reason that at the meeting the Gentlemen of Limster could not be present, considering the remotenesse of the place from them, it was thought fit that Mr. Moore should there meete to receive the finall resolution, and should acquaint them there­with, and in the meane time Col. Birne, who had undertaken for Col. Plunket, should informe them all of the intention concei­ved, and dispose them in a readinesse against that day that should be appointed, and thereupon we all left the Towne, onely Sir Phelim staide about some other his private occasions, but did as­sure his being there at that day.

On the Saturday I came to Mr. Macmahones house, there meet onely Mr. Moore, Mr. Macmahone himselfe, Captaine Neale, Emer Macmahone, and my selfe (and thither the same day came that Messenger that was sent to Coll. Neale, and did report the Colonells answers and advice verbatim, as I have formerly repea­ted from Mr. Moore) and by reason that Sir. Phelim his brother, or Mr. Philip O Rely that were desired to meete, did not meete, we st [...]ied that night to expect them; and that night I received a [Page 16] Letter from Sir Phelim, intteating us by any meanes not to ex­pect him untill the Munday following, for he had not, nor could dispatch some occasions neerely concerning him, but whatsoever came of them, he would not faile on the Munday. And the next day after receipt of the Letter, being Sunday (by Mr. Moores ad­vice) we departed from Mr. Coll. Macmahones house, (to pre­vent (as he said) the suspition of the English living thereabouts to Lourosse, in the County of Ardmaugh to Mr. Torilagh O Neales house, not Sir Phelims brother, but Son to Mr. Henry O Neale of the Fues, Son in Law to Mr. Moore, and left word that if Sir Phe­lim, or any of those other Gentlemen did come in the meane time they should follow us thither (whether onely went Mr. Moore, Captaine O Neale, and my selfe) and there we expected untill the Tuesday subsequent, before any of those did come: On the Tues­day came Sir Phelim and Mr. Emer Macmahone, all the rest fai­ling to come, Mr. Collonell Macmahons wife was dead the night before, which was the cause that he was not there, but I gave his assent to what should be concluded to joyne therein, and execute what should be appointed him, and then we five, viz. Sir Phelim, Mr. Moore, Captaine O Neale, Emer Macmahone, and my selfe, assuring our selves that those Gentlemen absent would both allow and joyne to what we should determine, did grow in­to a finall resolution, grounding all, or most part of our hope and confidence on the succour from Collonell Neale, to seize on the Castle, and rise out all in one day, and the day was appointed on the 23. of that month, this being the fift day of October, having regard therein to the day of the weeke whereon that day did fall, which was the Saturday, being the Market day, on wich day there would be lesse notice taken of people up and downe the streets: Then began a question who should be deputed for the surprizall of the Castle, and then Mr. Moore said he would be one of them himself, and that Coll. Birne should be another, and what other Gentlemen of Leinster they could procure to joyne with them, and seeing the Castle had two gates, the one the great, and the other the little gate, going downe to my Lord Leiutenants Sta­bles, hard by which Stable without the Castle was the stote­house for Armes, they of Leinster would undertake one Gate, and that should be the little Gate, and the great Gate should be undertaken by those at Vlster, (and said he) of necessity one of [Page 17] you both (meaning Sir Phelim & me) must be there for the better countenance of that matter, it being the glory of all our procee­dings; his speeches were well liked of all present, but Sir Phelim would be exempted from that imployment, and so would I; but then all of them set on me, desiring me to be one; alleadging for reason that their proceedings & resolutions were very honourable and glorious, being for Religion, and for to procure more liberty for their Countrey, as did (said they) of late Scotland; and that in taking the Castle consisted all the glory and honour of the said Action, all which should be attributed to them that should be im­ployed therein, and so by consequence all or most part to me, being (as they said) the cheife in that enterprize; and moreover Sir Phelim said, that he would endeavour to take or procure o­thers to take London-Derry the same day, and if he should be a­way, that place would not be taken. With these and many other perswasions they obtained my consent, and then the Captain of­fered himselfe. We began then to consider what number should be imployed in that act, and they concluded on two hundred men, a hundred from each Province, for those Gates which they seize on, of which number Sir Phelim O Neale should send forty with an able sufficient Gentleman to conduct them; and like­wise Captaine Neale twenty, Master Collonell Macmahone ten, Master O Rely ten more, and I should bring twenty. Then began a doubt how they should raise those men, and convey them to Dublin without suspition; and it was answered, that under pre­tence of carrying them to those Colonels that were conveying Souldiers out of the Kingdome, it might safely be done; and to that purpose Sir Phelim O Neale, Master More, and the Captaine had severall blanke Patents with deputations to make Captains to those Colonells, which they sent to those Gentlemen, that should send men to Dublin, for the more colour; Then they be­thought of what was to be done in the Countrey that day, and it was resolved that every one privie to that matter, in every part of the Kingdom, should rise out that day, and seize on all the Forts and Armes in the severall Counties, to make all the Gen­tlemen prisoners the more to assure themselves against any ad­verse fortune, and not to kill any but where of necessity they should be forced thereunto by opposition (which those that were appointed for taking the Castle should observe) and in particular [Page 18] they bent all their aime in Vlster to take that day London-Derry, which Sir Phelim did undertake; Knockfergus, which they thought Sir Henry O Neales brother would doe, and to that end Sir Phe­lims Brother Terilaugh O Neale should be sent to them; and the Nurie, which should be undertaken by Sir Margeriasse, and his Brothers, for whom Sir Phelim (in regard they were his brothers in law, his deceased Lady being their Sister) did undertake. More­over it was agreed, that Sir Phelim, Master O Rely, Master Coll. Macmahone, and my brother should, with all speed they could, after that day raise all the forces they could and follow us to Dublin, both to arme the men and succour us, and defend and garrison the Towne and Castle, and likewise Master More should appoint Leinster-Gentlemen to send like supply of men. All which I was by their appointment to informe Master O Rely, I being next him, together with what he was to doe for his own part. Then there was feare of the Scots conceived, that they would presently oppose themselves, and that would make the matter more difficult; to avoide which danger it was resol­ved not to meddle with them or any thing belonging to them, and to demeane our selves towards them as if they were of us, which we thought would pacify them from making any opposi­tion, and if the Scots would not accept of that offer of Amity, but would oppose us, we were in good hope to cause a stirre in Scotland, that might divert them from us. And I beleeve the ground for that hope was, that two yeares before in or about the beginning of the Scots troubles, my Lord of Tyrone sent one Te­rilagh O Neale (a Preist) out of Spayne (and this I take it was the time that he was in Treaty with Cardinall Richelieu) to my Lord of Argyle, to treat with him for help from my Lord, for him to come into Ireland, and as was saide for a marriage, betweene the saide Earle and my Lord of Argyles daughter (or Sister I know not which) and this messenger tooke Ireland in his way thither, with whom Master Terilagh O Neale, Sir Phelims Bro­ther, had conference, from whom this relation was had. That said messenger went into Scotland as I did heare from the said Master Neale, or from Emer Macmahone afore named, I know not from which of them; but what he did there I could never heare, by reason that my Lord of Tyrone was presently after kil­led; they were the more confirmed therein, hearing that my Lord [Page 19] of Argyle did say (neare on the same time as I guesse, and when the Army was raised in Ireland as I thinke) to a great Lady in Scotland; I know not her name, but did heare that she was much imbarked in the troubles of that Kingdome, then; she questio­ning how they could subsist against the two Kingdomes of En­gland and Ireland, that if the King did endeavour to stirre Ireland against them, he would kindle such a fire in Ireland as would hardly or never be quenched; And moreover we knew my Lord to be powerfull with the Ilanders, or Red-shankes in Scotland, whom we judged would be prone and ready to such Actions, they for the most part being descended out of Ireland, and hol­ding the Irish language and manners still; and so we parted, the next day being Wednesday, from Lough Rosse, every man about his owne taske; and so when I came home I acquainted my bro­ther with all that was done, and what they had appointed him to doe, and did likewise (according as they appointed me) send to Master O Rely to let him know as much. And the eighteenth of the same moneth I began my journey to Dublin, and when I came to Dublin being the day before the appointed day of put­ting that resolution in execution there, I met with Captaine Con O Neale sent out of the Low-Countryes by Colonell O Neale, (who came after the messenger sent by us formerly to the saide Colonell, and was by him dispatched with his Answer) to en­courage us in our resolution, and to speedy performance, with assurance of succours, which he said would not fail on the Col­lonells behalfe; And for the more certainty of helpe from him, and to assure us that the Colonell had good hopes to procure aide from others, he said that it was he himself that was imploied from him to Card. Richelieu twice that Summer, who gave them very faire promises to answer the Colonells expectation, with which he said that the said Colonell and himselfe were really assured of the Cardinalls aide, and that he was likewise commanded by the Collonell upon our Resolution of the day to give notice thereof to him, and that he would be within foureteene dayes over with us with aide; but he the said Con O Neale landing 9. or 10. dayes before, and meeting with Captaine Brian O Neale, who made him acquainted with what was resolved, he did write all the matter to Colonell O Neale; so as he was sure of his speedy com­ming. And that Evening he and I came to meete the other Gen­tlemen, [Page 20] and there we met Master Moore, Collonell Birne, Collo­nell Plunket, Captaine Fox, and another Leinster-Gentleman, a Captaine I thinke of the Birnes, but I am not sure wheiher a Birne or a Toole, and Captaine Birgan O Neale; and taking an ac­compt of those that should have beene there, it was founde that Sir Phelim O Neale and Master Collo Macmahone, did faile of sending their men, and Colonell Birne did misse Sir Mergan Ca­vanagh that had promised him to be there, but he said he was sure he would not fail to be that night or the next morning in Town, and of the two hundred men that were appointed, there were onely eighty present, yet notwithstanding they were resolved to goe on in their Resolution, and all the difference was at what time of the day they should set on the Castle, and after some de­bate it was resolved in the afternoone, and the rather hoping to meete the Councell there then; for they saide, if they should take the Castle, and be inforced by any extreamity for not receiving timely succour out of the Countrey, having them, they could not want; and so parted that night, but to meete in the morning to see further what was to be done; and immediately thereon I came to my Chamber, and about nine of the clock Master Moore and Captaine Fox came to me and told me that all was discove­red, and that the City was in Armes, and the Gates shut up, and so departed from me, and what became of them, or of the rest I know not, but think that they escaped, yet how or at what time I doe not know, because I my selfe was taken that morning.

After a deliberate reading and rumination of this account (gi­ven by Macquir) I shall desire the Reader to be distinct in these particular considerations. First, I would have him observe here the principall Agents in this desperate Assassination. Secondly, I would have notice taken what the end and pretences were which moved, and enraged these Agents. Thirdly, what the opportuni­ties and contingencies were which made that very season pitcht upon for action. Fourthly, what the stratagems and policies were which attended their enterprize. Fiftly To what degrees of cru­elty they did at last arrive. These particulars being truely and cleerely laid open, together with some other additionall eviden­ces of the like authority, conclusions will issue of themselves, ac­quainting us with the causes of all our miseries, and amounting to no lesse then what I have already premised and presumed.

[Page 21]1. First therefore we see here a difference is to be noted be­tweene the most eminent plotters, and the most violent execu­tours of this mischeife: the Lord Macquir gives a good relation of the executours, but not being acquainted with the conspiracy it selfe, till it had beene matured by others, and was communica­ted to him by Roger Moore, about nine moneths before the gene­rall eruption; He saies nothing thereof; but tis plaine, that these Councells were laid long before by the Popish Clergy: for by the connivence of our Governours in Ireland, that Countrey had its Titular Arch-bishops, Bishops, Vicar-generals, Provincial Con­sistories, Ecclesiasticall Deanes, Abbotts, Priors, Monkes, Nunns, Jesuits, Preists, and Fryars without number, besides all Hierar­chicall Officers, and as well in Townes as in the Countrey had free use of the Masse. Dr. Jones had it from the mouth of a Fran­sciscan, that before the dismall day of October, there was a great meeting at a religious house in Westmeath of the Romish Cler­gy, and some others, whereat the question was debated, what course should be taken with the English, and how the govern­ment of the State should be new moulded. And in May 1642. there was a generall congregation held at Kilkenney wherein the Church of Ireland was annexed to the Sea of Rome, and the State made no lesse in effect then purely Democraticall: and one Act was passed for sending Embassadours in behalfe of the whole Kingdome to the Pope, the Emperour, the King of France and Spayne, and those to be of the Church Prelates, with one of the Nobility and a Lawyer: Moreover all the acts of Kilkenney were onely subscribed by three Archbishops, sixe Bishops, and twen­ty others either of the Clergy, or some holy orders, or officers belonging to the Hierarchy: whereby it appeares that the Nobi­lity, Gentry, and Commonalty of Ireland (though the adventu­rous and active part of the warre be left to them) have as yet but very little or no share in the directive or gubernative part; much lesse had they whilst the matter was but in consultation; Besides, we know the Ecclesiasticks, were ranged into fit stations, and as there was a just number appointed to attend at home for managing of businesse in Ireland, so there was as vast a proporti­on distributed abroade into the Court of Rome, and all other Courts of Europe for forraigne Agency and correspondency. Wherefore if the Apostolick sea ever did lively represent the bot­tomles [Page 22] pit reeking forth thick fumes, or darkening the skye with swarmes of odious Locusts, doubtlesse at this time by the emissi­on of so many Regulars and Seculars, upon such confounding messages, it did verify and explaine that dimme prediction.

Well: but after the Jesuits and Preists had beene long in con­juration about this woefull tragedy, at last the troubles of Scot­land have occasioned a Parliament in England, and raised an Ar­my of Papists in Ireland; and now all advantages concurring, such of the Lords & Gentry, as are most apt for innovation are to be sollicited, and rightly instructed how to draw in other con­current partyes in all the foure severall Provinces.

The common people are not to be trusted with the knowledge of any thing till the very night it selfe approaches; nay the very Gentry themselves, except some few chosen ones, are not to re­ceive this secret till all things are ready for execution: the Sa­craments of the Masse, and of Confession (which are made Vm­brages to draw the multitude together, and mysterious attractives to engage in this hellish sacrifice,) are not to be solemnized be­fore the day appointed. There was feare that the multitude could not be prepared without discovery; but there was no feare that the multitude would not consent without preparation. At a meet­ing therefore in Dublin 8 monthes at least before this infamous October, when one of the Conspiratours advised to imploy time in speaking to, and trying the Gentry of Ireland, till advertise­ment could be received from the other undertakers beyond the seas: Master Moore replyed, that it was to no purpose to spende much time in speaking to the Gentry; for there was no doubt to be made of the Irish, that they would be ready at any time; but all the doubt was in the Gentry of the Pale. Howsoever for his part his affirmation was that he was really assured, when the I­rish were up, the Pale Gentry would not stay long after. He fur­ther proceeded also to intreate that the Lord of Maye (who was very powerfull in command of men in those parts of Connaught wherein he lived) had beene spoken to by himselfe, and that his consent was granted, yet not without an oath for concealement of the same. But I will goe on with the Lord Macquir, to men­tion the principal Lay-conjuratours who were not onely taken in by the Ecclesiasticks for meere action, but were also admitted to some part of the contrivance at least nine monthes before; and [Page 23] we shall see some use may be made of the same. The first instan­ced in, is Roger Moore, alias Roei Morace of the family of the Moraces of Leix in Lemster, which County together with the Territories of Offali were escheated to the Crown by Act of Par­liament, and were planted with English in the Raigne of Queen Mary. Neverthelesse also the father of this Roei being civill and of peaceable disposition, though a Papist, was by Queene Eliza­beth cherisht and sufficiently provided for by a grant of faire and large possessions in the County of Keldare and Meath to him and his heires in fee, and the same did descend to this Roei. Here was Justice done long since by a Popish Queene to his dammage, here is grace shewed lately by a Protestant Queene to his advan­tage: what pretence of quarrell therefore can this afford to R. Moore for Papists against Protestants, or for former times against latter? The Lord Macqueir himselfe, and his family may next take place; and we must take knowledge, that Sir Conor Ro. Macqueir his Grandfather was divested of the dignity of Mac­queir, and the County of Termanagh, and unable to right him­selfe, was reinstated by the aide of the English, after which also he had not onely the Barony of Maghere staffana, but also a yeare­ly pension for life granted out of the Exchequer by King James. And not long since Bryan the Sonne of Sir Connor, and father of this Lord, obtained a Patent from King Charles of the Barony of Eviskillim; if these offices be accounted disobligations or pro­voke the Irish against the English, or stirre up Papists against Protestants, certainely either the Irish differ from other Nati­ons, and Popery differs from other Religions, or else the nature of ingratitude must needs be changed from what it was.

Philip O Rely comes now in view; and his Father Captaine Hugh Mac-shane O Rely had from King James a grant and con­firmation in fee of a faire estate in Lands, lying within the Coun­ty of Oavan, one of the escheated Counties of Vlster. Of all the Rebels none scarse ever did pursue the English and the Refor­med Religion more perfidiously, and desperately, then this Philip and his family, yet here is to be seene what it cost King James to incense him so deeply against us.

Sir Phelim O Neale, and his brother Torilah may present them­selves after the O Relies; and these in their minority being left Orphans by Oge O Neal their father, were liberally bred up in [Page 24] learning, and carefully recommended by our State to the tuition of the Lord Calfield, and when they had attained to full yeares, their fathers inheritance with some additions was settled upon them. Yet 'tis conjecturable that for as much as the Province of Vlster did escheat by the severall treasons and attaindors of the Earles, Tyrone, Tyrconell, and others, if Tyrone had againe re­stored himselfe according to the designe of these O Neales, the titles and possessions of this Family in Vlster would have been shrewdly shaken, or at least their power ecclipsd. Neverthe­lesse the O Neales now for such offences as these, butcher a thou­sand of English, and for their first sacrifice slay the yong Lord Calfield their old Guardians son, and yet it must passe by the laws of Popery for a very faire, equitable, and gratefull retaliation. Colonell Mac-Mahon and his Family next in order, never could complaine of any molestation, or disinherison by English plan­tations, but all the Mac-Mahons of Farny and their chiefe had been extirpated by the O Neales, if the power of the English had not supported, and preserved them. Sure such meritorious obligations upon any other then either Irish, or Catholicks, would have procured some other acknowledgement. We may now conclude with Sir Con. Mageniis and his brethren, and Sir Ar­thur his Father; and 'tis apparant, that upon the settlement of Vlster, though he was in actuall rebellion with the Earle of Ty­rone, whose daughter he had married, yet he obtained from King Iames a grant and confirmation of the territory of Ireagle in the County of Doune to himselfe and his heires in fee. Had an In­dian, or Mahometan been so treated, we may well expect he would have studied some other requitall then the totall extirpa­tion of those which so treated him, or he would have thought something else had appertained to gratitude besides murther and revenge. I thus ranke these conspiratours by themselves, be­cause their taske was domesticall, and most of them were of Vl­ster; and therefore policy required that where the greatest diffi­culty was, most industry was to be used. For 'tis to be noted, that in Munster, and in Conaght, where the English were thinner planted, and lesse fortified, there was not that feare of opposition as in Vlster and Lemster, where the Scots and English were clo­ser embodied, and surer garrisond, but especially neare Dublin where the Seate of Justice was, and the five adjacent Counties, [...]