This Apologye cleareth some passages, as,

• 1. Touching the word Ecclesia, which signisies either a materiall Church, or the Con­gregation of the people assembled.
• 2. An explication of the text of Esa. 56. 7. My house shall be called the house of prayer.
• 3. The place of the Aposile, 1 Cor. 11. 12. Despise ye the Church of God?
• 4. The exposition of the 83. Psalm. against such as destroy Churches, and the main­tenance of them, and the Ministers.
• 5. The number of Churches spoild among us.

COming to my worthy friend Sir Ralph Hare, and ly­ing a while idle there, I thought that idle time fit­test for some idle worke, and disposed my selfe there­fore to give some answer to such passages of this Trea­tise, as the Author at his pleasure hath very idly if not maliciously taxed me in. But being far from my books, and having not so much as that Treatise of his by me, or any note out of it, I shall no doubt forget, mistake, o­mit, and misplace many things. Wherein (good Rea­der) I must entreat thy patience and favour.

It being brought unto me, I ranne over divers leaves thereof, wherein I met multa verba, nulla verbera; but judging therefore the Author by his worke, I thought neither of them worth the answering: himselfe, as it seemeth, some rude Naball delighting in contentions and uncivill speech: wherein I will not contend with him, onely I will consider of his reasons, though indeed they are such as will shew him to be a weake adversarie Qui strepit magis quàm sauciat. And therefore though I sit safe out of his dint, yet will I let the reader see, how vainely he bestoweth his shot, and how farre from the marke.

[Page 2]As for the parts of my booke wherein I labour as he saith, to prove tithes to be due jure divino, and his answers thereto, my purpose is not here to medle with them, for that they require a more spacious discourse then ei­ther that volume admitted, or I now meane to enter in­to, it being not a private question, betweene him and me, but long controverted by greater clerks) and left to this day as questionem vexatam non judicatam. The truth is, the course of my argument lead me upon it, and I therefore produced some arguments tending to the maintenance thereof, but referring the point unto a greater work, and forbearing to declare my selfe there­in, without ample and more laborious examination of so great a controversie: leaving therefore that as a ge­nerall cause, whereof he may perhaps have more ano­ther time, I will here wage my selfe against him onely in those things, wherein he chargeth me particularly in my owne person; and passing over amongst them such snatches of his, as scarcely ruffle the haire, I will onely meddle with those parts, where he thinketh he biteth deepest.

First, he quarrelleth with me about the title of my booke, in that I use the word Ecclesia for a materiall Church, or (as in contempt he termeth it) a Steeple­house. stone-house: affirming in his learning, that it signifieth onely the con­gregation: which assertion if he could make good, would give him a great hand in the cause, for that much of his argument following lieth very heavily upon this pin. Surely if I guesse right some Dictionary hath decei­ved him, for perhaps his reading reacheth not so far, as to resolve him herein: but if two thousand authorities be sufficient to defend me withall, I speak it without hyperbole, I assure my selfe I could produce them. Who [Page 3] knoweth not how ordinary a thing it is, to have one word signifie both the persons, and the place: as Civitas, the citizens, or towne; Collegium▪ the society or house; Senatus, the Senators, or Senate house; Synagoga, the assembly, or place of assembly. I am sure he will con­fesse, that where it is said, He loveth our nation and hath built us a synagogue: It is not there meant of the persons, he built them a congregation, but of the place. A Sy­nagogue, and Ecclesia, signifie both one and the same thing, the congregation, or place of congregation; in which sense we Christians notwithstanding use onely the word Ecclesia, for our congregations, and houses of prayer, for that the Jews had taken up the other word, for their Oratories, according to an old verse:

And in this manner was the word [...] used amongst the Greeks before the Christians borrowed it from them, as it appeareth by some of your Lexicons, where it is said, [...], Caetus, concilium, congregatio, &c. po­nitur etiam pro loco ipso in quem convenitur. Lucianus, [...]. i.e. Ubi curiam (in qua consultant) undique stravero. And that the Church hath ever since used it in the same sort shall by and by appeare, when we come to insist more particularly upon this point. Faine would I know what himselfe would call one of our stone-Churches, in Latine. Templum, savours of Ju­daisme▪ and if I should have used a word of the ancient Fathers, and said, De non temerandis Basilicis, Curiacis, or Dominicis, it may be I should have driven him to his Di­ctionary, and yet left him pusled. I thought fanum too prophane a word, but he perhaps would think it so much the fitter; for a Church, and a play-house seem a like to him.

[Page 4]Another of his quarrels is that I apply the place of Isaiah the Prophet, cap. 56. 7. My house shall be called an house of prayer, locally to places of prayer, whereas he saith, it was spoken figuratively of the congregation of the faithfull. I exclude not that sense, but I assure my selfe our Saviour Christ, when he whipt the sellers out of the Temple, not out of the congregation, applied this Scripture to the very place of prayer: and it is question­lesse that the old and late classicke writers so expound it.

Some quotations here were intended out of ancient and mo­derne Authors, which though I could easily supply, yet being loth to adde any thing to the originall copie, I leave it to the learned reader to consult the Commentators, which is easily done.

Againe it much offends him, that I interpret the words of Saint Paul 1 Cor. 11. 12. Despise ye the Church of God? as spoken of the materiall place, which after his manner he will also have to be onely understood of the Congre­gation; and had the word ecclesia no other signification, then doubtlesse he had obtained the cause. But obserue I pray, what I have formerly said touching that point, and then take into your consideration, the words of the Apostle as they lye in that chapter. First in the 18. verse he saith, [...] Quando convenisti in ecclesia. For these be the very words, and how we shall English them is the question. Whether when ye come together in the Congregation, that is, in the assembly; or when ye come together in the Church, that is, in the place of the assembly. I confesse the words indefinitely spoken may beare either interpretation, and I condemne neither of them in this place. Yet let us see which is more probable, or at least whether my trespasse deserves [Page 5] his reprehension. The Apostle continuing his speech upon the same subject, in the 20. vers. goeth on thus: [...]: as if he should say, conveni­entibus igitur vobis in eodem; leaving [...], in eodem, spoken neutrally, and as it were, to be applied either to the assembly, or the place; which to put it out of doubt, Beza, and our English Geneva translation doe adde the word, locus, a place, in a different letter, to declare the meaning of the Apostle and read it accordingly: When you come together therefore into one place. So that now it is determined how the word Ecclesia, or Church, in the 18. vers. before going is to be expounded: and then joyne the words subsequent unto it, wherein the Apo­stle complaineth of the abusing that thing, which before he spake of, and in reprehension of the abuse commit­ted therein by eating and drinking; he saith vers. 22. Have ye not houses to eate, and to drink in? or, despise ye the Church of God? Where the very antithesis of houses, to eate and drink in, with the Church of God doe still pursue the precedent interpretation of Ecclesia for the place of assembly: as if distinguishing betweene places and not persons, he should have said, Your houses are the places to eate and drink in, but the Church is the place of prayer: otherwise he might perhaps have said, Have ye not other meetings to eate and drinke at, but despise ye this holy meeting? And I thinke it not with­out speciall providence, that the Translators therefore did translate here, [...]? an eccle­siam Dei contemniti? Despise ye the Church of God? not despise ye the Congregation of God? for the word Chyrche, coming of the German word Kirken, and that of the Greek word [...], which signifieth Dominicum, or the Lords House, & was in ancient times, as Eusebius and [Page 6] Nicephorus witnesse, the common name of materiall Churches, doth to this day properly signifie the same: and we doe never use it for a particular congregation, but either generally for the body or society of the faith­full through a whole kingdome, or common wealth; or particularly for the very place of prayer onely.

This foundation being now laid upon the words of the Apostle himselfe, let us see how it hath been since understood by the Fathers, and Doctors of the Church, as well ancient as moderne. Hieroms opinion appeareth already in my booke, and Chrysostomes you shall heare anon. But this man despiseth the first, and therefore I am sure he will account as lightly of the second. A Senate of Fathers moves him not an haire: a right monothelite, he opposeth his owne onely will against them all. Yet to satisfie some others, whose eares perhaps may be better in tune, I will cite one who for humblenesse of spirit, in­tegritie of life, and admirable learning for the time he lived in, hath ever since been venerable throughout the world; and no forreigner but our Countreyman Bede, who upon these words Numquid domos non habetis?—an Ecclesiam Dei contemnitis?

Ecclesia (saith he) homines sunt de quibus dicitur ut exhi­beret sibi gloriosam ecclesiam, hoc tamen vocari etiam ipsam domum orationum, idem Apostolus testis est, vbi ait, num­quid domos non habetis ad manducandum & bibendum? an ecclesiam Dei contemnitis? & hoc quotidianus usus loquendi obtinuit, ut in ecclesiam prodire, ad ecclesiam confugere, non dicatur nisi qui ad locum ipsum, parietesque prodierit, vel con­fugerit, quibus ecclesiae congregatio continetur. But he will say that all this old wine savours of the caske, therefore we will spend no more time in broaching of it. Taste of the new. Peter Martyr upon the place. Quando conve­nitis] [Page 7] potest (saith he) hoc referri ad locum qui unus omnes continebat, ita ut notetur corporalis conjunctio, &c. and then, An ecclesiam Dei contemnitis? potest accipi Ecclesia (saith he) pro caetu saecro, vel▪ pro loco quo fideles conveniunt, &c. Si vero de loco intellexeris (ut Chrysostomus videtur sen­tire) docemur contaminari locum ex abusu. Vnde Augustinus dicebat, In Oratorio nemo aliquid agat nisi ad quod factum est, vnde & nomen recepit; ad alia munera obeunda plateas & domus habemus. And complaining of abusing of Chur­ches he goeth on: At nunc templa deambulationibus, fabu­lis & omnibus negotiis prophanis toto die patent C. hristus fla­gello parato ex funiculis, ejectis ementibus, & vendentibus, templum Dei repurgavit: and goeth still on in this man­ner much further. Marlorat also a common and good friend to our Preachers being well pleased with this ex­position and invective of Peter Martyr, translateth it verbatim into his owne Commentary upon this place; and thereby delivereth it also to the world as his owne opinion.

But come we now to that part of my booke which puts him most out of patience above all the rest, my ap­plication of the 83. Psalme to such as destroy Churches, and bereave them of their maintenance. This he saith, fitteth my matter as an Elephants skin doth a gnat, yea it hath no cohaerency therewith either figuratively, alle­goricall, or anagogicall. To retort his scoffe I might say, it seemeth, an Elephant of absurdity to the Gnat of his learning: but I desire rather to satisfie him ( Si malitia non mutaverit intellectum) then to disgrace him.

It cannot be denied if there be a correspondency be­tweene the body of our Church and Common wealth, with the body of the Church and Common wealth of the Jewes, the same must also hold proportionably a­mongst [Page 8] the members thereof, and in consequence that the passages of state, of government, of peace, warre, li­berty, oppression, prosperity, adversity, and other oc­currents either active or passive, must hold some aspect and analogy, one unto the other. And then also that whatsoever is denounced against the enemies of the one, trencheth comparatively against the enemies of the o­ther. Come then unto the matter. The prophet inveigh­eth against them that seeke to spoile, oppresse, or disturbe the Church of God seated in India; be it openly by war, or secretly by some stratagem of wit: Doth not this thwart them also that attempt the like in our Church? Yes, saith he, against them of the King of Spaines Ar­mado in 88. and those of the Powder Treason, wherein the universall desolation both of the King and King­dome, Church and Common-wealth were not onely projected, but attempted by our enemies.

But shew me, will he say, what hath the appropri­ating of a pelting Parsonage, or the pulling downe of a stone-house, which you call a Church, is unto this? for the one is an Elephant, the other but a Gnatt.

I answer. Eadem est ratio partium quae est totius. And out of this reason and analogy our Saviour Christ argueth him that casteth but a lascivious looke to be guilty of the great Commandement, non maechaberis, as well as him that committed the very heinous act it selfe: and then also that whatsoever the Prophet denounceth against them that spoile the Church in generall, the same de­scends upon every particular man, that spoileth the same in any particular part: as, Omne genus praedicatur de omnibus & singulis suis speciebus etiam insimis & indivi­duis.

Now that the taking up of these parsonages and defa­cing [Page 9] of places of publike prayer is a spoile of the Church of God, appeareth in this, that the meanes and mainte­nance of the seruice of God, and of his ministers is there­by diminished, and destroyed, which subtraction of maintenance from the minister, God in Malachi 3. 8. de­clareth to be a spoyling of himselfe, for that his seruice is thereby hindred, and his Church impaired. And al­though this man affirmeth, that although there were ne­ver a stone-Church or minister in the kingdome, yet the Church, and service of God might stand well enough, for that every mans family is a Church, and every ma­ster thereof tyed to instruct his servants, every father his children: yet by example of the Church in the time of the Apostles, we ought to have places of publicke pray­er, and some to instruct these masters and fathers; for the husbandman, the artisan, the day-labourer, are not commanded to neglect their vocation and turne preach­ers, as too many now adayes do. And though perhaps some such good men out of their devotion would preach now and then to instruct their brethren, yet who shall do it ordinarily, and where shall the Assembly be enter­tained; for every town hath not a Guild-hall, a Sessions­house, a Cock-pit, or a Play-house fit for such a multi­tude. And though they may, as he saith, serve God a­broad with Paul; in a dungeon with Ieremy, or on a muck­hill with Iob, yet heat or cold, wet or wind will hinder them at one time or other: so that doubtlesse it were ve­ry necessary to have a man, and a place publickly ap­pointed for the service of God in every Congregation. And then since this man cannot perform his office with­out maintenance, and such a place as we speake of, the taking of them away puts him from doing his duty, de­prives his parishioners of their instruction, and then by [Page 10] consequence spoyles the Church of God; and so the curse of the Psalme lyeth justly against them.

But let us now take a view of the gnat he speaketh of, and which he contemneth so much in respect of the smalnesse thereof. Had there been but three or foure of these livings taken from the Church, his fancy might have had the more colour, to use such fond applica­tions: but if it cometh to three or foure hundred, it groweth now beyond the size of a Gnat, what shall we then say of 3845. livings, or appropriate Parsonages, ☞ thus taken from the Church, which is more by 1126. then the halfe of all those that remaine, and within 897. as many as them all: for the Churches not appropriate are but 5439. through all England and Wales. So that the parishes of the Churches appropriate containe neare about the one halfe of the kingdome, which is more, if Hierome in his Epistle to Dardanus (as I take it) deceive Dardanus. me not, then twice so much as all the land of Iudea, though we reckon the kingdome of Israel into it, but ma­ny times more then the kingdome of Iudea, which con­teined but the two tribes onely that stucke to God; and of whose times this Psalme seemeth to be a prophecie. And thus ye see both the gnat and the Elephant that he speaketh of, though I mean not to propose them to you by way of comparison, but discover his intemperance or want of judgement.

But to support his credit with a broken prop, it may be he will say, that upon the appropriating these Chur­ches and transferring of them to the King, there was a provision left in most of the parishes for a Vicar, or Cu­rate to do divine service there, and that nothing was ta­ken from them but superfluity: so to keepe them in diet, and bridle their immoderate luxurie, which he proclai­meth [Page 11] to be so exorbitant as scarcely all England, and Virginia to boot, can satisfie. Lord blesse us! is it pos­sible that our Church-men should become so mon­strous? or hath Shimei thus railed against the body of them without his perill? I hope much better of their temperance, then of his tongue: But I leave them to make their own Apology, for I have digressed beyond my purpose, and therefore will spend no time in dis­coursing upon the provision made for Vicars and Cu­rates in these Churches appropriate. He seemeth to be of Micahs mind, that ten shekels, or a matter of foure nobles a year, besides diet and a suite of apparell is a faire maintenance for one of our Ministers. In which point I have else-where declared my selfe at large, and will not therefore here insist upon it; onely this I would know of him, what surplusage, or superfluity there could be to give unto the King, or take from the Church, when besides the maintenance of the Mini­sters, much was to be disposed by them in relieving the poore, and other pious uses.

MAnsuetudinis tu [...] prorsus est (vir Eximie) ut hominem me parui, & ignotum, tanta be­nevolentia amplecterere. Quanquam enim secundum honorum vocabula quae fastus mundanus jam obtinuit, Equestris dignitas major sit Armigera; in multis tamē Spelmannus minor est Careo. Nec me certe pudet hoc liberiùs profiteri, Cum magnus ipse sic edocuit Augustinus; & Episcopus licet, presbytero cessit Hieronymo. Placent equidem & literae tuae, & tua omnia; placent seria, placent joci, in no­mine verò meo quae egregia benignitate lusisti non pos­sum in tuo (multò illustriori) retribuere. Palmam igi­tur cedo, & quod Graecis olim, in Caria sua gente ad­mirati sunt, nos in Carea nostra gente agnoscimus: in­genium splendidum, bellarumque intentionum faecun­dissimum. Deus bone! quantum in nomine, & ominis & numinis? Cariae gentes (inquit Herodotus in clione) omnium quae illis temporibus claruerunt ingeniosissimae erant. An fatale hoc Careo nomini? etiam in alio or­be, & post tot saecula? quin & seni? non equidem invi­deo, miror magis: sed quem laudas authorem? an non Deus hanc tibi prae caeteris copiam fecit? nec sola haec sed concomitantia multa [...]largitus est. Quidi ergo re­spondit Simon, (Luc. 7. 43.) interroganti domino, Quis plus diliget, nonne is, inquit, cui plus donavit? recte. No­sti quae volo. Si divina clementia tantas tibi▪ indulserit benignitate [...] ▪ perponde sedulò, quantis tu amoris, mu­neris [Page 2] & obsequii vinculis tenearis. Bona haec omnia in te congessit bonus hic dominus, animi, corporis, fortunae: tune in ipsius familiam hostis accingeris? quin & ab ec­clesia sua praedam referes?

O utinam fortis in re meliore fuisses.

Sed in hoste probitatem agnosco; video enim vacil­lantem te quasi, & de militia ista dubie cogitantem. laudo. At [...]anum illud consilium amplectere, quod om­nium judicio probatissimum habetur, è dubiis certius tene, nec periculis caput objicias: hoc est, omnino te non immisceas rebus sacris & deo dicatis, hoc porro tu­tissimum. Vides rem non leviter litigatam à doctissimis: Vides patres, Concilia, omnemque Theologorum scho­lam, graviter hos insectari, qui in res ecclesiae utcunque involaverunt. Esto quod de decimis dissentiant, an sint de jure divino? in isto tamen non consentire solùm, sed & conjurasse plane omnes videatur, Deo dicata surripi non posse in exitium ecclesiae. Quid autem est ecclesiam excindere si hoc non sit? panem tollere ministrorum, quin & sine noxa? At Ecclesiam (aies) in hoc connivisse; Episcopos conspirasse; parliamentaria ipsa comitia Herculano nodo rem conclusisse, & sanxisse? Sanxisse dicam? imo Deum testor quaenam sit sanctitas in ista sanctione. Sed de re summa, summa cum humilitate. Nosti quàm lenis sit ecclesia, tunicam subtracturo, pal­lium etiam dimisit. Mat. 5. Num auferre igitur haec li­ceat innocenti? dicant Corvi.

In eo autem cum salutis spem omnem sacramque ip­sam posuisti anchoram; id tandem revolvas animo, qui­nam hi essent Episcopi, & quoti? Valerentne suis suf­fragiis procerum laicorum multitudini (qui spe haec om­nia devoraverant) repugnasse? Taceo technas, dolum, insidias, quae in tranfigendo negotio forte non defuerant. [Page 3] Sed esto ecclesiam laeta fronte haec omnia concessisse; Certe eatenus cum Baronio (Ascanio Cardinali respon­dente) in sententiam ivero, Ecclesiam nihil posse in se statuere, hoc est, in suam perniciem. Idem enim est & se abnuere, & ministros suos non alere. Nam in primis catalysis illius legibus, nihil statutum est de ministrorum alimonio: mel abripitur, sed nec loculi relinquuntur, nec alveus. Etiam ejiciuntur tam apes, quàm fuci, nulla omnino habita examinis ratione. Hoc justum dixe­ris? Concilio certe tum lapsum est, quod in caeteras itemque regni ecclesias non grassatum sit. Quid enim emeruit ecclesia Petri, ut suis juribus potius privaretur quàm Pauli? Quid ecclesia unius populi magis quam aletrius? à neutris enim peccatum est. Ecce aenigmatis solutionem. Viatorem duplicem furibus eripuimus; li­berum hunc adhuc, sed illum vinctum: de utroque sta­tuimus (misericordes) ut invenimus. Emancipatur li­ber, perpetuo carceri addictus est vinctus. Sic cine nos edocuit (Luc. 10.) Samaritanus? Sic fidem nostram apud Deum tuemur?

Jurarunt sane hi omnes, jurarunt, inquam, nostri ma­jores, Reges, proceres, parliamentariae ipsae celebritates, hoc est, Regnum integrum, omnisque populus, non suo solum sed & nostro, & nepotum nostrorum nomine, in­terpositis etiam horrendis execrationibus nulla se un▪ quam temporum aeternitate, haec ecclesiae surrepturos. Quis obsecro nos liberos faciet ab his vinculis? Quis audax orator causam hanc apud Deum aget? An [...]locci pendeas? Cave ne fidem, quam apud me splendidam habes illico labefactes. Si beati Rechabitae, qui nuda ip­sa patris sui mandata observaverunt, An non maledicti nos, qui non singularis unius, non privati cujusdam pa­rentis mandata contemnimus? Sed quos dixi [...]orum [Page 4] omnium fides sanctione [...] vot [...], iurament [...]a, per [...] qua­si improbitate per fringimus,vi [...]amus, mandataqu [...]ne potibus anathemata, in singulorum capita tanquam ex desiderio per [...]ra [...]imus, cum refractariis Judaeis dicontes, Super no [...] sint, & natos nostros.

Vereor insa [...]os nos (u [...]i Judaeos) non discernere quae ex his nobis proveniunt cal [...]itates▪ Deum enim p [...]e­mus nec mortalium curare vota, sed nec perfidiam: Quid si lex una repentina, ter dena concilia, Senatus-consulta totidem, omnium patr [...] dedreta, una explosione disru­perit? adeone in ea sic inhaerendum est ut ne in judici­um, ne in examen vocetur? non cogitabo equidem quod in Tridentinum Concilium solus ausus est & satis faelici­ter Chemnitius. Sed iniquas leges peccanti faepe populo irrepere novum non est▪ etiam in poenam alias à Domino immissas esse, ut scriptum est, Dabo ijs leges quae non sunt bonae. Mihi autem videtur, cum de abolendis monasteri­is cogitaret Senatus ille consultus ( Anno 27. Henrici octa­vi) nihil etiam tunc in animo habuisse de tollendis paro­chialium decimis praedijsve; sed de his tantum egisse quae ipsis caenobiis inherebant: vel si quis id in cornu haberet faeni, latuisse hoc opinor sanctos patres qui concilio ad­erant: in illo enim Actu ne verbum quidem de parochi­anis decimis nec de ecclesiis, praediisve parochialibus. Sed nec de ipsis (quas vocant) appropriatis Cum verò in vulgus jam exiisset Actus ille parliamentarius, caeperint­que omnia demoliri, & vi eripi, è jurisconsultorum pro­diit interpretatione, ut praed [...] haec etiam in casses regios redigeretur. Pardita ergo ea demum inter regni nobiles, necessariò tandem habitum est, ut subalternis legibus corroboraretur.

Sed quò me rapiet fili hujus deductio? disium pendum certe est, ne ulterius trahar in labyrinthum. P [...]ture [...] in­caepturus [Page 5] silentii veniam (verbo uno aut altero) à te exo­rasse; quod in rus vocatum, itineris me cura jam sollici­tat; Quandoquidem vero neque brevis est (dum rede­am) via, sed nec tempus; haec interea nobis excussit amor erga te noster fusiùs multo quàm cogitarem. Academici autem nitoris nihil in nostris paginis disquiras, oportet. Commune enim illud (quod scribis) mihi tecum est. Cantabrigia (miserum me) mater exuit cum 17. aestates non salutaveram, trajectoque celerrime Lincolniensi ho­spitio, in patrium solum adolescens revocor. Gravibus hinc inde implicitus negotiis privatis, (nec à publicis li­ber) ter rapior in Hiberniam. Quod reliquum fuit vi­tae spatium, domi satis aerumnose exegi, denuò otii desi­derio captus Londinum tertio hinc anno veni: pace vero mihi videbar exoptatissimâ fruiturus, qua Musarum limi­na ex voto delibarem. Sed En! nova in me rerum tem­pestas, nova litium moles, inopinatè proruit; qua luctan­tem adhuc varieque agitatum, nescio quousque detinue­rit. Poetae autem illud teneo,— dabit Deus his quoque fi­nem. Habes vitae nostrae compendium; & (quam vides) magnam amoris effusionem donec aliis tuis (per literas) quaesitis respondero. Sancte & faeliciter vale.

Londini, 18. Septemb. 1615.

I Did not perfytly know (most gracious, most christen, and most vyctorious Prince) how that amonge all other vertues, that the vertu­ous gyftes given by grace only, throughe the goodnes of Almighty God, of the incompa­rable gyfte of gentlenes and humanite, did so habun­dantly, accumulately, and so manifestly possesse and reigne in your noble and princely hart, till that now it appeareth manifestly by your exterior noble acts and deedes; for els undoubtedly I would not only have bin ashamed so to attempt rudely, foolishly, and rather pre­sumptuously to trouble and disquiet such an imperyall majesty, with this my rude and barbarous writing, in the hinderance of your godly and spirituall studies, with which your highnes taketh such intollerable paine: as well to set forth the mere syncere and new glory of God, as also the establishment, quietnes, and unitie of this your christen Comen welthe. But also in my owne conceit and opinion calling to remembrance my great and manifold insufficiency in learning, to write unto so mighty and famous a Prince I should even by and by have disallowed mine owne behaviour in that behalfe, and judged my selfe worthy of blame▪ but now consi­dering [Page 2] most benigne Soveraigne Lord, how much all your subjects be imperpetually bound to laud, praise, and glorifie almighty god, to send unto us so Christen a kinge to have rule and governance over us your subjects, by whose great and inestimable diligent labour, charge, study and paine, we be delivered from the hard, sharpe, and X. M. times more than judicyall captivity of that Babylonicall man of Rome to the sweet and soft service, yea rather liberty of the gospell. I can for my part no lesse do, then to present to your grace somthing there­by to declare how gladly I would give thankes to your highnes, for such proofs, as I among others have received by this said benefit in our deliverance which act is of it selfe so highly to the great peace, unyte and welth of this most noble Empyre of England, that if there were non other cause but that only we were bound to and with all our diligence and industry to study, labour and devise how this benefit exceeding all other, might world with­out end be extolled, praised, and made immortall, and to receyte how much the furtherance of gods glory is by the same act set forth and advanced, my learning ne yet wytte will not serve me▪ Yet I dare boldly afferme, pon­dering and considering depely the effect and circum­stance of this matter, This act is no lesse worthe then well worthy to be set in the booke of Kings of the old testa­ment, as a thing sounding to gods honour, as much as any other history therein conteyned. but what should I attempt or goe about to expresse the condigne and e­verlasting praises and thankes, which your majesty hath deserved of all your hole Cominalt for the benefites be­fore named, unlesse I would take in hand like an evill workeman which by reason of his unperfectnes in his science should utterly staine and deface the thing he [Page 3] would most earnestly and diligently shew and set forthe. I will therefore most excellent Emperor of this realme, set all this aside, and shew to your grace the cause of my enterprise, for so much as I perceave that all your graci­ous proceedings are onely driven and conveyed to the most highe, just, and sincere honour of Almighty God, the publique welth, and unity of all Christendome, most especially of this your most noble Realme of Eng­land, it hath animated and incouraged me according to the small talent of learning that the Lord hath lent to me to put your grace in remembrance of the intollerable pestilence of Impropriations of benefices to religious persons, (as they will be called) some to men, and some to women, which in mine opinion is a thing plainly re­pugnant to the most holy and blessed decrees and ordi­nances of Almighty God, and highly to the extolling, supporting, and maintenance of the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome, as your Majesty shall perceave in reading of this little treatise, which your grace not being offended, I shall ever, God willing, be able justly to de­fend, and also stop the mouthes of them, that shall say and abide by the contrary, and that not with mine owne words, but with authorities of holy Scripture. And fur­ther I doe most humbly upon both my knees beseech your Imperiall Majesty, that unto such time, as this my little book be cleerly confuted by like holy Scripture and authorities, as I have approved the same, that it may safely goe abroad under protection of your gracious and redoubted name.

And for the prosperous preservation of your most royall estate, of your most noble and vertuous▪ Queene, of your deere daughter Lady Princesse, daughter and [Page 4] heire to you both, (according to my most bound duty) I shall daily pray, my life enduring.

Sir Francis Bigott Knight of Yorkshire wrote this Note. Treatise: whereof this Preface I received from Sir Henry Spelman, but the rest of the book, I could never yet finde, thoughe it be mentioned by severall Authors, Bale, Hollinshead, and lately by Sir Richard Baker in his history. It seemes to have bin written after the Kings breach with the Pope, his marriage with Anne Bolen, and the birth of Queen Elizabeth: as I conjecture by circumstances. His purpose was chiefly bent against the Monasteries who had unjustly gotten so many Parson­ages into their possessions. It is much desired that if any man have the rest of the book, that he would please to communicate the copy, that hereafter, as occasion serves, it may be published compleatly, together with some o­ther things of this argument, that the learned Knight hath committed to my charge: but by reason of the pre­sent troubles I cannot now attend to prepare them for the Presse. As for Sir Francis Bigott himselfe, he was found afterwards active in the troubles of Yorkshire, that happened in 28. H. 8. and being apprehended a­mong others, was put to death, 29. H. 8. as our com­mon Chronicles doe report.

Baleus saith of him.

Franciscus Bigott ex Eboracensi patria auratus eques, homo natalium splendore nobilis, ac doctus, & evangelicae veritatis amator, Scripsit contra clerum.—De Impro­priaribus. lib. 1. Quosdam item latinos libros anglicanos reddidit, inter seditiosos tandem, anno Domini 1537, invite tamen eo, repertus, eadem cum illis indigna morte periit.

I Have caused this little Treatise (right reverend and beloved in the Lord Je­sus) to be printed againe in North-Bri­taine, for many causes: first, because I was informed, that there came forth, but a few copies at the first printing thereof in South-Britaine: Againe, I hope this doing will incite that worthy Knight, the Au­thour thereof, quicklier to send out the greater worke, which he promiseth of that same argument; but princi­pally to incite you, whom these matters most nearely doe concerne, to look into them more advisedly, then as yet ye have done: it was a private occasion, as that worshipfull Gentleman sheweth, that led him to this writing: You have a publique, whereof it is pitty you are so little moved: who seeth not the state of the Church of Scotland as concerning the patrimony to go daily from worse to worse? Sacrilege and Simony have so prevailed that it beginneth to be doubted of many, whether there be any such sinnes, forbidden by God, and condemned in his Word? Neither can you deny the cause of this evill, for the most part to have flowed from your selves: your selling and making away of the Church rights without any conscience, the buying and bartering of benifices, with your shamelesse and slavish courting of corrupt patrones, hath made the world [Page 2] thinke, that things Ecclesiasticall are of the nature of Temporall things, which may be done away at your pleasures: and where at the first it was meere worldli­nesse that led men on those courses, now a great many to outface conscience, and delude all reproofes, they stand not to defend that Lands, Tithes, yea whatsoever belonged to the Church in former ages, may lawfully be alienated by you, and possessed by seculars: which opinion must either be taken out of the mindes of men, or need you not looke to have these wicked facts in this kinde unreformed: to this end should all Ecclesiasticall men labour to informe themselves, as well by the Word as by the writings of Ancients, and Constitutions of Councels, touching the right and lawfulnesse of eccle­siasticall things, that when they are perswaded them­selves of the truth, they may the more effectualy teach others. There is no impiety against which it is more re­quisite you set your selves in this time: for besides the abounding of this sinne and the judgement of God up­on the land for the same, who doth not foresee, in the continuance of this course the assured ruine and decay of true Religion?

Of all persecutions intended against the Church the Julian was ever held to be the most dangerous: for oc­cidere presbyteros, is nothing so hurtfull, as occidere pres­byterium. When men are taken away, there is yet hope, that others will be raised up in their places: but if the meanes of maintenance be taken away, there followeth the decay of the profession it selfe: Men doe not apply themselves commonly to Callings, for which no re­wards are appointed; and say that some have done it in our dayes, some out of zeale, and some out of heat of contention, yet in after-times it is not like to continue [Page 3] so; neither let any man tell me, that a Minister should have other ends proposed to him, then worldly mainte­nance. I know that to be truth, yet as our Lord in the Gospel, hoc etiam oportet facere, Et illud non om [...]ere. Speaking of payment of tithes to the Pharisees: It be­hoveth them, saith he, to be paid: if not, it is not to be expected, that men will follow the Calling.

To rest upon the benevolence of the people, as it is a beggarly thing, and not belonging to the dignity of the Ministery, so the first maintainers of that conceit have found the charity of this kinde so cold, that they will not any more stand by their good-wills, to this allow­ance. Therefore it lieth upon you to foresee the estate of your Church, and either in this point of maintenance to provide that it may be competent and assured, else looke not for any thing but ignorance and basenesse, and all manner of mischiefes which flow from these, to in­vade the whole Kingdome.

How a competency may be provided, except by re­storing the Church to her rights, I doe not see; and what this right is, if I should stand to define, and justifie it here, I should exceed the bounds of an Epistle. Many of this time have cleared the point sufficiently. And if any scruple be remaining, the worthy Authour, I hope, will remove it in the greater worke we expect: whose judgement and dexterity in handling the argument, may be perceived by this his little pinnace. It should shame us of our calling to come behinde men of his place, el­ther in knowledge, or zeale. His example who is nothing obliged, to labour in these points, as you are, shall doe much, I trust, with you, for the time to come. Should any look carefuller to the Vineyard then the keepers? or should any out-goe the servants of the house in dili­gence? [Page 4] Repent therefore and amend your owne negli­gence, in [...]his behalfe, and call upon others for amend­ment, whilest you have time. Thinke it not a light sin, to spoile Gods inheritance; and if we look for heaven, let us be faithfull to our Lord here on earth. I beseech God to give us all wisdome, and keep us in minde of that strict account, that we must one day give for all our doings, and chiefly these which concerne the Church, which is his body. Amen.

I thought good not to omit this Epistle to the Clergy Note. of Scotland, prefixed before this edition at Edenborough, presently after the first impression here; both because it proceeded from apious intent of the Authour, who it seemes was very well affected, as also because he shew­eth the concurrence and approbation of the best reli­gious in that Kingdome, where sacrilegious practises have invaded that Church, more violently, since the dayes of reformation, and cleare light of the Gospel, then ever was done in the darkest times of popery. Rolloc a grave and learned Divine of Scotland hath (besides Master Knox and others), in his Commentary upon Dan. 2. & 5. discovered his judgement against the sa­crilegious practices of his time, and countreymen, re­prehending them sharply, for taking to their owne use and profit, all that was pulled from the Church: and doth severely cite them to answer it before the tribunall of God: which though they neglect and contemne, yet (saith he) they shall be made inexcusable thereby.

[Page 5]Master Knox not long before his death, wrote to a Generall Assembly holden at Sterling, 6. August 1571. and his Letter is among the Records of that Assembly, out of which it is also published, with many other Records of Parliaments, and Assem­blies there holden in the compasse of sixty years, in a Declaration lately of the Church of Scot­land.

The mighty Spirit of Comfort, Wisdome, and Concord remaine with you: Deare brethren, if ability of body would have suffered, I should not have troubled you,—&c.—but now brethren, because the daily decay of my naturall strength threatens unto me certaine and sudden departure from the misery of this life, of love and conscience I exhort you, yea in the feare of God, I charge and command you, that you take heed to your selves, and to the flock over the which God hath placed you Pastours. To discourse of the behaviour of your selves I may not, but to command you to be faith­full to the flock, I dare not forget. Unfaithfull traytours to the flock shall ye be before the Lord Jesus, if that with your consent, directly or indi­rectly ye suffer, unworthy men to be thrust into the Ministery of the Church, under what pretence that ever it be. Remember the Judge before whom ye must make an account, and resist that Tyranny, as ye would avoid hell fire. This battell I grant will be hard, but the second part will be harder, That is, with the like uprightnesse and strength in [Page 6] God, ye gain-stand the mercilesse devourers of the patrimony of the Church. If men will spoile, let them doe it to their owne perill and condemnation; but communicate ye not with their sinnes of what­soever state they be, neither by consent, nor yet by silence, but with publique protestation make this knowne to the world, that ye are innocent of such robberies, which will, ere it be long, provoke Gods vengeance upon the committers thereof, whereof you will seeke redresse of God and man. God give you wisdome, strength and courage in so just a cause, and meane happy end.

THough it were high presumption for a private man, as I am, to presage what so wise a Senate as the Parliament will doe for the future, either in point of Tithes, or any other affaire of so publike concernment, yet I hope I may, without reaching above my line, take upon me to tell you, that the ground of your doubt touching their alienation of Tithes from the Ministery, (which I shall bring in its proper place) is but such as will serve rather to beare up a transient suspicion or surmise of such a matter, then a settled assurance that it either is so already, or that hereafter it will be so. For the first, That it is not so, I am sure; because,

1. They have passed an Ordinance for the Ministers recovery of Tithes, and other Ministeriall dues from such as doe detaine them, November 8. 1644. which is still in force, through the influence of their power and favour.

2. They have made competent additions to very many livings out of impropriated Tithes in the hands of Delinquents; and this they have done with so much cheerefulnesse, and beneficence on the Ministers behalfe, by the Committee for plundred Ministers, that many have cause to blesse God for them as their great Pa­trons, and benefactors for that manner of maintenance; where­in they have done beyond and above any Parliament that were [Page 2] before them, and they continue and persist in the making of such augmentations, as occasion is offered, to this very day.

3. They have given the repulse to divers petitions against Tithes, which by the instinct and instigation of men of unsound princi­ples and unquiet spirits have been put up unto them.

For the second, that they will not take them away in time to come, I have these grounds, if not of infallible certainty, yet of very great probability.

Though they have resolved upon the sale of Bishops lands and revenues, in their Ordinance of November 16. 1646. for that purpose, they have made an especiall exception with respect to the maintenance of Ministers in these words, Except parsonages appropriate, tithes, tithes appropriate, oblations, obventions, por­tions of tithes, parsonages, vicarages, Churches, Chappels, advow­sons, donatives, nomination, rights of patronage and presentation.

In excepting the right of patronage, they meane neither to leave it to the power of the people to choose what Minister they please, (and the practice of the Honourable Committee for plun­dred Ministers sheweth the same, for they appoint and place Ministers very often without the petitions of the people, and sometimes against them, as their wisedome seeth cause; and if it were not so, many would choose such as deserved to be put out againe.) Nor to put the Ministers upon the voluntary pensions, or contributions of the people for their subsistence, but assigne them under such a title what belongeth unto them by the Laws of the Land, viz. Tithes, obventions, &c. which intimates their mind not onely for the present, but for the future.

Their wisedome well knoweth that the Revenue of Tithes as it is most ancient for the originall of it, and most generall in practice, both for times and places, so it hath the best warrant from the word of God (not onely in the old Testament, which none can deny, but in the new, which though it be denyed by some, is averred by others, as D. Carleton, M. Roberts, D. Sclater, M. Bagshaw, in their treatises of Tithes, and yet unrefuted by any) and from the Laws of many Christian States, especially from the Statutes of our Kingdome, whereof abundant evidence is given in the booke of the learned Antiquary, S ^r Henry Spelman.

3. That notwithstanding all the authority that may be pleaded [Page 3] for them, the people are backward enough to pay to their Mi­nisters a competent maintenance; and if Tithes should be put down by the Parliament, it would be very much adoe to bring them up any other way to any reasonable proportion of allow­ance for their support; and so in most places the Ministery would be reduced to extreame poverty, and that poverty would pro­duce contempt of their calling, and that contempt atheisme.

4. That it is evident that such as make the loudest noyse against the tenure of Tithes, are as opposite to the office and calling of Ministers as to their maintenance; and intend by their left­handed Logicke (because as the saying is, the Benefit or Benefice is allotted to the office) to make way for the taking away of the Ministery, by the taking away of Tithes; and not to wait the leisure of consequentiall operation, (according to the craft of Julian, who robbed the Church of meanes, expecting the want of wages would in time bring after it a want of workmen) but presently to beare down both, as Relatives mutually inferre one another, as well by a negative as a positive inference; and so as the Parliament having put down the office of the Prelacy, now makes sale of their lands, they, if they could prevaile for the discarding of Tithes, would by the same argument (cla­mour and slander) presently and importunately presse for depo­sition of the Ministery. And we see how they take upon them with equall confidence and diligence, not onely to write, but Erbury at Ox­ford and Cox at London. publikely to dispute against them both.

5. That if rights, so firmely set upon so many solid foundati­ons, should be supplanted, it would much weaken the tenure or title that any man hath to his lands, or goods, and would be a ready plea for rash innovators; and the rather, because of the manner of the Anabaptists proceedings, who began their claime of Christian liberty with a Sleydan Com­ment. l. 5. fol. 71. a relaxation of Tithes, and went on to take off the Interdict or restraint in hunting, fishing, and fowling, wherein they would allow neither Nobility, nor Gentry, any more priviledge then the meanest peasant. And as their principles were loose; so were their practices licentious, for they held a Ibid. community of goods, and equality of estates; Bonorum quo­ (que) communione & humanitate cum primis esse consentaneam, & ut ex digni­tate sunt om­nes aequales, & ex conditione li­bere & promi­scuè omnibus bonis utuntur. Ibid. fol. 64. prope finem. where­upon e Quo factum est, ut vulgus ab operis at (que) la­bore desisteret, & quâ quis (que) re careret ab aliis qui abundabant etiam invitis acciperit. Ibid. See also l. 10. princip. the Common people gave over their worke, and whatsoever [Page 4] they wanted they tooke from the rich even against their good wills; So that it was a breach of their Christian liberty, belike, to have a lock or a bolt on a doore, to keep a peculiar possession of any thing from them. And the liberty was more and more amplified, according to the fancies of their dreaming doctors, for their dreames were the oracles of their common people; and every day they set forth their liberty in a new edition, corrupted and augmented, till all the partition walls of propriety were broken down; and so not content to have other mens goods at their disposall, and to be quit from payment of rents, and debts, (ha­ving made a monopoly of Saintship to themselves) they excom­municated all who were not of their faction both out of sacred society of the Church, and out of common communion in the world as wicked and profane, and unworthy not onely of live­lyhood but of life also; and usurped a power to Promittebat auxilium quo viz. impiis inter­fectis, novi sub­stituerentur principes & Magistratus: namà Deo sibi mandatum esse profitebatur (scil. Munce­rus) ut sublatis illis constitueret novos Ibid. depose Prince and other Civill Magistrates, as they pretended they had commis­sion to kill them, and to constitute new ones in their stead as they should thinke fit. Sathanas sub Evangelii prae­textu multos hoc tempore se­ditiosos & pla­nè sanguinarios excitavit Docto­res. Sleydan Comment: l. 5. fol. 72. See more of their Doctrine l. 10. principio. and of their do­ings in the fol­lowing dis­course of the Author of the same booke. Such seditious and sanguinary Doctors, as Lu­ther called them, did Satan stirre up under the pretext of Euange­licall liberty; a liberty which in them admitted of no bounds, being like the &c. oath without bankes, or bottome, of no rule or order, being carried on with a wild and giddy violence; such as the great and pernicious impostor of the world prompted them unto, though they vented their diabolicall illusions under the Title of Divine Revelations, as the Prince of darknesse made them believe, when he put on his holy-day habit, the appearance of an Angel of light. 2 Cor. 11. 14.

6. That the payment of Tithes where there are the fruits of the earth, and increase of cattell, out of which they may be rai­sed, is the most equitable way and meanes of maintaining the Minister, since such a gaine is not onely harmelesse, and without sinne, for the manner of acquisition, (which we cannot say of pensions and exhibitions made up out of trade or traffique) but such as may be most permanent and constant, since whether the Tithe be lesse or more, it is still proportionable to the other nine parts; and if the yeares be plentifull, there is the more pro­vision for house-keeping, if scarce, that part though lesse is the more in price and worth, either for use in kind, or for exchange [Page 5] for other commodities. Whereas a rate in money which is com­petent in some places, and at some times, is incompetent in others, such is the change both of monies and necessaries bought with money. For money, the time was when an ounce of silver now at 5. s. was valued but at 20. d. So in the Act of Parliament in the third of Edward the first, Cokes Instit. part 2. p. 410. when 20 markes a year was enough honourably to maintaine a Student at the Innes of Court. Fortescue is his Commentary on the Lawes of England, c. 49. p. 114. And this was held so great a charge as was to be borne onely by the sonnes of Noblemen, and therefore they onely, saith the same Author, studyed the Lawes in those Innes, Ibid. And of old the Revenues fit for a Knight was rated to 20. l. a yeare, of a Baron to 400 markes a year, and of an Earle 400. l. a year: Cokes Instit. l. 2. c. 3. Sect. 95. fol. 69. and Lindwood in his provinciall Constitutions notes upon the rate of a Vicarage (for such by the fraud and ra­pine of the superior Popish Cleargy Vitario per­petuum stipendi­um quin (que) mar­carum statuitur, nisi in partibus aliquibus Wal­liae ubi minore contenti sintd. Lindwood con­stitut. l. 1. de of­sic. vicar. sol. 46. p. 2 col. 2. in Textu & fol. 47. p. col. 1. Sed in glos. lit. g. Augmentatio facta est ad 8 Marcas, sed ta­men alii qui non sunt contenti si­ne decem Mar­cis; & revera 5 Marcae non sufficiunt ad ho­spitalitatem & alia Ibid. in glos. lit. g. were many times deprived of Tithes, and put to pensions) that it was to be 5 marks in England, but in some parts of Wales they were content with lesse, afterwards their meanes was augmented to 8 markes a year, but some would not be contented with lesse then 10 marks a year; and, indeed saith the Glosse, 5 markes was too little for Hospitality, and other expences; implying that 10 markes was sufficient for all occasions.

2 As for money, so for commodities to be bought with it, the prices have been very various; In the See Polt A­bridg. Edict. Londin. 1640. p. 11. Statute entituled Assisa pa­nis & cervisiae, made Anno 51 H. 3. and Anno Dom. 1266. the dearest rate for a quarter of wheate (which in the middle of the Kingdome is a measure containing eight times four peckes, I ren­der it by that proportion, because it is more genearally knowne) was 12. s. the cheapest 1. s. so that betwixt these two extreames the ordinary rate might be about 6. s. the quarter. And for other provisions the rate set upon them in a dearth in the Reigne of Edward the second was this, for an oxe fatted with grasse fifteene shillings, for one fatted with corn twenty shillings; the best cow twelve shillings, a fat hogge of two yeanes old three shillings; a fat sheep shorne fourteen pence, with the fleece twenty pence; a fat goose two pence halfepenny, a fat capon two pence halfepenny, a fat henne a peny, [Page 6] four pigeons a peny, so that whosoever sold above should forfeit their ware to the King. Dan. Hist. l. 2. p. 209. And I well remember that not very many yeares agoe there was a controversie brought be­fore the commissioners of charitable uses in Cheshire, wherein was discovered the cheapnesse of things in former times: the case was thus. There was a legacy of twenty markes given to the parish of Wood-church in that County to buy oxen to till the ground of poore men, with which small summe at the time of the dona­tion, (about sevenscore yeares before) were bought no fewer then twenty yoke of oxen; which because the poore people were not able so to keep that they might be strong to labour, it was thought fit to sell them and to buy in their stead as many milch kine as the mony would reach unto, which were to be hired at a low rate to such as were not able to buy such cattell for them­selves. But it is yet a cheaper price we read of in Edward the first his dayes, when by Stat. Westm. an oxe was to be sold but at 5. s. so in the 13 ^th yeare of Edward the 1. cited in Cokes Instit. part 2. p. 410. How rates are raised in the present age (whether by scarcity of things, or by the increase of people, or multiplication of coyne, or all) is not unknowne to any, and too much experi­mentally by many whose portion is too penurious for their neces­sary expences. Nor is this great difference of rates, either for mo­ney, or for goods, brought to passe on the sodaine, but raised by degrees; so that if the rule of tithing should be laid down, the Ministers wages must be changed, as Jacobs was in Labans service, many times over, which would be an intricate trouble to propor­tion according to severall variations of persons, and places; to which inconvenience the maintenance by Tithes is not obnoxi­ous; nor to any other, which may be compared with such as will hardly be separated (if at all) from the alienation of Tithes.

That if any innovation be made in this matter, and the peo­ple be displeased with it, (as they will quickly be displeased with any thing which puts them to cost) they will take the more boldnesse to contemne it, because it is new, and for that it neither hath, nor is like to have such a ratification of authority, either di­vine, or humane, by constitution or prescription, as tithing hath had; no, though it should be supposed to last to the end of the world. For Tithes were paid 1933 yeares, almost 2000 yeares be­fore [Page 7] Christ; Salian Annal. Tom 1. p. 251. nu. 41. & since Christ (ex­cepting some times of persecution) for the most part of sixteene hundred fourty sixe yeares; and we cannot hope the remaining age of the world will hold out halfe so long.

To these I could adde divers other considerations of impor­tance, which cannot be hid from the prudence of such a multitude of sage Counsellors as that most Honourable Senate the Parlia­ment consisteth of; which maketh me confident that before they give assent to any such petitions as are put up against Tithes, they will be pleased to heare what the Assemblie of Divines can say in answer to such objections, as are framed against them, upon pre­tence either of Scripture or religious reason.