Why the Oracles cease to give Answers.

THere is an old Story, Friend Terentius Priscus, as if heretofore Eagles or Swans flying from the opposite Bounds of the Earth, met together where now stands the Temple of Apollo Pythius, in the Place now called The Navel: And that somewhile after, Epimenides the Phaestian willing to satisfie his Curiosity, enquired of the Oracle of Apollo, which was the Navel or Middle of the World; but receiv'd such an Answer as made him never a Jot the wiser:

Thus fitly did the God chastise this bold Inquirer into Ancient Traditions.

But in our Time, not long before the Celebration of the Pythian Games, during the Magistracy of Calli­stratus, there were Two famous Men, who coming as it were from the Two opposite Ends of the World, met together at the City of Delphos. The One was Demetrius the Grammarian, who came from England, to return to Tarsus in Cilicia, where he was born: The Other, Cle [...]mbrotus the Lacedemonian, who had been long [Page 2] conversant in Egypt, and made several Voyages, as well on the Red Sea, as other Parts; not as a Merchant, to get Money, but to improve his Knowledg, and enrich his Mind; for he had enough to live upon, and car'd for no more. He having been lately at the Temple and Oracle of Jupiter Ammon, seem'd not much to marvel at any Thing he there saw: Yet he mentioned to us one Particular (which he said was told him by the Priests of the Temple) touching she Lamp that is never extin­guish'd, and spendeth every Year less than the former: Whence he conjectured an Inequality of Years, and that the latter was still shorter than the preceding.

This Discourse was much wondred at by the Com­pany; and Demetrius, amongst the rest, affirm'd it un­reasonable, to ground the Knowledg of such great Matters, on such slight and trivial Conjectures: For, this was not (as Alcaeus said) to paint the Lyon from the Measure of his Claw, but to change and disorder the Motions of Celestial Bodies, for the sake of a Lamp, or the Snuff of a Candle, and to overthrow at one Stroak all the Mathematical Sciences. These Men, re­ply'd Cleombrotus, will not be mov'd by what you say; for first, they will not yield to Mathematicians in point of Certainty, seeing they may be easilier mistaken in their Comprehension of Time, it being so slippery and fallacious and at such a Distance from them, than these Men in the Measures of their Oyl, about which they are so exact and careful. Moreover, Demetrius by deny­ing that small Things are oft the Signs and Indications of great, must prejudice several Arts and Sciences, and deprive them of the Proofs of several Conclusions and Predictions. And yet you Grammarians will needs vouch, That the Demi-Gods and Princes which were at the Trojan War, shav'd with Razors, because you find in Homer the mention of such an Instrument; That, also, [...]sury was then in Fashion, because he says in one Place.

And because that in several other Places the same Poet calls the Night quick and sharp, you'll needs have him to mean by this Word, That the shadow of the Earth being round, groweth sharp at the End like the Body of a Pyramid. Again, who is he that denying small Things to be the Signs and Proofs of great, will allow what Physicians tell us, namely, That great Numbers of Spiders foretel a Pestilent Summer, and also that in the Spring, when the Olive-Tree Leaves are as large as a Crows Foot, it is then a good Time to put out to Sea? And, who will measure the Greatness of the Suns Body, by Clepsydres, or Water-Dyals, with a Pint or Quart of Water? Or prove, that a small Table like a Tyle, making a sharp Angle, leaning on a Plain Superficies, should shew the just Measure of the Elevation of the Pole from the Horizon, which is ever to be seen in our Hemisphere? And this is what the Priests may alledge, in favor of what they affirm; so that we must offer other Arguments against them, if we will maintain the Course of the Sun to be fixt and unchangeable, as we here hold it to be. Not only of the Sun (cry'd out aloud the Philosopher Ammonius, who was there present) but also of the whole Heaven; for the Passage which he makes from one Tropique to another, must of necessity be shortned, seeing he takes not up so great a Part of the Horizon as the Mathematicians do imagain, but becomes less and shorter, as the Southern Part ap­proaches the Northern. Whence consequently, the Summer will fall out to be Shorter, and the Tempera­ture of the Air Colder, by reason of the Sun's turn­ing more inwardly, and shewing greater Parallels, and equal distant Circles in the Points of its Reversions, than are in the longest Day in Summer, and the shortest [Page 4] in Winter. It would moreover also follow, That the Pins of the Dials in the City of Syene will be more shadowless at the Summer Tropique or Solstice, and not a few of the Fixed Stars run under or against one and ther for want of Room. And should it be alledged, That all the other Celestial Bodies keep their Courses and ordinary Motions, without any Change, they will never be able to cite any Cause which shall hasten his Motion alone above all the rest; but will be forced to confound and disorder all evident Appearances which do clearly shew themselves to our Eyes, and especially those of the Moon: So that there will be no need of ob­serving these Measures of Oyl to know the Difference of the Years, because the Eclipses will do this, if there be any, seeing the Sun does oft meet with the Moon, and the Moon as oft falls within the Shadow of the Earth; so that we need not any longer hold arguing on this Matter. Well, but (say's Cleombrotus) I my self have seen the Measure of the Oyl, for they have shewed it several Years; but that of the Present, is far less than that of Ancient Times. Unto which Ammonius answered, How comes it to pass then that other People who have the Inextinguishible Fire in Veneration, and have preserved it even Time out of Mind, could never remark this? And granting what you say concerning this Measure of Oyl, is it not better to attribute the Cause of this to some Coldness or Dampness of Air; Or, on the contrary, to some Heat or Dryness, by which the Fire in the Lamp being weakned, needs not so much Nourishment, neither could consume the same Quantity? For, 'tis well known, that Fire burns better in Winter than in Sum­mer, its Heat being drawn in, and enclosed by the Cold, whereas in great Heats and dry Weather 'tis weakned, lying dead and languishing without any Strength; and if it be kindled in Sunny Weather, its [Page 5] Efficacy is small, hardly catching hold of the Wood, and slowly consuming the Fuel. But we may with greater Probability attribute the Circumstance of the Oyl, to the Oyl it self; for Oyl formerly was of less Nutriment, as squeezed out of Olives which grew up­on Young Trees; but being since better order'd, as coming of Plants more fully grown, must needs be more effectual to the nourishing and keeping of the Fire. And this is the best way of saving the Credit of the Ammonian Priests in their Supposition, which will not endure the Test of Reason.

Ammonius having finished his Discourse, I pray said I, Cleombrotus, give us some Account of the Oracle, for it has been ever in great Esteem in those Parts, till these Times wherein its Divinity and Reputation seems to be decayed. Unto which Cleombrotus making no Answer, but looking down on the Ground, Demetrius took up the Discourse saying, You need not busie your self in En­quiries after the Oracles in those Parts, seeing we find the Oracles in these to fail, or to speak better, to be totally silenced, except Two or Three; so that 'twould be more to the Purpose to search into the Cause of this Silence. But we are more concern'd in Boeotia, which although formerly famous throughout all the World for Oracles, is now like a Fountain dried up, so that at present we find them dumb. For at this Day there's no Place in all Boeotia, unless in the Town of Lebadia, where one can draw out any Divination, all other Parts being become silent and forsaken. Yet in the Time of the War against the Persians, the Oracle of Ptous Apollo was in Request, as also that of Amphiaraus, for both of 'em were tryed; that of Ptous Apollo, when the Priest who was always wont to return the Oracles An­swers in Greek, spake to him that was sent from the Barbarians in their own Barbarous Language, so that none of the Assistants understood a Word, whereby [Page 6] they were given to understand, That 'twas not lawfull for the Barbarians to have the Use of the Greek Tongue at their Pleasure. And as to that of Amphiaraus, the Person that was sent thither, having fall'n asleep in the Sanctuary, he dream'd he heard the Minister of that God bidding him be gon out of the Temple, and saying That his God was not there, and presently shoved him out thence with both his Hands; and seeing he still stopt by the Way, he took up a great Stone, and struck him with it on the Head. And what was this, but a Prediction and Denunciation of what was to come to pass? For Mardonius was not long after defeated by Pausanias, who was no King, but only the King of Lacedemonia's Guardian, and the then Lievetenant of the Grecian Army, and was with a Stone flung out of a Sling, fell'd to the Ground, just as the Lydian Servant thought he was struck in his Dream. In the same Manner also flourished the Oracle near Tegyra, where 'tis said Apollo himself was born, and in Effect, there are Two Rivers that slide near one another, one of which is called the Palm-Tree and the other the Olive-Tree. And at this Oracle in the Time of the Medes War, Echerates being then the Prophet, the God Apollo an­swered by his Mouth, That the Honor and Profit of this War would fall to the Greeks Share. And during the Peloponesian War, the Delians having been driven out of their Island, they had Word brought them from the Oracle of Delphos, that they should search for the Place where Apollo was born, and there make some certain Sacrifices. At which they marvelling, and demanding, Whether Apollo was born elsewhere than in their Parts, the Prophetess Pythia moreover told them, That a Crow would shew them the Place. These Deputies from the Delians, in their Return Home past by Chance through the City of Chaeronea, where they heard their Hostess talking to some Travellers about the Oracle of Tegyra, [Page 7] to whom they were going, and at their parting they heard 'em say to her, Adieu Dame Coron; by which they comprehended the meaning of Pythia's Answer; and having offered their Sacrifices at Tegyra, they were soon after restored and established in their own Country. Yet there have been given later An­swers from these Oracles, than those you have men­tioned; but now they have wholly ceas'd, so that 'twill not be besides the Matter, seeing we are at Apollo Pythius, to enquire after the Cause of this Change.

Thus discoursing together, we left the Temple, and were come as far as the Gnidian Hall, where entring in, we found our Friends which we lookt for, being sat down in Expectation of our coming. All the rest were at leasure, by reason of the time of the day, and did nothing but anoint their Bodies, or gaze on the Wrestlers, who were exercising of themselves. Where­upon Demetrius laughing, said to 'em, It seems to me, that you are not discoursing of any Matter of great Consequence, for I see, you labor not under deep Thoughts, 'Tis true, reply'd Heracleon the Megarian, we are not a-disputing, Whether the Verb [...] in his Future Tense loses one of his λ's, nor from what Po­sitive or Primitive are formed or derived these two Comparatives [...] and [...], and these two Superla­tives [...] and [...]; for such Questions as these, make People knit their Brows. A Man may discourse of all other Matters, especially of Philosophy, without these frowning angry Looks that put the by-standers into a fright. Receive us then, said Demetrius, into your Company, and, if you please, the Question too which has been now agitated amongst us, which does well agree with the Place where we are, and, relating to the God Apollo, concerns therefore all that are here; but however, let's have no knitting of the Brows or frowning Looks. Being then all sat down [Page 8] close together, and Demetrius having proposed the Question we were upon, Didymus the Cynic Philosopher, surnamed Planetiades, getting up on his Feet, and stri­king the Ground Two or Three Times with his Stick, cryed out, O Jupiter! what a hard Question do you offer, what a difficult Matter do you propose? for is it any wonder, the whole World wallowing in wicked­ness, and Men having put away all Shame and Sence of Honor from them (as Hesiod long ago complain'd) that the Gods should no longer suffer their Oracles to be among them as heretofore? For my Part, I wonder there's so much as One left, and that Hercules or some other of the Gods, has not long since pluckt up, and carry'd away the Three-Footed-Stool, whereon is offered such base and villainous Questions to Apollo; some com­ing to him as a mere paltry Astrologer, to try his Skill, and impose on him by subtle Questions; others asking him about Treasures buried under-Ground, others about marrying a Fortune: So that Pythagoras will be here soon convinced of his Mistake, when he affirm'd, That the Time when Men are honestest, is when they present them­selves before the Gods; for those filthy Passions which they dare not discover before a grave Mortal Man, they scruple not to utter to Apollo. He had gone fur­ther, if Heracleon had not pull'd him by the Sleeve; and my self, who was better acquainted than any in the Company besides, thus spake to him; Cease, Friend Planetiades, from angring Apollo against thee, seeing he is sharp and choleric, and not easily reconciled; for as Pindar says, ‘That Men be favor Heav'n has him enjoyn'd.’ And whether he be the Sun, or the Master of the Sun, or Father of it, being above all visible Natures, 'tis not to be suppos'd he disdains to hold any further enter­course with Men at this Time, seeing he gives them [Page 9] their Birth, Nourishment, Subsistence and Reason. Neither is it credible that the Divine Providence (who like a kind and indulgent Mother, produces and con­serves all Things for our Use) should shew her self malevolent only in the Matter of Divination, or de­prive us of it having once given it us; as if, when there were more Oracles than there are now in the World, Men were not then as wicked. But let us make a Pythic Truce (as they say) with Vice, which you are always sharply reprehending, and sit down here with us to try, Whether we can find out any other Cause of the ceasing of Oracles; and let me only advise you by the way, to have better Thoughts of God, than to suppose him so prone to Anger. Planetiades was so moved with these Speeches, that he went away imme­diately without speaking a Word. The Company re­maining a while in Silence, Ammonius addressing him­self to me, said, Prethee, Lamprias, let's take Care of what we say, and not be rash in our Assertions; for we do not well when we make God to be little or no Cause of these Oracles ceasing; for, he that attributes the failing of them to any other Cause than the Will and Decree of God, gives occasion to suspect his Belief, Whether there ever were, or are now any by his Disposition, but by some other Means; for there is no other more excellent and noble Cause and Power, which can destroy and abolish Divination, if it be the Work of God. And as for Planettades his Discourse, it does not at all please me, as well for the Inequality and Inconstancy which he attributes to God, as for o­ther Reasons. For he makes him sometimes re­jecting and detesting of Vice, and sometimes admit­ting and receiving it, just as a King or rather a Tyrant, who drives wicked People out of one Gate, and receives them through another, and negotiates with them. But [...] the greatest and most perfect [Page 10] Work that will admit of no Additions, is that which agrees best with the Dignity of the Gods; by sup­posing this, we may in my judgment affirm, That in this common Scarcity of Men occasioned by the former Wars and Seditions over all the World, Greece has most suffered; so that she can with much Difficulty raise 3000 Men, which Number the single City of Megara sent heretofore to the Battle of Pla­taea. Wherefore if God now sorsakes several Oracles which anciently were frequented, what is this but a Sign that Greece is at this Time very much dispeopled, in Comparison of what it was heretofore; and he that will affirm this, shall not want for Arguments. For, of what Use would the Oracle be now, which was heretofore at Tegyar or at Pious? for scarcely shall you meet in a whole Days time, with so much as a Herdsman or Shepherd in those Parts. We find also in Writing, that this Place of Divi­nation where we now are, and which is as ancient as any, and as famous and renowned as any is in all Greece, was for a considerable Time deserted and inaccessible, by Means of a dangerous Creature that resorted thither, namely a Dragon. Yet those that have written this, did not well comprehend the oc­casion of the Oracles ceasing; for, the Dragon did not make the Place solitary, but rather the Solitude of the Place occasioned the Dragon to repair thither. Since that Time, when Greece became populous and full of Towns, they had Two Women Prophetesses, who went down one after another into the Hole. More­over, there was a Third chosen, if need were; whereas now there is but one, and yet we do not complain of it, because she's sufficient. And there­fore we do not well to repine at Providence, seeing there's no want of Divinations, where all that come are satisfied in whatever they desire to know. Homer [Page 11] tells us, Agamemnon had Nine Heralds, and yet with these could he hardly keep in Order the Greeks, they being so many in Number; but you'll find now, that the Voice of one Man is sufficient to be heard all over the Theatre. The Oracles then spake by more Organs or Voices, because there were then a greater Number of Men. So that we should think it strange, if God should suffer to be spilt and run to waste like Water, the Prophetical Divination, every where resounding, as in the Fields we hear the Rocks in Mountains echoing the Voices of bleating Cattel. Ammonius having said these Words, and I returning no Answer, Cleombrotus took up the Dis­course, and addressing himself to me; Hast thou then, said he, confess'd that 'tis God who makes and un­makes Oracles? Not I, said I; for I maintain, That God was never the Cause of taking away and abolishing any Oracle or Divination; but, on the contrary, whereas he produces and prepares several Things for our Use, so Nature leads them into Corruption, and not seldom into a Privation of their whole Being. Or, to speak better, Matter, which is it self Privation, often flies away, and dissolves what a more excellent Being than her self had wrought. So that I am of Opinion, there are other Causes which obscure and extinguish these Prophetic Spirits: For, tho God does give to Men several good and excellent Things, yet he gives to none of 'em the Power to exist eternally; for tho they never dye, yet their Gifts do (as Sophocles speaks.) 'Twere then well becoming Philosophers, who exercise themselves in the Study of Nature, and the First Matter, to enquire into the Existence, Proper­ty and Tendency of those Things, but to leave the Origin and First Cause to God, as is most reasonable. For 'tis a very childish and silly Thing to suppose, That God himself does, like the Spirits speaking in the [Page 12] Bowels of possessed Persons, (which were anciently called Eurycles, and now Pythons) enter into the Bodies of the Prophets, and speak by their Mouths and Voices, as fit Instruments for that Purpose; for he that thus mixes God in Human Affairs, has not that Respect and Reverence which is due to so great a Majesty, as being ignorant of his Power and Vir­tue. Cleombrotus then answered, You say very well, but 'tis a hard Matter to comprehend and define, how far this Providence does extend it self. They seem both alike faulty to me, who will have God to be the Cause of Nothing in the World, and those who will have him to be concerned in all Things; for both of these are run into Extremes. But as those say well, who hold that Plato, having invented this Element, on which spring up the Qualities which we sometimes call the First Matter, and sometimes Nature, has thereby delivered the Philosophers from several great Difficulties: so it seems to me, that those who have rankt the Genus of Daemons between that of Gods and Men, have solved greater Doubts and Difficulties, as having found the Knot which does, as it were, joyn and hold together our Society and Communication with them. 'Tis uncertain whence this Opinion arose, whether from the Anci­ent Magi and Zoroastres, or from Thrace by Orpheus, or from Egypt, or Phrygia, as may be conjectured from the Sight of the Sacrifices, which are made in both Countries, where amongst their Holy and Divine Ceremonies, there's seen a Mixture of Mor­tality and Mourning. And, as to the Greeks, Homer has indifferently used these Two Names, terming sometimes the Gods, Daemons, and other whiles Daemons, Gods. But Hesiod was the first that did best and most distinctly lay down Four Reasonable Natures, the Gods, the Daemons (being many in Number, and [Page 13] good in their Kind) the Demy-Gods, and Men; for, Hero's are reckoned amongst the Demy-Gods. Others say, there's a Transmutation of Bodies, as well as of Souls, just as we see, of the Earth is engendred Water, of the Water the Air, and of the Air Fire, the Nature of the Substance still ascending higher; so, good Spirits always change for the best, being transformed from Men into Demy-Gods, and from Demy-Gods into Daemons, and from Daemons by Degrees and in a long Space of Time, being refined and purified, they come to partake of the Nature of the Divinity. But there are some that cannot contain themselves, but rove about till they be entangled into Mortal Bodies, where they live meanly and obscurely like Smoak. And moreover, Hesiod imagins, that the Daemons themselves after certain Revolutions of Time, do at Length dye; for introducing a Nymph speaking, he marks the Time wherein they expire:

Now those which do not well understand what the Poet means by this Word [...], which is to say, the Age of a Man, do cause this Computation of Time to amount to a great Number of Years, though it be but one Year; so that the Total Sum makes but 9720 Years, which is the space of the Age of Daemons. And there are several Mathematicians, which make it shorter than this. Pindar himself does not make it longer, when [Page 14] he says, The Destiny of the Life of Nymph [...] is equal to Trees, and therefore they are called Ha [...]adrya [...]s, because they spring up and dye with Oaks. He was going on, when Demetrius interrupting him, thus said; How is it possible, Cleombrotus, that you should main­tain, That a Year was call'd by this Poet, the Age of a Man, seeing it is not the Space, nor the Flower and Youth, nor his Old Age? for here are divers Readings of this Place, some reading [...], others [...], and one signifying flourishing, the other aged; and those that understand hereby flourishing, reckon Thirty Years for the Age of Man's Life, according to the Opinion of Heraclitus, this being the space of Time in which a Father has begotten a Son, who then is apt and able to beget another; and those that read [...], aged, allow to the Age of Man an Hundred and Eight Years, saying, that Fifty Four Years are just the half part of a Man's Life, which Number consists of an Unity, the Two first Plains, of Two Squares and Two Cubes; which Numbers Plato himself has appropriated to the Procreation of the Soul. And it seems also, that Hesiod by these Words intimated the Consummation of the World by Fire; at which Time 'tis likely the Nymphs, with the Rivers, Marshes, and Woods where they inhabit, shall be consumed:

I have heard, says Cleombrotus, this alledged by seve­ral, and find that the Stoical Conflagration hath not only intruded it self upon the Works of Heraclitus and Or­pheus, but also Hesiod's, by imposing such Meanings on their Words as they never thought on. Neither can I any more approve of this Consummation of the World, which they maintain; neither is it possible to have made just Observations on the Lives of Animals, as appears by the Number of Years which they attri­bute [Page 15] to Crows and Stags. Moreover, the Year con­taining in it self the Beginning and End of all Things which the Seasons bring and the Earth produces, may, in my Opinion, be not impertinently called The Age of Man; for your selves confess, that Hesiod does some­where call the Life of Man [...]; What say you, does he not? Which Demetrius confessing, he proceed­ed in this Manner: 'Tis also certain, that we call the Vessels whereby we measure Things, by the Names of the Things measured in them. As we then call an Unite a Number, though it be but the least Part and Measure, and the Beginning of a Number; so has he called a Year the Age of Man, because 'tis the Mea­sure wherewith 'tis measured. As for those Numbers which those others describe, they be not of such Singu­larity and Importance. But the Sum of 9720, con­sists of Four special Numbers orderly arising from One; and the same added together, and multiplyed by Four every way, amounts to Forty: these Forties being reduced into Triangles by Five Times, make up the Total of the forecited Number. But as to that, 'tis not necessary to enter into a Debate with Demetrius; for, whether it be a short or a long Time, certain or un­certain, wherewith Hesiod limits the Soul of a Daemon, and the Life of a Demy-God, either of those will prove, by ancient and evident Testimonies, that there are Natures neuter and mean, and as it were in the Confines of the Gods and Men, subject to Mortal Passions, and to receive Mutations and necessary Changes; which Natures, according to the Tradi­tion and Example of our Predecessors, 'tis sitting we should call Daemons, and give them all due Honor. To which Purpose Xenocrates, one of the familiar Friends of Plato, was wont to alledge the Example of Triangles, which agree very well with the Sub­ject; for, that Triangle which has Three Sides, and [Page 16] equal Angles, he compared unto the Divine and Im­mortal Nature, and that which has all Three un­equal, to the Human and Mortal Nature, and that which has Two equal and One unequal, to the Na­ture of Daemons, which is endued with the Passions and Perturbations of the Mortal Nature, and the Force and Power of the Divine. Even Nature has set before us sensible Figures and Resemblances of this; of the Gods, the Sun and the Stars; of Mortal Men, the Comets, Flashings in the Night, and shooting Stars; And this Similitude is taken up by Euripides, when he saith,

And for a mixt Body representing the Nature of Daemons, the Moon; which some observing to be sub­ject to encrease and decrease, and wholly to disap­pear, have thought it very agreeable to the mutable Condition of Daemons; and have for this Reason ter­med her a Terrestrial Star, others Olympic Earth, and others the Inheritance and Possession of Proserpine both Heavenly and Earthly. As one then that should take from the World the Air, and remove it from between the Moon and the Earth, would dissolve the Continuation and Composition of the Universe, by leaving an empty Place in the Midst, without any Contexture to hold the Two Parts together; so those that do not allow Daemons, do oppose all Com­munication and Conference of the Gods with Men, seeing they destroy that Nature (as Plato says) which serves as an Interpreter and Messenger between 'em both; or else they constrain us to perplex and con­found [Page 17] all Things together, by mixing the Divine Nature with Human Passions, and plucking it down from Heaven, as the Women of Thessaly are said to do the Moon; which Fiction has met with Be­lief in some Women; because Aglaonice, the Daughter of Agetor being skilful in Astrology, made the Vulgar believe, that by Means of some Charms and Enchant­ments, she could bring the Moon down from Hea­ven. But as to us, let's not think there are any Oracles or Divinations without some Divinity, or that the Gods are not pleas'd with Sacrifices, and our Ser­vices, and other Ceremonies. And, on the other Hand, let's not think that God is present in them, or employs himself personally about them, but that he does commit them to his Officers the Daemons, who are the Spies and Scouts of the Gods, wandring and circuiting about at their Commands; some be­holding and ordering the sacred Ceremonies and Ob­lations offered to the Gods, others being employ'd to revenge and punish the high Misdemeanors and enormous Injustices of Men. There are moreover others, to whom Hesiod gives a very venerable Name, calling them, the Distributers of Riches, and Donor [...] of Largesses among Mortals; for the Gods have al­lowed them the Privilege, and granted them a Royal Commission to see them duly distributed. As informing here by the Way, that to be benifi­cent and liberal of Favors, is the proper Office of a King. For there is a Difference of Virtue between these Daemons, as much as between Men, and there are some of them in whom still there are some small Remains (tho weak and scarcely discernible) of the Sensitive and Irrational Soul, which like a small Quantity of Excrements and Superfluities, stay still behind. Others there are, in whom there abideth a greater Measure of these gross Humors, the Marks [Page 18] and Traces of which, are to be seen in many Places, by the odd and singular Ceremonies and Sacrifices which they require, as is vulgarly known. As to the Mysteries and secret Ceremonies, by which we may more clearly, than by any other Means, understand the Nature of Daemons; I shall, with Herodotus, be cautious in treating of that Matter. But as to the certain Feasts and direful Sacrifices, which are held as Unfortunate and Mournful Days, and are celebrated by eating raw Flesh, and which is torn with Men's Nails; or, other Days wherein they fast, and smite their Breasts; and, in several Places, where filthy and dishonest Words are uttered during the Sacrifices, I will never think this done on any of the God's Account, but ra­ther to avert, mollify, and appease the Wrath and Fury of some bad Daemons: for, 'tis not likely there ever was a God that expected or required men to be sacrificed to him, as has been anciently done, or re­ceived such kind of Sacrifices with Approbation. Nei­ther must we imagine 'twas for nothing, that Kings and Great Men have delivered their own Children to be sacrificed, or that they sacrificed them themselves with their own Hands; seeing, they intended hereby to avert and appease the Malice and Rancor of some Evil Spirits, or to satisfy the violent and raging Lusts of some, who either could not or would not enjoy them with their Bodies or by their Bodies. Even as Hercules be­sieged the City of Oechalia, for a Wench that was therein: so these Powerful and Tyrannical Daemons, requiring some Human Soul, which is still compassed with a Body, and yet not being able to satisfie their Lust by the Body; do therefore bring the Plague and Famin into Towns, raise Wars and Seditions, till such Time as they ob­tain and enjoy that which they love. Others, on the contrary (as I remember I observ'd in Candia, for I was some considerable Time there) celebrate a Feast, in [Page 19] which they shew the Figure of a Man without a Head saying, 'Tis Molus, the Father of Meriones, who having violently laid Hands on a Nymph, was after­wards seen without a Head. The Rapes committed on Boys or Girls; the long Voyages, Flights, Banish­ments and voluntary Services of the Gods, which are sung by the Poets, and related by the Celebration of their Wit or Power, are not Passions and Virtues sitting to be attributed to Gods but to Daemons. Neither is Aeschylus in the right when he says, ‘Divine Apollo banisht from the Sky.’ Nor Admetus in Sophocles; ‘My Cock by crowing led him to the Mill.’

The Divines of Delphos were far from the Truth when they asserted, That there was a Combat between Apollo and a Dragon about the Possession of this Oracle. No less are they to blame who suffer the Poets or Orators in the open Thearres to Act or Speak of such Matters; whereby they seem to condemn those Things which themselves perform in their sacred Solemnities. Philippus wondring at what was last said (for this Man was an Historian, and then present in the Company) he enquired what Divine Solemnities they contradicted and condemned, who contend one against another in the Theatres. Even those, quoth Cleombrotus, which concern the Oracle of Delphos, and by which this City having lately ad­mitted and received into these Ceremonies and Sacri­fices, all the Greeks without Thermopylae, and excluded those that dwell as far as the Vale of Tempe. For, the Tabernacle of Boughs which is set up every Ninth Year, within the Court-Yard of this Temple, is not a Representation of the Dragons Den, but of some King or Tyrant; and the assaulting of it in [Page 20] great Silence, by the Way termed Delonia. And immediately they lead hither a young Youth whose Father and Mother is still living, with Torches burning; and having set this Tabernacle on Fire, and overthrown the Table, they run away as fast as they are able, through the Doors of the Temple, never looking behind them. In fine, this Boys Wan­drings, together with his Servile Offices, and expi­atory Sacrifices about Tempe, seem to declare the Commission of some horrid Crime in this Place. For it looks silly to affirm, That Apollo for having kill'd the Dragon, was forc'd to fly to the farthest Parts of Greece to be cleansed and purified; and, that he there made certain Offerings and Libations, as Men do when they design the appeasing those vindictive Spirits, whom we call Alastoras and Palamnaeos, which is to say, the Revengers of such Crimes as cannot be forgotten, but must have Punishment. 'Tis true in­deed, that the Relation which I have heard touch­ing this Flight, is very strange and wonderful; but if there be any Truth in it, we must not sup­pose 'twas an ordinary and common Matter, which happn'd then about this Oracle. Yet lest I should be thought, as Empedocles says,

I entreat you let me put a fit Conclusion to my Discourse (for now the Time requires it) and to say what several have said before me, That when the Daemons, who are appointed for the Government and Superintendency of Oracles, do fail, the Oracles must of Necessity also fail too; and, when they de­part else-where, the Divining Powers, must likewise cease in those Places, but returning again after a [Page 21] long Time, the Places will begin again to speak; like Musical Instruments, if handled by those that know how to use them. Cleombrotus having said thus much, Heracleon took up the Discourse, saying; We have never an Infidel amongst us, but are all agreed in our Opinions touching the Gods. Yet let's have a Care, Philippus, lest in the Heat and Multiplicity of our Words, we unawares broach not some false Doctrine that may tend to Impiety. Well! but saith Philippus, I hope Cleombrotus has not said any thing which may occasion this Caution. His asserting (says Heracleon) That they be not the Gods who pre­side over the Oracles (because we are to suppose them free from all Worldly Care) but Daemons, or the Gods Officers or Messengers, does not scandalize me; but to assert from Empedocles, That these Daemons are the Causes of all the Calamities, Vexations and Plagues, which happen to Mortal Men, and in the End to make them to dye like them; this, in my Mind, savors of bold Presumption. Cleombrotus having askt Philippus, Who this Young Man was, and being inform'd of his Name and Country, he proceeded in this Manner: I know very well, Heracleon that the Discourse I used may bear an absurd Construction; but there's no speak­ing of great Matters, without laying first great Foun­dations, for the Proof of ones Opinion. But as for your part, you are not sensible, how you contradict even that which you allow; for, granting as you do, that there be Daemons, but not allowing 'em to be vi­tious and mortal, you cannot prove there are any at all; for, wherein do they differ from Gods, supposing they be incorruptible and impassible, and not liable to Error? Whilst Heracleon was musing and studying how to answer this, Cleombrotus went on, saying, 'Tis not only Empedocles who affirms there are bad Daemons, but even Plato, Xenocrates, and Chrysippus, yea and Democri­tus, [Page 22] when he prayed he might meet with good Spirits; which shews, That he thought there were bad, as well as good Daemons. And as to their Mortality, I have heard it reported from a Person that was neither Fool nor Knave, being Epitherses, the Father of Aemilianus the Orator, whom some of you have heard declame. This Epitherses was my Townsman and School-master, who told me, That designing a Voyage to Italy, he embark'd himself on a Vessel well laden both with Goods and Passengers. About the Evening the Vessel was becalm'd about the Isles Echinades, whereupon their Ship drove with the Tide till it was carry'd near the Isles of Paxes: When immediately a Voice was heard by most of the Passengers (who were then a­wake, and taking a Cup after Supper) calling unto one Thamus, and that with so loud a Voice, as made all the Company amazed; which Thamus was a Mari­ner of Egypt, whose Name was scarcely known in the Ship. He returned no Answer to the Two first Calls, but at the Third he replyed, Here! here! I am the Man. Then the Voice said aloud to him, When you are arrived at Palodes, take Care to make it known, that the great God PAN is dead. Epitherses told us, this Voice did much astonish all that heard it, and caused much arguing, Whether this Voice was to be obeyed or slighted. Thamus, for his part, was resolv'd, if the Wind permitted, to sayl by the Place without saying a Word; but if the Wind ceas'd, and there ensu'd a Calm, to speak and cry out as loud as he was able what he was enjoyn'd. Being come to Palodes, there was no Wind stirring, and the Sea was as smooth as Glass. Whereupon Thamus standing on the Deck, with his Face towards the Land, uttered with a loud Voice his Message, saying, The Great PAN is dead. He had no sooner said this, but they heard a dreadful Noise, not only of one but of [Page 23] several, who, to their thinking, groan'd and lamented with a kind of Astonishment. And there being many Persons in the Ship, an Account of this was soon spread over Rome, which made Tiberius the Emperor send for Thamus, and seem'd to give such heed to what he told him, that he earnestly enquired who this PAN was. And the Learned Men about him gave in their Judgments, That 'twas the Son of Mercury by Penelope. There were some then in the Company, who de­clared, They had heard old Aemilianus say as much. Demetrius then related, That about Britain there were many small and desolate Islands, some of which were called the Isles of Daemons and Demy-Gods; and that he himself at the command of the Emperor, sailed to the nearest of those Places for Curiosity sake, where he found few Inhabitants, but that they were all esteemed by the Britains, as Sacred and Divine. Not long after he was arrived there, he said, the Air and the Weather were very foul and tempestuous, and there followed a terrible Storm of Wind and Thunder; which at length ceasing, he says, the Inhabitants told him, That one of the Daemons or Demy-Gods was deceased. For, as a Lamp, said he, while 'tis lighted offends no body with its scent, but when 'tis extinguished it sends out such a Scent as is nauseous to every body; so these great Souls, whilst they shine, are mild and gracious, with­out being troublesom to any body; but when they draw to an end, they cause great Storms and Tempests, and not seldom infect the Air with contagious Dis­tempers. They say farther, That Saturn is detained Prisoner in one of those Islands, whom he keeps fast asleep in Chains, and that he has several of those Dae­mons for his Valets and Attendants. Thus then spake Cleombrotus; I could, says he, relate several such Stories as these, but 'tis sufficient that what has bin said as yet, does not contradict the Opinion of any one here. [Page 24] And we all know, the Stoicks believe the same as we do concerning the Daemons; and, that amongst the great Company of Gods which are commonly believ'd, there is but one who is Eternal and Immortal; all the rest having bin born in Time, shall end by Death. As to the Flouts and Scoffings of the Epicureans, they are not to be regarded, seeing they have the Boldness to treat Divine Providence with as little Reverence, cal­ling it by no better a Name, than a mere Whimsey and old Wives Fable. Whereas we, on the contrary, assert, That their Infinite Worlds is truly ridiculous, seeing among such endless Numbers of them, there's not one governed by Reason or Divine Providence, they having been all made and upheld by Chance. If we cannot forbear drolling even in matters of Philosophy, they are most to be ridiculed, who bring into their Disputes of Natural Questions, certain deaf, blind and dumb Images, which appear they know not where nor when, which they say, proceed from Bodies, some of which are still living, and others long since dead and rotten. Now, such peoples Opinions as these, must needs be exploded and derided by all rational Men. Yet these very People shall be offended and angry at a Mans saying, There be Daemons, and that they subsist and continue a long time. Here Ammonius began to speak, saying, In my Opinion, Theophrastus was in the right, and spoke like a Philosopher and a Divine; for, whoever shall deny what he alledges, must also reject many things which are, and do often happen, though we understand not the Reasons why they do so; and granting what he offers to be true, What ill con­sequences follow hereupon? But as to what I have heard the Epicureans alledge against the Daemons which Empedocles asserts, as, That 'tis impossible they can be happy and long-liv'd if they be bad and vitiously af­fected, because Vice in its own Nature is blind, and [Page 25] Naturally precipitates it self into such mischeifs as de­stroy Life; that, I must tell you, is vain and idle. For if this reasoning be good, 'twill then follow, That Epicurus was a worse Man than Gorgias the Sophister, and Metrodorus than Alexis the Comic Actor; for he lived twice as long as Metrodorus, and Gorgias much longer than Epicurus. For, 'tis in another regard, we say Vertue is strong, and Vice weak, not in reference to the continuance or dissolution of the Body; for we know there are many Animals which are dull, slow and heavy, and many disorderly and lustful, which live longer than those that are more sagacious and quicker of Sence. And therefore they are much in the wrong in saying, The Divine Nature is Immortal, because it avoideth the things which are ill and mis­chievous; for they should have supposed the Divine Nature free from all possibility of falling into Corrupti­on and Alteration. But perhaps 'twill be thought not fair, to dispute against those that are absent; I would have therefore Cleombrotus to resume his Discourse, touching the Vanishing and Transmigration of Daemons from one Place to another. With all my heart, answered Cleombrotus, but I shall now say something which will seem more absurd than any thing I have heretofore offered, although it seems to be grounded on Natural Reason; and Plato himself has touched upon it, not positively affirming it, but offering it as a probable Opinion. And seeing we are fall'n into a free Discourse, and that a Man cannot light into better Company, and a more favourable Auditory, I shall therefore tell you a Story which I heard from a Stranger, whose Acquaintance has cost me no small Sum of Mony in searching after him in diverse Coun­tries, whom at length after much Travel, I found near the Red-Sea. He would Converse with Men but once a Year, all the rest of his time (as he told me) he [Page 26] spent among the Nymphs, Nomades and Daemons. He was very free with me, and extreamly obliging: I ne­ver saw a more graceful Person in all my Life; and that which was very strange in him, was, that he was never subject to any Disease; once every Month he eat the bitter Fruit of a certain Medicinal Herb. He spake several Languages perfectly well; his Discourse to me was in the Dorick Dialect; his Speech was as charming as the sweetest Musick, and as soon as ever he opened his Mouth to speak, there issued out of it so sweet and fragrant a Breath, that all the Place was fill'd with it. Now, as to Humane Learning, such as History, &c. he retained the Knowledg thereof all the Year; but as to the Gift of Divination, he was inspired there­with only one Day in the Year; in which he went down to the Sea-side, and there foretold things to come. And thither resorted to him the Princes and Great Men of all the Country, or else their Secreta­ries, who there attended his coming at a prefixed Day, and then returned. This Person attributed Divination to the Daemons, and was well pleased to hear what we related concerning Delphos. Whatsoever we told con­cerning Bacchus, and the Sacrifices which are offered to him, he knew it all, saying, That as these were great Accidents which hapned to Daemons, so also was that which was related of the Serpent Python; affirming, That he who slew him was not banished for Nine Years, neither did he fly into the Vally of Tempe, but was driven out of this World into another; from whence, after Nine Revolutions of the Great Years, being return­ed, cleansed and purified, and become a true Phaebus, that is to say, clear and bright, he had at length re­covered the Superintendance of the Delphic Oracle; which in the mean time was committed to the Charge of Themis. He said as much concerning what is related of the Typhons and Titans. For he affirmed, They [Page 27] were the Battels of Daemons against Daemons, and the Flights and Banishments of those that had been vanquish­ed, or the Punishments inflicted by the Gods on those which had committed such Facts, as Typhon is said to have done against Osiris, and Saturn against Coelum, whose Honours are much obscured, or wholly lost, by being translated into another World. For I know that the Solymeans, who are Borderers to the Lycians, did great­ly honour Saturn; but since he kill'd their Princes, Arsalus, Dryus and Throsobius, he fled into some other Country, they knew not where, and he now is in a manner forgotten. But they called those three, Arsa­lus, Dryus and Throsobius, the severe Gods, and the Lyci­ans do at this Day curse People in their Names, as well in private as public. Several other such like Ex­amples may a Man find in the Records of the Gods. And if we call any of the Daemons by the usual and common Names of the Gods on whom they do depend, 'tis no marvel at all (said this great Man) for they like to be called by the Gods on whom they do depend, and from whom they have received their Honour and Pow­er; even as amongst us Men, one is named Jovius, another Palladius or Apollonius. And there are some, who though they have their Names imposed on them, as it were by chance, yet do they well agree with their Tempers; whereas some carry the Names of the Gods, which do not at all suit with their Weaknesses and Imperfections. Here Cleombrotus having paused, his Discourse seemed strange to all the Company, and He­racleon demanded of him, how this Discourse concern'd Plato, and how he had given Occasion to this Dis­course? Unto which Cleombrotus answered, You do well to put me in mind of it; for first, he ever reject­ed the Infinity of Worlds, yet would determine no­thing positively, touching the precise Number of them: And granting the Probability of their Opinion, who [Page 28] affirmed there were Five in each Element; as to his own Part, he kept to One, which seems to be his Ge­nuine Opinion; whereas all other Philosophers have been afraid to receive and admit the Multitude of Worlds; as if those who did not refer and determine the Matter to One, must needs fall into this troublesome and boundless Infinity. But was this Stranger, said I, of the same Opinion with Plato, touching the Number of the Worlds? or did you not all the while ask his Opini­on in that Matter? I was far from failing herein, says Cleombrotus, seeing I found him so communicative and affable to me. He told me, That neither the Number of the Worlds was Infinite, neither was there but on­ly One, nor Five, but an Hundred and Eighty three, which were ranged in a Triangular Form, every Side containing Sixty Worlds; and of the Three remaining, every Corner had One; that they were so ordered, that one always touched another in a Circle, like those who dance in a Ring; that the Plain within the Tri­angle, is as it were the Foundation and common Altar to all those Worlds, which is called the Plain, or Field of Truth, in which lye the Designs, Moulds, Ideas and invariable Examples of all things which were, or ever shall be; and about these is Eternity, whence flowed Time as from a River into these Worlds. Moreover, that the Souls of Men, if they have lived well in this World, do see them once in Ten Thousand Years; and that the most Holy, Mystical Ceremonies which are performed here, are no more than a Dream of this Sacred Vision; and farther, That all the Pains which are taken in the Study of Philosophy, were to attain to a Sight of those Beauties, otherwise they were all lost Labours. I heard him, said he, relate all these things as perfectly as if they had been some Re­ligious Rites, wherein he would have instructed me; for, he brought me no Proof or Demonstration to con­firm [Page 29] what he said. Here turning my self to Demetrius, I asked him what were the Words which the Wooers of Penelope spake in Homer, when they saw Ʋlysses hand­ling his Bow, ‘A cunning Spy no doubt, and Plagiary.’ And Demetrius having put me in mind of them, it came, I say, into my Thoughts, to say as much of this wonderful Man. He was a Person conversant in all sorts of Learning, being a Greek born, and perfect­ly well skill'd in the Studies of his Country; for this Number of Worlds shews us, That he was neither an Indian, nor an Egyptian, but that his Father was a Greek of the Country of Sicily, named Petron, born in the City of Himera, who wrote a little Book on this Subject, which I indeed never saw, nor can tell whe­ther it be extant. But Hippus, a Native of Rhegium, mentioned by Phanias the Eressian, tells us, 'twas the Doctrine of Petron, That there were an Hundred and Eighty three Worlds, whose Ends were orderly tack'd to one another; but he offers no reason to prove this. 'Tis certain, says Demetrius, that Plato himself bringing no Argument to evince this Point, does hereby over­throw this Opinion. Yet, says Heracleon, we have heard you Grammarians say, That Homer was the first Author of this Opinion, as having divided the Uni­verse into Five Worlds, Heaven, Water, Air, Earth, and that which he calls Olympus, of which, he leaveth Two to be common (viz.) the Earth to all beneath, and Olympus to all above, but the Three in the midst be­tween them, he attributes unto Three several Gods. In the like manner, Plato assigning unto the principal Parts of the Universe the First Forms, and most excellent Figures of the Bodies, calls them Five Worlds, (viz.) that of the Earth, of the Water, Air and Fire, and fi­nally, [Page 30] that which comprehendeth all the others, which he calls Dodecaedron, which is to say, with twelve B [...] ses; which amply extending, is of easie Motion and Capacity, its Form and Figure being very fit and pro­per for the Revolutions of the Animal Motions. What need is there then, cry'd Demetrius, of bringing in good old Homer, for we have had Fables enough alrea­dy. But Plato is far from calling the different Elements Five Worlds; for even where he disputes against those who assert an Infinite Number of Worlds, he affirms, There's only One, created of God, and beloved by him, consisting of Nature intire, having a perfect Bo­dy, endued with Self-sufficiency, and wanting nothing; and therefore we may well think it strange, that the Truth which he spake should occasion the Extrava­gancy of others; for had he not maintained the World [...] Unity, he would in some sort have given a Foundati­on to those, who affirm an Infinite Number of them; but that he asserted precisely Five, this is marvelously strange, and far from all probability, unless you can (says he, turning himself to me) clear this Point. How▪ said I, are you then resolved to drop here your first Dispute about Oracles, and to take up another of no less Difficulty. Not so neither, reply'd Demetrius, yet we must take Cognizance of this, which does as it were hold out its Hand to us, though we shall not re­main long upon it, but treat of it by the Way, and soon return to our first Discourse. First of all then I say, the Reasons which hinder us from asserting an In­finite Number of Worlds, do not hinder us from af­firming, That there are more than One; for as well in Many Worlds as in One, there may be Providence, Divination and Fortune, which may intervene in the smallest Things; but most part of the grand and prin­cipal Things, have, and take their Beginnings and Changes by Order, which could not be in an Infinite [Page 31] Number of Worlds. And it is more conformable to Reason, to say, That God made more than One World; for, being perfectly Good, he wants neither Power nor Good Will, and least of all, Justice and Friendship, for they do chiefly become the Nature of the Gods. Now God hath nothing that is superfluous and useless, and therefore there must be other Inferior Gods proceeding from him, and other Worlds made by him, towards whom he must use these social Vertues; for he cannot exercise those Vertues of Justice and Benignity on him­self, but to others; so that it is not likely this World should float and wander about, without either Friend, Neighbour, or any sort of Communication, into an Infinite Vacuum. For we see, Nature includes and contains all things in their Species, like as in Vessels, or in Husks of Seeds; for there's nothing in Nature of which there is but one and no more, but has the Rea­son of its Being common with others; neither is there any thing that hath a particular Denomination, but be­sides the common Notion, it is by some particular Qualities distinct from others of the same Genus. Now, the World is not termed so in Common, it must be then such in Particular, and qualified it is in Particular, and distinguished by certain Differences, from other Worlds of the same Kind. For there being no such Thing in Nature as one Man alone, one Horse, one Star, one God, one Daemon; so there is not in Nature one only World, and no more, it being certain, that there are several. And he that shall object against me, That this World hath likewise but one Earth, and one Sea, I can answer him, He is much deceived, by not understanding the Evidence of like Parts. For we divide the Earth into Similar Parts, and of the same Denomination; for all the Parts of the Earth are Earth, and so of the Sea; but no Part of the World, is the World, it being composed of divers and different [Page 32] Natures; for as to the Inconvenience which some do seem to fear, and in respect of which they confine all the Matter within One World, lest there remaining any thing without, it should disturb the Composition of this, by the Resistances and Jarrs which it would make against it; they have no need to dread this; for, th [...]re being Many Worlds, and each of them in parti­cular having one definite and determinate Measure and Limit of its Substance and Matter, no Part thereof will be without Order and good Disposition, nothing will remain superfluous, or be cast out as an Excre­ment. For, the Reason which belongeth to each World, being able to rule and govern the Matter that is allotted thereto, will not suffer any thing to run out of Course and Order, and rencounter and jumble ano­ther World; nor likewise, that any thing from ano­ther should justle or disturb it, there being nothing in Nature Infinite and Inordinate in Quantity, nor in Mo­tion without Reason and Order. And if perhaps there be any Influence that passes from the one to the other, this is a Fraternal Communication, whereby they mix themselves together, like the Light of the Stars, and the Influence of their Temperatures, which are the Cause that they themselves do rejoyce in beholding one another with a benign Aspect, and give to the Gods (who are Good and many in Number in every Star) an Opportunity of knowing and caressing one another: For there's nothing in all this that is impossible, or fa­bulous, or contrary to Reason, though some may think so, because of the Opinion of Aristotle, who saith, That all Bodies have their proper and natural Places, by which means the Earth must on all sides tend to the Midst, and the Water upon it, serving by its Weight for a Foundation to the other lighter Elements. Were there then Many Worlds, the Earth would be often found to be situated above the Airy and Fiery Regions, [Page 33] and as often under them, sometimes in their natural Places, and sometimes in other, which are contrary to their Natures; which things being impossible (as he thinks) it follows then, there are neither Two, nor more Worlds, but One only, which is this here, consist­ing of all Kinds of Elements, disposed according to Nature, agreeable to the diversity of Bodies. But in all this there is more probability than Truth; for con­sider, Friend Demetrius, that when he saith among sim­ple Bodies, some tend towards the Midst, which is to say, downwards, the others from the Midst, that is, upward, and a Third sort move round about the Midst; what does he mean by the Midst? this cannot be in respect of a Vacuum, there being no such thing in Na­ture, as he says himself: And moreover, those that do allow it, say, that it can have no Middle, no more than Beginning and End; for Beginning and End are Extremities; but that which is Infinite, every Body knows is without an End. But supposing we should be necessitated to admit a Middle in a Vacuum, it is im­possible to comprehend and imagine the different Moti­ons of Bodies towards it, because there is neither in this Vacuum any Power attractive of the Body, nor in the Bodies any Inclination or Affection to tend on all Sides to this Middle: And it is no less difficult to ima­gine, that Bodies can move of themselves towards an Incorporeal Place, or receive any Motion from it. This Middle then must be understood not locally, but corpo­really: for this World being a Mass and Union consist­ing of different Bodies joyned together, this Diversity of them must beget different Motions from one ano­ther; which appears, in that each of these Bodies chang­ing its Substance, does at the same time change its Place: For the Subtilization and Rarefaction dissipates the Mat­ter, which springeth from the Midst, and ariseth up­wards: whereas on the contrary, the Condensation [Page 34] and Constipation depresses and drives it down towards the Middle, on which 'tis not necessary to discourse any longer in this Place; for whatever Cause a Man supposes shall produce such Passions and Changes, that very Cause will contain each of these Worlds in it self, because each of them has its Sea and Land, each its proper Middle, and each its Passions and Change of Bodies, and the Nature and Power, which contains and preserves each in its Place and Being. For that which is without, whether it be nothing at all, or an Infinite Vacuum, cannot allow any Middle, as we have already said. But there being several Worlds, each has its proper Middle apart; so that in each of them there will be Motions proper to Bodies, some tending down to the Midst, others mounting aloft from the Midst, others moving round about it, according as they them­selves do distinguish Motions. And he who asserts there are many Middles, and that heavy Bodies from all sides do tend unto one alone, is like to him who shall affirm, That the Blood of several Men runs from all Parts into one Vein; or that all their Brains should be contained within one and the same Membrane; supposing it absurd, that all Natural Bodies which are solid, should not be in one Place, and the rare in ano­ther. He that thus thinketh, is certainly a mean Phi­losopher; and no better is he who will not allow the Whole to have all Parts in their Order, Rank and natural Situation. What could be more foolish, than for a Man to imagine a World which had a Moon within it, situated beneath; just as if a Man should have his Brains where his Heels are, and his Heart in his Forehead? Whereas, there's no Absurdity or In­conveniency, if in supposing several distinct Worlds, separated from one another, a Man should distinguish and separate their Parts. For in each of them, the Earth, Sea and Sky, will be placed and situated in [Page 35] their proper Places; and each of these Worlds may have its Superior, Inferior, Circular and Middle Part; not in respect of another World, nor in reference to what is without, but what is within it self. And as to the Argument which some do draw from a Stone being placed without the World, it neither proves Rest nor Motion; for how could it remain suspended, seeing it is by Nature heavy, or move towards the Midst of the World as other ponderous Bodies, seeing it is neither part of it, nor like it? And as to that Earth which is fix'd and environed by another World, we must not wonder, considering its Weightiness, if it does not drop down, seeing it is upheld by a certain Natural Force pertaining to it. For if we shall take high and low, not within the World, but without, we shall find our selves involved in the same Difficulties as Epicurus was, when he made his little Indivisible Atoms to move and tend to those Places which are under foot, as if the Va­cuum had Feet, or that its Infinite Space would permit one to talk of high or low. Indeed a Man would marvail what should cause Chrysippus to say, That the World was placed and situated directly in the Midst; and that the Matter thereof from all Eternity, having possessed it self of the Midst, yet is so compacted to­gether, that it remains for ever: For he writes this in his Fourth Book of Possible Things; vainly imagining, there's a Middle in that vast Emptiness: And still more absurdly attributing unto that Middle, which is not, the Cause of the Worlds Stability and Continuance; he having often said in other Writings of his, That the Substance is upheld and governed by the Motions tending to the Midst, and partly by others parting from the Midst of it. As to the other Oppositions which the Stoicks make, who should fear them! as when they de­mand, how 'tis possible to mantain a Fatal Destiny? a Di­vine Providence? and how it can be otherwise but that we [Page 36] must admit of several Jupiters, when we assert the Plu­rality of Worlds. Now if there be an Inconveniency in admitting many Jupiters, their Opinions will appear far more absurd; For they imagine there are Suns, and Moons, Apollo's, Diana's and Neptunes, in innumerable Changes and Revolutions of Worlds. But where is the Necessity which lies upon us, to grant, That there must be many Jupiters, if there be many Worlds; see­ing there may be in each of them a Sovereign Gover­nour of the Whole, indued with a suitable Mind and Ability, like to him whom we name the Lord and Fa­ther of All Things? or what shall hinder us from as­serting, That the several Worlds be subject to the Providence and Management of Jupiter, having an Eye to all Things, directing and administring to All, the Principles, the Seeds and Causes of all Things which are made. For as we often see here a Body composed of several other distinct Bodies; for Example, the As­sembly of a Town, an Army, or a Chorus; in each of which Bodies, there's Life, Prudence, and Understand­ing: so it is not impossible, that in the whole Universe, Ten, or Fifty, or a Hundred Worlds which may be in it, should all use the same Reason, and all correspond with the same Principle. For this Order and Dispositi­on is very suitable to the Gods; for we must not make them Kings of a Swarm of Bees, who never stir out of their Hives; or keep them fast imprisoned in Matter, like those who affirm the Gods to be certain Dispositions of the Air, and Powers of Waters and Fire, infused and mixed within, which arise and spring up together with the World, and to be burnt in Time, and end with it, not affording them the Liberty of Coach-men and Pilots, but nailing them down to their Bases, like Statues and Images; for they inclose the Gods within Matter, and that in so strict a Manner, as makes them liable to all the Changes, Alterations and Decays of it. [Page 37] It is certainly more agreeable to the Nature of the Gods, to say that they are wholly at liberty, like Castor and Pollux, ready to succor such as are overtaken by bad Weather at Sea; for when they appear, the Winds cease, and the Waves are calmed; not that they Na­vigate, and are Partakers of the same Peril; but only appear in the Sky, and the Danger is over. Thus do the Gods visit each World, and rule and provide for all things in them. Jupiter in Homer, cast not his Eyes far from the City of Troy into Thracia, and the Nomades or wandring Scythians, along the River Ister or the Da­nube; but the true Jupiter has several seemly and agree­able Passages for his Majesty from one World into ano­ther, not looking into the Infinite Vacuum without, nor regarding himself and nothing else, as some have ima­gined, but weighing the Deeds of Gods and Men, and the Motions and Revolutions of the Stars. For the Divinity does not hate Variety and Changes, but takes great Pleasure in them, as one may conjecture by the Circuits, Conversions and Mutations observable in the Heavens. And therefore I conclude, That the Infi­nite Number of Worlds is a Chimera, which has not the least probability of Truth, and which cannot by any means admit of One God, but must be wholly guided by Chance and Fortune. Whereas the Go­vernment and Providing for a certain Number, and definite Number of Worlds, has nothing in it that seems more laborious and unworthy, than that which is imploy'd and restrain'd to the Direction of One alone; which is transformed, renewed and reformed an Infi­nite Number of Times. Having said this, I paused, and Philippus immediately cryed out, Whether this be certain or not, I will not be too positive; but, says he, if we carry God beyond On [...] World, it would more gratifie me to know, why we should make him the Creator only of Five Worlds and no more, and what [Page 38] Proportion this Number bears to that of the Worlds, than to know why the Word E I was inscribed upon this Temple For this is neither a Triangular, a Qua­drate, a Perfect, nor a Cubic Number; neither does it yield any Elegancy to such as are delighted in these kind of Sciences. And as to what concerns the Argument drawn from the Number of Elements, which Plato seems to have touched upon, 'tis obscure and improbable, and will not afford this Consequence, That as there is formed from Matter Five Sorts of re­gular Bodies, which have equal Angles, equal Sides, and environed with equal Superficies; so there was from the Beginning Five Worlds, made and formed of these Five Bodies. Yet Theodorus the Solian, reading Plato's Mathematicks to his Scholars, does both keep to the Text, and clearly expounds it, when he saith, The Pyramis, Octaedron, Dodecaedron, Icosaedron, (which Plato lays down as the first Bodies) are all beautiful, both in their Proportions and Equalities; Nature cannot con­trive and make better than these, nor perhaps so good. Yet they have not all the same Constitution and Ori­gin; for, the least of the Five is the Pyramis; the greatest, which has most Parts, is the Dodecaedron; and of the other two, the Is [...]caedron is greater by half than the Octaedron, if you compare their Number of Trian­gles: And therefore 'tis impossible, they should be all made at once of one and the same Matter; for the smallest and most subtil, have been certainly more pli­able and formable to the Hand of the Work-man, who moved and fashioned the Matter, and consequently were sooner made and shaped, than those that have more Parts, and a greater Mass of Bodies, inasmuch as the Manufacture of the Composition was more labo­rious and difficult, as is the Dodecaedron, whence it fol­lows, that the Pyramis was the first Body, and not one of the others, which were by Nature last produced. [Page 39] Now the way to avoid also this Absurdity, is to sepa­rate and divide the Matter into Five Worlds; here the Pyramis, (for she is the first and most simple) there the Octaedron, and there the Isocaedron, and out of that which exists first in every of these Resolutions, the rest draw their Original by the Concretion or Composition of Parts, by which every thing is changed into every thing, as Plato himself shews us by Examples throughout. For Air is ingendred by the Extinction of Fire, and th [...] same being subtilized and rarified, produceth Fire. Now by the Seeds of these two, one may find out th [...] Passions and Transmutations of all. The Seminary or Beginning of Fire is the Pyramis, consisting of Twenty Four First Triangles, and the Octaedron is the Seminary of the Air, consisting of Forty Eight Triangles of the same Kind. So that the one Element of Air, stands upon two of Fire, joyned together and condensed: And again, One Body or Element of Air is divided into Two of Fire, which becoming still more thick and hard, is changed into Water; so that throughout, that which comes first into Light, gives easily Birth unto the rest by Transmutation: And so it comes to pass that there is not only one Cause and Principle of all things, but that one thing is so near the Seed and Origin of another, in the several Changes and Alterations of Nature by Motion, that in the last Result they are all the same. But here Ammonius interrupted him, and said, notwith­standing that those things are so peremptorily and so pompously asserted by Theodorus, yet I shall wonder if he be not forced to make use of such Suppositions as are destructive of themselves, and one of another. For he will have it, that the Five Worlds he speaks of, were not composed all at one time, but that that which was subtilest, and which gave least Trouble in the ma­king, came out first into being: And as if it were a consequent, and not a repugnant thing, he supposes that [Page 40] the Matter does not always drive out into Existence, that which is most subtil and simple, but that sometimes the thickest, grossest and heaviest Parts do prevent and set the heat of the more subtil in Generation. But besides this, supposing there be Five Primitive Bodies or Elements, and consequently that there be as many Worlds, there are but Four of those Orders, which he discourses rationally concerning. For as to the Cube, he takes it away and removes it, as it were in a Game of Counters; for it is naturally unfit, either to turn into any thing besides it self, or to yield that any of those other Bodies be converted into it, inasmuch as the Tri­angles of which they consist, be not of the same sort; for all the rest consist in common of Demy-Triangles, or Triangles of Unequal Sides; but the proper Subject of which this is particularly composed, is the Triangle Isosceles, or equilateral, which admitteth no Inclination unto a Demy-Triangle, nor can possibly be united and incorporated with it. If there be then Five Bodies, and consequently Five Worlds, and that in each of these Worlds the Principle of Generation be that Body which is first produced; it must happen that where the Cube is the first in Generation, none of the rest can possibly be produced, it being contrary to its Nature to change into any of them. Not to insist here, that The­odorus and those of his Mind, make the Element, or Principle of which the Dodecaedron is composed, to be different from the rest, it not being that Triangle which is termed Scalenon, with Three unequal Sides, out of which the Pyramis, Octaedron, and Isocaedron, ac­cording to Plato, are produced: So that, said Ammonius laughing, you must solve these Objections, or offer some thing new concerning the Matter in debate; and I-answered him, That for my Part, I knew not at present how to say any thing which carried more Probability; but perhaps it is better for a Man to refine and correct [Page 41] his own Opinion than anothers; therefore I say then, that there being supposed from the beginning of Things Two several Natures contrary to each other, the one Sensible, Mutable, subject to Generation, Corrup­tion and Change every way; the other Spiritual and Intelligible, and abiding always in the same State; 'twould be very strange, my Friends, to say, That the Spiritual Nature admitteth of Division, and that it hath Diversity and Difference in it, and to be angry, if a Man will not allow the Passible and Corporal Nature to be wholly united in it self, without dividing it into many Parts; for it is most suitable to the Permanent and Divine Natures, to be tyed and linked to each o­ther, and to avoid, as much as is possible, all Division and Separation; and yet amongst incorporeal Natures, the Power or Vertue of one compared with another, makes greater differences than those of distance of Place, arising from several Notions and Ideas in the Intelligi­ble World, which answer to Local Distances in the Corporeal. And therefore Plato refuting those who hold this Proposition, That all is one, asserts these Five Grounds and Principles of All; viz. Entity, Identity, Diversity, Motion and Rest, which Five Immaterial Principles being admitted, 'tis no marvel, if Nature have made every one of these to be an Imitation, though not exact, yet as perfect and agreeable as could be drawn, of a correspondent Principle in the Corporeal Mystery, partaking, as much as can be, of its Power and Virtue; for 'tis very plain, That the Cube is most proper and agreeable to Repose and Rest, by reason of the Stability and Firmness of those plain Surfaces of which it consists. And as to the Pyramis, every Body soon sees and acknowledges the Nature of Fire in it, by the slenderness of its decreasing Sides, and the sharpness of its Angles; and the Nature of the Dodecaedron, apt to comprehend all the other Figures, may seem more [Page 42] properly to be the Corporeal Image of Ens, or Being in the general, indifferent to this or that Particular Form or Shape. And of the other Two which remain, the Ico­saedron resembleth the Principle of Diversity, and the Octa­edron Principally partakes of the Identical Nature. And thus from one of these the Air is produced, which par­takes of, and borders upon, every Substance, under one and the same outward Form and Appearance; and the other has afforded us the Element of Water, which by Mixture, may put on diversity of Colours, Tastes, and o­ther Qualities. Therefore if Nature requires a certain Uniformity and Harmony in all things, 'tis then that there are neither more nor fewer Worlds in the Corpo­real Nature, than there are Patterns or Samples in the Incorporeal; to the end that each Pattern or Sample in the Invisible Nature, may have its Primary, Radical and Original Virtue, answering and corresponding to a Se­condary or Derivative in the different Constitution or Composition of Bodies; and this may serve for an An­swer to those that wonder at our dividing Nature, sub­ject to Generation and Alteration, into so many Kinds. But I intreat you all, further attentively to consider with your selves, that of the two First and Supream Principles of all Things, that is to say, the Unity, and the indefinite or indetermined Binary or Duality; this latter being the Element and chief Origin of all Defor­mity and Disorder, is termed Infinity; and on the con­trary, the Nature of Unity, determining and limiting the Void Infinity, which has no Proportion nor Ter­mination, reduces it into Form, and renders it in some manner capable of receiving a Denomination, which only belongs to sensible and particular things. Now these two general Principles appear first in Number; for the Multitude is indeed no Number, but only as it is considered as a certain Form of the Matter re­sulting out of indetermin'd Infinity, by which that [Page 43] Infinity is cut off, and bounded within respective Limits, either shorter or longer; for then each Multitude is made Number, when once it is determined and limited by Unity, whereas if we take away Unity, then the Inde­terminate Duality brings all into Confusion, and renders it without Harmony, without Number or Measure. Now the Form not being the Destruction of Matter, but rather the Order and the Beauty of it, both these Principles therefore must be within Number, from whence ariseth the chief Disparity and greatest Diffe­rence. For the Infinite and Indeterminate Principle is the Cause of the Even Number; and the other better Principle, which is the Unity, is the Father (as it were) of the Odd Number; so that the first Even Number is Two, and the first Odd Number is Three, of which is composed Five by Conjunction, common to both; but of Power or Nature, it is not Even, but Odd. For 'twas necessary, that Nature being divided into several Parts, in order to Corporeal and Sensible Composition by the Power of the other, which is Di­versity, that it should not be either the First Even Number, nor yet the First Uneven or Odd, but a Third, consisting of both; to the end it might be procreated out of both Principles, viz. of that which causeth the Even Number, and of that which produceth the Odd; for the one cannot be parted from the other, in as much as both have the Nature, Power and Force of a Prin­ciple. These Two Principles being then joyned to­gether, the best or the Triad being mightier, prevails over the Undeterminate Infinity or Duality, which di­videth the Corporal Nature, and thus the Matter being divided, the Unity interposing it self between, has hin­dered the Universe from being divided, and parted into two equal Portions, but there have been a Multitude of Worlds caused by the Diversity and Disagreement of the Indefinite Nature; but this Multitude was brought into an Odd Number, by the Vertue and [Page 44] Power of Identity, or the finite Principle, and it was therefore Odd, because the better Principle would not suffer Nature to stretch it self further than 'twas fitting; for if there had been nothing but Pure and Simple, Unity, the Matter would have known no Separation, but being mixt with the dividing Nature of Duality, it has by this means received and suffered Separation and Division, yet hath stopp'd here, by the Odd Numbers being the Superior and Master to the Even; this is the Reason why the Antients were used to express Num­bring or Reckoning by the very [...]; and I am of Opinion, that the Word [...], All, is derived from [...], which is to say Five; Five being com­pounded of the Two First Numbers, and the other Numbers being afterwards multiplied by others, they produce Numbers different from themselves: Whereas Five being multiplied by the Dyad or Even Number, produceth a perfect Ten, and multiplied by the Triad or Odd Number, it representeth it self again: Not to insist, that it is composed of the Two First Tetragones or Quadrate Numbers, viz. of Unity and Four, and that being the First Number, whose terminating Unity is equivalent to the Two Dyads before it, an Unity and a Quat [...]rnion being both Tetragones, as hath been said, it composeth the fairest Triangle of those that have Right Angles, and is the First Number which containeth the Sesquialteral Proportion; For perhaps all these Reasons are not very pertinent to the Discourse of the present Dispute; it being better to alledg, that in this Number there is a natural Vertue of dividing, and that Nature divideth many things by this Number. For in our Selves she has placed Five Sences, and Five Parts of the Soul, the Natural, the Sensitive, the Con­cupiscible, the Irascible, and the Rational; and as ma­ny Fingers on each Hand; and the Seed disperseth it self at most but into Five, for we read no where of a [Page 45] Woman that brought forth more than Five at a Birth: And the Aegyptians also tell us, That the Goddess Rhea was delivered of Five Gods; giving us to understand in covert Terms, That of the same Matter were pro­created Five Worlds. And in the Universe, the Earth is divided into Five Zones, the Heaven into Five Circles, Two Arcticks, Two Tropics, and One Aequinoctial in the Midst: That there are Five Revolutions of Planets or Wandring Stars, in as much as the Sun, Venus and Mercury, make but one and the same Revolution; and the Construction of the World consists of an Harmo­nical Measure; even as our Musical Chords, con­sist of the Positure of Five Tetra-Chords, ranged orderly one after another, that is to say, of Hypate, Mese, Synemmene, Diezeugmene, and Hyperbolia. The Pauses also which are used in Singing, are Five, Diesis, Semitonion, Tonus, Triemitonion and Ditonon; so that Na­ture seems to delight more in making all Things accord­ing to the Number of Five, than she does in producing them in a Sphaerical Form, as Aristotle writeth. But 'twill perhaps be demanded, Why Plato reduced the Number of Five Worlds to the Five Regular Bodies or Figures; saying, That God made use of the Num­ber Five, as it were transcribing and copying that in the Fabrick of the World. And then having pro­posed the Doubt and Question of the Number of the Worlds, viz. Whether there be Five, or One only; he thereupon clearly shews, that his Conjecture is grounded on this Conceit of the Five Regular Bodies. If therefore we may allow Probability to his Opinion, then of Necessity, with the Diversity of these Figures and Bodies, there must presently ensue a Difference and Di­versity of Motions, as himself teacheth, affirming, That whatever is subtilized or condensed, does at the same time, with its Alteration of Substance, alter and change its Place; for if from the Air there is ingendred Fire, [Page 46] when the Octaedron is dissolved and vanished into Pyra­mids; or, on the contrary, if the Air be produced from the Fire, press'd and squeez'd up into the Form of the Octaedron, 'tis not possible it should remain there where it was before, but flies and runs to another Place, force­ing and combating whatever stands in the Way to oppose it. And he shews this more clearly and evident­ly by an Example and Similitude of Fans, and such like things as drive away the Chaff from the Corn; for thus the Elements driving the Matter, and being driven by it, do always bring like to like, some taking up this Place, others that, before the World was digested as now it is. The Matter then being in that Condition, as every thing must be, where God is not present; the Five First Qualities, or First Bodies, having each their proper and peculiar Inclinations and Motions, went a­part, not wholly and altogether, nor throughly divi­ded and separated one from another; for when all was hudled in Confusion, such as were surmounted, went continually against their Nature with the Mightier. And therefore some going on one side, and others go­ing on the other, hence has hapned, that There have been as many Portions and Distinctions, as there are divers Kinds of First Bodies; one of Fire, not wholly pure, but inclining towards the Form of Fire; ano­ther of a Celestial Nature, yet not wholly so, but in­clining towards the Nature of Heaven; another of Earth, not simple and meer Earth, but inclining to the Form of Earth. But especially there was a Commu­nication of Water and Air, as we have already menti­oned; for these went their Ways, replenished with di­verse and strange Kinds. For God did not separate and distribute the Matter, but having found it thus carelesly dissipated in it self, and each Part being car­ried away in such great Disorder and Confusion, he ranged and ordered it into Symmetry and Proportion; [Page 47] and setting Reason over each as a Guardian and Go­vernour, he made as many Worlds, as there were First Bodies. However, in respect to Ammonius, let these Platonical Notions pass without a severe Censure; for my part, I will never be over-zealous in this precise Number of Worlds, but this I will say, that those who hold there are more than One, yet not an Infinite Number, have as good Grounds as others; seeing the Matter does naturally spread it self, and is diffused into many Parts, not resting in one, and yet it is contrary to Reason, that it should be infinitely extended. In short, let us here be mindful, especially of the wise Precepts of the Academy, and preserve our selves so far upon such a slippery Ground, as the Controversie con­cerning the Infinity of Worlds, by suspending our Assent. And when I had finished this Discourse, Demetrius said, Lamprias is very much in the Right; for the Gods de­ceive us not with Multiplicities of Shadows and Impo­stures (as Euripides expresseth it) but even of Realities and Substances themselves, when we presume to be po­sitive, as if we understood them, in things of such weight and moment; but we must, as he advises us, re­turn to our first Question, which we seem to have for­gotten. For what was said concerning the Oracles re­maining dumb and useless, when the Daemons, who presi­ded over them, were departed; even as we see Musical In­struments yield no Harmony when the Musician does not handle them; this, I say, brings a greater Question in­to Debate, namely touching the Cause and Power by which these Daemons use to make their Prophets and Pro­phetesses to be ravish'd with Enthusiasm fill'd with Fanta­stical Imagination. For to say, the Oracles are silent, as being forsaken by the Daemons, is nothing, unless we be first shew'd, how (when they are present and govern them) they set them at work and make them Prophesy. Ammonius then taking up the Discourse, Do you think, said he, that the Daemons be any thing else, ‘[Page 48]Than wandring Spirits cloath'd in finest Air,’ as Hesiod says; for as to my part, I think the same diffe­rence which there is between one Man and another, who act in a Tragedy or Comedy, is also to be found in this Life in Souls that are cloath'd with Bodies. So that there's nothing in this which is strange or contrary to Reason, If Souls meeting with other Souls do Imprint on them Visions and Apprehensions of future things; just as we shew several things already done and come to pass, and Prognosticate of those which have not yet happened, not only by the help of Speech, but also by Letters and Writings, or by a bare Touch, or a single Look, unless you Lamprias are of another Opinion: For we heard but very lately, that you discoursed at large upon this Sub­ject with the Strangers that came lately to Lebadia, but he that gave us this Information could give us no parti­cular Account of what passed. No wonder, replyed I, for several avocations and businesses interveneing, occasio­ned by the Oracle, and the solemn Sacrifice that was then performing, made our Discourse very broken and inter­rupted. But now, says Ammonius, you have Auditors at Leisure, that are inquisitive and desirous of Instructi­on; so that you may speak freely, and expect all the Can­dor and Ingenuity which you can desire. And the rest of the Company making the like Exhortations, having paused a while, I began after this manner; It so happened, Ammonius, that you did without your knowledg give oc­casion to the Discourse which was then held; for if the Daemons be Souls and Spirits separated from Bodies, and have no Communication with them, as you affirm; but according to the Divine Poet Hesiod, ‘Are our kind Guardians, walking here their Rounds;’ [Page 49] Why do we deprive the Spirits and Souls which are in Bodies, of the same Power by which Daemons may fore­see and foretell Things to come? For 'tis not like­ly Souls do acquire any new Property and Power when they abandon the Bodies, wherewith they were not en­dowed before; but rather, we should think that they had always the same Parts, but worse, when they are mixt with Bodies: some of them being inapparent and hid, and others weak and obscure, and which, like those Who see through a thick Mist, or move in some moist and waterish Substance, do heavily and uneasily per­form their Operations, much desiring to be cured, and so recover what is their own, and to be discharged and purified of that which covers them. For, the Soul, whilest 'tis fastned to the Body, has the Power of dis­cerning future Things, were it not blinded by the Re­lation it has to the Earthiness of the Body. For, as the Sun does not then properly become bright, when he has escaped out of the Cloud (for he is always so, though to our Eyes, being clouded, he seems obscure and dark) So the Soul acquires not then the Faculty of Divining, when gotten clear of the Body, as from a Cloud, but having the same before, is blinded by the Commixture and Confusion which she has with the Mortal Body: And this cannot seem strange or incre­dible, if we consider nothing else in the Soul, but the Faculty of Remembrance, which is, as it were, the reverse of Divination, and if we reflect upon the mi­raculous Power it hath of preserving Things past, or rather of making those Things to exist which are not; for of what is past there is nothing remains, and all things do exist and perish in the same Moment, whe­ther they be Actions, or Words, or Passions; they all pass by and vanish as soon as they appear; for Time, like the Course of a River, passeth on, and carries eve­ry thing along with it. But this Retentive Faculty [Page 50] of the Soul resisting, and as it were, making Head against it, gives a Being to those Things which are not present. For the Oracle which was given to those of Thessaly, touching Arna, enjoyned them to call her ‘The Deaf Man's Hearing, and the Blind Man's Sight.’ But Memory is to us the Hearing of the Deaf, and the Sight of the Blind; so that as I now said, no mar­vail, if retaining the Things which are no longer in Being, the Soul anticipates several of those which are still to come; for these do more concern her, and she does naturally sympathize with them, inclining and tending to things which are future; whereas, as to those which are past, and have an end, she leaves them be­hind her, only retaining the bare Remembrance of them. Our Souls then having this inbred Power, tho weak, obscure, and hardly able to express their Appre­hensions; yet sometimes they spread forth and recover themselves, either in Dreams, or in the time of Sacri­fice or Religious Worship, when the Body is well pu­rified, and is endued with a certain Temperature pro­per to this Effect; or when the Rational or Speculative Part being released and freed from the Solicitude after present Things, joyneth with the Irrational and Imagi­native Part, to think of, and represent what's to come; for it is not, as Euripides saith, that he is the best Prophet who guesses well; but he's the wisest Man, not whose Guess succeeds well in the Event, but who, whatever the Event be, takes Reason and Probability for his Guide. Now the Faculty of Divining, like Blank Paper, is void of any Reason, or Determination of it self, but is susceptible of Fantasies and Prae-sensions, and without any Ratiocination or Discourse of Reason, touches on that which is to Come, when it is farthest off from the Present, out of which it departs, by means of a certain [Page 51] Disposition of Body, which we call Inspiration or Enthu­siasm. Now the Body is sometimes endued naturally with this Disposition; but most times the Earth casts forth to Men the Sourses and Causes of several other Powers and Faculties, some of which carry Men besides themselves into Exstacy and Phrenzy, and produce Ma­ladies and Mortalities; others again are sometimes good, gentle and profitable, as appears by those who have had the Experience of them. But this Spring or Wind, or Spirit of Divination, is most Holy and Di­vine, whether it be raised by it self through the Air, or be compounded and mixt with a watry or liquid Sub­stance. For, being infused and mixed with the Body, it produceth an odd Temperature and strange Disposi­tion in the Soul, which a Man cannot exactly express, though he may resemble or compare it to several things; for by Heat and Dilatation it openeth certain Pores that make a Discovery of future things; like Wine, which causing Fumes to ascend up into the Head, puts the Spirits into many unusual Motions, and reveals things that were laid up in secret; for Drunkenness and Phrenzy, if we will believe Euripides, have a near Ap­proach to the Nature of Divination, when the Soul be­ing hot and fiery, banishes those Fears, to which Pru­dence and Sobriety are subject, and which extinguish and quench the Spirit of Divination. Furthermore, a Man may say, that Dryness being mixt with Heat, at­tenuateth and subtilizeth the Spirit, and makes it pure, and of an Etherial Nature and Consistence; for the Soul it self, according to Heraclitus, is of a dry Con­stitution; whereas Moisture does not only dim the Sight, and dull the Hearing, but when mingled with the Air, and touching the Superficies of Mirrors, dusk­eth the Brightness of the One, and takes away the Light of the Other. Or perhaps on the contrary, by some Refrigeration and Condensation of this Spirit, [Page 52] like the Tincture and Hardness of Iron; this Part of the Soul which does prognosticate, may shew it self, and get a perfect Edge. Just as Tin being melted with Brass (which of it self is a Metal in the Oar, rare, spongious and full of little Holes) does drive it nearer and make it more massy and solid, and withal, causeth it to look more bright and resplendent; so I cannot see any Reason, why this Prophetical Exhala­tion having some Congruence and Affinity with Souls, may not fill up that which is lax and empty, and drive it more close together. For there are many things which have a Reference and Congruity one with ano­ther, as the Bean, which is agreeable to the Colour of Purple; Sal-Nitre is very useful in the Tincture of Scarlet or Crimson Colour, if it be mixt therewith, and, as Empedocles says, ‘Fine Silk is dy'd with Saffron's azure Flow'r.’ And we have learnt of you, Demetrius, that only the Ri­ver Cydnus cleaneth the Knife consecrated to Apollo, in the City of Tarsus in Cilicia, and that there's no other Water which can scour and cleanse it. So in the Town of Olympia, they temper Ashes with the Water of the River Alpheus, with which they make a Mortar, wherewith they plaister the Altar there; but if this be attempted to be done by the Water of any other Ri­ver, it is all to no purpose. 'Tis no wonder then, if the Earth sending up many Exhalations, only those of this sort transport the Soul with a Divine Fury, and give them a Faculty of foretelling future Things. And without doubt, what is related touching the Oracle of this Place, does herewith agree. For 'tis here where this Faculty of Divining first shew'd it self, by means of a certain Shepherd, who chanced to fall down, [Page 53] and began to utter Enthusiastick Speeches concerning future Events; of which, at first the Neighbours took no Notice; but when they saw what he foretold came to pass, they had him in Admiration; and the most learned among the Delphians, speaking of this Man, are used to call him by the Name of Coretas. The Soul seems to me to mix and joyn it self with this Prophetick Exhalation, just as the Eye is affected with the Light: For, the Eye which has a natural Property and Faculty of Seeing, would be wholly useless without the Light; so the Soul having this Faculty and Property of Fore­seeing future things, as an Eye, has need of a proper Object, which may enlighten and sharpen it. And therefore the Ancients took the Sun and Apollo to be the same God; and those who understand the Beauty and Wisdom of Analogy or Proportion, do tell us, that as the Body is to the Soul, the Sight to the Mind, the Soul to Truth, so is the Sun with Reference to Apollo; af­firming him to be the Off-spring, proceeding perpetual­ly from Apollo, and representing him perpetually to the World. For as the Sun enlightens and excites the Vi­sive Powers of the Senses, so Apollo does excite the Prophetick Vertue in the Soul. Those then that ima­gined 'twas one and the same God, have with good Reason, dedicated and consecrated this Oracle to Apollo and to the Earth, deeming it to be the Sun which im­printed this Temperature and Disposition on the Earth, from whence arose this Predictive Exhalation. For as Hesiod, with far better Reason than other Philosophers calls the Earth, ‘The well-fixt Seat of all Things:—’ So do we esteem it Eternal, Immortal and Incorrupti­ble. But as to the Vertues and Faculties which are in it, we believe that some fail in one Place, and spring up [Page 54] anew in another. It seems also (for so some Experi­ments incline us to conjecture) that these Transitions, Changes and Revolutions, in process of Time, do cir­culate and return to the same Place, and begin again where they left off. In some Countries we see Lakes and whole Rivers, and not a few Fountains and Springs of hot Waters, have sometimes failed and been intirely lost, and at others, have fled and absconded themselves, being hidden and concealed under the Earth; but per­haps some years after do appear again in the same Place, or else run hard by. And so of Mettal-Mines, some have been quite exhausted, as the Silver ones a­bout Attica; and the same has happened to the Veins of Brass-Oar in Euboea, of which the best Blades were made, and hardned in cold Water, as the Poet Aeschylus tells us, ‘Taking his Sword, a right Euboean Blade.’ 'Tis not long since the Quarry of Carystus has ceased to yield a certain soft Stone, which was wont to be drawn into a fine Thread; for I suppose some here have seen Towels, Net-work, and Quoifs woven of that Thread, which could not be burnt; but when they were soil'd with using, People flung them into the Fire, and took them thence white and clean, the Fire only purifying them. But all this is vanish'd, and there's nothing but some few Fibres of hairy Threads lying up and down scatteringly in the Grain of the Stones, to be seen now in the Quarry. Aristotle and his Followers affirm, That the Cause of all this proceeds from an Exhalation within the Earth, which when it fails, or removes to another Place, or revives and re­covers it self again, the Phaenomena proceeding from them do so too. The same must we say of the Pro­phetical Exhalations which spring from the Earth, [Page 55] that their Virtue also is not Immortal, but may wax old and decay; for 'tis not unlikely, that great Floods of Rain and Showrs do extinguish them, and that the Claps of Thunder do dissipate them; or else, which I look upon to be the Principal Cause, they are sunk low­er into the Earth, or utterly destroyed by the Shock of Earth-quakes and the Confusion that attends them, as here in this Place there still remain the Tragical Monu­ments of that great Earthquake that overthrew the City. And in the Town of Orchomenus, they say, that when the Pestilence carried away such Multitudes of People, the Oracle of Tiresias of a sudden ceased, and remains mute to this day. And whether the like has not happened to the Oracles in Cilicia, as we have heard it hath, no Man can better inform us than you, Demetrius. I cannot tell, says Demetrius, how things are at present in those Parts, for you all know I have been long absent from thence; but when I was there, both that of Mopsus and of Amphilochus flourished, and were in great Esteem. And as to the Oracle of Mopsus, I can from my own Knowledge tell you a strange Story went about it. The Governour of Cilicia was a Man inclin­ing to Scepticism, and doubtful whether there be Gods; and had about him several Epicureans, who are wont to mock at the Belief of such Things, as seem contrary to Reason. He sent a freed Servant of his in the Nature of a Spy, with a Letter seal'd, wherein was the Que­stion he was to ask the Oracle, no Body knowing the Contents thereof. This Man then, a [...] [...]he Custom of the Place is, remaining all Night in the Temple-Porch asleep, related the next Morning the Dream which he had; for he thought he saw a very handsome Man stand before him, who said only this Word, Black, to him, and nothing else, for he vanish'd away immedi­ately. This seemed to us very impertinent, though we could not tell what to make of it; but the Gover­nour [Page 56] marvelled at it, and was so netled with it, that he had the Oracle in great Veneration ever since; for, opening the Letter, he shew'd this Question which was therein; Shall I sacrifice to thee a White Bull or a Black? which dash'd his Epicureans quite out of Counte­nance, and he offered the Sacrifice required, and to the Day of his Death continued a devout Admirer of Mop­sus.

When Demetrius had given us this Relation, he h [...]ld his Peace; and I being desirous to put an end to this Conference, cast mine Eyes on Philippus and Ammo­nius, who sate together, and they, I thought, look'd as if they had something to say to me, and therefore I kept silent. With that, Ammonius, Philippus, says he, Lamprias hath something to offer touching what hath been debated, for he thinks, as well as other Folks, That Apollo and the Sun are the same God; but the Question which I propose is of greater Consequence; for just now in our Discourse, we have taken away Divination from the Gods, and openly attributed it to the Daemons, and now we are for excluding of them al­so, and dispossessing them of the Oracle and Three-footed-Stool, referring the Cause, or rather the Nature and Essence of Divination to Exhalations, Winds, and Va­pors; for these Opinions carry us still farther off from the Gods, introducing such a Cause of this Event, as Euripides makes Polyphemus to alledge in his Tragedy of Cyclops;

Yet he does not say that he sacrificed his Herds to the Gods, but to himself and his own Belly, the greatest of all Daemons; whereas we offer them Sacrifices and Prayers for to obtain an Answer from their [Page 57] Oracles; but to what purpose, if it be true, that Souls are naturally endued with the Faculty of Prediction, and that the chief Cause that excites this Faculty and Vertue, is a certain Temperature of Air or Wind? and what signifies then the sacred Institutions and set­ting apart these Religious Prophetesses, for the giving of Answers? And why do they return no Answer at all, unless the Sacrifice tremble all over, even from the very Feet, whilst the Wine is poured on its Head? For 'tis not enough to wag the Head, as other Beasts do, which are appointed for Sacrifices; but this qua­king and shivering must be universal, throughout all Parts of the Body, and that with a trembling Noise; for if this be not done, they say that the Oracle will give no Answer, neither is the Pythia or Priestess introduced. For, it is very proper and suitable for them to do and believe thus, who ascribe the im­pulses of Prophetical Inspiration either to a God or a Daemon; but by no means for those that are of your Opinion. For the Exhalation which springeth out of the Ground, whether the Beast tremble or not, will al­ways, if it be present, cause a Ravishment and Tran­sport of Spirit, and dispose the Soul alike, not only of Pythia, but of any one else that first cometh, or is presented. And it must needs seem absurd to set apart one certain Woman for the delivery of these Oracles, and to oblige her to Virginity and Chastity all her days, when the thing is referred to such a Cause, as in which all People are, or may be equally concerned. For as to that Coretas, whom the Delphians will needs have to be the first that hapned to fall into this Chink or Crevass of the Ground, and gave the first Proof of the Vertue of the Place; he, I say, seems to me not at all to differ from other Herds­men or Shepherds, supposing what is reported of him to be true, as I believe it is not. And truly, when I [Page 58] call to mind of what Benefit this Oracle has been unto the Greeks, not only in their Wars, and building of Ci­ties, but also in the Stresses of Plague and Famine; methinks it is very unfit to refer its Invention and Ori­ginal unto meer Chance, rather than to God and Divine Providence. But I would willingly have you, Lam­prias, says he, to speak on this Point, and I pray you, Philippus, to have Patience awhile. With all my heart, reply'd Philippus, and I dare undertake the same for all the Company. And as to my Part, quoth I, Oh Philippus! I am not only much mov'd, but also ashamed, considering my Youth, in the Presence of so many wise and grave Personages, to appear as if I en­deavoured by Sophistry to impose upon them, and to destroy and evacuate what Sage Men have determined concerning the Divine Nature and Power; but though I am Young, yet Plato was Old and Wise as you are, and he shall be my Example and Advocate in this Case, who reprehended Anaxagoras for applying himself too much to Natural Causes, always following and pursuing the Necessary and Material Cause of the Passions and Affections incident to Bodies, and omitting the Final and Efficient, which are much better and more considerable Principles than the other; but Plato either first, or most of all the Philosophers, hath joyned both of these Principles together, attributing to God, the Causality of all Things that are according to Reason, and yet not depriving Matter of a Necessary or Passive Concurrence; but acknowledging, that the adorning and disposing of all this sensible World, does not depend on one single and simple Cause; but took its being from the Conjunction and Fellowship of Matter with Reason, which may be illustrated by the Works of Art: As for Example, without going any further, the Foot of the famous Cup which is amongst the Treasury of this Temple, which Herodotus calls Hypocrateridion, that [Page 59] has for the Material Cause Fire and Iron, and Pliable­ness by means of Fire, and the Tincture in Water, without which, such a Piece of Work could not be wrought. But the Principal Cause, and that which is most properly so called, which wrought by all these, was Art and Reason. And we see the Name of the Artist set on such their Pieces, according to that,

But yet without Colours mixt and confounded with one another, it had been impossible to have done a Piece so pleasing to the Eye. Should one come then and inquire into the Material Cause, searching into, and discoursing concerning the Alterations and Mutations which the Ochre receives mixt with the Vermilion, or the Black with the Ceruss; does he thereby lessen the Credit of the Painter Polignotus? And so he that shall discourse how Iron is both hardned and mollifyed, and how being softned in the Fire, it becomes obedient to them, who by beating it, drive it out in Length and Breadth, and afterwards being plung'd into fresh Wa­ter, by the Coldness of it, becomes hardned after it was softned and ratified by the Fire, and acquires a Firmness and Temper, which Homer calls the Strength of the Iron; does he, because of this, e're the less attribute the Cause of the Work to the Work-man? I do not think he does, for those who examine the Vertues and Properties of Medicinal Drugs, do not thereby condemn the Art of Physic. Just as Plato, when he says, that we see because the Light of the Eye is mixed with the Clearness of the Sun, and that we hear by the Percussion of the Air; yet this does not hinder, but that we have the Faculty of Seeing and Hearing from Divine Provi­dence. In a Word, Generation, as I have said, pro­ceeding [Page 60] from Two Causes, the chiefest and most ancient Poets and Divines have stuck only to the First and most excellent of these, having on all Occasions these known Words in their Mouths, ‘Jove, the Beginning, Middle, Sourse of all.’ But as to the Necessary and Natural Causes, they concern not themselves with them. Whereas their Successors, who were for that reason called [...], or Natural Phi­losophers, took a different Course; for they forsaking this admirable and Divine Principle, ascribe all Matter, and the Passions of it, to the Motions, Mutations and Mixtures of its Parts. So that both of these are de­fective in their Methods, because they omit, through Ignorance or Design, the one the Efficient, the others the Material Cause. Whereas, he that first pointed at both Causes, and manifestly joyned with the Reason which freely operateth and moveth the Matter, which necessarily is Obedient and Passive, does defend both himself and us from all Calumny and Censure. For we do not deprive Divination either of God or of Reason; seeing we allow it for its Subject, the Soul of Man, and for its Instrument, an Enthusiastic Exhalation. For first, the Earth, out of which Exhalations are generated, and then the Sun, which in and upon the Earth works all the infinite Possibilities of Mixture and Alteration, are, in the Divinity of our Fore-fathers, esteemed Gods. And hereunto if we add the Daemons as Superintendants and Guardians of this Temperature, as of an Harmony and Consort, who in due time slacken or stretch the Vertue of this Exhalation; sometimes taking from it the too great Activity which it has to torment the Soul, and transport it beyond it self, and mingling with it a Vertue of moving, without causing Pain to those that are possessed with it; in all this, it seems to me, that [Page 61] we do nothing that can look strange or impossible, or unagreeable to Reason; and when we offer Sacrifices be­fore we come to the Oracle, and crown them with Gar­lands of Flowers, and pour Wine on their Heads, I see we do not any thing in all this that is absurd or re­pugnant to this Opinion of ours. For, the Priests who offer the Sacrifices, and pour out the Holy Wine thereon, and observe their Motions and Tremblings, do this for another reason, besides that of receiving an Answer from the Oracle. For the Animal which is offered to the Gods, must be pure, intire and sound, both as to Soul and Body. Now 'tis not very hard to discover the Marks of the Body; and as to the Soul, they make an Experiment of it, in setting Meal before the Bulls, and presenting Pease to the Swine; for if they will not taste them, 'tis a certain Sign they be not sound. As to Goats, cold Water is a Tryal for them; for if the Beast does not seem to be moved and affected when the Water is poured upon her, this is an evident Sign that her Soul is not right according to Nature. And supposing it should be granted, That 'tis a certain and unquestionable Design, that God will give an An­swer, when the Sacrifice thus drenched stirs, and that when it is otherwise, he vouchsafes none; I do not see herein any thing that disagrees with the Account of Oracles, which I have given. For every natural Ver­tue produceth the Effect, be it better or worse, to which it is ordained, according as its Season is more or less proper; and 'tis likely God gives us Signs whereby we may know, Whether the Opportunity be gone or not. As for my Part, I believe the Exhalation it self, which comes out of the Ground, is not always of the same Kind, being at one time slack, and at another strong and vigorous; and the Truth of that Experi­ment, which I use to prove it, is attested by several Strangers, and by all those which serve in the Temple. [Page 62] For the Room where those do wait who come for An­swers from the Oracle, is sometimes, though not often, and at certain stated times, but as it were by Chance, filled with such a fragrant Odour and Scent, that no Perfumes in the World can exceed it, and this arises as it were out of a Spring, from the Sanctuary of the Temple. And this proceeds very likely from its Heat, or some other Power or Faculty which is in it; and if per­adventure this seems to any Body an unlikely thing, however such a one will allow, that the Prophetess Py­thia hath that Part of the Soul, unto which this Wind and Blast of Inspiration approacheth, moved by variety of Passions and Affections, sometimes after one sort, and sometimes another; and that she is not always in the same Mood and Temper, like a sixt and immutable Harmony, which the least Alteration or Change of such and such Proportions destroys. For there are several Vexations and Passions which agitate Bodies, and slide into the Soul, that she perceives, but more that she does not; in which case 'twould be better, that she would tarry away, and not present her self to this Divine Inspiration, as not being clean, and void of all Perturbations, like an In­strument of Musick exquisitely made, but at present in disorder and out of Tune. For Wine does not at all times alike surprize the Drunkard, neither does the Sound of the Flute always affect in the same manner, him who dances to it. For the same Persons are some­times more, and sometimes less transported beyond them­selves, and more or less inebriated, according to the present Disposition of their Bodies; but especially the Imaginative Part of the Soul, which receives the Species, is subject to change and sympathise together with the Body, as is apparent from Dreams; for sometimes we are mightily troubled with many and confused Visi­ons in our Dreams, and at other times, there is a per­fect Calm, undisturbed by any such Images or Ideas. [Page 63] We all know Cleon a Native of Daulia, who used to say of himself, that in the many years in which he hath li­ved, he never had any Dream. And among the Ancients, the same is related of Thrasymedes of Haerea, the Cause of which, lyes in the Complexion and Constitution of Bo­dies, as is seen by melancholy People, who are much sub­ject to Dreams in the Night, and their Dreams sometimes prove true. Inasmuch as such Persons Fancies run some­times on one thing, and otherwhiles on another, they must thereby of necessity now and then light right, as they that shoot often must hit sometimes. When therefore the Imaginative Part of the Soul, and the Prophetic Blast or Exhalation have a sort of Harmony and Proportion with each other, so as the one, as it were in the Nature of a Medicament, may operate upon the other; then happens that Enthusiasm or Divine Fury, which is dis­cernable in Prophets and Inspired Persons. And on the contrary, when the Proportion is lost, there can be no Prophetical Inspiration, or such as is as good as none; for then 'tis a forced Fury, not a natural one, but violent and turbulent, as we have seen to have hapened in the Prophetess Pythia, who is lately deceased. For certain Pilgrims being come for an Answer from the Oracle, 'tis said the Sacrifice indured the first Effusion without stir­ring or moving a Jot, which made the Priests, out of an Excess of Zeal, to continue to pour on more, till the Beast was almost drowned with cold Water; but what hapned hereupon to the Prophetess Pythia? She went down into the Hole against her Will, but at the first Words which she uttered, she plainly shewed by the hoarsness of her Voice, that she was not able to bear up against so strong an Inspiration (like a Ship under Sail, opprest with too much Wind) but was possest with a dumb and evil Spirit; and finally, being horribly dis­ordered, and running with dreadful Screeches towards the Door to get out, she threw her self violently on [Page 64] the Ground, so that not only the Pilgrims fled for fear, but also the High Priest Nicander, and the other Priests and Religious which were there present; who entring within a while, took her up, being out of her Senses; and indeed she lived but few days after. For these rea­sons it is, that Pythia is obliged to keep her Body pure and clean from the Company of Men, there being no Stranger permitted to converse with her. And before she goes to the Oracle, they are used by certain Marks, to examine whether she be fit or no, believing that the God certainly knows when her Body is disposed and fit to receive, without endangering her Person, this En­thusiastical Inspiration. For, the Force and Vertue of this Exhalation, does not move all sorts of Persons, nor the same Persons in like manner, nor as much at one time as at another; but only gives beginning, and as it were kindles those Spirits which are prepared and fit­ted to receive its Influence. Now this Exhalation is cer­tainly Divine and Celestial, but yet not Incorruptible and Immortal, and Proof against the Series of Time, which subdues all Things below the Moon, and, as some say, all Things above it; which growing wea­ry in an infinite Space of Duration, are suddenly renew­ed and changed. But these things, said I, I must ad­vise you and my self often and seriously to consider of, they being liable to many Disputes and Objections, which our Leisure will not suffer to particularize; and there­fore we must remit them, together with the Questions which Philippus proposes, touching Apollo and the Sun, to another Opportunity.

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. IV.
Of Isis and Osiris, or of the Antient Religion and Philosophy of Aegypt.

IT becomes wise Men,This Clea was Priestess to Isis and to Apollo Delphi­cus. Dame Clea, to go to the Gods for all the good Things they would enjoy: much more ought we, when we would aim at that Knowledge of them, which our Nature can arrive at, to pray that they themselves would bestow it upon us: Truth being the greatest Good that Man can receive, and the goodliest Blessing that God can give. Other good Things he be­stows on Men as they want them; they beingPaulus Pe­tavius, his Copy hath [...] before [...]. not his own Peculiars, nor of any use to himself. For the Blessedness of the Deity consists not in Silver and Gold, nor yet his Power in Lightnings and Thunders, but in Knowledge and Wisdom, And it was the best thing Homer ever said of Gods, when he pronounced thus.

Where he declares Jupiter's Prerogative in Wisdom and Science, to be the more ho­norable, by terming it the Elder. I, for my own Part, do believe that the Felicity of Eternal Living, which the Gods enjoy, lyes mainly in this, that nothing escapes their Cognisance that passes in the Sphere of Generation; and that should we set aside Wisdom and the Knowledge of Beings, Immortality it self would not be Life, but a long Time. And therefore the Desire of Truth, especially in what relates to the Gods, is a sort of grasping after Divinity, it using Learning and Enquiry for a kind ofThis suppo­ses the Plato­nic Reminis­cence. Resumption of Things sacred, a Work doubtless of more Religion than any Ritual Purgation or Charge of Tem­ples whatever, and over and above, not the least acceptable to the Goddess you serve, since she is more eminently Wife and speculative, and since Knowledge and Science, (as her very NameThe Etymo­logies of Isis from knowing, and of Typhon from Arro­gance, are but Moral and Al­lusive ones. seems to im­port) appertain more peculiarly to her than any other thing. For the Name of Isis is Greek, and so is that of her Adversary Typhon, who being puft up through Igno­rance and Mistake, pulls in pieces and de­stroys that Holy Doctrine, which she on the contrary collects, compiles, and deli­vers down to such as are regularly advan­ced unto the [...]. Deify'd State; which by Constancy of sober Diet, and abstaining from sundry Meats, and the Use of Wo­men bothI read [...] for [...]. restrains the Intemperate and Voluptuous Part, and habituates them to austere and hard Services in the Temples, [Page 67] the end of which is the Knowledge of the Original, Supream and Mental Being; which the Goddess would have them en­quire for, as near to her self, and as dwel­ling with her. Besides, the very Name of her Temple most apparently promises the Knowledge and Acquaintance of the [...]. First Being; for they call it Ision, as who should say,I read [...] for [...]. We shall know the Being, if with Reason and Sanctimony we ap­proach the Sacred Temples of this God­dess. Moreover, many have reported her the Daughter ofBoth these were but Epi­thites of the Sun. Hermes, and many of Prometheus; the latter of which, they e­steem as the Author of Wit and Forecast, and the Former of Letters and Musick. For the same reason also they call the For­mer of the two Muses Here I in­sert [...]. at Hermopolis, Isis and Justice, I add [...] after [...]. she being (as was before said) no other than Wisdom, and revealing Things Divine to such as are truly and justly stiled [...]. The Sacred Bearers, [...]. and The Sacred Robe; and those are such as have in their Minds, as in an Ark (or [...]. Cabinet) the Sacred Doctrine about the Gods, cleansed from Superstitious Frights, and Vain Curiosities, and are Clad partly with dark and shady Colours, and partly with light and gay ones, to insinuate something of the like kind in our Perswasion about the Gods, as we have represented to us in the sacred Vestments. Wherefore, in that the Priests of Isis are dressed up in these when they are dead, it is a Token to us, that this DoctrineI read [...] for [...]. goes with them to the other Life, and that nothing else can ac­company [Page 68] them thither. For as neither the nourishing of Beards, nor the wearing of Mantles can render Men Philosophers, so neither will Linen Garments, or shav­ed Heads make Priests to Isis; but he is a true Priest of Isis, who after he hath re­ceived from the Laws the Representations and Actions that refer to the Gods, doth next apply his Reason to the Enquiry and Speculation of the Truth contained in them. For the greater part of Men are ignorant, even of this most common and ordinary thing, for what reason the Priests lay aside their Hair, and go in Linen Garments; some are not at all solicitous to be informed about such Questions; and others say their Veneration forThe Ram being sacred to the Sun by the Name of Ammon, and the Ewe to the Moon, by the Name of Sais or Minerva, their Deities more peculi­arly inspiring those Ani­mals. Sheep is the Cause they abstain from their Wooll as well as their Flesh, and that they shave their Heads in token of Mourning, and that they wear Linen because of the bloomy Colour which the Flax sendeth forth, in imitation of that Etherial Clarity that environs the World. But indeed the true reason of them all is one and the same. For it is not lawful (as Plato saith) for a clean thing to be touched by an unclean. But now no Superfluity of Food, or Ex­crementitious Substance can be pure or clean; but Woolls, Down, Hair and Nails, come up and grow from superfluous Excrements. It would be therefore an Absurdity for them to lay aside their own Hair in Purgations, by shaving themselves, and by making their Bodies all over smooth, and yet in the mean time to wear [Page 69] and carry about them the Hairs of Brutes. For we ought to think that the Poet Hesi­od, when he saith;

Would teach us to keep the Feast alrea­dy cleansed from such things as these, and not in the Solemnities themselves to use Purgation or Removal of Excrementitious Superfluities. But now Flax springs up from an Immortal Being, the Earth, and bears anLinese [...]d was used by some for Food. eatable Fruit, and affords a simple and cleanly Cloathing, and not burdensome to him that's covered with it, and convenient for every Season of the Year, and which besides (as they tell us) is the least subject to engender Vermine; but of this, to discourse in this place, would not be pertinent. But now the Priests do so abhor all kinds of superfluous Excrements, that they not only decline most sorts of Pulse, and of Flesh, that of Sheep and Swine, which produce much Superfluity; but also in the time of their Purgations, exclude Salt from their Meals. For which, as they have several other good Reasons, so more especially this, that itI read [...] for [...]. whets the Appetite, and renders Men over eager after Meat and Drink. For that the reason why Salt is not ac­counted clean, should be (as Aristagoras tells us) because that when its hardned together, many little Animals are catch­ed [Page 70] [Page 71] [Page 70] in it, and there dye, is food and ridi­culous. They are also said to water theA Bull in the Temple at Memphis de­voted to the Sun by the Name of Api or Ophi, that is, Father. Apis from a Well of his own, and to restrain him altogether from the River Nilus; not because they hold the Water for polluted, by reason of the Crocodile, as some suppose (for there is nothing in the World inAquam co­lunt, aquam ve­nerantur, &c. Saith Julius Firmicus. De Errore Profan. Relig. [...], saith a certain Poet. more esteem with the Aegypti­ans than the Nilus) but because the Wa­ter of the Nile being drunk, is observed to be very fo [...]ding, and above all others, to conduce to the Increase of Flesh. But they would not have the Apis, nor them­selves neither, to be over fat; but that their Bodies should sit light and easie about their Souls, and nor press and squeeze them down by a Mortal Part over-pow­ering and weighing down the Divine. They also that at theHeliopolis. Sun-Town wait upon that God, never bring Wine into his Temple; they looking upon it as a thing undecent and unfitting to drink by Day­light, while their Lord and King looks on. The rest of them do indeed use it, but very sparingly. They have likewise manyThese an­swered to our Fasts. Purgations, wherein they prohibit the Use of Wine, in which they study Phi­losophy, and pass their Time in learn­ing and teaching Things Divine. More­over their Kings (being Priests also themselves) were wont to drink it by a certain Measure prescribed them in the Sacred Books, as Hecataeus informs us. And they began first to drink it in the Reign of KingThis Psam­meticus was the first that reduced the ancient Ari­stocracy of Aegypt into a Monarchy, by the help of a foreign Ar­my; see He­rodot. Psammeticus, but before that time they were not used to drink [Page 71] Wine at all, no nor to pour it forth in Sa­crifice as a thing they thought any way grateful to the Gods, but as the Blood ofThe Giants were in all probability, the tall Drunken Scy­thians, who pillaged their Temples, and pulled down their Gods. For these had an Empire over all Asia, in the most ancient Times. Per­mille & quin­gentos annos, as Trogus Pompe­jus relates. those who in ancient Times waged War against the Gods, from whom falling down from Heaven, and mixing with the Earth, they conceived Vines to have first sprung; which is the reason (say they) that Drunkenness renders Men besides themselves and mad, they being, as it were, gorged with the Blood of their An­cestors. These things (as Eudoxus tells us, in the Second Book of his Travels) are thus related by the Preists. As to Sea­fish, they do not all of them abstain from all, but some from one sort, and some from another. As for Example, the Oxy­rynchites, from such as are catch'd with the Angle and Hook; for having the Fish called Oxyrynchus (that is, the Pike) in great Veneration, they are afraid, least the Hook should chance to catch hold of it, and by that means become polluted. They of Syene also abstain from the Phagrus (or Sea-bream) because it is observed to appear with the approaching Overflow of the Nile, and to present it self a voluntary Messenger of the joyful News of its In­crease. But the Priests abstain from all in general. But on the ninth Day of the first Month, when every other Aegyptian eats aThe Aegyp­tian Pascha. Fry'd Fish before the outer Door of his House, the Priests do not eat any Fish, butFish are very unwholesome in hot Cli­mates. only burn them before their Doors. For which they have two Reasons, the one whereof being Sacred and very curious, [Page 72] I shall resume by and by (it agreeing with the pious Reasonings we shall make upon Osiris and Typhon) the other is a very mani­fest and obvious one, whichI read [...] for [...]. by declaring Fish not to be either a necessary or a cu­rious sort of Food, greatly confirms Ho­mer, who never makes either the dainty Phaeacks or the Ithakeses (though both Islan­ders) to make use of Fish; no, nor the Companions of Ʋlysses neither, in so long a Voyage at Sea, until they came to the last Extremity of Want.. In short, they reckon the Sea it self to be made ofFire was the Aegyptian De­vil and the Persian God. Fire, and to lye out of Natures Confines, and not to be a Part of the World, or an Ele­ment, but a preternatural, corrupt and morbid Excrement. For nothing hath been ranked among their Sacred and Reli­gious Rites that favoured of Folly, Ro­mance or Superstition, as some do suppose; but were some of them such as contained some signification of Morality and Utility; and others, such as were not without a Fine­ness, either in History or Natural Philoso­phy. As for instance, in what refers to the Onyons: For thatThe two Hunting Dei­ties, Apollo and Diana, have the Names of Dictys and Dictynna from [...], a Net. Dictys the Foster Father of Isis, as he was reaching at a Handful of Onyons, fell into the River, and was there drowned, is extreamly im­probable. But the true Reason why the Priests abhor, detest and avoid the Onyon, is because it is the only Plant, whose Na­ture it is to grow and spread forth in theIt is there­fore Typhonian and an Enemy to the God­dess. Wane of the Moon. Besides, it is no proper Food, either for such as would practise Abstinence and use Purgation, or [Page 73] for such as would observe the Festivals: For the former, because it causeth Thirst; and for the later, because it forceth Tears from those that eat it. They likewise e­steem the Swine, as an unhallowed Ani­mal, because it is observed to be most apt to engender in theThis was sufficient to prove it Ty­phonian or Di­abolick. Wane of the Moon; and because that such as drink its Milk have a Leprosie and Scabby Roughness in their Bodies. But the Story which they that sacrifice a Swine at every full Moon are wont to subjoin after their eat­ing of it; how that Typhon being once a­bout the full of the Moon in pursuit of a certain Swine, found by chance the wooden Chest, wherein lay the Body of Osiris, and overthrew it, is not received by all, but looked upon as aFor [...], I read with Xy­lander [...] Osiris's Chest, or rather Boat is the Cres­cent, and it is overturned by becoming De­crescent. Mis-represented Story, as a great many more such are. They tell us moreover that the Antients did so much expose Delicacy, Sumptuousness and a soft and effeminate way of Living, that they erected a Pillar in the Temple at Thebes having engraven upon it several grievous Curses against KingMeinis was the Deus Lu­nus, or the Sun in the Moon, and so the same with Osi­ris. Isaias calls him Meni. Meinis, who (as they tell us) was the first that brought off the Aegyptians from a Mean, Wealthless and simple Way of Living. There goes also another Story, how that Technatis, Father toSo I read for Bacchoris with Xylander and Petavius's Copy. Bocchoris, command­ing an Army against the Arabians, and his Baggage and Provisions not coming in as soon as was expected, heartily fed upon such things as he could next light on, and afterwards had a sound Sleep upon a Pallet, whereupon he fell greatly in Love with a [Page 74] poor and mean Life: And that for this reason he cursedFor [...], I read [...]. Jamblicus blames the Ae­gyptians for scolding at their Gods. Meinis, and that with the Consent of all the Priests, and carved that Curse upon a Pillar. But their Kings (you must know) were always de­clared, either out of the Priesthood or Soldiery, the latter having a Right of Primogeniture, by reason of their Milita­ry Valour, and theThe Aegyp­tian Priests were Heredi­tary like the Jewish; but the Jews had no Third E­state of Ru­sticks or Vil­lains. All were free. former, by reason of their Wisdom. But he that was chosen out of the Soldiery, was obliged imediate­ly to turn Priest, and was thereupon ad­mitted to the Participation of their Philoso­phy; whose Genius it was to conceal the greater Part in Tales and Romantic Rela­tions, containing dark Hints and Resem­blances of Truth, which it's plain that even themselves would insinuate to us, while they are so kind as to set up Sphinxes before their Temples, to intimate that their Theology, contained in it an Aenigmatical Sort of Learning. Moreover, the Temple ofShe is called Sai in Aegyp­tian, which sig­nifies a Ewe, she being Sa­cred to her. Minerva, which is at Sais (whom they look upon as the same with Isis) had upon it this Inscription:That is, I am the Mother of all things corruptible, and the Sun is my Husband. I am whatever was, or is, or will be, and my Petty-Coat no Mortal ever took up. Besides, we find the greater Part to be of Opinion, that the proper Name of Jupiter in the Aegyptian Tongue, is Amûn (from which we have derived our Word Ammon:) But now Manethos the Sebennite, thinks this Word signifiesAmen in the Coptick, signi­fies to Receive and Embrace, and in Hebrew, Aman is to Fo­ster, whence Aman a Foster or Father: the Phrygians call­ed the Moon Amma, Mother or Nurse. Hid­den and Hiding; but Hecataeus of Abdera, saith, the Aegyptians use this Word when they call any Body; for that it is a Term of Calling. Which if it be true, they [Page 75] must be of the Opinion that the first God is the same with the Universe: and there­fore while they invoke him who is unma­nifest and hidden, and pray him to make himself manifest and known to them, they cry Amûn. So great therefore was the Pi­ety of the Aegyptians Philosophy about Things Divine: Which is also confirmed by the most Learned of the Greeks (such as Solon, Thales, Plato, Eudoxus, and as some say, even Lycurgus's) going to Aegypt, and conversing with the Priests. Of which,I read [...] for [...]. they say Eudoxus was a Hearer of Chonu­phis of Memphis, Solon of Sonchis of Sais, and Pythagoras of Oenuphis of Heliopolis: Whereof the last named, being (as is pro­bable) more than ordinarily admired by the Men, and they also by him, imitated their Symbolical and Mysterious way of Talking, obscuring his Sentiments with dark Riddles. For the greatest part of the Pythagoric Precepts, fall nothing short of those Sacred Writings they call Hieroglyphi­cal, such as,That is, Do not satisfie your self with Bodily Pleasure. Do not eat in a Chariot. Neglect not the Future. Do not sit on a Choenix (or Measure)Vertue can­not be taught. Plant not a Palm-Tree: Oppose Tem­per to Passion. Stir not Fire with a Knife within the House. And I verily believe, that their terming the Unite Apollo, the Number Two Diana, the Number Seven Minerva, and the first Cube Neptune, re­fers to the Statues set up in their Temples, and to things there acted, I and painted too by Jove. For they represent their King and LordThe Coptic [...] is the same with the Greek [...], i. e. The Sire or Lord, with which a­grees the He­brew Sar; and it means the Sun. Osiris, by an Eye and a Scepter; (here are some also that interpret his Name by Many-eyed, as if Os in the Aegyptian [Page 76] Tongue, signified Many, and Iri an Eye.) And the Heaven, because by reason of its Eternity it never grows old, they represent by a Heart, For [...] I read [...], and a little be­fore [...] for [...], and [...] for [...]. with a Censer under it. There were also Statues of Judges erected at Thebes, having no Hands, and the Chief of them had also his Eyes closed up, hereby signifying, that among them Justice was not to be solicited with either Bribery or Address. Moreover, the Men of the Sword had a Beetle carved upon their Sig­nets, because there is no such thing as a Female Beetle, for they are all Males, and they generate their Young by forming cer­tain roundThe Beetle was Sacred to the Sun for engendring on the Earth: thus Souldiers were the first Planters and Parents of Countries. Pellets of Dirt, being herein as well Providers of the Place in which they are to be engendred, as of the Matter of their Nutrition. When therefore you hear the Tales which the Aegyptians relate about the Gods, such as their Wanderings, Dis­cerptions, and such likeI read [...] for [...]. Disasters that befel them, you are still to remember that none of these things are told as things that had been really so acted and done. For they do'nt call the Dog Hermes properly, but only For [...], I read [...]. attribute (as Plato speaks) the Ward­ing, Vigilancy and Acuteness of that Animal, which by Knowing or For [...] I read [...]. not Knowing, Distin­guishes betwixt its Friend and its Foe, to the most knowing and ingenious of the Gods. Nor do they believe that the Sun springs up a little Boy from the top of the Plant calledThe Blossom of the Lotus o­pens and shuts with the Sun, and grows in and about the Nile. Lotus: but they thus set forth his Rising to insinuate his Reascension by Humids. Besides that most salvage and horrible King of the Persians, named Ochus, who [Page 77] when he had massacred abundance of People, afterwards slaughtered the Apis, and feasted upon him both himself and his Retinue, they called the Sword, and they call him so to this very Day in their Table of Kings, hereby not denoting pro­perly his Person, but resembling by this Instrument of Murther, the Severity and Mischievousness of his Disposition. When therefore you thus hear the Stories of the Gods from such asThe Rites and Opinions of the more ancient and barbarous A­ges have been prudently al­legorized in after Times, that so Ver­tue might be introduced without too much Innova­tion. interpret them with Consistency to Piety and Philosophy, and observe and practice those Rites that are by Law established, and are perswaded in your Minds that you cannot possibly, ei­ther offer or perform a more agreeable thing to the Gods, than the entertaining of a right Notion of them, you will then avoid Superstition as a no less Evil than Atheism it self. The Story therefore isFor [...], I read [...]. thus told, after the most concise man­ner, the most useless and unnecessary parts being cut off. They tell us, how that once on a time, Rhea having accompanied with Saturn by stealth, theThe most antient Aegyp­tians seem to have agreed with the Per­sians in wor­shiping none but the Sun; and the other Gods to have been introdu­ced by Super­stitious Inno­vators and wanton Sects. Sun found them out, and pronounced a solemn Curse against her, containing that she should not be delivered in any Month or Year: But that Hermes, afterwards making his Court to the Goddess, obtained her Fa­vour, in requital of which, he went and play'd at Dice with the Moon, and won of her the seventieth Part from each of her Illuminations, and out of all these made five new Days, which he added to the three hundred and sixty other Days of the [Page 78] Year, which the Aegyptians therefore to this Day call the Epagomenae (or the Superadded Days) and they observe them as the Birth Days of their Gods. Upon the first of these they say Osiris was born, and that a Voice came into the WorldFor [...], I read [...]. with him, saying, The Lord of all things is now born. There are others that affirm that one Pamyles, as he wasFor [...], I read [...]. fetching Water at Thebes, heard a Voice out of the Temple of Jupiter, bid­ding him to publish with a loud Voice, That Osiris the Great and Good was now born. And that he thereupon got to be Foster Father to Osiris, Saturn I read [...] for [...]. entrusting him with the Charge of him; and that the Feast called Pamylia (resembling the Pria­pejan Procession, which the Greeks call Phallephoria) was instituted in Honour of him. Upon the second Day Arueris was born, whom some call Apollo, and others the Elder Orus. Upon the third Typhon w [...]s born, who came not into the World either in due Time, or by the right Way, but broke a Hole in his Mothers Side, and leap'd out at the Wound. Upon the fourth Isis was born in the Fens. And upon the Fifth Nephthys, whom they sometimes call the End, and sometimes Venus, and sometimes also Victory: Of these they say Osiris and Arueris wereI suppose because of the Similitude of their Rites and Worship. begot by the Sun, Isis by Hermes, and Typhon and Nephthys by Saturn. For which reason, their Kings looking upon the third of the Epagomenae as an inauspicious Day, did no Business upon it, nor took any care of their Bodies until the Evening. They [Page 79] say also that Nephthys wasI read [...] for [...] with Xylan­der. married unto Typhon, and that Isis and Osiris were in Love with one another before they were born, and enjoyed each otherThe Sun communicates his Light to the Moon in the lower He­misphere. in the Da [...]k before they came into the World. Some add also, thatArueris in Hebrew Aroer, i. e. The Watch-man, and [...] in Coptic, is the S [...]er, Prophet, or King, as Roe in He­brew. Arueris was thus be­gotten, and that he was called by the Aegyptians the Elder Orus, and by the Greeks Apollo. And they say that Osiris, when he was King of Aegypt, drew them off from a Beggarly and Bestial Way of Living, by shewing them the Use of Grain, and by making them Laws, and teaching them to honour the Gods. And that af­terwards he travelled all the World over, and made it Civil, having but little need of Arms, for that he drew the most to him, alluring them by Perswasion and O­ratory, intermixed with all sorts of Poe­try and Musick: whence it is, that the Greeks look upon him as the very same withThe most ancient Forms of Govern­ment, as well as of Tunes, Dances and Temples, were but Imi­tations of what was ob­served in the Heavens. Bacchus. They further add, that Typhon, while he was from Home, at­tempted nothing against him; for that Isis was very watchful, and guarded her self closely from him. But that when he came Home, he formed a Plot against him,The Su­preme Judica­tures of Ae­gypt consisted of LXXII, which were as it were the XXXVI. Decani of the Superior World, joyned with the XXXVI. Nomarchae of Aegypt, or the Inferior World by way of Representation. tak­ing seventy two Men for Accomplices of his Conspiracy, and being also abetted by a certain Queen of Aethiopia, whose Name they say was Aso. Having therefore pri­vately taken the Measure of Osiris's Body, [Page 80] and framed a curious Ark, very finely beautified, and just of the Size of his Bo­dy, he brought it to a certain Banquet. And as all were wonderfully delighted with so rare a Sight, and admired it greatly; Typhon, in a sporting manner, promised, that whichsoever of the Company, should, by lying in it, find it to be of the Size of his Body, should have it for a Present. And as every one of them was forward to try, and none fitted it,That is, the Sun into the Moon. Osiris at last got into it himself, and lay along in it; where­upon they that were there present, imme­diately ran to it and clapt down the Cover upon it, and when they had fastned it down with Nails, and sodered it withFor [...], I read [...]. melted Lead, they carried it forth to the River side, and let it swim into the Sea at theSo named from Tanaus King of the Scythians mentioned by Trogus Pom­pejus, as the first Invader of Aegypt. He seems to me to be the same with Ty­phon (for Eze­chiel calls this very Place Taphnis) but Hierogliphy­cally expres­sed. Tanaitick Mouth, which the Aegyptians therefore to this Day abominate, and spit at the very Naming of it. These things happened (as they say) upon the seven­teenth of the Month Athyr, when the Sun enters into the Scorpion, andFor [...] I read [...]. that was upon the eight and twentieth Year of the Reign of Osiris. But there are some that say that was the time of his Life, and not of his Reign. And because the Pans and Satyrs that inhabited the Region aboutI read [...] for [...] with Xylander. Chemmis, were the first that knew of this Disaster, and raised theFor [...], I read [...]. Report of it among the People, all sudden Frights and Discomposures among the People, have been ever since called Panic Fears. But when Isis heard of it, she cut off in that very Place, a Lock of her Hair, and [Page 81] put on a Mourning Weed, where there is a Town at this Day named Coptos (which isFrom Caph­ta, which is Syriac for a Blow with the Hand, and not from the Greek [...]. This Place is called Caphi [...] in the Bibles. Mourning:) others think that Name signifies Bereiving, for that some use the Word Coptein for Depriving. And as she wandered up and downI read [...] for [...]. in all Places, be­ing deeply perplext in her Thoughts, and left no one she met withal unspoken to, she met at last with certain little Chil­dren, of whom also she enquired about the Ark. [...]or [...]. I read [...]. Now these had chanced to see all that had passed, and they named t [...] her the very Mouth of the Nile, by whichTyphon in Coptic, signi­fies the Ser­pent, a Hiero­glyphic for an Enemy, whe­ther Man or Daemon. Typhons Accomplices had sent the Vessel into the Sea: For which reason the Aegypti­ans account little Children to have a Fa­culty of Divination, and use more especi­ally to lay hold on their Omens when they play in Sacred Places, or chance to say a­ny thing there, whatever it be. And find­ing afterwards that Osiris had made his Court to her Sister, and through Mistake enjoyed her instead of her self, for Token of which, she had found theFor [...], I read [...], with Xylander. Melilot Garland which he had left hard by Neph­thys, she went to seek for the Child (for her Sister had immediatelyI add [...] after [...] with Xylander. exposed it as­soon as she was delivered of it, for fear of her Husband Typhon.) And when, with great Difficulty and Labour, she had found it, by means of certain Dogs which conducted her to it, she brought it up, and he afterwards became her Guards-man and Follower, being namedAnubis or [...] was the same with Cneph, Cano­pus and Eros, or Winged Cu­pid. The Word signifies Winged and Gold, both which refer to the Sun, which was the antient Mercury. Anubis, and [Page 82] reported to guard the Gods as Dogs do Men. Of him she had Tidings of the Ark, how it had been thrown out by the Sea upon the Coasts of Byblos, and the Flood had gently entangled it in a cer­tain Thicket of Heath (or Tamarisk.) And this Heath had in a very small time run up into a most beauteous and large Tree, and had wrought it self about it, clung to it, and quite inclosed it within its Trunk. Upon which, the King of that Place much admiring at the unusual big­ness of the Plant, and cropping off the bushy Part that encompassed the now in­visible Chest, made of it a Post to support the Roof of his House. These things (as they tell us) Isis being informed of by the Daemonial Breath of aDaemons, when felt, are called Spirits, and when on­ly heard [...] and [...], i. e, Words and Voices. Voice, went her self to Byblos; where, when she was come, she sate her down hard by a Well very pensive and full of Tears, insomuch that she refused to speak to any Person, save only to the Queens Women, whom she complemented and caressed at an ex­traordinary rate, and would often stroak back their Hair with her Hands, and with­al, transmit a most wonderful fragrant Smell out of her Body into theirs.These Sto­ries were the popular Ser­mons of later Priests and Expositors of antient Rites. The Queen perceiving that her Womens Bo­dies and Hair thus breathed of Ambrosia, greatly longed to become acquainted with this new Stranger. Upon this, she being sent for, and becoming ve­ry intimate with her, was at last made Nurse to her Child. Now the Name of this King (they tell us) [Page 83] wasFor [...], I read [...], and, Malcarthos, and the Queen, some say, was called [...] for [...]. Astarte, and some Saosis, and others Nemanus (which in Greek is as much as to say Athene or Pallas.) But Isis nursed the Child by putting her Finger into his Mouth instead of the Breast, and in the Night time, she would, by a kind of lambent Fire, singe away what was mortal about him. In the mean while, her self would be turned to a Swallow, and in that Form would fly round about the Post, bemoaning her Misfortune and sad Fate; until at last, the Queen, who stood watching hard by, cryed out aloud, as she saw her Child all on a light Flame, and so robbed him of Immortality. Up­on which, the Goddess discovered her self, and begged the Post that held up the Roof. Which when she had obtained and taken down, she very quickly cropt off the bushy Heath from about it, andThe most antique sort of Statues, were Pillars, Posts and Spears; such was the Qui­ris of the Sa­bin [...]. wrapping the Trunk in fine Linen, and pouring perfumed Oyl upon it; she put it into the Hands of their Kings, and there­fore the Byblians, to this very Day, wor­ship that Piece of Wood, laying it up in the Temple of Isis. Then she threw her self down upon the Chest, and her La­mentations were so loud, that the younger of the KingsThese seem to have been the same with the Grecian [...], or Caster and Poli [...]x. two Sons dyed for very Fear; but she having the Elder in her own Possession, took both it and the Ark and carried them on Shipboard, and so took Sail. But the River Phaedrus For [...], I read with the Aldine E­dition, [...]. send­ing forth a very keen and chill Air, it be­ing the Dawning of the Morn, she grew [Page 84] incensed at it, and dryed up its Current. And in the first Place where she could take rest, and found her self to be now at liberty and alone, she opened the Ark, and laid her Cheeks upon the Cheeks of Osiris, and embraced him and wept bit­terly. The little Boy seeing her, came silently behind her, and peeping, saw what it was, which she perceiving, cast a terrible Look upon him in the height of her Passion, the Fright whereof the Child not enduring,It is dange­rous for the Vulgar to pry too far into Sacred things. immediately died. But there are some that say it was not so, but that,For [...], I read [...]. in the forementioned manner, he dropped into the Sea, and was there drowned. And he hath Divine Honours given him to this very Day upon the God­desses account; for they assure us, thatManeros, i. e. The Moon-King was the same with O­siris and Attis Menotyrannus. Maneros, whom the Aegyptians so often mention in their Caroles at their Banquets, is the very same. But others say the Boy was namedThis is only to hint to us that the Palae­stines were o­riginally Pelu­siotes, with whom they a­greed in their Religious Rites and O­pinions; and that is con­firmed by the Scripture. Palaestinus, or Pelusius, and that the City of that Name was so called from him, it having been built by this Goddess. They also relate, that this Ma­neros, so often spoken of in their Songs, was the first that invented Music. But some there are, that would make us be­lieve, that Maneros was not the Name of any Person, but a certain Form of Speech, made use of to People in Drinking and en­tertaining themselves at Feasts,I insert [...] before [...]. by way of wishing that things of that Nature, might prove auspicious and agreeable to them;For [...], I read [...]. for that that is the Thing which the Aegyptians would express by the Word [Page 85] Maneros, when they so often roar it forth. In like manner they affirm that the like­ness of a dead Man, which is carried a­bout in a little Boat and shewed to them, is not to commemorate the Disaster of O­siris, as some suppose, but was designed to encourage Men to make use of, and en­joy the present Things while they have them, since all Men must quickly become such as they there see; for which reason, they bring him into their Revels and Feasts. But when Isis came to her Son Orus, who was then at Nurse at Butos, and had laid the Chest out of the way, Typhon, as he was Hunting by Moon­light, by chance light upon it, and know­ing the Body again, tore it intoThese Four­teen parts plainly refer to the Four­teen days of the Wane of the Moon, which shews the Ark to be the Cressent. fourteen Parts, and threw them all about. Which when Isis had heard, she went to look for them again in a certain Barge made of the Bull-rush called Papyrus, in which she sailed over all the Fens. Whence (they tell us) it comes to pass that such as go in Boats made of this Rush, are never injur­ed by the Crocodiles, they having either aThe truth was, that it stuck in their Teeth. Fear, or else a Veneration for it, up­on the account of the Goddess Isis. And this (they say) hath occasioned the Re­port that there are many Sepulchres of Osiris in Aegypt, because she made a par­ticular Funeral for each Member as she found them. There are others that tell us it was not so, but that she made se­veral Effigieses of him, and sent them to every City, taking on her, as if she had sent them his Body, that so the greater [Page 86] Number of People might pay Divine Honours to him; and withal, that if it should chance that Typhon should get the better of Orus, and thereupon search for the Body of Osiris, many being discoursed of and shewed him, he might despair of ever finding the right one. But of all O­siris's Members, Isis could never find out his Private Part, for it had been presently slung into theTherefore called the Ef­flux of Osiris. River Nilus, and the Carp, Sea-breame and Pike eating of it, were for that reasonFor [...], I read [...]. more scrupulously avoided by them than any other Fish. But Isis, in lieu of it, made its Effigies, and so consecrated the Phallus, (it being a Resemblance of it) for which the Ae­gyptians, to this Day, observe aThe Bacoha­nals. Festival. After this, Osiris coming out of Hell to assist his Son Orus, firstI read with Petavius's Copy, [...] for [...]. laboured and trained him up in the Discipline of War, and then questioned him what he thought to be the gallantest thing a Man could do; to which he soon reply'd, to avenge ones Father and Mothers Quarrel when they suffer Injury. He asked him a second time, what Animal he esteemed most use­ful to such as would go to Battle:Orus in Coptick [...], i. e. the King, whence Phaouro or Pharao in the same Sense: he was the same with Osi­ris, but of a later Founda­tion, therefore called his Son, as Apollo was Jupiters. Orus told him a Horse; to which he said, that he wondred much at his Answer, and could not imagine why he did not rather name a Lyon than a Horse. Orus replied, that a Lyon might indeed be very service­able to one that needed Help, but a Horse would serve best to cut off and dis­perse a flying Enemy. Which when Osi­ris heard, he was very much pleased with [Page 87] him, looking upon him now as sufficient­ly instructed for a Souldier. It is report­ed likewise, that as a great many went o­ver dayly unto Orus, Typhon's own Con­cubine,I know not whether she be the same with Josephus's Tharvis, which he makes to be Moses's Mistress. Tha­rui in Coptick signifies Queen; she was a little before called As [...]. i. e. Pu­issant. I take her to be the Moon. Thueris deserted also; but that a certain Serpent pursuing her close at the Heels, was cut in pieces by Orus's Men and that for that reason they still fling a certain Cord into the midst of the Room, and then chop it to pieces. The Battle therefore continued for several Days, and Orus at last prevailed; but Isis, although she had Typhon delivered up to her fast bound, yet would not put him to Death, but contrariwise loosed him and let him go. Which when Orus perceived, he could not brook it with any Patience, but laid violent Hands upon his Mother, and plucked the Royal Diadem from off her Head. But Hermes presently step'd in and clapped a CowsThe Horns of the New Moon. Head upon her in­stead of a Helmet. Likewise when Typhon impeached Orus for being a Bastard, Her­mes became his Advocate, and Orus was judged Legitimate by all the Gods. Af­ter this, they say that Typhon was worsted in two several Battles. Isis had also by O­siris, who accompanied with her after her Decease,Harpocrae­tes, i. e. The Lord of the Harpyes or Storms; he is the Sun in the Winter Quar­ter. Harpocrates, who came into the World before his Time, and was Lame in his lower Parts. These then are most of the Heads of this Fabular Narration, the more harsh and course Parts (such as the Discerption of Orus, and the Beheading of Isis) being taken out,These Stories (however since refin'd upon) were literally believed in the more an­tient and ru­der Times. If there­fore they say and believe such things as [Page 88] these of the Blessed and incorruptible Na­ture (which is the best Conception we can have of Divinity) as really thus done and happening to it, I need not tell youFor [...], read [...]. that you ought to spit, and (as Aeschylus speaks) to make clean your Mouth at the mentioning of them for you are sufficiently averse of your self, to such as entertain such wicked and barbarous Sentiments concerning the Gods. And yet that these Relations are nothing a Kin to those Foppish Tales, and vain Fictions which Poets and Story-tellers are wont, like Spiders, to spin out of their own BowelsFor [...], I read [...]. without any substantial Ground or Foundation for them, and then Weave and Wire-draw them out at their own Pleasures; but contain in them cer­tain abstruse Questions and Rehearsals of Events,To [...], I add [...]. you your self, are, I suppose, convinced. And as Mathematicians do as­sert, the Rain-bow to be an Appearance of the Sun, so variegated by the distance of the Sight in such a Position with the Cloud; so likewise the Fable here related, is the Appearance of a certain Way of Reasoning, refracting its Meaning upon some other Matters, as is plainly suggest­ed to us, as well by the Sacrifices them­selves, in which there appears something lamentable and very sad, as by the Forms and Makes of their Temples, which some­times run out themselves into lofty Pinna­cles, and into open and airy [...], or Races: the Olympick and other Games were at first invented in Honour of the Suns Motion. Cirks; and at other times again, have under Ground certain private Cells, resembling Thebean Vaults, and dark Oratories; and [Page 89] this is not the least hinted to us by the O­pinion received about those of Osiris; be­cause his Body is said to be interred in so many different Places. Though it may be they will tell you that some one Town, such as Abydos or Memphis is named for the Place where his true Body lies, and that the most powerful and wealthy among the Aegyptians are most ambitious to be buried atSome re­duce it to the Hebrew Abad­don. Abydos, that so they may be near the Body of their God Osiris; and that the Apis is fed at Memphis, because he is theThat is, he is one of the chief Crea­tures of the Sun. Image of his Soul, where also they will have it that his Body is interred. Some also interpret the Name of this City to sig­nifie The Haven of Good Things, and o­thers,Amenophi in Coptick, is the Receptacle of Apis, and the Name of Memphis; it's called in the Bible Noph. The Tomb of Osiris. They add that the little Island called Nistitane, which stands in the River over against the City Gates, is at other times inaccessible, and not to be approached to by any Man, and that the very Birds dare not venture to fly over it, nor the Fish to touch upon its Banks; yet upon a certain set time, the Priests go over into it, and there perform the accustomed Rites for the Dead, and crown his Tomb, which stands there shaded over by aFor [...], or as Pe­tavius's Co­py has it, [...], I read [...]. Citron Tree, which ex­ceeds any Olive in bigness. But Eudoxus saith, that though there be in Aegypt ma­ny Tombs reported to be his, yet his true Body lies at [...], in Coptic signi­fies Lord Osi­ris. Busiris, for that that was the Place of his Birth. Neither can there be any room for Dispute about Taphosiris, for that its very Name bespeaks it;The Name is not Greek but Coptic, and signifies Lord Osiris's Gift. Osiris's Tomb. He also commends their [Page 90] This they did to make him an Ark or Boat for his Burial. cleaving of a Tree, their peeling of Flax, and the Wine Libations then made by them, because many of their secret Myste­ries are therein contained. And it is not these Gods only, but all others also, that are not ungotten and incorruptible, that the Priests pretend that their Bodies lye buried with them, and are by them serv­ed; but theirThe Aegyp­tians believed that all emi­nent Persons were made Stars when they died; see Herodotus. Souls are Stars shining in Heaven; and that the Soul of Isis is by the Greeks called the Dog, but by the Aegyp­tians Sothis; andFor [...], I read [...]. that of Orus Orion, and that of Typhon the Bear. They also tell us, that towards the Pourtraying of the Animals honoured by them, all others pay the Proportion assigned them by the Laws, but that those that inhabit the Country of Thebais, are the only Men that refuse to contribute any thing, because they believe no Mortal God, but him only whom they callThose of Thebais did like the Per­sians, reduce their Superior God to the Light or Spi­rit of the Uni­verse. Cneph, who is un­gotten and immortal. They therefore who suppose that, because many things of this sort are both related and shown unto Travellers, they are but so many Comme­morations of the Actions and Disasters of mighty Kings and Tyrants, who by rea­son of their Eminent Valour or Puissance, wrote the Title of Divinity upon their Fame, and afterwards fell into great Ca­lamities and Misfortunes; these, I say, make use of the most ready Way of elud­ing the Story, and plausibly enough re­move things of harsh and uncouth sound from Gods to Men: Nay, I will add this farther, that the Arguments they use, are [Page 91] fairly enough deduced from the things themselves related. For the Aegyptians recount, that Hermes was, in regard to the Make of his Body,The Aegyp­tians called the South and the North by the Names of the Right and Left Hand of the Sun. with one Arm longer than the other, and that Typhon was by Complexion Red, Orus White, and Osiris Black, as if they had been in­deed nothing else but Men. They more­over style Osiris a Commander, andCanopus was the same with Cneph or Cnu­phis, and was no other than Ero [...] or Jupi­ter, Pluvius. Ca­nopus a Pilot, from whom they say the Star of that Name was denominated. Al­so the Ship which the Greeks callArgo had its Name from the Syriac Ar­ca, i. e. a Ca­noo or Long­boat, like the Cressent, where the Sun rides. Argo, being the Image of Osiris's Ark, and there­fore, in Honour of it, made a Constella­tion, they make to ride not far from Ori­on and the Dog; whereof the one they be­lieve to be Sacred to Orus, and the other to Isis. But I fear this would be to stir Things that are not to be stirred, and to declare War, For [...], I read [...]. not only (as Simonides speaks) against length of Time, but also a­gainst many Nations and Families of Man­kind, whom a Religious Reverence to­wards these Gods, holds fast bound like [...], i. e. Correptis. Men astonished and amazed, and would be no otherI add [...] before [...]. than going about to re­move so great and venerable Names from Heaven to Earth, and thereby shak­ing and dissolving that Worship and Perswasion that hath entered into al­most all Mens Constitutions from their very Birth, and opening vast Doors to the Atheists Faction, who convert all Divine Matters into Humane, giving al­so a large License to the Impostures of Eue [...]erus of Messina, who out of his [Page 92] The Aegypti­ans reckoned the very Sun and Moon a­mong their Kings, because they hold all Stars to be the Souls of Men. own Brain, contrived certain Memoirs, of a most incredible and imaginary My­thology, and thereby spread all manner of Atheism throughout the World, by draw­ing out the Names of all the received Gods under the Style of Generals, Sea-Captains and Kings, whom he makes to have lived in the more remote and antient Times; and to be recorded in Golden Characters in a certain Country calledFor [...], I read [...], and [...], for [...]. Panchoa, with which notwithstanding never any Man, either Barbarian or Gre­cian, had the good Fortune to meet, ex­cept Euemerus alone, who (it seems) sailed to the Land of the Panchoans and Triphyllians, that neither have, nor ever had a Being. And although the Actions ofCedrenus saith, Semira­mis was the same with Rhea: if so, she differed not from Astarte, Isis and Venus, to whom the Pigeon was sa­cred. Shemi­ramith in He­brew, is Coe­lestis Excels [...]. Semiramis are sung among the Assyri­ans as very great, and likewise those of Se­sostris in Aegypt; and the Phrygians to this very Day style all illustrious and strange Actions Manick ones, becauseIt may be Manis was the same with Meinis and Osiris. Manis, one of their antient Kings (whom some call Masdes) was a brave and mighty Person. And although Cyrus enlarged the Empire of the Persians, and Alexander that of the Macedonians, within a little Matter of the World's End, yet have they still retained the Names and Memorials of gallant Prin­ces. And if some,For [...], I read [...]. puffed up with ex­cessive Vain-glory (as Plato speaks) hav­ing their Minds enflamed at once with both youthful Blood and Folly, have with an unruly Extravagancy, taken upon them the Style of Gods, and had Temples erect­ed in their Honour, yet this Opinion of [Page 93] them flourished but for a short Season, and they afterwards underwent the Blame of great Vanity and Arrogancy, conjoyned with the highest Impiety and Wickedness, and so, ‘Like Smoak they flew away with swift pac'd Fate.’ And being dragg'd away from the Altars like Fugitive Slaves, they have now no­thing left them but their Tombs and Graves. Which made Antigonus the Elder, when one Hermodotus had in his Poems de­clared him to be Son to the Sun, and a God, to say to him: Friend, he that emp­ties my Close-stool pan, knows no such Matter by me. And Lysippus the Carver, had good reason to quarrel with the Painter Apelles for drawing Alexanders Picture with a Thunder-bolt in his Hand, where­as himself had made him but with a Spear, which (he said) was natural and proper for him, and a Weapon, the Glo­ry of which, no time would rob him of. Therefore they maintain the wiser Opinion, who hold that the things here storied of Typhon, Osiris and Isis, were not the Events of Gods, nor yet of Men, but of certain Grand Daemons, whom Plato, Pythagoras, Xenocrates and Chrysippus (following herein the Opinion of the most antient Theolo­gists) affirm to be of greater Strength than Men, and to transcend our Nature by much in Power, but not to have a Divine Part pure and unmixt, but such as partici­pates of both the Souls Intention, and the [Page 94] Bodies Sensation, and thoseFor [...], I read [...]; and for [...], and [...], I read [...] and [...] receiving both Pleasure and Pain; and that the Passions that attend these Mutations, dis­order some of them more, and others of them less. For there are divers degrees both of Vertue and Vice, as among Men, so also among Daemons: For what they sing about among the Greeks concerning the Giants and the Titans, and ofFor [...], I read [...]. certain horrible actions of Saturns, as also of Py­thons Combats with Apollo, of theI read [...] for [...], with Xylander out of Eusebius. Bacchus hath the Name of Dionysos in Greek, that is, The God of Nysa, which was a Town in Arabia, so named from the Hebrew Nusa, which is Flight. The LXX. render Jehova Nissi, by [...]. Flights of Bacchus, and the Ramblings of Ceres, come nothing short of the Relations about Osiris and Typhon, and others such, which every Body may lawfully and freely hear as they are told in the Mythology. The like may be also said of those things, that being veiled over in the Mystick Rites and Sacred Ceremonies of Initiation, are there­fore kept private from the Sight and Hearing of the Common Sort. We also hear Homer often calling such as are extra­ordinary good, Godlike, and Gods Comperes, and, ‘In Counsel equal with the Deities.’ But the Epithet derived from Daemons, we find him to bestow upon the Good and Bad indifferently, as;

[Page 95] And again. (Where Jupiter speaks thus to Juno.)

Where he seems to make Daemons to be of a mix'd and unequal Temper and Inclina­tion. Whence it is that Plato assigns to the Olympick Gods, Dexter things and odd Numbers, and the opposite to these, to Daemons. And Xenocrates also is of Opini­on, that such Days as are commonly ac­counted unlucky, and those Holy Days, in which are used Scourgings, Beatings of Breasts, Fastings, uncouth Words, or ob­scene Speeches, do not appertain to the Honour of Gods, or of good Daemons; but thinks there are in the Air that invi­rons us about, certain great and mighty Natures, but withal,This con­firms the Ob­servation of St. Paul, that the Sacrifices of the Gentiles were made to Daemons, and not to Gods; and this is ful­ly proved by Porphyry, in his Book De Abstinentiâ, where he is not ashamed to justifie them in it. morose and tetrical ones, that take pleasure in such things as these; and if they have them, they do no farther Mischief. On the other side, the Beneficent ones are styled by Hesiod, Holy Daemons, and Guardians of Mankind, I here add [...]. and, ‘Givers of Wealth, this Royal Gift they have.’ And Plato calls this sort, the Interpreting and ministring Kind; and saith they are in a middle Place betwixt the Gods and Men, and that they carry up Mens Pray­ers and Addresses thither, and bring from [Page 96] thence hither Prophetic Answers and Di­stributions of good Things. Empedocles saith also, that Daemons undergo severe Pu­nishments, for their Evil Deeds and Mis­demeanors.

Untill being thus chastened and purified, they are again admitted to that Region and Order that suits their Nature. Now such Things, and such like Things as these, they tell us are here meant concern­ing Typhon; how he, moved with Envy and Spight, perpetrated most wicked and horrible things, and putting all things in­to Confusion, filled both Land and Sea with infinite Calamities and Evils, and afterwards suffered for it condign Punish­ment. But now the Avenger of Osiris, who was both his Sister and Wife, having extinguished and put an end to the Rage and Madness of Typhon, did not forget the many Contests and Difficulties she had en­countered withal, nor her Wanderings and Travels too and fro, so far as to com­mit her many Acts, both of Wisdom and CourageI add [...] before [...], and read [...] for [...]. to utter Oblivion and Silence, but mixed them with their most Sacred Rites of Initiation, and together consecra­ted them as Resemblances, Dark Hints, andFor [...], I read [...]. Imitations of her former Sufferings, both as an Example and Encouragement [Page 97] of Piety for both Men and Women that should hereafter fall under the like hard Circumstances and Distresses. And now both her self and Osiris, being for their Vertue changed from good Daemons into Gods, as wereHercules and Bacchus were indeed the same with Osiris, but their Temples were younger than his. Hercules and Bacchus af­ter them, they have (and not without just Grounds) the Honours of both Gods and Daemons joyned together; their Power be­ing indeed every where great, but yet more especial and eminentFor [...], I read [...]. in things up­on and under the Earth. For Sarapis (they say) is no other than Pluto, and Isis the same with Proserpine, as Archemachus of Euboea informs us; as alsoSo I read for Heraclitus. Heraclides of Pontus, where he delivers it as his Opini­on, that the Oracle at Canopus appertains to Pluto. Besides, Ptolemaeus, surnamed Soter, or The Saviour, For [...], I read [...]. saw in a Dream the Colossus of Pluto that stood at Sinope, (although he knew it not, nor had ever seen what Shape it was of) calling upon him, and bidding him to convey it speedily away to Alexan­dria. And as he was ignorant, and at a great Loss where it should stand, and was telling his Dream to his Familiars, there was found by chance a certain Fellow, that had been a general Rambler in all Parts, (his Name was Sosius) who affirmed he had seen such a Colossus as the King had dreamt of, at Sinope. He therefore sent Soteles and Dionysos thither, who in a long time, and with much difficulty, and not without the special Help of a Divine Pro­vidence, stole it away, and brought it to Alexandria. When therefore it was con­veyed [Page 98] thither, andFor [...] I read [...]. viewed, Timothy the Expositor, and Manethos the Sebennite, con­cluding from theCorberus was the Infer­nal Mercury, and the Ser­pent Typhon. Cerberus and Serpent that stood by it, thatFor [...], I read [...]. it must be the Sta­tue of Pluto, perswade Ptolomy it could ap­pertain to no other God but Sarapis. For he had notFor [...], I read [...]. this Name when he of from thence, but after he was removed to Alexandria, he acquired the Name of Sarapis, which is the Aegyptian for Pluto. Although it must be owned that Heraclitus the Physiologist, saith, Pluto and Bacchus are I read true [...] for [...]. one and the same; (When they are mad and delirious, they come to be of this Opinion, is added in the Greek Copy, but I suppose it was origi­nally but a Marginal Re­flexion. for those that will needs have Pluto to be the Body, the Soul being as it were distracted and drunken in it, do, in my Opinion, make use of an over fine and subtle Allegory.) It is there­fore better to make Osiris to be the same with Bacchus, and Sarapis again with Osi­ris, he obtaining that Appellation since the Change of his Nature. For which reason, Sarapis is a common God to all; but how they consider Osiris, they who participate of Divine Matters best un­derstand. For there is no reason we should attend to the Writings of the Phrygians, which say thatFor [...], I read [...]. oneHe supposes the Name Charopos to be the same with Sarapis; but it comes near­er the Greek Corybas, and the Hebrew Cherub, which signifies a carved Sta­tue or Figure, which probably might be a Cow, it being a [...]e­male Numen. Charopos was Daughter to Hercules, and that Typhon was Son to Isaeacus Son of Hercules; no more than we have not to contemn Philarchus, when he writes that Bacchus first brought two Bullocks out of India into Aegypt, and [Page 99] that the Name of the one was Apis, and of the other Osiris. But that Sarapis is the Name of him who orders the Universe, from Sairein, which some use for Beautify­ing and Setting forth. For these Sentiments of Philarchus's are very foolish and absurd; but theirs are much more so, who affirm Sarapis to be no God at all, but only the Name of the Sores (or Chest) in which Apis lies; and that there are at Memphis certain great Gates of Copper, called the Gates of Oblivion and Lamentation, which being opened when they bury the Apis, make a doleful and hideous Noise; which (say they) is the reason that when we hear any sort of Copper instrument sound­ing, we are presently startled and seized with Fear. But they judge more discreet­ly,I add [...] before [...] and read [...] for [...]. who suppose his Name to be derived from Seuesthai, or Sousthai, (which signifies to be born along) and so make it to mean, that the Motion of the Universe is hurried and born along violently. But the great­est Part of the Priests do say, that Osiris and Apis are both of them but one com­plex Being, while they tell us in their Sa­cred Commentaries and Sermons, that we are to look upon the Apis, as theThe Bull called Apis was to have a white Star in his Fore-head, the bet­ter to repre­sent the Sun, whose Spirit dwelt within it. beautiful Image of the Soul of Osiris. I, for my part, do believe, that if the Name of Sa­rapis be Aegyptian, it may not improperly denote Joy and Merriment, because I find the Aegyptians term the Festival which we call Charmosyna (or Merry-making) in their languageShira in He­brew is Sing­ing; and Sa­rapis or Sar Ab, Dominas Pater, or Prin­ceps Pater. Sairei. Besides, I find Pluto to be of Opinion, that Pluto is cal­ed [Page 100] Hades, because he is the Sun of Aido, (which is Modesty) and because he is aHades Aido­neus or Adonis, was the same with the Ger­man Odin or Mars: it was the Diminu­tive of Od or God, which signifies Good and Rich. gentle God to such as are conversant with him. And as among the Aegyptians, there are a great many other Names that are also Definitions of the Things they ex­press, so they call that Place, whether they believe Mens Souls to go after Death,Amen in Cop­tic, is to re­ceive, and Tha to give. I take Amenthes to signifie simply a Receptory. Amenthes, which signifies in their Language, The Receiver and the Giver. But whether this be one of those Names that have been antiently brought over and transplanted out of Greece into Aegypt, we shall consider some other time. But at present we must hasten to dispatch the re­maining Parts of the Opinion here hand­led. Osiris therefore and Isis passed from the Number of good Daemons into that of Gods; but the Power of Typhon being much obscured and weakned, and himself besides in great dejection of Mind, and in Agony, and as it were at the last Gasp, they therefore one while use certain Sacri­fices to comfort and appease his Mind, and another while again, have certain Solem­nities wherein they abase and affront him, both by mis-handling and abusing such Men as they find to have red Hair, and by breaking the Neck of an Ass down a Pre­cipice, (as do the Coptites) becauseThey sup­pose the Soul of Typhon, or the Serpent, to be in him, as the Soul of O­siris was in the Ox. The Ass was in more esteem where Horses were scarce. Typhon was Red and of the Asses Complexion. Moreover, those of Buseris and Lycopol [...], never make any use of Trumpets, because they give a Sound like that of Asses. And they altogether esteem the Ass as an Ani­mal, not Clean, but Daemoniac, because [Page 101] of its Resemblance to Typhon; and when they make Cakes at their Sacrifices, upon the Months of Payni and Phaophi, they impress upon them an Ass Bound. Also when they do their Sacrifices to the Sun, they enjoynI read with Xylander [...] for [...]. such as perform Worship to that God, neither to wear Gold, nor to give Fodder to an Ass. It is also most apparent, that the Pythagoreans look upon Typhon as a Daemoniack Power; for they say he was produced in an even Proportion of Numbers, to wit, in that of Fifty Six. And again, they say that theI add [...] or [...] after [...]. Property of the Triangle appertains to Pluto, Bacchus and Mars; of the Quadrangle, to Rhea, Venus, Ceres and Vesta; of Twelve Angles, to Jupiter; and ofSo I read with Xylander for 58. Fifty Six, to Typhon, as Eudoxus relates. And be­cause the Aegyptians are of Opinion that Typhon was born of aFire was the Aegyptians De­vil, and Wa­ter their God. Red Complexion, they are therefore used to devote to him, such of the Neat Kind as they find to be of a Red Colour; and their Observation herein is so very nice and strict, that if they perceive the Beast to have but one Hair upon it that is either Black or White, they account it unfit for Sacrifice. For they hold that what is fit to be made a Sacrifice, must not be of a Thing agreable to the Gods, but contrarywise, such things as contain the Souls of Ungodly and Wicked Men transformed into their Shapes. Wherefore in the more antient of Times, they were wont, after they had pronounced a solemn Curse upon the Head of the Sacrifice, and had cut it off, to fling it [Page 102] into the River Nilus; but now adays, they distribute it among Strangers. Those al­so among the Priests that were termed Sphragistae or S [...]alers, were wont to Seal the Beast that was to be offered; and the engraving of their Seal, was (as Castor tells us)In Memory of the more antient Cu­stom of sacri­ficing Men to Mars, Pluto, or the Devil. a Man upon his Knees with his Hands tyed behind him, and a Knife set under his Throat. They believe moreover, that the Ass suffers for being like him, (as hath been already spoken of) and that as much for the Stupidity and Sensualness of his Disposition, as for the Redness of his Colour. Wherefore, because that of all the Persian Monarchs, they had the greatest Aversation for Ochus, as looking upon him as a Villanous and Abominable Person, they gave him the Nick-name of theThat is, The Devil. Ass: Upon which, he replied: But this Ass shall dine upon your Ox, and so he slaughtered the Apis, as Dinon relates to us in his History. As for those that tell us thatThe Hiero­glyphical meaning of this Story, was that Moses was assisted by the Devil, in rescuing the Israelites out of Aegypt. Typhon was seven days flying from the Battle upon the Back of an Ass, and having narrowly, escaped with his Life, afterwards begot two Sons, called Hierosoly­mus and Judaeus, they are manifestly dis­covered by the very Matter, to wrest into this Fable the Relations of the Jews, And so much for the Allegories and se­cret Meanings which this Head affords us. And now begin we at another Head, which is the Account of those who,I read [...] for [...]. seem to offer at something more Philosophical; and of these we will first consider the more simple and plain sort. And they are [Page 103] those that tell us, that as the Greeks are used to allegorize Cronos (orSaturn, or the Sun, is the Measure of Time, and Ju­no, or the Moon, hath great Effects upon the Air. Saturn) into Chronos (Time) and Hera (or June) into Aera (Air) and also to resolve the Generation of Vulcan into the Change of Air into Fire; so also among the Aegyptians, The Aegypti­ans believe Water to be animated by the Soul of the Sun, and the Earth by that of the Moon. Osiris is the River Nilus, who accompanies with Isis, which is the Earth, and Typhon is the Sea, into which the Nilus falling, is thereby destroyed and pulled in pieces, excepting only that Part of it which the Earth receives and drinks up, by means whereof it becomes prolifick. There is also a kind of a sacred Lamen­tation used toSaturn, or Cronos was called by the Aegyptians Ky­ra [...]is, i. e. Cor­nutus, he be­ing the same with Osiris, and the Deus Lunus. Saturn, wherein they be­moan him, Who was born in the Left Side of the World, and died in the Right. For the Aegyptians believe the Eastern Part to be the Worlds Face, the Northern its Right Hand, and the Southern its Left. And therefore the River Nilus holding its Course from the Southern Parts towards the Northern, may justly be said to have its Birth in the Left-side, and its Death in the Right. For which reason, the Priests account the Sea abominable, and call Salt Typhons Foam. AndI read [...] for [...]. it is one of the things they look upon as unlawful, and prohibited to them, to use Salt at their Tables. And they use not to salute any Pilots, because they have to do with theThey reck­oned the Sea as a part of Amenthes or Hell. Sea. And this is not the least reason of their so great avers­edness to Fish. They also make the Picture of a Fish to denote Hatred. And therefore at the Temple of Minerva at Sais, there was carved in the Po [...]ch an In­fant and an Old Man, and after them a [Page 104] Hawk, and then a Fish, and after all, a Hippopotamus (or River-Horse) which in a Symbolical manner, contained this Sentence, O! you that are born, and that dye, Here I sup­ply the La­cuna thus; [...]. God hateth Impudence. From whence it is plain, that by a Child and an Old Man, they express our being Born and our Dying; by a Hawk, God; by a Fish, Hatred (by reason of the Sea, as hath been before spoken) and by a River-Horse, Impudence, because (as they say) he killeth hi [...] Sire, and forceth his Dam. That also which the Pythagoreans are used to say, which is, that the Sea is The They fansi­ed their God to dye when he went down to Amenthes, and to revive again in the Morning. Tear of Saturn, For [...], I read [...]. may seem to hint out to us, that it is not pure nor congenial with our Race. These then are the Things that may be uttered without Doors and in publick, they containing no­thing but Matters of common Cognisance. But now the most Learned and Reserved of the Priests do not term the Nilus only Osiris, and the Sea Typhon; but in general, the whole Principle and Faculty of rendering Moist, they callThe Inspi­ration of the Sun causes the Fluidness of Water. Osiris, as believing it to be the Cause of Generation, and the very Substance of the Seminal Moisture. And on the other hand, whatever is Adust, Fiery, or any way Drying and repugnant to Wet, they callThe Serpent or the Enemy, this was their Mars or De­vil. Typhon. And therefore, be­cause they believe he was of a Red and Sallow Colour when he was born, they do not greatly care to meet with Men of such Looks, nor willingly converse with them. On the other side again, they Fa­ble that Osiris, when he was born, was of a Black Complexion, because that all Water [Page 105] renders Earth, Cloaths and Clouds black, when mixed with them; and the Moisture also that is in young Persons, makes their Hair black; but Grayness, like a sort of Paleness, comes up through over much Drought upon such as are now past their Vigour, and begin to decline in Years. In like manner the Spring time is Gay, Fecund, and very agreeable; but the Autumn, through defect of Moisture, is both destructive to Plants, and sickly to Men. Moreover, the Ox calledI take this Mnevis to be the same with the above mentioned Meinis, Manis and Meni, and so by conse­quence with Osiris. Perhaps he was of an elder Founda­tion than Apis, and therefore stiled his Sire. Mnevis, which is kept at Hesiopoles (and is Sacred to Osiris, and judged by some to be the Sire of Apis) is of a cole-black Colour, and is honoured in the second Place after Apis. To which we may add, that they call Aegypt (which is one of the Blackest Soils in the World) as they do the black Part of the Eye,That is, So­lar or Divine, Chamma, i. e. Hot, is one of the Epithets of the Sun. Chemia. They also repre­sent it by the Figure of aThis was likewise the Hieroglyphic of Heaven, or the Coelestial Aegypt. See Orus Ap [...]l. Heart, by rea­son of its great Warmth and Moisture, and because it is mostly enclosed by, and removed towards the Southern Parts of the Earth, as the Heart is with respect to a Mans Body. They believe also, that the Sun and Moon do not go in Chariots, but fail about the World perpetually in certain Boats; hinting hereby, at their feeding upon, and springing first out of Moisture. They are likewise of the Opinion, that Homer, as well as Thales, had been instructed by the Aegyptians, which made him affirm Water to be the Spring and first Original of all things; for thatOceanus was more antient­ly called Ogen by the Greci­ans, and it sig­fied The Wa­ter-God, he was Son to Jupiter. Oceanus is the same with Osiris, [Page 106] andIt is probable that Tethys is the same with Sethis or So­this, which is Isis. Tethys with Isis, so named (from Titthe a Nurse) because she is the Mother and Nurse of all things. For the Greci [...]s call theI read [...] for [...]. Emission of the Genital Humor Apusia (which signifies Owzing from one) and carnal Knowledge Synusia (that is, Mixing of Humors:) they also call a Son Hyios, from Hydor Water, and from Hysa [...] to Wet; and likewise Bacchus Hyes or the He was the same with Ju­piter Pluvius. Wetter) they looking upon him as the Lord of the Humid Nature, he being no other than Osiris. For Hellanicus hath set him downHysiris is but the Cop­tic [...], i. e. [...], Liber, or Son. For the Aegyp­tians called a Son Siri, as the Greeks did sometimes call Male Chil­dren [...]. Hysiris, affirming that he heard him so pronounced by the Priests; for so he hath written the Name of this God all along in his History; and that in my Opinion, not without good reason, derived as well from his Nature as his In­vention. And that therefore he is one and the same with Bacchus: who should better know than your self, Dame Cl [...]a, who are not onlyFor [...], I read [...]. Palmerius reads [...]. President of the Del­phick Prophetesses, but have been also, in Right of both your Parents, devoted to the Osiriack Rites? And if, for the Sakes of others, we shall think our selves oblig­ed to lay down Testimonies for the Proof of our present Assertion, we shall notwith­standing, remit those Secrets that must not be revealed to their proper Place. But now the things which the Priests do publickly at the Entertainment of the Apis, when they carry his Body in a Boat to be buried, do nothing differ from theThese Dan­ces were to re­present the Suns Motion. Pro­cession of Bacchus. For they hang about them theThe Habit of the Anti­ent, as well as of the Modern Savages. Skins of Hinds, and carry [Page 107] Branches in their Hands, and use the same kind of Shoutings and Gesticulations that the Ecstaticks do at the Inspired Dances of Bacchus. For which reason also, many of the Greeks make Statues ofI read [...] in the Genitive. Dionysos Tauromorphos (or of Bacchus in the Form of a Bull.) And the Elean Women in their ordinary Form of Prayer, beseech the God to come to them with his Herodotus saith the Greek Religion came first out of Ae­gypt. Oxos Foot. The Argives also have a Bacchus surnamed Bugenes (or Ox-gotten;) and they call him up out of the Water by sounding of Trum­pets, and flinging a young Lamb into the Abyss, for him that keeps the Door there: and these Trumpets they hide within their Thyrsi (or Green Boughs) as Socrates, in his Treatise of Rituals, relates. Likewise the Tales about the Titans, and that they callThe Noctur­na Sacra of Bacchus, called Nycteleia. The Mystick Night, have a strange agree­ment with what they tell us of the Dis­cerptions, Resurrections, and Regenerati­ons of Osiris; as also what relates to their Sepultures. For not only the Aegyptians, (as hath been already spoken) do shew in many several Places, the Chests in whichThe Body of the Holy Ox was buried in many places. Osiris lies; but the Delphians also believe, that the Reliques of Bacchus are laid up with them just by the Oracle-place; and the Hosti (or Holy Men) perform a secret Sacrifice within the Temple of A­pollo, while the Thyiades (or Prophetesses) are a raising up [...], or Fanman; the Sun is the Cause of Winds, and the Giver of Corn as well as of Wine. The Winnower, (as they call him.) Now that the Greeks do not esteem Bacchus as the Lord and President of Wine only, but also of the whole Humid Nature Pindar [Page 108] alone is a sufficient Witness, when he saith,

For which Cause, it is forbidden to such as worship Osiris, either to destroy a Fruit-tree, or to stop up a Well. And they call not only the Nilus, but in general eve­ry Humid, The Efflux of Osiris. And a Pitcher of Water goes always first in their Sacred Processions, in Honour of the God. And they make the Figure of a Fig-leaf, both for theHe being a Father to his Country as well as the Nile. King and the Southern Cli­mate; which Fig-leaf, is interpreted to mean The Watering and Spiriting of the Ʋ­niverse; and it seems to bear some Resem­blanceThe Leaves of Vines, Figs, and Ivy, are called in Greek Thria, because they consist of three parts, as Athenaeus in­forms us. And these were all carried about in the Proces­sion of Bacchus, called from them Thriam­b [...]s, or Trium­phus; and it was a Sacred Dance, in i­mitation of the Sun and Stars, to give thanks for the Fruits of the Year. in its make to the Virilities of a Man. Moreover, when they keep the Feast of the Pamylia, which is a Phallick or Priapejan one (as was said before) they expose to view, and carry about a certain Image of a Man with a threefold Privity. For this God is a first Origin; but now every first Origin doth by its Fecundity multiply what proceeds from it. And we are commonly used instead of many times, to say Thrice, as Thrice Happy, and: ‘As many Bonds thrice told and infinite.’ Unless (by Jove) we are to understand the Word Treble, as spoken by the Antients in a proper Sense. For the Humid Nature [Page 109] being in the beginning the chief Source and Origin of the Universe, must of con­sequence produce the three first Bodies, the Earth, the Air, and the Fire. As for the Story which is here told by way of Surplusage to the Tale; how that Typhon threw the Privity of Osiris into the River, and Isis could not find it, and therefore fashioned and prepared the Resemblance and Effigies of it, and appointed it to be worshiped and carried about in their Pro­cessions, like as in the Grecian Phallephoria: all which, amounts but to this, to instruct and teach us that the Prolifick and Genera­tive Property of this God, had Moisture for its first Matter, and that by means of Moisture, it came to immix it self with things capable of Generation. We have also another Story told us by the Aegypti­ans; how that onceApopis, Apis, Epaphus and Aboba, as the Syrians call him, was the same with A­donis, his Name signi­fies Pater Ma­nium: for OB in Hebrew, is a Ghost, and Ab a Father. Apopis, Brother to the Sun, fell at Variance with Jupiter, and made War upon him; but Jupiter entring into Alliance with Osiris, and by his means overthrowing his Enemy in a pitcht Battle, he afterwards adopted him for his Son, and gave him the Name of Dionysos (or Bacchus.) It is easie to shew that this Fa­bular Relation borders also upon the Ve­rity of Physical Science. For the Aegyp­tians call theAir as well as Water, re­quires its Ani­mation from the Sun. Air Jupiter, with which the Parching and Fiery Property makes War; and though this be not the Sun, yet hath it some Cognation with the Sun. But now Moisture extinguishing the Excessiveness of Drought, encreases and strengthens the Exhalations of Wet, which give Food [Page 110] and Vigor to the Air. Moreover, the Ivy, which the Greeks use to consecrate to Bacchus, is called by the Aegyptians Chen ha Sar, in Hebrew is Gratia Domi­ni. This Leaf, by being a Thrion, resem­bles a Mans Virilities. Cheno­stris, which Word (as they tell us) signi­fies in their Language Osiris's Tree. Ari­ston therefore, who wrote the Colony of the Athenians, For [...] I read [...] and [...] seems a Gloss. might perchance have light upon a certain Epistle of Alexarchus's. Bacchus is reported also by the Aegyptians, to be the Son of Isis, and not to be called Osiris, but Arsaphes in the Letter A, which denotesArsaphes is Mars Pater, from the He­brew Hares Sol fervescens, and Ab Pater. Valiant. This is hinted at by Hermaeus also, in his First Book about the Aegyptians; for he saith the Name of Osiris is to be interpreted Stout. I shall now pass byI read [...] for [...]. Mnaseas, who joyns Bacchus, Osi­ris, and Sarapis together, and makes them the same with Epaphus. I shall also omit Anticlides, who saith, that Isis was the Daughter of Prometheus, and that she was married to Bacchus. For the foremention­ed Proprieties of their Festivals and Sacri­fices afford us a much more clear Evidence than the Authorities of Writers. They believe likewise, that of all the Stars, theIt hath the Name of Siri­us from Osiris, and of Dog from Mercury or Anubis, which was the Sun. And he began his yearly Pro­gress (or Hunt­ing-bout, as they fancied it) at the rising of this Star, which they therefore call­ed his Dog. Sirius (or Dog) is proper to Isis, because it bringeth on the Flowing of the Nile. And they pay Divine Honour to the Lion, and adorn the Gates of their Temples with the yawning Mouths of Lions, be­cause the Nilus then overflows its Banks.

And as they term the Nilus the Efflux of Osiris, so they hold and esteem the Earth for the Body of Isis, and that not all of it neither, but thatThey com­pared the Ri­vers over­flowing the Grounds to the Suns Illu­minating the Moon. Part only which the Nilus, as it were, leapes, and thereby im­pregnates and mixes with. And by this Amorous Congress they produce Orus. Now this Orus is that Hora or Sweet Sea­son and just Temperament of the Ambient Air, which nourisheth and preserveth all things; and they report him to have been nursed byIn antient Greek, Leto, or Lato signi­fies Water, whence the Latin Latex. Latona, in the Marshy Grounds about Butos; because moist and watry Land best feeds those exhaled Vapors which quench and relax Drought and parching Heat. But those Parts of the Country which are outmost, and upon the Confines and Sea-coast, they callNephthys was the same with Proserpine, as Typhon was with Pluto; and therefore the barren and unwater­ed part of Ae­gypt was sacred to her. Neph­thucha in He­brew is Aperta or Ʋncovered, and the Neph­thuchim were a Tribe of Aegyptians, ac­cording to the Scripture. Nephthys: and therefore they give her the Name of Teleutaea (or the Outmost) and report her to be married to Typhon. And therefore when the Nilus is excessive great, and so far passes its ordinary Bounds, that it approaches to those that inhabit the outmost Quarters, they call this Osiris's Accompanying with Nephthys, found out by the springing up of Plants thereupon: whereof the Melilot is one, which (as the Story tells us) being dropt behind and left there, gave Typhon to understand the Wrong that had been done to his Bed. Which made them say that Isis had aFor [...], I read [...]. Lawful Son called Orus, and Nephthys a Bastard, called Anubis. And indeed they record in the Successions of their Kings, that Nephthys being married to Typhon, was at first Barren. Now if [Page 112] they do not mean this of a Woman, but of a Goddess, they must needs hint out, that the Earth, by reason of its Solidity, is in its own Nature, infecund and Barren. And the Conspiracy and usurpation of Ty­phon, will be the Power of the Drought, which then prevails and dissipates that Ge­nerative Moisture, that both begets the Nile, and encreases it. And theThe Queen of Aethiopia, before called Thueris and Aso, seems to be no other than Astarte, and the Arabi­an Venus, by the Greeks called Astraea, and Nemesis, by the Galls Andras [...]e, and by the Ger­mans Easter, and she was no other than the Moon. A­rabia was the old Aethiopia, and the Mo­ther of the New. Queen of Aethiopia, that abetted his Quarrel, will denote the Southern Winds that come from Aethiopia. For when these come to overpower the Etesiae (or Anniversary Winds) which drive the Winds towards Aethiopia, and by that means prevent those Showers of Rein which should augment the Nile from discharging themselves down, Typhon then being rampant, scorcheth all, and be­ing wholly Master of the Nile, which now through Weakness and Debility, draws in his Head, and takes a contrary Course; he next thrusts him hollow, and sunk as he is into the Sea. For the Story that is told us of the Closing up of Osiris in a Chest, seems to me to be nothing else but an Imitation of the withdrawing and disappearing of the Water. For which reason, they tell us that Osiris was missing upon the Month of Athyr; at which time the Etesia (or Anniversary Winds) being whol­ly ceased, the Nile returns to his Channel, and the Country looks bare: The Night also growing longer, the Darkness en­creases, and so the Power of Light fades away, and is overcome.For [...], I read [...]. And as the Priests act several other Melancholy things [Page 113] upon this occasion, so they cover aThis was the [...], or golden Calf mentioned in the Scripture. Guilded Cow with a black Linnen Pall, and thus expose her to publick View, at the Mourn­ing of the Goddess,For they look upon the Cow as the Image of Isis and of the Earth, was here inserted out of the Margin, and that corruptly too, as appears by Petavius's Copy. for four days toge­ther, beginning at the Seventeenth. For the things they mourn for are also four; the first whereof, is because of the Falling and Recess of the River Nilus; the second, because the Northern Winds are then quite suppressed by the Southern overpowering them; the Third, because the Day is grown shorter than the Night; and the Last and Chiefest of all, because of the Barrenness of the Earth, together with the Nakedness of the Trees, which then cast their Leaves. And on the Nineteenth Day at Night,For [...], I read [...]. they go down to the Sea­side, and the Priests and Sacred Livery bring forth the Chest, having within it a little Golden Ark (or [...]. Boat) into which they pour fresh and potable Water, and all that are there present, give a great Shout for joy, that Osiris is now found. Then they takeI read [...], for [...]. Fertile Mold and stir it about in that Water, and when they have mixed with it several very costly Odours and Spices, they form it into a little Image, in fashion like a Cressent, and then dress it up in fine Cloaths and adorn it, intimating hereby, that they believe these Gods to be the Sub­stance ofThe Moon of Earth, and the Sun of Water, but yet so as to be both in one as an Herma­phrodite; for so they thought. Earth and Water. But Isis again recovering Osiris, and rearing up O­rus, made strong by Exhalations, Mists and Clouds, Typhon was indeed reduced, but not Executed; for the Goddess, who is Sovereign over the Earth, would not [Page 114] [...] [Page 115] [...] [Page 114] suffer the opposite Nature to Wet to be utterly extinguished, but loosed it and let it go, being desirous theI read [...] for [...]. Mixture should continue. For it would be impossible for the World to be compleat and perfect, if the Property of Fire should fail and be wanting. And as these things are not spoken by themFor [...], I read [...]. without a considerable shew of Reason, so neither have we reason wholly to contemn this other Account which they give us; which is, That Ty­phon in the more antient Times, was Master of Osiris's Portion. For (they say)That is, the Lower Aegypt. Aegypt was once all Sea. For which reason, it is found at this Day to have abundance of Fish-shells, both in its Mines, and on its Mountains. And besides that, all the Springs and Wells (which in that Country are extream numerous) have in them a salt and brackish Water, as if someFor [...], I read [...]. Re­mainder had run together thither, to be as it were laid up in store. But in process of time Orus got the upper hand of Typhon; that is, there happened such an Opportu­nity of sudden and tempestuous Showers of Rain, that the Nilus pusht the Sea out, and discovered the Champagn-land, and afterwards filled it up with continual Pro­fusions of Mud. All which hath the Te­stimony of Sense to confirm it. For we see at this Day, that as the River drives down fresh Mud, and lays new Earth unto the old, the Sea by degrees gives back, and the salt Water runs off, as the Parts in the Bottom gain heighth by new ac­cessions of Mud. We see moreover, that [Page 115] the Island Phaios, which Homer observed in his Time to be a whole Days Sayl from Aegypt, is now a part of it; not because it changed its Place, or came nearer the Shore than before; but because the River still adding to, and encreasing the main Land, the intermediate Sea was obliged to retire. To speak the truth, these things are not far unlike the Explications which the Stoicks use to give of the Gods: for they also say, that the Generative and Nutritive Property of theThe Sum of all is, that the Air is the common Ve­hicle of all the Sun and Moons Influences. Air, is called Bacchus; the striking and dividing Proper­ty Hercules; the Receptive Property, Am­mon; that which passes through the Earth and Fruits, Ceres and Proserpine; and that which passes through the Sea, Neptune. But those who joyn with these Physiologi­cal Accounts, also certain Mathematical Matters relating to Astronomy, suppose Typhon to mean the Orb of theThere is no doubt but that Typhon was on­ly a more An­tique and rude Draught of O­siris, or the Sun: for the Gods of anti-enter Times turned to be the Devils of the later. Sun, and Osiris that of the Moon. For that the Moon, being endued with a prolifick and moistning Light, is very favourable both to the breeding of Animals, and the springing up of Plants; but the Sun ha­ving in it an immoderate and excessive Fire, burns and drys up such things as grow up and look green, and by its scorching Heat, renders a great part of the World wholly uninhabitable, and very often gets the better of the Moon. For which reason, the Aegyptians always call Typhon Seth and Soth are to Sar and Sor, as Thoth is to Thor, they all signifie Lord and Father in differing Dia­lects. Seth, which in their Language signifies a Domi­neering and Compelling Power. And they tell us in their Mythology, that Hercules [Page 116] is placed in the Sun, and rides about the World in it, and that Hermes doth the like in the Moon. For the Operations of the Moon seem to resemble Reason, and to proceed from Wisdom;For [...], I read [...]. but those of the Sun to be like unto Strokes,For [...], I read [...]. effected by Violence and meer Strength. But the Stoicks affirm the Sun to be kindled and fed by the Sea, and the Moon by the Wa­ters of Springs and Pools, which send up a sweet and soft Exhalation to it. It is Fabled by the Aegyptians, that Osiris's Death happened upon the Seventeenth Day of the Month, at which time, it is evident that the Moon is at the Fullest. For which reason, the Pythagoreans call that Day Antiphraxis (or Disjunction) and utterly abominate the very Number. For the middle Number XVII. falling in be­twixt the square Number XVI. and the oblong Parallelogram XVIII. (which are the only plain Numbers that have their Peripheryes equal with their Areae) dis­joyns and separates them from each other; and being divided into equal Portions, it makes the Sesquioctave Proportion. More­over, thore are some that affirm Osiris to have lived eight and twenty Years; and others again that say he only reigned so long, for that is the just Number of the Moons Degrees of Light, and of the Days wherein she performs her Circuit. And after they have cleft the Tree at the Solemnity they call Osiris's Burial, they next form it into an Ark (or Boat) in fashion like a Cressent, because the Moon, [Page 117] when it joyns the Sun, becomes firstI read [...] for [...], ac­cording to Petavius's Co­py. of that Figure, and then vanishes away. Likewise the Discerption of Osiris into Fourteen Parts, sets forth unto us symboli­cally, the Number of Days in which that Luminary is decreasing, from the Full to the Change. Moreover, the Day upon which she first appears, after she hath now escaped the Solar Rays, and passed by the Sun, they term Imperfect Good; for Osiris is Beneficent; and as this Name hath many other Significations, so what they call Effectuating and Beneficent Force, is none of the least. Hermaeus also tells us, that his other NameOmphis seems to be the same in sense with Ophi, Apis and Amun. of Omphis, when interpreted, denotes a Benefactor. They moreover believe, that the several Risings of the River Nile bear a certain Proportion to the Variations of Light in the Moon. For they say that its highest Rise, which is at the Elephantina (or the Isle of Elephants) is eight and twenty Cubits high, which is the Number of its several Lights, and the Measures of its monthly Course; and that that at Mendes and Xois, which is theI read [...] for [...]. lowest of all, is six Cubits high, which answers the Half-moon; but that the middlemost Rise, which is at Memphis, is (when it is at its just Heighth) fourteen Cu­bits high, which answers the Full Moon. They alsoI add [...] after [...]. say that the Apis is The Living Image of Osiris, and that he is begotten when a Prolifick Light darts down from the Moon, andHerodotus makes it to be a Flash of Lightning. touches the Cow when she is disposed for Procreation; for which reason, many things in the Apis bear [Page 118] Resemblance to the Shapes of the Moon, it having light Colours,For [...], I read [...]. intermixed with shady ones.For [...], I read [...]. Moreover, upon the Ka­lends of the Month Phamenoth, they keep a certain Holy-day, by them called Osiris's Ascent into the Moon, and they account it the beginning of their Spring. Thus they place the Power of Osiris in the Moon,I here in­sert [...]. and affirm him to be there married with Isis, which is Generation. For which cause, they style the Moon The Mother of the World, and believe her to have the Nature of both Male and Female; because she is first filled and im­pregnated by the Sun, and then her self sends forth Generative Principles into the Air, and from thence scatters them down upon the Earth. For that Typhonian De­struction doth not always prevail; but is very often subdued by Generation, and fast bound like a Prisoner, and afterwards gets up again and makes War upon Orus. Now thisOrus is but Osiris over a­gain, after a later Institu­tion. Orus is the Terrestrial World, which is not wholly exempted from either Generation or Destruction. But there are some that will have this Tale to be a Figurative Representation of the Eclipses. For the Moon is under an Eclipse at the Full, when the Sun is in opposition to her, because she then falls upon the Shadow of the Earth, as they say Osiris did into his Chest. Besides this, she hides and disap­pears of her self upon the Thirtyeth Day of every Month, but doth not extinguish the Sun quite, no more than Isis did Typhon. And whenThe truth is, Nephthys was but a more Antique and rougher sort of Isis. Nephthys was deli­vered [Page 119] of Anubis, Isis own'd the Child. For Nephthys is that Part of the World which is below the Earth, and invisible to us; and Isis that which is above the Earth and visible. But that which touches upon bothFor [...], I read [...]. these, and is called the Horizon (or Bounding Circle) and is common to them both, is called Anubis, and resembles in Shape the Dog, because the Dog makes use of his Sight by Night as well as by Day. And therefore Anubis seems to me to have a Power among the Aegyptians, For [...], I read [...]. much like to that of Hecate among the Grecians, he being as well Terrestrial as Olympick. Some again think Anubis to beFor [...], I read [...]. Saturn; wherefore (they say) that because he produces all things out of himself, and breeds them in himself, he had the Name of Kyon (which signifies in Greek both a Dog and a Breeder.) Moreover, those that worship the Dog, have a certainSaturn or Cronos, in Ae­gyptian Kyra­nis or Cornu­tus, was the same with Hercules and Moloch, i. e. the Jupiter of the antient Sa­vages, and the same with Ty­phon. secret Meaning that must not be here revealed. And in the more remote and antient Times, the Dog had theNot only for his being a Shepherd and a Huntsman, like their Apollo, but chiefly for his extraordi­nary Lascivi­ousness and Salacity, which was the main Vertue of their Bacchus or Pri­apus. And therefore they call both the Dog and Mercury, So­thi or Thoth, which is Father. highest Honours paid him in Aegypt; but after that Cambyses had slain the Apis, and thrown him away contemptuously like a Carrion, no Animal came near to him except the Dog only; upon this he lost his first Honour, and the Right he had of being worshipped above other Creatures. There [Page 120] are also some that will have the Shadow of the Earth, upon which they believe the Moon to fall when eclipsed, to be called Typhon. Wherefore it seems to me not to be unconsonant to reason to hold, that each of them a part is not in the right, but all together are. ForFor [...], I read [...]. that it is not Drought, nor Wind, nor Sea, nor Dark­ness, but every part of Nature that is hurtful or destructive, that belongs to Typhon. For we are not to place the first Origins of the Universe in inanimate Bodies, as do Democritus and Epicurus, nor to take the Compiler of theFor [...], I read [...]. unqualified Matter, to be one Discourse and one Fore­cast, overruling and containing all things, as do the Stoicks. For it is not possible for any one thing,For [...], I read [...]. Petavi­us's Copy wants [...]. whether it be Bad, or whether it be Good, to be the Cause of all things indifferently, where in the mean time God is the Cause of nothing. For the Frame of the World is (as Heraclitus speaks) in a State of Renitency, like a Harp or Bow; and according to Euripides:

And therfore this most antient Opinion hath been handed down from the Theolo­gists and Law-givers, to the Poets and Philo­sophers, it having an Original fathered upon no one, and having gained a Perswasion both strong and indelible, being every where professed and received by Barbarians as well [Page 121] as Grecians, and that not only in Vulgar Discourses and Publick Fame, but also in their very secret Mysteries and open Sacri­fices: That the World is neither hurried about by wild Chance without Intelligence, Discourse and Direction, nor yet that there is but one Reason, which as it were with a Rudder, or with gentle and easie Reins, directs it and holds it in; but that on the contrary, there are in it several differing things, and those made up of bad as well as good; or rather (to speak more plainly) that Nature produces no­thing here, but what is mixt and tempered. Not that there is as it were one Store-keeper, who out ofHe alludes to Homer, who feigns Jupiter to have in his House two dif­fering Jars, the one filled with Good Things, and the other with Bad. two differing Casks, dispenses to us Humane Affairs adulterated and mixed together, as an Host doth his Liquors; but by reason of two contrary Origins and opposite Powers, whereof the one leads to the Right-hand, and in a direct Line, and the other turns to the contrary Hand, and goes athwart, both Human Life is mixed, and the World (if not all) yet that Part which is about the Earth and below the Moon, is become ve­ry unequal and various, and liable to all manner of Changes. For if nothing can come without a Cause, and if a good thing cannot afford a Cause of Evil, Nature then must certainly have a peculiar Source and Origin, as of Good, so of Evil. And this is the Opinion of the Greatest and Wisest Part of Mankind. For some believe there areThere were two antient Sects in Chal­daea; the Or­cheni, which worshiped the Light, and the Borsippeni, which wor­shiped the Dark. two Gods, as it were two Rival Workmen; the one [Page 122] whereof they make to be the Maker of Good Things, and the other of Bad. And some call the Better of these God, and the other Daemon; as doth Zoroastres the Magee, whom they report to be Five Thousand Years elder than the Trojan Times. This Zoroastres therefore called the one of theseHesychius saith, that Mazes in the Phrygian Tongue signi­fies Jupiter and Great. O­romazes there­fore is no other than Coelum or Ʋ­ranos, Ora be­ing Light, and Mazes Great. He was above called Masdes and Manis. Oromazes, and the other Arimanius; and affirmed moreover, that the one of them, did of any thing sensi­ble, the most resemble Light, and the other again Darkness and Ignorance. But thatM [...]h [...]er in Persian is the Comparative Degree of Mih (as Mai, as Hesychius writes it) which signifies Great, and so signifies Prince or Lord. He was no other than Apollo or the Sun. Mithras was in the middle betwixt them. For which Cause the Persians call Mithras the Mediator. And they tell us, that he first taught Mankind to make Vows and Offerings of Thanks­giving to the one, and to offer Averting and Feral Sacrifice to the other. For they beat a certain Plant called Homomi, in a Mortar, and call up Pluto and the Dark; and then mix it with the Blood of a sacrificed Wolf, and convey it to a certain Place where the Sun never shines, and there cast it away. For of Plants, they believe that some appertain to the Good God, and others again to the Evil Daemon; and likewise they think, that of Animals, such as Dogs, Fowls, and Urchins, belong to the Good; and Water Animals to the Bad; for which reason, they account him happy that kills most of them. These Men moreover tell us a great many Romantic things about these Gods, whereof these are some. They say that Oromazes springing from purest [Page 123] Light, andArimanius, Rimmon or Remphan, as the Bible calls him, had his Name in Syri­ack from his Gigantick Height, for Ram is High in Hebrew. He was the same with Moloch and Hercules. The Aegyptians called him Ar­mais, and the Greeks Hermes and Danaus. It is like he was not counted a Devil until the Magees founded a bet­ter Worship than that of Mars. Arimanius on the other hand, from pitchy Darkness, these two are there­fore at War with one another. And that Oromazes made six Gods, whereof the first was the Author of Benevolence, the second of Truth, the third of Justice; and the rest, one of Wisdom, another of Wealth, and a third of that Pleasure which accrues from good Actions; and that Arimanius likewise made the like Number of contrary Operations to confront them. After this, Oromazes having first trebled his own Magnitude mounted up aloft, as far above the Sun, as the Sun it self is above the Earth, and so bespangled the Heavens with Stars. But one Star (called Sirius, or the Dog) he set as a kind of Centinel or Scout before all the rest. And after he had madeThe Chaldae­an Sphere had XXIV. Signs upon the Me­ridian also; for they be­lieved the World to be Oblong, like an Egg. Hence the Number of XXIV. El­ders in anti­ent Cities. four and twenty Gods more, he placed them all in an Egg-shell. But those that were made by Arimanius (being themselves also of the like Number) breaking a Hole in this beauteous and glazed Egg-shell, bad things came by this means to be intermixed with good. But the fatal time is now approaching, in which Arimanius, who by means of these brings Plagues and Famines upon the Earth, must of necessity be himself utterly extinguished and destroyed; at which time, the Earth being made plain and level, there will be one Life, andThe Magi served the Babylonians and Persians in their Design of an universal Mo­narchy. one Society of Mankind, made all happy, and of one Speech. But Theopompus saith, that according to the Opi­nion [Page 124] of the Magees, That is, the Barbarous and the Civil Factions in those Parts, viz. The Scy­thians and Per­sians, &c. each of these Gods subdues, and is subdued by turns, for the space of three thousand years a piece, and that for three thousand years more, they quarrel and fight, and destroy each o­thers Works; but that at last, Pluto shall fail, and Mankind shall be happy, and neither need Food nor yield a Shadow. And that the God, who projects these things, doth,For [...], I read [...]. for some time, take his Repose and Rest; but yet this time is not much to him, although it seem so to Man, whose Sleep is but short. Such then is the Mythology of the Magees. But the Chaldaeans I add here [...]. say there are Gods of the Planets also, two whereof, they style Benefics, and two Malefics; the other three they pronounce to be common and indifferent. As for the Grecians, their O­pinions are obvious and well known to e­very one, to wit, that they make the part of theFor [...], I read [...]. good God to appertain to Jupiter Olympius, and that of the Averruncus (or Hateful Daemon) to Pluto, and likewise, that they fable Harmonia to have been begotten by Venus and Mars, the one whereof is rough and quarrelsome, and the other sweet and amorous. In the next place, consider we the great Agreement of the Philosophers with these People. For He­raclitus doth in plain and naked terms call War the Father, the King, and the Lord of all things; and saith, that Homer, when he thus pray'd, ‘Discord be damn'd from Gods and Human Race,’ [Page 125] Little thought he was then cursing the O­rigination of all things, they owing their Rise to Aversation and Quarrel. He alsoI here in­sert [...]. saith, that the Sun will never exceed his proper Bounds, and if he should, that ‘Tongues, Aids of Justice soon will find him out.’ Empedocles also calls the Benefic Principle Love and Friendship, and very oftenI read [...] for [...], out of his Frag­ments. Sweet-look'd Harmony, and the Evil Principle: ‘Pernicious Enmity and bloody Hate.’ The Pythagoreans use a great number of Terms as Attributes of these two Princi­ples; of the Good, they use the Ʋnite; I add [...]. the Terminate, the Permanent, the Streight, the Odd, the Square, the [...] is well added here by Xy­lander. Equal, the Dex­ter, and the Lucid; and again of the Bad, the Two, the Interminate, the Fluent, the Crooked, the Even, the Oblong, the Ʋne­qual, the Sinister, and the Dark; insomuch that all these are lookt upon as Principles of Generation. But Anaxagoras made but two, the Intelligence and the Interminate; and Aristotle called the first of these Form, and the latter Privation. But Plato in ma­ny places,For [...], I read [...] with Xylander. as it were shading and veiling over his Opinion, names the one of these opposite Principles The same, and the other the T'other. But in his Books of Laws, when he was now grown old, he affirmed (and that not in Riddles and Emblems, as usual, but) in plain and proper Words, that the World is not moved by one Soul, but perhaps by a great many, but not by [Page 126] fewer than Two; the one of which is Be­neficent, and the other contrary to it, and the Author of things contrary. He also leaves a certain Third Nature in the midst between, which is neither without Soul, nor without Discourse, nor devoid of a self moving Power, as some suppose; but communicates with both Principles; but yet so as still to affect, desire and per­sue the better of them, as I shall make out in the ensuing part of this Discourse, in which I design to reconcile the Theology of the Aegyptians, principally with this sort of Philosophy. For the Frame and Con­stitution of this World is made up of con­trary Powers, but yet such as are not of so equal Strength, but that the Better is still Predominant. But it is impossible for the Ill one to be quite extinguished, because much of it is interwoven with the Body, and much with the Soul of the Universe, and it always maintains a fierce Combat with the better Part. And therefore that Intellect and Discourse in the Soul of the World, which is the Prince and Master of all the best things is Osiris: And in the Earth, in the Winds, in the Waters, in the Heaven, and in the Stars, what is ranged, fixed, and in a sound Consti­tution, (as orderly Seasons, due Tempe­raments of Air, and the Revolutions of the Stars) is theThis is the Platinists [...], or the Fabricator of the World. Efflux and appearing I­mage of Osiris. Again, the Passionate, Titanick, Irrational and Brutal Part of the Soul is Typhon, and what in the Corporeal Nature, is Adventitious, Morbid and Tu­multuous [Page 127] (asFor [...], I read [...]. Irregular Seasons, Distem­peratures of Air, Eclipses of the Sun, and Disappearings of the Moon) is as it were the Incursions and DevastationsFor [...], I read [...]. of Typhon. And the Name ofSeth or Soth, is the same with Thoth, which signifies The Father or Lord. Seth, by which they call Typhon, declares as much; for it de­notes a Domineering and Compelling Power, and also very often an Overturning, and a­gain a Leaping over. There are also some that say that Bebaeon was one of Typhons Companions; but Manethos saith, Typhon himself was called Bebon. Now that Name signifiesThe Name of Bebon is better derived from the Ori­ental Word Baba, which signifies a Hole or Cavi­ty: His Tem­ples being like his Nature, subterraneous, and the Pillars of Seth were in these Syringes or Vaults, and not in Syria, as is common­ly supposed. Restraining and Hindring; as who should say, while all things march along in a regular Course, and move steadily to­ward their natural End, the Power of Ty­phon stands in their way and stops them. For which reason they assign him, of all the tame Beasts, the most brutal and sottish, the Ass; and of all the wild Beasts, the most savage and fierce, the Crocodile and River-Horse. Of the Ass we have spoken already. They shew us at Hermopolis, the Statue of Typhon, which is A River-Horse with a Hawk upon his Back, fighting with a Serpent: where they set out Typhon by the Horse, and by the Hawk that Power and Principle, the which, when Typhon possesses himself of by Violence, he becomes often­times sedate and undisquieted, being nei­ther disturbed himself by the Malignant Nature within him, nor disturbing others. For which reason also, when they are to offer Sacrifice upon the Seventh Day of the Month Tybi, which they call,The Phenici­ans and Aegyp­tians were one People, and of one Religion, and Isis was the same with the Dea Syria. The Ar­rival of Isis out of Phoenice, they print the [Page 128] River-Horse bound upon their Sacred Cakes Besides this, there is a constant Custom at the Town of Apollo, for every one to eat some part of a Crocodile; and having upon a certain set Day, hunted down as many of them as they are able, they kill them and throw down their Carkasses before the Temple. And they tell us that Typhon made his escape from Orus in the Form of aThe LXX. took Levia­than in Job to be the Devil. Crocodile; for they make all bad and noxi­ous things, whether Animals, Plants or Passions, to be the Works, the Members, and the Motions of Typhon. On the other hand, they represent Osiris by an Eye and a Scepter, the one whereof expresses Forecast, and the other Power. In like manner Homer, when he calleth the Governour and Monarch of all the World, ‘Supreamest Jove, and mighty Counsellor,’ Seems to me to denote his Impery by Su­preme, and his Well-advisedness and Dis­cretion by Counseller. They also often­times describe this God by a Hawk, be­cause he exceeds in quickness of Sight, and Velocity of Flying, and easily digests his Food. He is also said to fly over the Bo­dies of Dead Men that lay unburied, and to drop down Earth upon their Eyes. Likewise when he alights down upon the Bank of any River to asswage his Thirst, he sets his Feathers up on end, and after he hath done Drinking, he lets them fall again.For [...], I read [...]. The Ba­sil and Aldine Editions have [...] in­stead of [...]. Which he plainly doth because he is now safe, and escaped from the dan­ger [Page 129] of the Crocodile; for if he chances to be catcht, his Feathers then continue stiff as before. They also shew us every where Osiris's Statue in the Shape of a Man, with his private Part erect, to betoken un­to us his Faculty of Generation and Nu­trition; and they dress up his Images in aFor [...], I read [...]. Flame-coloured Robe, esteeming the Sun as the Body of the Power of Good, I insert [...] in this place. and as the Visible Part of Intelligible Substance. Wherefore we have good reason to reject those that ascribe the Suns Globe unto Ty­phon, to whom appertaineth nothing of a Lucid or Salutary Nature, nor Order, nor Generation, nor Motion attended with Measure and Proportion, but the clean contrary to them. Neither is that parch­ing DroughtFor [...], I read [...]. which destroys many Ani­mals and Plants, to be accounted as an Effect of the Suns; but of those Winds and Waters, which in the Earth and Air, are not tempered according to the Season, at what time the Principle of the Unor­dered and Interminate Nature, acts at ran­dom, and so stifles and suppresses those Ex­halations that should ascend. Moreover, in the Sacred Hymns of Osiris, they call him up,This shews Osiris to be the same with Hercules, who was said above to go about in the Sun. who lyes hidden in the Arms of the Sun. And upon the Thirtieth Day of the Month of Epiphi, they keep a certain Fe­stival called The Birth-day of the Eyes of O­rus, at what time the Sun and the Moon are in one direct Line, as esteeming not only the Moon, but also the Sun to be the Eye and Light ofThis proves Orus to be the same with his Father Osiris. Orus. Likewise the Two and Twentieth Day of the [Page 130] Month Phaophi, they make to be The Na­tivity of the Staves of the Sun, which they observe after the Autumnal Aequinox, in­timating hereby, that he nowThis proves the Lame and Dumb Harpo­crates to be the Sun. wants, as it were, aI leave out the former [...]. Prop and a Stay, he suffering a great Diminution both of Heat and Light, by his declining and moving ob­liquely from us. Besides this, they lead the Sacred Cow seven times about her Temple, at the time of the Winter Sol­stice. And this going round is called The Seeking of Osiris,I leave out [...], it being but a Marginal Gloss. the Goddess being in great Distress for Water in Winter time. And the reason of her going so many times round, is becauseHere I add [...]. the Sun finishes his Passage from the Winter to the Sumer Tropick in the Seventh Month. It is re­ported also, thatThat is, the Priests of O­rus, who were founded by those of Isis. Orus the Son of Isis, was the first that ever sacrificed to the Sun upon the Fourth Day of the Month, as we find it written in a Book, called The Birth-Days of Orus. Moreover, they offer Incense to the Sun three times every Day; Resi [...]i at his Rising, Myrrhe when he is in the Mid Heaven, and that they call Kyphi, about the time of his Setting: (what each of these mean, I shall afterwards explain.) Now they are of Opinion, that the Sun is atton'd and pacified by all these. But to what purpose should I heap together many things of this Nature? For there are some that scruple not to say plainly, that Ostris is the Sun, and that he is calledSirius is fre­quently used by the Poets for the Sun. Sirius by the Greeks, although the Aegyptians adding the Article to his Name, have obscured it and brought its Sense into qu [...]stion. They [Page 131] alsoFor [...], I read [...]. declare Isis to be no other than the Moon, and say that such statues of hers as are horned, were made in imitation of the Cressent; and that the black Habit, in which she so passionately persues the Sun, sets forth her Disappearings and Eclipses. For which reason they use to invoke the Moon in Love Concerns; and Budo [...]cus al­so saith, that Isis presides over Love Mat­ters. Now these things have in them a shew and semblance of Reason; but they that would makeTyphon was the Sun of the antient Sava­ges; the Greeks make him Pi­lot to the Ship Argo, and call him Typhis. Typhon to be the Sun, deserve not to be heard. But we must a­gain resume our proper Discourse.Isis in the Coptick Tongue signi­fies Excelsa or Sublata, which shews her to be the very same with Ʋ­rania, or Ce­lestial Venus and the Moon. The Pythago­reans called the Moon the Aetherial Earth, and attributed all tertestrial Matter to her. The Priests called Aegypt the body of I­sis for the same reason. She was the same with Jo, which in Ae­gyptian is the Moon. Isis is indeed the Female Property of Nature, and her Receptivity of all Production, in which Sense she was called the Nurse, and the All-receiver by Plato, and Myrionymos (or the Goddess with ten thousand Names) by the common sort, because that being trans­muted by The Discourse, she receives all manner of Shapes and Guises. But she hath a Natural Love to the Prime and Principal of all Beings (which is the same with the Good Principle) and eagerly af­fects it, and pers [...]tes after it; and she shuns and repels the Part of the Evil one. And although she be indeed both the Re­ceptacle and Matter of either Nature, yet she always of her self inclines to the Bet­ter of them, and readily, gives way to it to generate upon her, and to sow its Ef­fluxes and Resemblances into her, and she rejoyces, and is very glad when she is im­pregnated and filled with Productions. For a Production is an Image of the Real [Page 132] Substance upon Matter, and what is gene­rated is an Imitation of what is in Truth. And therefore they do not without great Consonancy, Fable the Soul of Osiris to be eternal and incorruptible, but that his Body is often torn in pieces and destroyed by Typhon; and that Isis wanders to and fro to look him out, and when she hath found him, puts him together again. For the Permanent Being, the Mental Nature, and the Good is it self above Corruption and Change; but the sensitive and corporeal Part, takes off certain Images from it, and receives certain Proportions, Shapes and Resemblances,Here I add [...]. which like Impressions up­on Wax, do not continue always, but are swallowed up by the Disorderly and Tumultuous Part, which is chased hither from the upper Region, and makes War with Orus, who is born of Isis, being theSo that Osi­ris, Isis and O­rus, that is, Mind, Matter and the Ʋni­verse made up the Pythagore­an and Plato­nick Triad. Image of the Mental World. For which reason, he is said to be prosecuted for Bastardy by Typhon, as not being pure and entire, and alone by himself (like his Father the Discourse) nor unmixt and im­passible, but embased with Matter by Cor­poreity.For [...], I read [...]. But he gets the Better of him, and carries the Cause: Hermes, that is, The Discourse, witnessing and proving, that Nature produces the World by becom­ing her self of like Form with the Mental Property. Moreover, the Gene­ration of Apollo by Isis and Osiris, while these Deities were yet in Rhea's Womb, hints out unto us, that before this World became visible and was com­pleated [Page 133] I add [...] before [...]. by The Discourse; Matter being convinced by Nature, that she was im­perfect alone, brought forth the first Pro­duction. For which reason they also say, that Cripple Deity was begotten in the Dark, and they call him The Or Arueris: he is called in Eusebius, A­grueris, and was the same with Harpo­crates. Elder Orus; for he was not the World, but a kind of a Picture and Phantom of the World to be. But this Orus is Terminate and Compleat of himself, yet hath he not quite de­stroyed Typhon, but only taken off his over great Activity and Brutal Force. Whence it is that they tell us, that at Coptos, the Statue of Orus holds fast in his Hand the Privities of Typhon; and they Fable that Mercury took out Typhons Sinews, and used them for Harp-strings, to denote unto us, that when The Discourse composed the Uni­verse, it made one Concord out of many Discords, and did not abolish, but accom­plish the Corruptible Faculty. Whence it comes, that being weak and feeble in the present State of things, it blends and mix­es with the crazy and mutable Parts of the World, and so becomes in the Earth the Causer of Concussions and Shakings;For [...], I read [...]. See the Edition of Aldus. and in the Air, of parching Droughts and Tem­pestuous Winds, as also of Hurricanes, and Thunders. It likewise infects both Waters and Winds with pestilential Diseases, and runs up, and insolently rages as high as the very Moon, suppressing many times, and blacken­ing the Lucid Part; as the Aegyptians believe and relate, that Typhon one while smote Orus's Eye, and another while pluckt it out and swallowed it up, and afterwards gave it back to the Sun; intimating by the Blow, [Page 134] the Monthly Diminution of the Mo [...], and by theFor [...], I read [...]. Blinding of him, its Eclipse: which the Sun cures again by shining pre­sently upon it, as soon as it hath escaped from the Shadow of the Earth. Now the better and more Divine Nature consists of Three; of the Intelligible Part, of Matter, and of that which is made up of both, which the Greeks call Cosmos (that is, Trim­ness) and we the World. Plato therefore uses to name the Intelligible Part the [...]. F [...]rm, the Sample and the Father, and Matter the Mother, the Nurse, and the Seat and Recep­tacle of Generation; and that again, which is made up of both, the Off-spring and the Production. And one would conjecture that the Aegyptians called it the most perfect of Triangles, because they likened the Na­ture of the Universe principally to that; which Plato also in his Common-wealth seems to have made use ofFor [...], I read [...]. to the same purpose, when he forms his Nuptial Dia­gram. Now that Diagram consists of three Angles, whereof that which makes the Right Angle Consists of three Parts, the Base of four, and the Subtense of five, be­ing equal in value with the two that con­tain it. We are therefore to take the Perpendicular to represent the Male Pro­perty, the Base the Female, and the Sub­tense that which is produced by them both. We are likewise to look upon Osiris as the First Cause, Isis as the Faculty of Reception, and Orus as the Effect. For the Number Three is the first odd and perfect Number, and the Number Four is a Square, having [Page 135] for its Side the Even Number Two. The Number Five also in some respects resem­bles the Father, and in some again the Mo­ther, being made up of Three and Two; besides, Panta (All things) seems to be de­rived from Pente (Five) and they use Pempasasthai (which isThe Num­ber of Fingers upon one Hand. telling Five) for Counting. Moreover the Number Five makes a Square equal to the Number of Letters used among the Aegyptians, as also to the Number of Years whichFor [...], I read [...]. Apis liv­ed. They are also used to call Orus Kaima in the Syriack, is Redivivus. Kai­mis, which signifieth as much as Seen; for the World is perceptible to Sense, and vi­sible; and Isis they sometimes call Muth, and sometimes again Athyri, and sometimes Methuer. And by the First of these Names they meanand Mud or Wet. Mother, by the SecondAth Ʋro, is Domus Ori vel Regis, in the Coptick Tongue. O­rus's Mundan House (as Plato calls it, The Place and the Receptacle of Generation) but the Third is compounded of two Words, the one whereof signifiesMethuer is an Epithet of Isis, or the Moon, and it seems to me to be the same with the He­brew Meth Ʋer, i. e. Dead and awake a­gain; to de­note her Mu­tations. Full, and the other the Cause; for the Matter of the World is full, and it is closely joyned with the good, and pure, and well ordered Principle. And it may be Hesiod also, when he makes the first thingsFor [...], I read [...]. of all to be Chaos, Earth, Hell and Love, may be thought to take up no o­ther Principles than these, if we apply these Names as we have already disposed them, to wit, that of Earth to Isis, that of Love to Osiris, and that of Hell to Ty­phon; for he seems to lay the Chaos under all, as a kind of Room or Place for the World to lye in. And the Subject we [Page 136] are now upon, seems in a manner to call for Plato's Tale, which Socrates tells us in the Symposion about the Production of Eros, (or Love,) where he saith, how that once on a Time, Penia (or Poverty) having a mighty desire of Children, laid her down by Porus (or Plenty's) Side as he was asleep, and that she thereupon conceiving by him, brought forth Eros, who was by Nature bothI read [...] for [...] out of Plato. frowzy and very cunning, as com­ing of a Father that was Good and Wise, and had Sufficiency of all things; but of a Mother that was very Needy and Poor, and that by reason of her Indigence, still hankered after another, and was eagerly importunate for another. For this same Porus is no other than the First Amiable, Desirable, Compleat and Sufficient Being; and Matter is that which he calleth Penia, she being of her self alone destitute of the Property of Good, and (when impregna­ted by it) she still desires and craves for more. Moreover, the World, or Orus, that's produced out of these two, being not Eternal, nor Impassible, nor Incorrupti­ble, but [...]. Ever-a-making, therefore Ma­chinates partly by shifting of Accidents, and partly by Circular Motions, to remain still Young and never to dye. But we must re­member that we are not to make use of Fables as if they were Doctrinal through­out, but only to take that in each of them, which we shall judge to make a pertinent Resemblance. And therefore when we treat ofIt is plain from hence, that he ac­counts Matter and Form to be but Ro­mantick or Mythologick Principles, and not real ones. Matter, we need not (with re­spect to the Sentiments of some Philoso­phers) [Page 137] to conceit in our Minds a certain Body devoid of Soul and of all Quality, and of it self wholly idle and unactive. For we use to call Oyl the Matter of an Unguent, and Gold the Matter of a Sta­tue, though they are not destitute of allFor [...], I read [...]. Quality. And we render the very Soul and Mind of Man to Discourse, to be drest up and composed into Science and Vertue. There have been some also that have made the Mind to be a Recepta­cle of Forms, and a kind of an [...]. Impri­mery for things intelligible; and some are of Opinion again, that the Genital Hu­midity in the Female Sex is no active Pro­perty, nor efficient Principle; but only the Matter and Nutriment of the Pro­duction. The which, when we retain in our Memories, we ought to conceive like­wise, that this Goddess, which always participates of the First God, and is ever taken up with the Love of those Excellen­cies and Charms that are about him, is not by Nature opposite to him; but that asHere is in­serted out of the Margin these Words. To love a Law­ful and just Husband is accounted a pie [...]e of justice, and therefore I have omit­ted it. we are used to say of a very good na­tured Woman, that (though she be mar­ried to a Man, and constantly enjoys his Embraces) yet she hath a fond kind of Longing after him; so hath she always a strong Inclination to the God, though she be present and round about him, and though she be impregnated with his most prime and pure Particles; and that more­over where Typhon falls in and touches upon her extream Parts, it is there she appears melancholy, and is said to mourn, and to [Page 138] look for certain Relicks and Pieces of Osiri [...], and to wrap them up carefully in fine Cloath; she receiving all things that dye and laying them up within her self, as she again brings forth and sends up out of her self all such things as are produced. And those [...]. Proportions, Forms and Ef­fluxes of the God that are in the Heaven and Stars, do indeed continue always the same, but those that are sown abroad into mutable things, as into Land, Sea, Plants and Animals areFor, [...], I read [...]. resolved, destroyed and buried, and afterwards shew themselves again very often, and come up a new in several different Productions. For which reason, the Fable makes Typhon to be married to Nephthys, and Osiris to have accompanied with her by stealth. For the outmost and most extream Parts of Matter which they callThe extream Parts of Ae­gypt, which were never covered by the Nilus, were reckoned the Body of Neph­thys or Preser­pine, as the o­ther Parts the Body of Isis. But the Phi­losophical Priests carri­ed this Notion higher. Nephthys, and the End is mostly under the Power of the De­structive Faculty; but the Fecund and Salu­tary Power dispenses but a feeble and languid Seed into those Parts, and it is all destroyed by Typhon, except only what Isis taking up doth preserve, cherish and improve: But in the main, Typhon is still the prevailing Power, as both Plato and Aristotle insinu­ate. Moreover, the Generative and Sa­lutary Part of Nature hath its Motion to­wards him, and in order to procure Be­ing; but the Destroying and Corruptive Part hath its Motion from him, and in or­der to procure Not-being. For which reason, they call the former PartIsis may be strain'd to sig­nifie both Go­ing and Sci­ence. Isis, from Going and being Born-along with [Page 139] Knowledge; she being a kind of a living and prudent Motion. For her Name is not of a Barbarous Original; but as all the Gods have one Name (Theos, or ac­cording to the more antient Laconick Dia­lect Sior, is the same with Thor, Sar, and Sirius, and sig­nifies Lord and Sire. Theos) in common, and that is derived from the two first Letters of Theon (Runner) and of Theatos (Visible) so also this very Goddess is both from Motion and Science at once call­ed Isis by us, and Isis also by the Aegypti­ans. So Plato likewise tells us, that the Antients opened the Nature of the WordI read [...] for [...]. Ʋsia (or Substance) by calling it Isia (that is, Knowledge and Motion;) as also that Noësis (Intellection) and Phronesis (Dis­cretion) had their Names given them for being a Phora (or Agitation) and a kind of Motion or Niis (or Mind) which was then as it were Hiemenos and Pheromenos (that is, moved and agitated) and the like he affirmeth ofFor [...], I read [...]. Synienai (which signifies To understand) that it was as much as to say, To be in Commotion. Nay, he saith moreover, that they attribute the very Names of the Agathon (or Good) and of A­rete (or Vertue) to the Theontes (or Runners) and the Euroûntes (orI read [...] for [...]. Well-movers.) As likewise on the other hand again, they used Terms opposite to Motion by way of reproach; for they calledFor [...], I read [...]. what clogged, tyed up, locked up, and confined Nature from Jesthai and Jenai (that is, from Agi­tation and Motion) Kakia (Baseness or Ill Motion) Aperia (Difficulty or Difficult Moti­on) Deilia (Fearfulness or Fearful Motion) and Ania (Sorrow or want of Motion.) But Osiris had his Name from Hosion and Hie­ron [Page 140] compounded together: for the Discourse is common both to Coelestial and Subter­restrial Beings; the former of which, the Antients thought fit to style Hiera (or Sa­cred) and the latter Hosia (orWith relati­on to the Ma­nes. Pious). But that Discourse which discloses things Hea­venly, and which appertains to things whose Motion tends Ano (or Ʋpwards) is called Anubis; and sometimes he is also named Hermanubis, the latter part of his Name referring to things Above, and the former to thingsBecause Her­tnes, Armais, or Armain, as the Aegyptians called him, differed not from Arimani­us and Typhon. Beneath. For which reason they also sacrifice to him two Cocks, the one whereof is white, and the other of a Saffron Colour, as esteeming the things above to be entire and clear, and the things beneath to be mixt and various. Nor need any one to wonder at the Formation of these Words from the Grecian Tongue, for there are manyYet there must be great Prudence in distinguishing such Words. Thousand more of this kind which ac­companying those who at several times re­moved out of Greece, do to this very day sojourn and remain among Forreigners; some whereof, when Poetry would bring back into use, it hath been falsly accused of Barbarism by those Men, who love to call such Words Glosses (or Tongues.) They say moreover, that in the BooksThe Priests did never put their own Names to the Sacred Books, but that of their God Hermes: See Jamblichus de Mysteriis Ae­gyptiorum. in­scribed to Hermes, there is an account given about the Sacred Names, how that Power which presides over the Circu­lation of the Sun, is called Orus, and by the Greeks, Apollo, and that which is over the Winds is by some called Osiris, and by others again Sarapis, and by others [Page 141] Sothi, in the Aegyptian Tongue. Now that Word signifies in Greek Kyein (to Breed) and Kyesin (Breeding) and therefore by an Obliquation of the Word Kyein, the Star which they account proper to the Goddess Isis is called in Greek Kyon (which is as well Dog asThe Dog is Sacred to the Sun, for being Prolifick and Wise. Breeder.) And although it be but a fond thing to be over contentious about Words, yet I had ra­ther yield to the Aegyptians the Name of Sarapis than that of Osiris: For [...], I read [...]. I therefore account the former to be forreign, and the latter to be Greekish, but believe both to appertain to one God and to one Power. And the Aegyptian Theology seems to fa­vour this Opinion. For they oftentimes call Isis by the Name ofSaosis or Sais. Minerva, which in their Language expresseth this Sentence, I came from my self, which is significative of a Motion proceeding from it self. But Typhon is called (as hath been said before) Seth, Bebon andThe Jews call the Devil Samael, i. e. The Destroying Power. Smu, which Names would insinuate a kind of a forcible Re­straint, and an Opposition and Subversion. Moreover, they call the Load-stone Orus's Bone, and Iron Typhon's Bone, as Manethos relates. For as the Iron is oftentimes like a thing that were drawn to, and that fol­lowed the Load-stone, and oftentimes again flies off and recoils to the opposite Part, so the Salutary, the Good and the Discursive Motion of the Universe doth, as by a gentle Perswasion, invert, reduce and make softer the rugged and Typhonian one; and when again it is restrained and forced backI add [...]. Typhon returns into himself, [Page 142] and sinks into his formerFor [...], I read [...]. Interminate­ness. Eudoxus also saith, that the Aegypti­ans Fable ofHarpocrates or the Hyber­nal Sun. Jupiter, how that being once unable to go, because his Legs grew together, he for very Shame spent all his time in the Wilderness; but that Isis di­viding and separating these Parts of his Body, he came to have the right Use of his Feet. This Fable also hints to us by these Words, that the Intelligence and Discourse of the God which walk'd be­fore in the unseen and inconspicuous State came into Generation by means of Moti­on. The Sistrum likewise (or the Rattle of Isis) doth intimate unto us, that all things ought to be agitated and shooke, and not be suffered to rest from their Motion; but be as it were rung up and awoke, when they begin to grow drowzy and to droop. For they tell us, that the Sistres avert and fright away Typhon, insinuating hereby, that as Corruption locks up and fixes Natures Course, so Generation again resolves and excites it by means of Motion. Moreover, as the Sistre hath its upper part convex, so itsI read [...] for [...]. Circumference contains the Four things that are shaken: for that part of the World also which is liable to Generation and Corruption is contained by the Sphere of the Moon; but all things are moved and changed in it by means of the Four Elements, of Fire, Earth, Wa­ter and Air. And upon the upper part of the Circumference of the Sistre, on the out side, they set the Effgies of a C [...]t carved with a Human Face; and again, on [Page 143] the under part below the four Jingling things, they set on one side the Face of Isis, and on the other the Face of Neph­thys, symbolically representing by these two Faces Generation and Death (for these are Changes and Alterations of the Elements:) and by the Cat the Moon, be­cause of the different Colours, the Night-motion, and the great Fecundity of this Animal. For they say that she brings forth first One, then Two, and Three, and Four and Five, and so adds untill she comes to Seven; so that she brings Eight and Twenty in all, which are as many as there are several Degrees of Light in the Moon; but this looks more like aIt is there­fore to be un­derstood of the Celestial Cat. Ro­mance. This is certain, that the Pupils of her Eyes are observed to fill up, and grow large upon the Full of the Moon, and again, to contract and grow less upon the Decrease of this Star. To sum up all then in one Word, it is not reasonable to believe, that either the Water, or the Sun, or the Earth, or the Heaven is Osiris or Isis: Nor again, that the Fire, or the Droughth, or the Sea is Typhon; but if we simply ascribe to Typhon whatever in all these is through Excesses or Defects intem­perate or disorderly; and if on the other hand we reverence and honour what in them all is Orderly, Good and Beneficial, esteeming them as the Operations of Isis, and as the Image, Imitation and Discourse of Osiris, we shall not err. And we shall besides, take off the Incredulity of Eudox­us, who makes a great Question how it [Page 144] comes to pass, that neitherCeres in Greek Deme­ter or Mother Deo, and also [...], or Li­bera, is the same with Isis and Venus. Ceres hath any part in the Care of Love Affairs (but only Isis;) nor Bacchus any Power, either to encrease the Nile, or to preside over the Dead. For we hold that these Gods are set over the whole share of Good in one common Discourse, and that whatever is ei­ther Good or Amiable in Nature, is all owing to these, the one yielding the Princi­ples, and the other receiving andFor [...], I read [...] with Petavi­us's Copy. dis­pensing them. By this means we shall be able to deal with the Vulgar and more importune sort also, whether their Fancy be to accommodate the things that refer to these Gods, to those Changes which happen to the Ambient Air at the several Seasons of the Year, or to Productions, and to the Times of Sowing andI read [...] for [...], out of the same Co­py. Earing, affirming that Osiris is then buried when the sown Corn is covered over by the Earth, and that he revives again, and re-ap­pears when it begins to sprout. Which they say is the reason that Isis is reported upon her finding her self to be with Child, to have hung a certainFor a Scare­crow I sup­pose. Amulet or Charm about her upon the sixth day of the Month Phaophi; and that she was delivered of Harpocrates about the Winter Tropick, he being in the first Shootings and Sprouts very Imperfect and Tender. Which is the reason (say they) that when the Len­tiles begin to spring up, they offer him their Tops for First Fruits. They also observe the Festival of her After­birth after the Vernal Aequinox. For they that hear these things are much [Page 145] taken with them, and readily give assent to them, and presently infer their Credi­bility from the Obviousness and Familiar­ness of the Matter. Nor would this be any great harm neither, would they save us these Gods in common, and not make them to be peculiar to the Aegyptians, nor confine these Names to the River Nilus, and only to that one Piece of Ground which the River Nilus waters; nor affirm their Fens and their Lotuses to be the Sub­ject of thisFor [...], I read [...]. Mythology, and so deprive the rest of Mankind of great and mighty Gods, who have neither a Nilus nor a Butos, nor a Memphis. As for Isis, all Mankind have her, and are well acquain­ted with her and the other Gods about her; and although they had not antiently learnt to call some of them by their Aegyptian Names, yet they from the very first both knew and honoured the Power which be­longs to every one of them. In the se­cond place, what is yet of greater conse­quence, is, that they take a mighty care, and that they fear, least before they are aware, they, as it were [...]. crumble and dissolve the Divine Beings into Blasts of Winds, Streams of Water, Sowings of Corn,I read [...] for [...]. Earings of Land, Accidents of the Earth, and Changes of Seasons; as those who make Bacchus to be Wine, andVulca [...] is called in Greek Hephaistos from the Cop­tick Pheba, which is God. Vulcan to be Flame. Cleanthes also some­where saith, thatShe hath her Name from [...], or Bringing Bloods [...]ed. Phersephone (or Proser­pine) is that Air that is first Pheromenon (or that passes) through the Fruits of the Earth, and is afterwards, as it were, Pho­neumenon [Page 346] (or Slain:) and again, a certain Poet saith of Reapers: ‘Then when the Youths the Legs of Ceres cut.’ For these men seem to me to be nothing wiser than such as would take the Sails, theI read [...] for [...], and a little before [...] for [...]. Cables and the Anchor of a Ship for the Pilot; the Yarn and the Webb for the Weaver; and the Bowl, or the Mead, or the Ptisan for the Doctor. And they over and above produce in Men most dan­gerous and Atheistical Opinions, while they give the Names of Gods to those Natures and Things that have in them neither Soul nor Sense, and that are neces­sarily destroyed by Men, who have occasi­on for them, and who constantly use them: For no Man can imagine these things can be Gods in themselves. And therefore nothing can be a God to Men, that is either without Soul,I add [...] before [...]. or under their Power. But yet by means of these things we come to think them Gods that use them themselves, and bestow them upon us, and that render them perpetual and continual; and those not some in one Country, and others in another; nor some Grecians, and others Barbarians, nor some Southern and others Northern; but as the Sun, Moon, Land and Sea are common to all Men, but yet have diffe­rent Names in different Nations; so that one Discourse that orders these things, and that one Forecast that administers them, and those Subordinate Powers that are set o­ver [Page 147] every Nation in particular, have as­signed them by the Laws of several Coun­tries, several kinds of Honours and Ap­pellations. And those that have been con­secrated to their Service, make useFor [...], I read [...]. some of them of darker, and others again of clearer Symbols, thereby guiding the Un­derstanding to the Knowledge of things Divine, not without much Danger and Ha­zard. For some not being able to reach their true Meaning, have slid into down right Superstition; and others again, while they would fly the Quagmire of Supersti­tion, have fallen unwittingly upon the Precipice of Atheism. And for this rea­son we should here make most use of the Reasonings from Philosophy, which intro­duce us into the Knowledge of things Sa­cred, that so we may think piously of whatever is said or acted in Religion: Lest, as Theodorus once said, that as he reacht forth his Discourses in his Right-hand, some of his Auditors received them in their Left; so we judging otherwise than they are, of what things the Laws have wisely consti­tuted about the Sacrifices and Festivals thereby fall into most dangerous Errors and Mistakes. That therefore we are to onstrue all these things to refer to the Dis­course, we may easily perceive by them themselves. For upon the Nineteenth Day of the First Month, they keep a solemn Festival to Hermes, wherein they eat Honey and Figs, and withal, say these Words;Isis was be­fore called Ju­stice, and how Truth, both which must participate of Benignity or Sweetness of Temper. See 3 Esdr. 4.40. Truth is a sweet Thing. And that Amulet or Charm, which they fable [Page 148] Isis to hang about her, is, when interpret­ed into our Language, A true Voice. Nor are we to understand Harpocrates to be ei­ther some Imperfect or Infant God, or a sort of Puls (as some will have him) but to be the Governour and Reducer of the Tender, Imperfect and Inarticulate Discourse which Men have about the Gods. For which reason, he hath alwaysThe natural Reason, was because Jupi­ter seldom thundered in the Winter Season. his Finger upon his Mouth, as a Symbol of talking little and keeping Silence. Like­wise upon the Month of Mesore, they present him with certainThe Em­blem of Gene­ration. Puls, and pro­nounce these Words;Fortune is Isis or the Moon, and God, Hermes or the Sun, i. e. The Tongue provides for Body and Soul. THE TONGƲE IS FORTƲNE, THE TONGƲE IS GOD. And of all the Plants that Aegypt produces, they say the Peach-tree is most Sacred to the Goddess; because its Fruit resembles theThe Heart and the Tongue a e apt Sym­bols of Alethia or Truth. Heart, and its Leaf the Tongue. For there is nothing that Man possesses that is either more Divine, or that hath a greater tendency unto Happi­ness than Discourse, and especially that which relates to the Gods. For which reasonFor [...], I read [...]. they lay a strict Charge upon such as go down to the Oracle there, to have pious Thoughts in their Hearts, and Words of good sound in their Mouths. But the greater part act Ludicrous Things in their Processions and Festivals, first proclaiming good Expressions, and then both speaking and thinking Words of most lewd and wicked meaning, and that even of the Gods themselves.Hic labor, hoc opus est. How then must we manage our selves at these tetrical, morose and mournful Sacrifices, if [Page 149] we are neither to omit what the Laws prescribe us, nor yet to confound and di­stract our Thoughts about the Gods with vain and uncouth Surmises? There are among the Greeks also many things done, that are very like to those which the Ae­gyptians do at their Solemnities, and much about the same time too. For at the Thesmophoria at Athens, the Women fast sitting upon the bareThe Earth being the Bo­dy of Isis or Ceres. Ground. The Boeotians also remove that they call Achaias Megara (or the House of the Achaean Ceres) terming that Day the Afflictive Holy-day, because Ceres was then in great Affliction for her Daughters Descent into Hell. Now upon this Month, about the Rising of the Pleiades, is the Sacred Time; and the Aegyptians call it Athyr, the Athenians, Pya­nepsion and the Boeotians Damatrios (or the Month of Ceres.) Moreover, Theopompus relates, thatThe Moors and Spaniards. those that live towards the Sun-setting (or the Hesperii) believe the Win­ter to be Saturn, the Somer Venus, and the Spring-time Proserpine, and that they call them by those Names, and maintain all things to be produced bySol and Lu­na. Saturn and Ve­nus. But the Phrygians being of Opinion that the Sun sleeps in the Winter, and wakes in the Somer, do in the manner of Ecstaticks, in the Winter-time sing certain [...]. Lullabyes to make him sleep, and in the Somer-time again, certain [...]. Rouzing Ca­rols to make him wake. In like manner the Paphlagonians, say he is bound and imprisoned in the Winter, and walks a­broad again in the Spring, and is at liber­ty; [Page 150] and the Nature of the Season gives us suspition that this tetrical sort of ServiceI read [...] for [...]. was occasioned by the absenting of the several sorts of Fruits at that time of the Year; which yet the Antients did not be­lieve to be Gods, but such Gifts of the Gods as were both great and necessary in order to preserve them from a Savage and Bestial Life. And at what time they saw both the Fruits that came from Trees wholly to disappear and fail, and those also which themselves had sown,For [...] and [...], I read [...] and [...]. to be yet but starved and poor, they taking up fresh Mold in their Hands, and laying it about their Roots, and committing them a second time to the Ground with uncer­tain Hopes of their ever coming to Per­fection, or arriving to Maturity, did herein many things that might well re­semble People at Funerals, and a Mourn­ing for the Dead. Moreover, as we use to say of one that hath bought the Books of Plato, that he hath bought Plato, and of one that hath taken upon him to act the Compositions of Menander, that he hath acted Menander; in like manner they did not stick to call the Gifts and Creatures of the Gods by the Names of the Gods themselves, paying this Honour and Veneration to them for their necessary Use. But those of After-times receiving this Practice unskilfully and ignorantly, applying the Accidents of Fruits, and the Accesses and Recesses of things necessary to Human Life unto the Gods, did not only call them the Generations and Deaths of [Page 151] the Gods, but also believed them such, and so filled themselves with abundance of ab­surd, wicked and distempered Notions; and this, although they had the Absurdity of such a monstrous Opinion before their very Eyes. And therefore Xenophanes the Colophonian might not onlyFor [...], I read [...], or to that Sense. put the Ae­gyptians in mind, If they believed those they worshipped to be Gods, not to lament for them, and if they lamented for them, not to believe them to be Gods; but also that it would be extreamly ridiculous at one and the same time to lament for the Fruits of the Earth, and to pray them to appear again, and makeFor [...], I read [...]. themselves ripe, that so they may be over again consumed and lamented for. But now this in its true intention is no such thing; but they make their La­mentation for the Fruits, and their Pray­ers to the Gods, who are the Authors and Bestowers of those Fruits, that they would be pleased to produce and bring up again other new ones in the place of them that are gone. Wherefore it is an excel­lent Saying among Philosophers, That they that have not learnt the true Sense of Words, will mistake also in the Things; as we see those among the Greeks, who have not learned nor accustomed themselves to call the Copper, the Stone, and the painted Re­presentations of the Gods, their Images or their Honours, but them themselves, are so adventurous as to say, that Lachares stripped Minerva, that Dionysius cropt off Apollo's Golden Locks; and that Jupiter Capitolinus was burnt and destroyed in the [Page 152] Civil Wars of Rome. They thereforeFor [...], I read [...]. before they are aware, suck in and re­ceive bad Opinions with these Improper Words. And the Aegyptians are not the least Guilty herein, with respect to the Animals which they worship. For the Grecians both speak and think aright in these Matters, when they tell us that the Pigeon is Sacred to Venus, the Serpent to Mi­nerva, the Raven to Apollo, and the Dog to Diana, as Euripides somewhere speaks (con­cerning Hecuba.)

But the greater Part of the Aegyptians wor­shipping the very Animals themselves, and courting them as Gods, have not only fil­led their Religious Worship with Matter of Scorn and Derision (for that would be the least harm that could come of their [...]. blockish Ignorance) but a dire Concep­tion also arises therefrom, which blows up the feeble and simple Minded into an Ex­travagance of Superstition, and when it lights upon the more subtle and daring Tempers, it outrages them into Atheistical and Brutish Cogitations. Wherefore it seems not inconsonant here to recount what is probable upon this Subject. For that the Gods being afraid of Typhon, changed themselves into these Animals, and did as it were hide themselves in the Bo­dies of Ibises Dogs and Hawks, is a Foole­ry beyond all Prodigiousness and Legend. [Page 153] And that such Souls of Men departed this Life, as remain undissolved after Death, have leave to be Reborn into this Life by these Bodies only, is equally incredible. And of those who would assign some Poli­tical Reason for these things, there are some that affirm that Osiris in his great Army, dividing his Forces into many Parts, which weFor [...], I read [...]. in Greek call Lochoi and Taxeis, (that is, Decuries and Centuries) at the same time gave every of them cer­tain Ensigns or Colours with the Shapes of several Animals upon them, which in process of time came to be lookt upon as Sacred, and to be worshiped by the seve­ral Kindreds and Clans in that Distributi­on. Others say again, that the Kings of After times did for the greater Terror of their Enemies, wear about them in their Battles, the Golden and Silver Heads and upper Parts of fierce Animals. But there are others that relate, that one of these subtle and crafty Princes, observing the Aegypti­ans to be of a light and vain Disposition, and very inclinable to Change and Inno­vation, and that they were withal, when Sober and Unanimous, of an Inexpugna­ble and Irrestrainable Strength, by reason of their mighty Numbers, therefore taught them in their several Quarters, a perpetual Kind of Superstition to be the Ground of endless Quarrels and Disputes among them. For the Animals which he commanded them to observe and reve­rence, some of th [...]m one sort, and some another, being at Enmity and War with [Page 154] one another, and themselves desiring some of them one sort of them, and some ano­ther for their Food, each Party among themFor [...], I read [...]. being upon the perpetual Defence of their proper Animals, and highly re­senting the Wrongs that were offered them; it happened, that being thus drawn into the Quarrels of their Beasts, they were, before they were aware, engaged in Hostilities with one another. For at this very Day, the Lycopolitans (or Wolf-Town-men) are the only People among the Aegyptians that eat the Sheep, because the Wolf, which they esteem to be a God, doth so too. And in our own Times, the Oxyrynchites (or those of Pike-Town) be­cause the Kynopolitans (or those of Dog-Town) did eat a Pike catcht the Dogs, and slew them, and eat of them as they would do of a Sacrifice; and there arising a Civil War upon it, in which they did much Mischief to one another, they were all at last chastised by the Romans. And whereas there are many that say that the Soul of Typhon himself took its Flight into these Animals, this Tale may be lookt up­on to signifie that every Irrational and Bru­tal Nature appertains to the Share of the Evil Daemon. And therefore when they would pacifie him and speak him fair, they make their Court and Addresses to these Animals. But if there chance to happen a great and excessive Drought, which above what is ordinary at other times brings a­long with it either wasting Diseases, or o­ther monstrous and prodigious Calamities, [Page 155] the Priests then conduct into a dark place with great silence and stilness, some of the Animals which are honoured by them: and they first of all menace and terrifie them: and if the Mischief still continues, they then consecrate and offer them up, looking upon this as a way of punishing the Evil God, or at least as some grand Purgation in time of greatest Disasters. For, as Manethos relateth, they were used in antient times to burn live Men in the City of Idithya, entitling them to Typhon, and then they made Wind and dispersed and scattered their Ashes into the Air. And this was done publickly, and at one only Season of the Year, which was the Dog-days. But those Consecrations of the Animals worshipped by them, which are made in secret, and at irregular and un­certain times of the Year, as occasions re­quire, are wholly unknown to the vulgar Sort, except only at the time of their Bu­rials, at which they produce certain other Animals, and in the Presence of all Specta­tors, throw them into the Grave with them, thinking by this means to vex Ty­phon, and to abate the Satisfaction he re­ceived by their Deaths. For it is the Apis with a few more that is thought Sa­cred to Osiris; but the far greater part are assigned to Typhon. And if this account of theirs be true, I believe it signifies the Subject of our Enquiry to be such Animals as are universally received, and have their Honours in common amongst them all; and of this kind is the Ibis, the Hawk, the [Page 156] That is, a Drill, or a Mungrel be­twixt a Dog and a Man. Kynokephalos, Here I add [...]. and the Apis himself; and indeed they call the Goat, which is kept at Mendes by the same Name. It remains yet behind, that I treat of their Beneficialness to Man, and of their Sym­bolical Use; and some of them partici­pate of some one of these, and others of both. It is most manifest therefore that they worshiped the Ox, the Sheep, and the Ichneumon for their Benefit and Use, as the Lemniotes did the Larks, for finding out the Catarpillars Eggs, and breaking them; and the Thessalians the Storks, because that as their Soil bred abundance of Serpents, they at their appearance destroyed them all. For which reason they enacted a Law, that whoever killed a Stork should be banished the Country. Moreover, the Aegyptians honour the Asp, the Weezle and the Beetle, observingFor [...], I read [...]. in them certain dark Resemblances of the Power of the Gods, like those of the Sun in Drops of Water. For there are many that to this Day believe that the Weezle engenders by the Ear, and brings forth by the Mouth, and is therein a Resemblance of the Pro­duction of theThat is that Efflux or E­manation of the Nus or Mental Princi­ple, which gives Form un­to Matter, and to the Parts of the Universe. Discourse; and that the Beetle Kind also hath no Female, but that the Males cast out their Sperm into a round Pellet of Earth, which they rowl about by thrusting it backwards with their hinder Feet, while themselves move for­wards; and this in imitation of the Sun, which while it self moves from West to East, turns the Heaven the contrary way. They alsoI leave out [...]. compared the Asp to a Star, [Page 157] for being always young, and for perform­ing its Motions with great ease and glib­ness, and that without the help of Organs. Nor had the Crocodile his Honour given him without a shew of probable reason for it: it isFor [...], I read [...]. therefore reported to have been produced for a Representation of God, it being the only Animal that is without Tongue. For the Divine Discourse hath no need of Voice, and ‘Marching by still and silent ways,’ And by exact Justice, it transacts mortal Affairs according to Justice. Besides, they say he is the only Animal that lives in Water that hath his Eye-sight covered o­ver with a thin and transparent Film, which descends down from his Fore-head, so that he sees without being seen himself by others, in which he agrees with the First God. Moreover, in what place so­ever in the Country the Female Crocodile lays her Eggs, that may be certainly concluded to be the utmost extent of the Rise of the River Nilus for that year. For not being able to lay in the Water, and being afraid to lay far from it, they have so exact a Knowledge of Futurity, that though they enjoy the Benefit of the ap­proaching Stream at their Laying and Hatching, they yet preserve their Eggs dry and untouched by the Water. And they lay sixty in all, and are just as many days a hatching them, and the longest liv'd of them, live as many years; that be­ing [Page 158] the first Measure which those that are employed about the Heavens make use of. But of those Animals that were honoured for both reasons, we have already treated of the Dog; but now the Ibis, besides that he killeth all deadly and poisonous Ver­mine, was also the first that taught Men theThat is, a Clyster. Medicinal Evacuation of the Belly, she being observed to be after this man­ner washed and purged by her self. Those also of the Priests that are the strictest Observers of their Sacred Rites, when they consecrate Water for Lustrati­on use to fetch it from some place where the Ibis had been drinking. For she will neither taste nor come near any unwhol­some or infectious Water. Besides, the Distance of her two Legs from one ano­ther, with the length of her Bill laid a cross, make betwixt them an Aequilateral Triangle; and the peckledness and mix­ture of her Feathers, where there are black ones about the white, signifie the Gibbousness of the Moon on either side. Nor ought we to think it strange that the Aegyptians should affect such poor and slender ComparisonsFor [...], I read [...]. when we find the Grecians themselves, both in their Pictures and Statues make use of many such Re­semblances of the Gods as these are. For Example, there was in Crete an Image of Jup [...]ter, having no Ears, for he that's Commander, and Chief over all, should hear no one. Phidias also set a Serpent by the Image of Minerva, and a Snail by that of Venus at Elis, to shew that Maids need­ed [Page 159] a Guard upon them, and that Silence and keeping at Home became married Women. In like manner the Trident of Neptune is a Symbole of the Third Regi­on of the World, which the Sea possesses, scituated below that of the Heaven and Air. For which reason they also gave their Names to Amphitrite and the Tritons. The Pythagoreans also honoured Numbers and Geometrick Figures, with the Names of Gods. For they called an Aequilateral Triangle Minerva, Coryphagenes (or Crown-born) and Tritogeneia, because it is divided by three Perpendiculars drawn from the three Angles. They likewise called the Unite Apollo; [...], I restore to the Margin whence it was taken. the Number of Two, Con­tention, and also Audaciousness; and the Number Three, Justice; for wronging, and being wronged, being two Extreams caused by Deficiency and Excess, Justice came by Equality in the middle. But that which is called Tecractys (or the Sacred Quaternion) being the Number Thirty Six, was (according to common Fame) the greatest Oath among them, and was called by them the World, because it is made up of the even Number Four, and ofThat is, four times Nine, which plainly refer to the XXXVI. De­canates in the Zodiack. Four odd Numbers summed up together. If therefore the most approved of the Philo­sophers did not think meet to pass over, or disesteem any significant Symbole of the Divinity which they observed even in things that had neither Soul nor Body, I believe they regarded yet more those Pro­perties of Government and Conduct which they saw in such Natures as had [Page 160] Sense, and were endued with Soul, with Passion, and with Moral Temper. We are not therefore to approve of those that worship these things, but God by these things, as being the more clear Mirrors of him, and produced by Nature; so as e­ver worthily to conceive of them as the Instruments or Artifices of that God which orders all things. And it is rea­sonable to believe, that noFor [...], I read [...]. Inanimate Being can be more excellent than an Ani­mate one, nor an Insensible than a Sensi­ble; no, though one should heap toge­ther all the Gold and Emerauds in the Universe. For the Property of the Divi­nity consists not in fine Colours, Shapes and Slicknesses, but on the contrary, those Natures are of a Rank below the very Dead, that neither did, nor ever can par­take of Life. But now that that Nature which hath Life, and which sees and hath the Source of her Motion from her own Self, as also the Knowledge of things Proper and Aliene to her, hath certainly derived an Efflux, and a Portion of that Prudence which (as Heraclitus speaks) Con­siders how both it self and the whole is govern­ed. And there the Deity is no worse re­presented in these Animals than in the Workmanships of Copper and Stone, which suffer Corruptions and Decays as well as they, and are besides naturally void of Sense and Perception. This then is what I esteem the best account that is gi­ven of their Adoration of Animals. As to the Sacred Vestments, that of Isis is [Page 161] party-coloured, and of different Hues; for her Power is about Matter, which be­comes every thing, and receives every thing, as Light, Darkness, Day, Night, Fire, Water, Life, Death, Beginning and Ending; but that of Osiris hath no Shade nor variety of Colours, but one only sim­ple one, resembling Light. For the first Principle is untempered, and that which is First, and of an Intelligible Nature is unmixt, which is the reason why after they have once made use of these things, they lay them up and keep them close. For that which is Intelligible is invisible, and not to be toucht. But those of Isis are used often: For sensible things being of dayly use and familiar to us, afford us many Overtures and Scenes of their Mu­tations; but the apprehension of what is Intelligible, Sincere and Holy, darting through the Soul like a Flash of Light­ning, attends but to some one single Glance or Glimpse of its Object. For which reason, both Plato and Aristotle. call this part of Philosophy by the Name of the Epoptick or Intuitive Part, intimating, that those who by help of Reason, have got beyond these Opinable, mixed and various things, mount up to that First, Simple and Immaterial Being; and when they have certainly reached the pure Truth about it, they believe they have at last attained to compleat Philosophy. And that which the present Priests do darkly hint out and insinuate to us, though with much Obscurity, great Shyness and Pre­caution, [Page 162] which is, that this God is th [...] He that per­sonated Osiris, was certainly a Daemon. Governour and Prince of those that are dead, and that he is no other than he who is called by the Greeks Hades and Plut [...], being not taken in its true Sense,For [...], I read [...]. disturbs the Minds of the greater part, while they suspect that the truly Holy and good God Osiris lives within and be­neath the Earth, where the Bodies of those who are supposed to have an end lye hid and buried. But he himself is at the re­motest distance from the Earth imagina­ble, being unstained and unpolluted, and clean from every Substance that is liable to Corruption and Death. But Mens Souls, encompassed here with Bodies and Passions, have no Communication with God, except what they can reach to in Conception on­ly, by means of Phylosophy, as by a kind of an obscure Dream. But when they are loosed from the Body, and removed into the Unseen, Invisible, Impassible and Pure Region, this God is then their Leader and King, they there as it were hanging on him wholly, and beholding without Wea­riness, and passionately affecting that Beau­ty that cannot be exprest or uttered by Men; which the Goddess Isis alway ca­ressing, affecting and enjoying, by that means filled these lower things with all those goodly and excellent Beings, which partake of Generation. This then is that account of these things which best suits the Nature of the Gods. And if I now must, according to my Promise, speak something concerning the things they daily offer by [Page 163] way of Incense, you are in the first place to understand this, that these People make the greatest account imaginable of all En­deavours that relate to Health: and more especially in their Sacrifices, Purgations and Diets, Health is then no less respected than Devotion. For they think it would be an unseemly thing to wait upon that Na­ture that is pure and every way unblemisht and untoucht, with crazy and diseased Minds or Bodies; whereas therefore the Air that we most use and live in, hath not always the same Disposition and Tem­perament; but in the Night time grow [...] condense, compresses the Body, and con­tracts the Mind into a kind of a melancholy and thoughtful Habit, it becoming then as it were foggy and doz'd. They therefore, as soon as they are up in the Morning, burn Resin about them, refreshing and clearing the Air by its scattered Particles, and fan­ning up the Native Spirit of the Body, which is now grown languid and dull; this sort of Scent having something in it that is very impetuous and striking. And perceiving again at Noon-time, that the Sun hath drawn up by violence, a copious and gross Exhalation out of the Earth, they by censing, mix Myrrh also with the Air; for Heat dissolves and dissipates that puddled and slimy Vapour, which at that time gathers together in the Ambient. And Physicians are also found to help Pesti­lential Diseases, by making great Blazes to rarifie the Air; but it would be much bet­ter rarified if they would burn Sweet-scent­ed [Page 164] Woods, such as Cypress, Juniper and Pine. And thereforeAcron the Agrigentine, lived before Hippocrates. Acron the Physi­cian is said to have gained a mighty Repu­tation at Athens, in the time of the great Plague, by ordering People to make Fires near to the Sick; for not a few were be­nefited by it. Aristotle likewise saith, that the odoriferous Exhalations, of Perfumes, Flowers and sweet Meadows, are no less conducing to Health than to Pleasure; for that their Warmth and Delicacy of Mo­tion, gently relax the Brain, which is of its own Nature cold and clammy. And if it be true, that the Aegyptians, in their Lan­guage call MyrrhBal or Baal signifies in the Eastern Tongues the Lord or the Sun. So Balsam is Baal Samen, that is. The Lord of Hea­ven. Bal, and that the most proper Signification of that Word, is, Scattering away Melancholy, this also adds some Testimony to our account of the reason why they burn it. Moreover, that they call Kyphi, is a kind of a Compositi­on made up of SixteenFor [...], I read [...]. Ingredients, that is, of Honey, Wine, Raisins, Cyperus, Resin, Myrrh, Aspalathus, Seseli, Schoenanthus, Bi­tumen, Deadly Night shade and Dock; to to which they add, the Berries of both the Junipers, (the one whereof they call the Greater, and the other the Lesser Sort) as also Calamus Aromaticus, and Cardamoms. Neither do they put them together slight­ly, or at a random Rate, but the Sacred Books are read to theMyrepsus and Myropola, was antiently both a Perfu­mer and an A­pothecary. Perfumers all the while they are compounding them. As for the Number of the Ingredients, al­though it plainly appears to be a Square of a Square, and to be the only Number, which having an orderly equal Proportion, [Page 165] draws a Periphery equal to its Area, very much to the present Purpose; yet I must needs say, that this contributes but very little here; but that it is the contain'd Specieses (most of which, are of Aromatick Properties) that send up a sweet Fume, and an agreeable Exhalation, which chang­ing the Air, and the Body being put by the Air into its regular and proper Moti­on,For [...], I read [...]. becomes gently chafed, and retains a gay and an entertaining Temperament, and without the Disorders of Drunkenness, as it were loosens and unties like a sort of Knots, the Doziness and Intensness of the Thoughts by Day-time, and the Phantastick Part, and that which is Receptive of Dreams, it wipes like a Looking-glass, and renders clearer, with no less Efficacy than those Strokes of the Harp which the Py­thagoreans made use of before they went to sleep, to charm and allay the distem­pered and irrational part of the Soul. For we find that strong Scents many times call back the failing Sense, and many times dull and obstruct it, their wasted Parts diffusing themselves by their great Fineness and Subtlety through the whole Body; like as some Physicians tell us, that Sleep is pro­duced when the Fumes of Meat, by creeping gently about the Inwards, and as it were groping every Part, causes a cer­tain soft Titillation. They also use this Kyphi both for a Drink, and for a Medi­cinal Potion; for when drunk, it is found to cleanse the Inwards, it being a Loosner of the Belly. Besides all this, Resin is the [Page 166] Creature of the Sun, andHere is wanting [...], or something like it. they gather Myrrh as the Trees weep it out by Moon-light; but now, of those Ingredients that make up Kyphi, there are some that delight more in the Night, as those whose Nature it is to be nourished by cool Blasts, Shades, Dews and Humidities. For the Light of Day is one thing and simple, and Pi [...]dar saith, the Sun is then seen.

But the Air of Night is a kind ofI leave out [...] as a Gloss. Com­position, for it is made up of many Lights and Powers, which like so many several Seeds flow down from every Star into one place. They therefore very pertinently cense the former things by Day-time, as being Simples, and deriving their Original from the Sun; and the latter at the En­trance of the Night, they being mixt, and of many and different Qualites.

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. IV.
Concerning such whom God is slow to Pu­nish.

THese and such like things, O Cynias! when Epicurus had spoken, before any Person could return an Answer, while we were busie at the farther end of the Portico, he flung away in great hast. However we could not but in some measure admire at the odd Behaviour of the Man, though without taking any farther notice of it in Words, and therefore, after we had gaz'd a while one upon another, we return'd to walk as we were singl'd out in Company before. At what time Patrocle­as first breaking silence, How say ye Gentlemen, said he, if you think fitting, Why may not we discuss this Question of the last Proposer, as well in his Absence, as if he were present? To whom Timon replying, sure­ly, said he, it would but ill become us, if at us he aim'd upon his Departure, to neg [...]ect the Arrow sticking in [Page 168] our Sides. For Brasidas, as History reports, drawing forth the Javelin out of his own Body, with the same Javelin, not only wounded him that threw it, but slew him out right. But as for our selves, with far less Difficulty may we defend, with far more Ease may we revenge our selves on them that pelt us with absurd and fallacious Reasonings; and it will be sufficient that we shake them off, before they reach the Opinion it self. Then said I, which of his Sayings is it, that has given you the greatest Cause to be moved? For the Man writes of many things confusedly, but of nothing in order, gleaning up and down from this and t'other Place, without Method or Judgment, and suffering himself, as it were in the Transports of his Pride and Choler, to wreck his reproachful Malice upon the Provi­dence of God. To which Patrocleas, The slowness of the Supream Deity, said he, and his Procrastination in reference to the Punishment of the Wicked, seems to me a Point, so deeply mysterious, that it has long per­plex'd my thoughts; but now puzl'd by these Argu­ments which he produces, I am as it were a Stranger to the Opinion, and newly beginning again to learn. Formerly I could not with patience hear that Expression of Euripides.

For indeed it becomes not the Supream Deity to be re­miss in any thing, but more especially in the Prosecu­tion of the Wicked, since they themselves are no way negligent or dilatory in doing Mischief, but always dri­ven on by the most rapid Impetuosities of their Passions to Acts of Injustice. For certainly, according to the Saying of Thucydides, that Revenge which follows Inju­ry closest at the Heels, presently puts a Stop to the Pro­gress [Page 169] of such as make Advantage of successful Wicked­ness. Therefore there is no Debt, with so much Preju­dice put off, as that of Justice, for it weakens the Hopes of the Person wrong'd, and renders him Comfortless and Pensive, but heightens the Boldness and daring Insolence of the Oppresser: whereas on the other side, those Pu­nishments and Chastisements that immediately withstand presuming Violence, not only restrain the committing of future Outrages, but more especially bring along with them a particular Comfort and Satisfaction to the Suffe­rers. Which makes me no less troubl'd at that same Say­ing of Bias, which frequently comes into my Mind: For, said he, once, to a notorious Reprobate, 'tis not that I doubt but thou wilt suffer the just Reward of thy Wickedness, but I fear that I my self shall not live to see it. For what did the Punishment of Aristocrates a­vail the Messenians, who were kill'd before it came to pass? who having betray'd them at the Battle of Cyprus, yet remain'd undetected for above twenty years toge­ther; and all that while raign'd King of the Arcadians, till at length, discover'd and apprehended, he receiv'd the merited Recompence of his Treachery. But alas! they whom he had betray'd were all dead at the same time. Or when the Orchomenians had lost their Chil­dren, their Friends and Familiar Acquaintance, through the Treachery of Lyciscus, what Consolation was it to them, that many years after, a foul Distemper seiz'd the Traitor, and fed upon his Body, till it had consum'd his putrify'd Flesh? who, as often as he dipt and bath'd his Feet in the River, with horrid Oaths and Execrations, bann'd the Loss of his Members, putrify'd and gangreen'd to expiate the Treachery and Villany which himself had committed. For it was not possible for the Childrens Children of the Athenians, who had been murther'd long before, to behold the Bodies of those Sacrilegious Caitiffs, which were afterwards torn [Page 170] out of their Graves, and transported beyond the Con­fines of their native Soil. Whence in my Opinion, Euripides absurdly makes use of these Expressions, to divert a Man from Wickedness.

And I am apt to perswade my self, that upon these, and no other Considerations it is, that wicked Men en­courage and give themselves the Liberty to attempt and commit all manner of Impieties, seeing that the Fruit which Injustice yields is soon ripe, and offers it self ear­ly to the Gatherers Hand; whereas Punishment comes late, and lagging long behind the Pleasure of Enjoy­ment.

After Patrocleas had thus discours'd, Olympicus taking him up: There is this farther, said he, O Patrocleas! which thou shouldst have taken notice of; for how great an Inconvenience and Absurdity arises besides from these Delays and Procrastinations of Divine Justice? In regard the slowness of its Execution takes away the Belief of Providence. For the Wicked perceiving that Calamity and Revenge does not presently follow at the Heels of every enormous Crime, but a long time after, looking upon their Calamity as a Misfortune, and calling it Chance, not Punishment, are nothing at all thereby re­form'd; troubled indeed they well may be at the dire Accident befallen them, but never repent of the Villa­nies they have committed. For as in usual Discipline, the Punishment which immediately attends the Fault, and the Stripes and Pinches that pursue the Transgressi­on, [Page 171] correct and reduce the Party to his Duty; but the Luggings by the Ears, the Bastings and Thumpings which are late and out of time laid on, seem to be in­flicted for some other Reason then to teach or instruct, which puts the Sufferer to Pain, without understanding his Error: In like manner, were the Impieties of enor­mous Transgressors and hainous Offenders singly scourg'd and repress'd by immediate Severity, it would bring them at length to a Sense of their Folly, humble them, and strike them with an Aw of the Divine Being, whom they find with a watchful Eye beholding the Actions and Passions of Men, and feel to be no dilatory, but a speedy Avenger of Iniquity. Whereas that same remiss and slow-pac'd Justice, as Euripides describes it, that falls upon the Wicked by Accident, by reason of its incertainty, ill-tim'd Delay, and disorderly Motion, seems rather to resemble Chance then Providence. So that I cannot conceive what Benefit there is in these Grindstones of the Gods, which are said to grind so late, by which Celestial Punishment is obscur'd, and the Aw of evil doing rendred vain and despicable.

These things thus uttered, and I in a deep Meditati­on of what he had said, Timon interposing, Is it your Pleasure, said he, that I shall put an end to the Diffi­culties of this knotty Question, or shall I first permit him to argue in opposition to what has been propound­ed already? Nay then, said I, to what purpose is it, to let in a third Wave to drown the Argument, if he be not able to repel or avoid the Objections already made?

To begin therefore, as from the Vestal Hearth, from that ancient Circumspection and Reverence which our Ancestors, Academic Philosophers also, bare to the Supream God-head, we shall utterly decline to meddle with that mysterious Being, as if we could presume to utter positively any thing concerning it. For though [Page 172] it may be born withal, for Men unskill'd in Musick, to talk at random of Notes and Harmony, or for such as never experienc'd Warfare, to discourse of Arms and Military Affairs; it would be a bold and daring Arro­gance in us, that are but mortal Men, to dive too far into the incomprehensible Mysteries of Deities and Dae­mons. Just as if Persons void of Knowledge, should under­take to Judge of the Methods and Reason of cunning Artists by slight Opinions and probable Conjectures of their own. Thus, it is not for one that understands nothing of the Science, to give a Reason why the Phy­sician did not let Blood before, but afterwards; or why he did not bath his Patient yesterday, but to day. And so likewise neither is it easie nor safe to speak otherwise of the Supream Deity, then only this, that he alone it is, who knows the most convenient time to apply most proper Corrosives for the Cure of Sin and Impiety, and as Medicaments to administer Punishments to every Transgressor, yet not confin'd to an equal Quality and Measure common to all Distempers, nor to one and the same time. Now that the Physical Knowledge, in or­der to the Cure and Preservation of the Soul, is the most transcendent of all other Sciences, besides ten thou­sand other Witnesses, even Pindar himself testifies, where he gives to God, the Ruler and Lord of all things, the Title of the most Perfect Artificer, as being the grand Author and Distributer of Justice, to whom it properly belongs to determine, at what time, in what manner, and to what degree to punish every particular Offender. And Plato asserts, that Minos being the Son of Jupiter, was the Disciple of his Father, to learn this Science. Intimating thereby, as if it were impossi­ble for any other then a Schollar, bred up in the School of Equity, rightly to behave himself in the Administra­tion of Justice, or to make a true Judgment of another, whether he does well or no. For the Laws which are [Page 173] constituted by Men, do not always prescribe that which is unquestionably and simply Decent, or of which the Rea­son, is altogether without Exception perspicuous, in regard that some of their Ordinances seem to be on purpose ri­diculously contriv'd. Particularly, what in Lacedaemon, the Ephori ordain at their first entring into the Magistracy, that no Man suffer the Hair of his upper Lip to grow; only that they be obedient to the Laws, to the end they may not seem grievous to them. Thus the Romans, when they asserted the Freedom of any one, cast a slen­der, Straw upon his Body; and when they make their last Wills and Testaments, some they leave to be their Heirs, while others sell their Estates. Which seems to be altogether contrary to Reason. But that of Solon is most absurd, who when a City is up in Arms, and all in Sedition, brands with Infamy, the Person who stands Neuter, and adheres to neither Party. And thus a Man that apprehends not the Reason of the Lawgiv­er, or the Cause why such and such things are so pre­scribed, might number up several Absurdities of many Laws. What Wonder then, since the Actions of Men are so difficult to be understood, if it be no less diffi­cult to determine concerning the Gods, wherefore they inflict their Punishments upon Sinners, sometimes later, sometimes, sooner. Nor do I alledge these things as a Pretence to avoid the Dispute, but to secure the Pardon which I beg. To the end that our Discourse, having a Regard, as it were to some Port or Refuge, may pro­ceed the more boldly in producing probable Circum­stances to clear the Doubt. But first, consider this, that God, according to Plato, when he propos'd him­self in the middle, the Exemplar of all that was good and Holy, indulges Human Vertue, by which, Man is in some measure rendred like himself, to those that are able to follow the Deity by Imitation. For univer­sal Nature being at first void of Order▪ before it came [Page 174] to be form'd into a World, had this Beginning of its Change, from a certain infus'd Similitude of that Idea, and Vertue which is in God. And the self same Plato asserts, that Nature first kindled the Sence of Seeing within us, to the end that the Soul, by the Sight and Admiration of the Heav'nly Bodies being accustom'd to love and embrace Decency and Order, might be indu­ced to hate the Disorderly Motions of wild and raving Passions, and avoid Levity and Rashness depending up­on Chance, as the Original of all Improbity and Vice. For there is no greater Benefit that Men can enjoy from God, then by the Imitation and Pursuit of those Perfections, and that Sanctity which is in him, to be excited to the Study of Vertue. Therefore God with Forbearance and at Leisure, inflicts his Punishment up­on the Wicked, not that he is afraid of committing an Error, or of repenting, should he accelerate his Indig­nation; but to eradicate that brutish and eager Desire of Revenge, that reigns in human Breasts, and to teach us that we are not, in the Heat of Fury, nor when our Anger heaving and palpitating, boyls up above our Understanding, to fall upon those who have done us an Injury, like those who seek to gratifie a vehement Thirst or craving Appetite; but that we should in imi­tation of this mildness and forbearance, with due com­posure of Mind, till after such sufficient time for Consi­deration taken, as may admit of no Repentance, give way to the Desire of Chastisement or Correction. For as Socrates observ'd, it is far the lesser Mischief for a Man, distemper'd with Ebriety and Gluttony, to drink Puddle-water, then when the Mind is disturb'd and o­vercharg'd with Anger and Fury, before it be setled and become limpid again, for a Man to seek the Sati [...]ting his Revenge upon the Body of his Friend or Kinsman. For according to the Saying of Thucydides, Revenge is not the nearest to Injury, but being at a remote distance [Page 175] from it, observes the most convenient Opportunity. For as Anger, according to that of Melanthius.

So Reason does that which is just and moderate, laying Passion and Fury aside. Whence it comes to pass, that Men giving ear to Humane Examples, become more mansuete and gentle, as Plato, who holding his Cudgel over his Pages Shoulders, as himself relates, paus'd a good while, correcting his own Anger. In like man­ner Archytas, observing the Sloth and wilful Negligence of his Servants in the Field, and perceiving his Passion to rise at a more then usual rate, did no more, but as he went away, 'Tis your good Fortune, said he, that ye have anger'd me. If then the Sayings of Men, when call'd to mind, and their Actions being read, have such a pow­er to mitigate the Roughness and Vehemency of Wrath, much more becomes it us, beholding God, with whom there is neither Dread or Repentance of any thing, de­ferring nevertheless his Punishments to future Time, and admitting Delay, to be cautious and circumspect in in these Matters, and to deem a Divine Part of Ver­tue that Mildness and long Suffering, of which God af­fords us an Example, while by punishing, he reforms some few; by slowly chastizing, helping and Admonish­ing many.

In the second place therefore let us consider this, That Human Punishments of Injuries regard no more then that the Party suffers in his turn, and are satisfi'd that the Offender has suffer'd according to his Merit, and farther they never proceed. Which is the reason that they run after Provocations, like Dogs that bark in their Fury, and immediately pursue the Injury as soon as committed. But probable it is that God, what­ever [Page 176] distemper'd Soul it be, which he prosecutes with his Divine Justice, observes the Motions and Inclinations of it, whether they be such as tend to Repentance, and allows Time for Reformation to those whose Wicked­ness is neither invincible nor incorrigible. Well know­ing what a Proportion of Vertue, Souls from himself conveyed to Generation, carry along with them, and how strong and vigorous their innate and primitive Good yet continues. For Wickedness buds forth pre­ternaturally upon the Corruption of bad Diet and evil Conversation; but then some Souls recovering again to perfect cure, or an indifferent Habitude, this is the rea­son the Deity does not inflict his Punishments alike upon all. But those that are incurable, he presently lops off, and deprives of Life, as being altogether hurtful to o­thers, but most baneful to themselves, as always wal­lowing in Wickedness. But as for those who probably may be thought to transgress, rather out of Ignorance of what is Vertuous and Good, then through Choice of what is foul and vitious, he grants them time to turn; but if they remain obdurate, then likewise he inflicts his Punishments upon them; for there is no fear least they should escape.

Now let us consider how oft the Customs and Lives of Men have been chang'd; for which reason the Change of Manners was by the Greeks call'd [...], from turning, as also [...], which signifies Manners was derived from [...], signifying Custom, as chiefly prevailing in their Change. Therefore I am of Opinion, that the Anci­ents reported Cecrops to have two Bodies, not as some believe, because of a good King he became a merciless and Dragon-like Tyrant, but rather on the contrary, for that being at first both cruel and formidable, after­wards he became a most mild and gentle Prince. How­ever if this be uncertain, yet we know both Gelo and Hiero the Sicilians, and Pisistratus the Son of Hippocrates, [Page 177] who having obtain'd the Soveraignty by Violence and Wickedness, made a vertuous Use of their Power, and coming unjustly to the Throne, became moderate Ru­lers, and beneficial to the Public; for by recommending wholsome Laws, and the Exercise of useful Tillage to their Subjects, they reduc'd them from idle Scoffers and talkative Romancers, to be modest Citizens and industri­ous good Husbands. And as for Gelo, after he had been succesful in his War, and vanquish'd the Carthaginians, he refus'd to grant them the Peace which they su'd for, unless they would consent to have it inserted in their Ar­ticles, that they would surcease from sacrificing their Children to Saturn.

Over Megalopolis, Lydiades was Tyrant; but then, even in the time of his Tyranny, changing his Man­ners and Maxims of Government, and growing into a Hatred of Injustice, he restor'd to the Citizens their Laws, and fighting for his Country against his own and his Subjects Enemies, fell an illustrious Victim for his Countries Welfare. Now if any one bearing an Anti­pathy to Miltiades, or Cimon, had slain the one tiranniz­ing in the Cherronese, or the other committing Incest with his own Sister, or had expell'd Themistocles out of Athens, at what time he lay rioting and revelling in the Market-place, and affronting all that came near him, ac­cording to the Sentence afterwards pronounc'd against Alcibiades, had we not been depriv'd of the Glory ob­tain'd at Marathon, the Honour gain'd over the Curyme­dontes, and the Dianium.

For great and lofty Genius's produce nothing that is Mean and Little; the innate smartness of their Parts will not endure the Vigor and Activity of their Spirits [Page 178] to grow lazy; but they are toss'd too and agen, as with the Waves, by the rowling Motions of their own in­ordinate Desire, till at length they arrive to a stable and settl'd Constitution of Manners. Therefore as a Person that is unskilful in Husbandry, would by no means make choice of a piece of Ground thick over­run with Brakes and Weeds, abounding with wild Beasts, and covered with standing Lakes and Mud; yet to him who hath learnt to understand the Nature of the Earth, these are certain Symptoms of the Softness and Fertility of the Soil; thus great Genius's many times produce many absurd and vile Enormities, of which, we not enduring the rugged and uneasie Vexation, are presently for pruning and lopping off the lawless Transgressors. But the more prudent Judge, who dis­cerns the abounding Goodness and Generosity covertly residing in those transcending Genius's, waits the co-ope­rating Age and Season for Reason and Vertue to exert it themselves, and gathers the ripe Fruit when Nature has matur'd it. And thus much as to those particulars.

Now to come to another part of our Discourse, do you not believe that some of the Greeks did very pru­dently to register that Law in Eggypt, among their own, whereby it is enacted, that if a Woman with Child be sentenc'd to dye, she shall be repriev'd till she be deliver'd? All the reason in the World, you'l say. Then, say I, though a Man cannot bring forth Chil­dren, yet if he be able, by the Assistance of Time, to reveal any hidden Action or Conspiracy, or to discover some conceal'd Mischief, or to be Author of some wholsome piece of Advice; or suppose that in time, he may produce some necessary and useful Invention, is it not better to delay the Punishment, and expect the Be­nefit, then hastily to rid him out of the World? It seems so to me, said I; and truly you are in the right, reply'd Patrocles, For let us consider: had Dionysius, at [Page 179] the beginning of his Tiranny, suffer'd according to his Merits; never would any of the Greeks have re-inhabit­ed Sicily, laid waste by the Carthaginians. Nor would the Greeks have re-possess'd Apollonia, nor Anactorium, nor the Peninsule of the Leucadians, had not Perianders Execution been delay'd for a long time: and if I mistake not, it was to the delay of Cassanders Punish­ment, that the City of Thebes was beholding for her Recovery from Desolation. But the most of those Barbarians, who assisted at the Sacrilegious Plunder of that Temple, following Timoleon into Sicily, after they had vanquish'd the Carthaginians, and dissolv'd the Ti­rannical Government of that Island, wicked as they were, came all to a wicked End. For assuredly, the Deity makes use of wicked Men, as we make use of Common Executioners to punish the Wickedness of o­thers, and then destroys those Instruments of his Wrath; which I believe to be true of most Tyrants. For as the Gall of a Hyaena, and the Rennet of a Sea-Calf, and many other filthy Monsters, contain something in them for the Cure of Diseases, thus when some Peo­ple deserve a sharp and biting Punishment, God subject­ing them to the implacable Severity of some certain Tyrant, or the cruel Oppression of some Ruler, does not remove either the Torment, or the Trouble, till he has cur'd and purifi'd the distemper'd Nation. Such a sort of Physick was Phalaris to the Agragantines, and Marius to the Romans. And God expresly foretold the Sicionyans, how much their City stood in need of most severe Chastisement, when after they had violently ra­vish'd out of the Hands of the Cleonians, Tiletias, a young Lad, who had been crown'd at the Pythian Games; they tore him Limb from Limb, as their own Fellow Citizen. Therefore Orthagoras the Tyrant, and after him, Myro and Cleisthenes put an end to the Luxu­ry and Lasciviousness of the Sicyonians; but the Cleonae­aus, [Page 180] not having the good Fortune to meet with the same Cure, went all to wrack. To this purpose, hear what Homer says:

And yet we do not find that ever the Son of Cropreus perform'd any famous or memorable Atchievment; but the Off-spring of Sisiphus, Autolycus, and Phlegyas, flou­rish'd among the Number of the most famous and vertuous Princes. Pericles at Athens descended from a wicked Family; and Pompey the Great at Rome, was the Son of Strabo, whose dead Body, the Roman People, in the height of their Hatred conceiv'd against him when alive, cast forth into the Street, and trampl'd in the Dirt. Where is the Absurdity then, as the Hus­bandman never cuts away the Thorn till it injures the Asparagus, or as the Libians never burn the Stalks till they have gather'd all the Ladanum, if God never extir­pates the evil and thorny Root of a Renowned and Royal Race, before he has gather'd from it the mature and proper Fruit? For it would have been a far greater a Disadvan­tage to the Phocenses, though a thousand more of Iphitus's Horses and Oxen had perish'd, or that they had lost a far greater Sum in Gold and Silver out of their Temple of Delphos, then to have miss'd among them the Birth of Ʋlysses and Esculapius, and those many others, who of wicked and vicious Men, became highly vertuous and beneficial to their Country. I would gladly know whe­ther it be not better to inflict deserved Punishment in due season, and at convenient times, then hastily and rashly, when a Man is in the heat and hurry of Passi­on? Witness the Example of Callippus, who, under the Pretence of being his Friend, having stabb'd Dio, was himself soon after slain by Dio's Intimates, with the [Page 181] same Daggar. Thus again, when Mitius of Argos was slain in a City Tumult, the Brazen Statue which stood in the Market-place, soon after, at the time of the publick Shews, fell down upon the Murtherers Head and kill'd him. What befel Bessus the Paeonite, and Aristo the Octaean, chief Commander of the foreign Souldiers? I suppose you understand full well, Patrocles. Not I, by Jove, but I desire to know. Well then, I say this Aristo, having with Permission of the Tyrants, carry'd away the Jewels and Ornaments belonging to E­riphyle, which lay deposited in that City, made a Present of them to his Wife. The Punishment for this was, that the Son being highly incens'd against his Mother, for what reason it matters not, set Fire to his Fathers House and burnt it to the Ground, with all the Family that were in it.

As for Bessus, it seems he kill'd his own Father, and the Murther lay conceal'd a long time. At length, being invited to Supper among Strangers, after he had so loosen'd a Swallows Nest with his Spear that it fell down, he kill'd all the young ones. Upon which, be­ing asked by the Guests that were present, what Injury the Swallows had done him, that he should commit such an irregular Act? Did you not hear, said he, these cursed Swallows, how they clamor'd and made a Noise, false Witnesses as they were, that I had long ago kill'd my Father? This Answer strook the rest of the Guests with so much Admiration, that after a due pon­dering upon his Words, they made known the whole Story to the King. Upon which, the matter being div'd into, Bessus was brought to condign Punishment. These things I have alledg'd, as it was but reason upon a supposition, that there is a forbearance of inflicting punishment upon the Wicked. As for what remains it behoves us to listen to Hesiod, where he asserts, not like Plato, that the Punishment of Injustice accompanies [Page 182] the Suffering, but that it is of the same Age with it, and arises from the same Place and Root. For, says he,

And in another Place,

It is reported, that the Cantharides Fly, by a certain kind of Antipathy, carries within it self, the Cure of the Wound which it inflicts. On the other side Wick­edness, at the same time it is committed, engendring its own Vexation and Torment, not at last, but at the very Instant of the Injury offer'd, suffers the Reward of the Injustice it has done. And as every Malefactor bears his own Cross to the Place of his Execution, so are all the various Torments of various wicked Actions, prepar'd by the several sorts of Wickedness themselves. Such a diligent Architectress of a miserable and wretch­ed Life is Wickedness, wherein Shame is still accompa­ny'd with a thousand Terrors and Commotions of the Mind, incessant Repentance, and never ceasing Tumults of the Spirits. However, there are some People that differ little or nothing from Children, who many times beholding Malefactors upon the Stage, in their gilded Vestments, and short purple Cloaks, dancing with Crowns upon their Heads, admire and look upon 'em as the most happy Persons in the World, till they see 'em goaded and lash'd, and Flames of Fire curling from underneath their sumptuous and gawdy Garments. Thus there are many wicked Men, surrounded with numerous Families, splendid in the Pomp of Magistra­cy, [Page 183] and Illustrious for the Greatness of their Power, whose Punishments never display themselves till those glorious Persons come to be the publick Spectacles of the People, either slain and lying weltring in their Blood, or or else standing on the top of the Rock, rea­dy to be tumbl'd headlong down the Precipice; which indeed cannot so well be said to be a Punishment, as the Consummation and Perfection of Punishment. More­over as Herodicus the Selimbrian, falling into a Consump­tion, the most incurable of all Diseases, was the first who intermix'd the Gymnastic Art with the Science of Physic (as Plato relates) on purpose to spin out in length a tedious time of dying, as well for his own, as the Sake of others labouring under the same Distemper. In like manner there are some wicked Men, who flatter themselves to have escap'd the present Punishment, yet not after such a Space, but for a lon­ger Tract of Time, endure a more lasting, not a shorter Punishment; not punish'd with Old Age, but growing old under the Tribulation of tormenting Af­fliction. When I speak of a long time, I speak in re­ference to our selves. For as to the Gods, every distance and distinction of Human Life, is nothing: And now, and not thirty years ago, is the same thing, as that such a Malefactor was tormented or hang'd in the Morning, and not in the Afternoon. More especially, since a Man is but shut up in this Life, like a close Pri­soner in a Goal, from whence it is impossible to make an Escape; and yet we Feast and Banquet, are full of Business, receive Rewards, and enjoy Offices. Though certainly these are but like the Sports of those that play at Dice, or any other Game in the Goal, while the Rope all the while hangs over their Heads. So that what should hinder me from asserting, that neither they who are shut up in Prison, are truly punish'd, till the Executioner has chopt of their Heads? Or that he [Page 184] who has drank Hemlock, then walks about and stays till a Heaviness seizes his Limbs, is in any other Condi­tion before the Extinction of his natural Heat, and the Coagulation of his Blood deprive him of his Senses? That is to say, if we deem the last Moment of the Punishment to be only the Punishment, and omit the Commotions, Terrors, Expectations and Embitterments of Repentance, with which every Malefactor and all wicked Men are teiz'd upon the committing of any heinous Crime. But this is to deny the Fish to be taken that falls into the Net, before we see it boyl'd and cut into Pieces by the Cook. For every Offender is within the Gripes of the Law, so soon as he has committed the Crime; and no sooner has he swallow'd the sweet Bait of Injustice, but he may be truly said to be caught, while his Conscience within, tearing and gnawing upon his Vitals, allows him no Rest:

For the daring Rashness and precipitat [...] Boldness of Ini­quity, continues violent and active till the Fact be per­petrated. But then the Passion, like a surceasing Tem­pest, growing slack and weak, surrenders it self to Superstitious Fears and Terrors. So that Stesicorus may seem to have compos'd the Dream of Clytemnestra, to set forth the Events and Truth of Things:

For Visions in Dreams, noon-day-Apparitions, Oracles, Descents into Hell, and whatever Objects else which may be thought to be transmitted from Heaven, raise [Page 185] continual Tempests and Horrors in the very Souls of the Guilty. Thus it is reported, that Apollodorus, in a Dream, beheld himself flead by the Scythians, and then boyl'd; and that his Heart speaking to him out of the Kettle, utter'd these Words, I am the Cause thou suffer'st all this. And another time, That he saw his Daughters run about him, their Bodies burning and all in a Flame. Hipparcus also, the Son of Pifistratus, had a Dream, that the Goddess Venus, out of a certain Vial, flung Blood in his Face. The Favorites of Ptolomy, Sirnam'd the Thunderer, dreamt that they saw their Master cited to the Judgment-Seat by Seleucus, where Wolves and Vultures were his Judges; and then distributing [...]eat Quantities of Flesh among his Enemies. Pausanias, in the heat of his Lust, sent for Cleonice, a freeborn Vir­gin of Bizantium, with an Intention to have enjoy'd her all Night; but when she came, out of a strange sort of Jealousie and Provocation, for which he could give no reason, stabb'd her. This Murther was attended with frightful Visions; insomuch that his Repose in the Night was not only interrupted with the Appearance of her Shape, but still he thought he heard her uttering these Lines;

After this, the Apparition still haunting him, he sail'd to Psycopompeion in Heraclea, and by Propitiations, Charms and Dirges, call'd up the Ghost of the Damsel. Which appearing before him, told him in few Words, that he should be freed from all his Affrights and Molestations upon his Return to Lacedaemon. Where he was no sooner arriv'd, but he died. But notwithstanding all this, if there were nothing that befel the Soul after the Expiration of this Life, but that Death were the end of [Page 186] all Reward and Punishment, I might infer from thence, that the Deity was remiss, and indulgent in swiftly pu­nishing the Wicked, and depriving them of Life. For if a Man shall assert, that space of time no otherwise afflicts the Wicked, but that the Convincement of the Crime is a fruitless and barren thing, that produces no­thing of Good, nothing worthy of Amendment from the many great and terrible Combats and Agonies of the Mind, the Consideration of these things altogether subverts the Soul. As it is related of Lysimacus, who being under the violent Constraint of a parching Thirst, surrender'd up his Person and his Dominions to the [...]tae for a little Drink; but after he had quench'd his Drought, and found himself a Captive, Shame o' this Wickedness of mine, cry'd he, that for so small a Pleasure, have lost so great a Kingdom: But it is a difficult thing for a Man to resist the natural Necessity of mortal Passions. Yet when a Man, either out of Avarice, or Ambition of civil Honour and Power, or to gratifie his Venereal Desires, commits any enormous and hainous Crime, after which the Thirst and Rage of his Passion being allay'd, he comes to set before his Eyes the ignominious and horrible Passions tending to Injustice still remaining, but sees nothing useful, nothing necessary, nothing conduceable to make his Life happy; may it not be probably conjectur'd, that such a Person is frequently sollicited by these Reflexions, to consider, how rashly, either prompted by vain Glory, or for the sake of a Lawless and barren Pleasure, he has over­thrown the noblest and greatest Maxims of Justice a­mong Men, and overflow'd his Life with Shame and Trouble? As Simononides jeasting, was wont to say, that he often found a Chest full of Silver, but always empty of true Benefit. Thus wicked Men, contem­plating their own Wickedness, and observing the Re­turns of Pleasure so barren and fruitless, find their Ex­pectations [Page 187] frustrated, but their Minds distress'd with Fears and Sorrows, ungrateful Remembrances, Suspi­cions of Futurity, and Distrusts of present Accidents; as we hear Ino complaining upon the Theatre, after her Repentance of what she had done.

Thus is it not reason to believe, that the Soul of every wicked Man revolves and reasons within it self, which was by burying in oblivion former Transgressions, and casting from it self the Guilt of hitherto committed Crimes, to fit frail Mortality under her Conduct for a new Course of Life. For unless we will allow unjust and impious Persons to be wise and prudent, there is nothing for a Man to conside in, nothing but what va­nishes like Smoak, nothing durable or constant in what­ever Impiety proposes to its Self; but where ever Ava­rice, Voluptuousness, inexorable Hatred, Enmity and Improbity associate together; there you shall also be sure to find Superstition nestling and herding with Ef­feminacy and Terror of Death; a swift Change of the most violent Passions, and an arrogant Ambition after undeserved Honour. Such Men as these stand in conti­nual dread of their Contemners and Backbiters, they fear their Applauders, believing themselves injur'd by their Flatteries; and more especially, are at Enmity with bad Men, because they are so free to extol those that seem good. However, that which hardens Men to Mischief, soon cankers, grows brittle, and shivers in pieces like bad Iron. So that in process of time, com­ing to understand themselves better, and to be more sen­sible of their Miscarriages, they disdain, abhor, and [Page 188] utterly disclaim their former Course of Life. Not that every wicked Man, who restores a Trust, or becomes Surety for his Friend, or Ambitious of Honour, con­tributes more largely to the Benefits of his Country, may be said to be in a Condition of Repentance, or to be sorry for what he has done amiss, by reason of the natural Inclination of the Mind to ramble and change; and therefore some men being clapp'd and humm'd up­on the Theatre, presently fall a weeping, their Desire of Glory relapsing into Covetousness. But as for those which sacrific'd the Lives of Men to the Success of their Tyrannies and Conspiracies, as Apollodorus, or plunder'd their Friends of their Treasure, and depriv'd them of their Estates, as Glaucus the Son of Epicides, can we believe such Men did not repent and abhor themselves, or that they were not sorry for the Perpetration of such foul Enormities? For my part, if it may be lawful for me to deliver my Opinion, I believe there is no oc­casion, either for the Gods or Men to inflict their Pu­nishments upon the most wicked and sacrilegious Offen­ders; seeing that the Course of their own Lives is suffi­cient to chastize their Crimes, while they remain under the Consternations and Torments attending their Impie­ty. And now consider whether my Discourse have not enlarg'd it self too far. To which, Timon, perhaps, said he, it may seem to have been too long, if we consider what remains behind, and the length of time requir'd for the Discussion of our other Doubts. For now I am going about to propose the last Question, in pursuit of the first, which has hitherto, with an indifferent clear­ness been explain'd. Now as to what we have farther to say, we find that Euripides delivers his Mind freely, and censures the Gods for imputing the Transgressions of Fore-fathers upon their Off-spring: And I am apt to believe, that they who are most silent among us, do the like. For if the Offenders themselves [Page 189] have already receiv'd their Reward, then there is no reason why the Innocent should be punish'd, since it is not equal to punish even Criminals twice for the same Fact. But if remiss and careless, the Gods omitting opportunely to inflict their Penalties upon the Wicked, send down their tardy Rigor on the Blameless; they do not well to repair their defective Slowness by Injustice. As it is reported of Esop, that he came up­on a time to Delphos, having brought along with him a great quantity of Gold, which Croesus had bestow'd upon him, on purpose to offer a most magnificent Obla­tion to the Gods, and with a Design moreover to distri­bute among the Priests and People of Delphos four Mina's apiece. But there happening some disgust and Diffe­rence between him and the Delphians, 'tis true, he per­form'd his Solemnity, but sent back his Money to Sar­dis, not deeming those ingrateful People worthy of his Bounty. Upon which the Delphians laying their Heads together, accus'd him of Sacriledge, and then threw him down headlong from a steep and prodigious Preci­pice, which is there call'd Hyampeia. Upon which it is reported, that the Deity being highly incens'd against them for so horrid a Murther, brought a Famine upon the Land, and infested the People with noisom Diseases of all sorts: insomuch that they were constrain'd to make it their Business to travel to all the General As­semblies and Places of publick Concourse in Greece, making publick Proclamation, where e're they came, that whoever they were that would demand Justice for the Death of Esop, they were prepar'd to give him Sa­tisfaction, and to undergo whatever Penalty he should require. Three Generations afterwards, came one Id­mon a Samian, no way of Kin, or otherwise related to Esop, but only descended from those who had purchas'd Esop in Samos; to whom the Delphians paying those Forfeitures which he demanded, were deliver'd from all [Page 190] their pressing Calamities. And from hence, by report, it was, that the Punishment of Sacrilegious Persons was translated from the Rock Hyampeia, to that other Cliff which bears the Name of Nauplia. Neither is Alexan­der applauded by those who have the greatest Esteem for his Memory (of which Number are we our selves) who utterly lay'd wast the City of the Branchidae, put­ting Men, Women and Children to the Sword, for that their Ancestors had long before deliver'd up the Tem­ple of Miletum. In like manner, Agathocles, Tyrant of Syracuse, when the Corcyraeans requested to know the rea­son of him, why he depopulated their Island, deriding and scoffing at their Demand, By Jove, said he, for no other reason, but because your Fore-fathers entertain'd Ulysses. And when the Islanders of Ithaca expostulated with him, why his Souldiers carry'd away their Sheep. Because, said he, when your King came to our Island, he put out the Eyes of the Shepherd himself. And therefore do you not think Apollo more extravagant then all these, for punishing so severely the Phedeatae, by stopping up that profound and spacious Receptacle of all those Floods that now cover their Country, upon a bare Re­port that Hercules, a thousand years ago, took away the Prophetic Tripos, and carry'd it to Pheneum? Or when he foretold to the Sybarites, that all their Calamities should cease, upon condition they appeas'd the Wrath of Leucadian Juno, by enduring three ruinous Calamities upon their Country. Nor is it so long since, that the Locrians surceas'd to send their Virgins to Troy.

And all this to gratifie the Lasciviousness of Ajax.

Now where is the Reason or Justice of all this? Nor is the Custom of the Thracians to be approv'd, who to this day abuse their Wives in revenge of their Cruelty to Orpheus: And with as little reason are the Barbarians about Eridanus, or the River Po, to be extoll'd, who once a year put themselves into Mourning for the Misfortune of Pha­eton. And still more ridiculous then all this, it would cer­tainly be, when all those People that liv'd at the time took no notice of Phaeton's Mischance, that they who happen'd to be born five or ten Generations after, should be so idle, as to take up the Custom of going in­to Black, and bewailing his Downfall. However, in all these things there is nothing to be observ'd but meer Folly; nothing pernicious, nor any thing dangerous.

But as for the Anger of the Gods, what reason can be given why their Wrath should stop and conceal it self upon a sudden, after the Fact committed, like some certain Rivers, and when all things seem to be forgot, break forth with so much Fury, as not to be atton'd, but with some remarkable Calamities?

Upon that, so soon as he had done speaking, not a little afraid, least, if he should begin again, he would run himself into many more and greater Absurdities. Do you believe, Sir, said I, all that you have said to be true? Then he, though all that I have alledg'd may not be true, yet if only some part may be allow'd for Truth, do not you think there is the same Difficulty still remaining in the Question? It may be so, said I. And thus it is with those who labour under a vehement burning Fe­ver, for whether cover'd with one Blanket or many, the Heat is still the same, or very little different; yet for Refreshments Sake, it may be convenient sometimes [Page 192] to lighten the Weight of the Cloaths. Yet if the Pati­ent refuse your Courtesie, let him alone. Yet I must tell ye, the greatest part of these Examples look like Fables and Fiction. Call to mind therefore those for­mer Entertainments of the Gods in mortal Habitations, and that most noble Portion, which the publick Cryers proclaim to be receiv'd as their due, by the Off-spring of Pindar; and collect with your self, how majestie and grateful a Mark of Grandeur you look upon that to be. Truly, said he, I judge there's no Man living, who would not be sensible of the Curiosity and Elegan­cy of such an Honour, displaying Antiquity void of Tincture and false Glitter, after the Greek manner, unless he were such a Brute, that I may use the Words of Pindar himself;

Therefore, I forbear, said I, to mention that same Pro­clamation, not much unlike to this, and usually made after the Conclusion of the Lesbian Ode, to the Honour, and in Memory of the ancient Terpander. But you on the other side, deem your self worthy to be preferr'd above all the rest of the Booetians, as being of the no­ble Race of the Opheltiadae, and among the Phocaeans, you claim undoubted Preeminence, for the Sake of your Ancestor Diaphantus. And for my part, I must acknowledge that you were one of the first, who assist­ed me as my Second, against the Lycormaeans and Satilae­ans, claiming the Priviledge and Honour of wearing Crowns, due by the Laws of Greece to the Descendants from Hercules; at what time I affirm'd that those Ho­nours and Guerdons ought more especially to be pre­serv'd inviolable to the immediate Progeny of Hercules; in regard that though he were so great a Benefactor to [Page 193] the Greeks, yet in his Life time, he was not thought worthy of any Reward or Return of Gratitude. You recal to my Remembrance, said he, a most noble Con­test, and worthy the Debate of Philosophy it self. Dis­miss, therefore, said I, that vehement Humor of yours, that excites ye to accuse the Gods; nor take it ill, if many times Celestial Punishment discharges it self upon the Off-spring of the Wicked and Vicious. Neither be too much overjoy'd, nor too forward to applaud those Honours which are due to Nobility of Birth. For it becomes us, if we believe that the Reward of Vertue ought to be extended to Posterity, by the same reason to take it for granted, that Punish­ment ought not to overslip and connive at Impieties committed, but to run forward, and reciprocally pursue the Progeny of the Transgressors, according to the Demerits of their Fore-fathers. And therefore they that with Pleasure behold the Race of Cimon highly ho­nour'd in Athens; on the other side, they that fret and sume at the Exilement of the Posterity of Lachares or Ariston, are both too remiss and Oscitant in their Searches after the true Reason of things, or else too morose and overquarrelsome with the Deity it self. One while ac­cusing the Divinity, if the Posterity of an unjust and wicked Person seems to prosper in the World; another time, no less moody and finding fault, if it fall out that the Race of the Wicked come to be utterly destroy'd and extirpated from the Earth. And thus whether the Children of the Wicked, or the Children of the Just fall under Affliction, the Case is all one to them, the Gods must suffer alike in their bad Opinions. These, said I, are the Preliminaries, which I would have you make use of against those cholerick Accusers, and testy Snarlers, of whom I have given you warning.

But now to take in hand once more, as it were the first end of the Bottom of Thread, in this same dark [Page 194] Discourse of the Gods, wherein there are so many Windings and Turnings, and gloomy Labyrinths; let us by degrees, and with caution, direct our Steps to what is most likely and probable. Since even in those things which fall under our dayly Practice and Manage­ment, we are many times at a Loss to determine the un­doubted and unquestion'd Truth. For Example, what certain Reason can be given for that Custom amongst us, of ordering the Children of Parents that dye of a Consumption, or a Dropsie, to sit with both their Feet soaking in the Water, till the Dead Body be burnt? Only People believe, that thereby the Disease is not only prevented from becoming Hereditary, but that it is a Charm to secure those Children from it as long as they live. Again, what should be the Reason that if a Goat, lighting upon a Piece of Sea-Holly, holding it chewing in her Mouth, the whole Heard will stand still till the Goatheard come and take it out? Other hidden Properties there are, which by Vertue of certain incre­dible Touches and Transitions, pass either swifter or [...]lower from some peculiar Bodies into Others. But we admire the Intervals of Time, and not the Distances of Place. And yet there is more reason to wonder, that Athens should be infected with an Epidemic Contagion, taking its Rise in Ethiopia; that Pericles should dye, and Thucidides be smitten with the Infection; then that up­on the Impiety of the Delphians and Sybarites, delay'd Vengeance should at length overtake their Posterity. For these hidden Powers and Properties have their sa­cred Connexions and Correspondences between their utmost Endings, and their first Beginnings; of which, although the Causes be conceal'd from us, yet silently they bring to pass their proper Effects. Not but that there is a Reason ready at hand for the Justice, which pub­lic Punishments showr'd down from Heaven upon par­ticular Cities. For a City is a kind of entire Thing, [Page 195] and a continued Body; a certain sort of Creature, ne­ver subject to the Changes and Alterations of Age, nor varying through process of time, from one thing to a­nother, but sympathizing, and peculiar to its self, and receiving the Punishment or Reward of what ever it has done, or ever acted in common, so long as the Community, which makes it a Body, and binds it to­gether with the mutual Bands of Human Benefit, pre­serves its Unity. For he that goes about, of one City to make many, and perhaps an infinite Number, by distinguishing the Intervals of Time, seems to be like a Person who would make several of one single Man, because he is now grown Elderly, who before was a Young Man, and before that a meer Stripling. Or rather, it resembles the Method of Disputing amongst the Epicharmians, the first Authors of that Manner of Arguing, call'd the Increaser. He that formerly ran in Debt, although he never pay'd it, ows nothing now, as being become another Man. And he that was in­vited Yesterday to Supper, the next Night comes an Unbidden Guest, for that he is quite another Person; and indeed the Distinctions of Ages cause greater Al­terations in every one of us, then commonly they do in Cities. For he that has seen Athens may know it again, thirty years after; the present Manners, Motions, Pastimes, serious Studies, their Familiarities and Marks of their Displeasure, little or nothing differing from what formerly they were. But after a long Absence, there's many a Man, who meeting his own Familiar Friend, hardly knows him again, by reason of the great Alteration of his Countenance, and the Change of his Manners, which are so easily subject to the Alterations of Language, Labour and Employ­ment, all manner of Accidents, and Mutation of Laws, that even they who are most usually conversant with him, admire to see the Strangeness and Novelty of the [Page 196] Change; and yet the Man is reputed still to be the same from his Birth to his Decease. In the same man­ner does a City still remain the same; and for that rea­son we think it but Justice, that a City should as well be obnoxious to the Blame and Reproach of its ancient Inhabitants, as participate the Glory of their former Puissance and Renown; unless our Carelesness be such as not to mind the throwing all things into the Heraclitian River, into which, by common Report, it was impossi­ble to cast the same thing twice; as having a secret Property to change the Nature of all things thrown into it. Now then, if a City be one entire and continued Body; the same Opinion is to be conceived of a Race of Men, depending upon one and the same Beginning, and carrying along with it a certain Power and Com­munion of Qualities; in regard that what is begotten cannot be thought to be sever'd from what is begot, like a Piece of Workmanship from the Artificer; the one being begotten of the Person, the other framed by the Work-man; whereas that which is engendred is a part of the Original from whence it sprung, whether meriting Honour, or deserving Punishment. So that were it not but that I might be thought to be too spor­tive in a serious Discourse, I would affirm, that the A­thenians were more unjust to the Statue of Cassander, when they caus'd it to be melted down and defac'd, and that the Syracusans were more rigorous to the Dead Car­kass of Dionysius, when they cast it forth of their own Confines, then if they had punish'd their Posterity. For that the Statue did no way partake of the Substance of Cassander, and the Soul of Dionysius was absolutely de­parted from the Body deceas'd. Whereas Nyseus, Apol­locrates, Antipater, Philip, and several others, descended from wicked Parents, still retain'd the most principal Part of those who begot them, not lazy and slugishly dormant, but that very Part by which they live, are [Page 197] nourish'd, act and move, and become rational and sen­sible Creatures. Neither is there any thing of Absurdi­ty, if being the Off-spring of such Parents, they should retain many of their bad Qualities. In short therefore, I affirm, as it is in the Practise of Physick, that what ever is wholesome and profitable, is likewise just; and he would be accounted ridiculous, that should aver it to be an Act of Injustice to Cauterize the Thumb for the Cure of the Sciatica; or when the Liver is Impostu­mated, to Scarifie the Belly; or when the Hoofs of Labouring Oxen are over tender, to anoint the Tips of their Horns. In the same manner is he to be laugh'd at, who seeks for any other Justice in the Punishment of Vice, then the Cure and Reformation of the Offender; and is angry to see the Medicine apply'd to some Parts for the Cur [...] of others; as when a Chyrurgeon opens a Vein, to give his Patient Ease upon an Inflammation of the Eyes; for such a one seems to look no farther then what he reaches by his Sences; forgetting that a School-master, by Chastizing one, admonishes all the rest of his Schollars; and that a General Condemning only one in ten, reduces all the rest to Obedience. And thus there is not only a Cure and Amendment of one part of the Body by another, but many times the very Soul it self is inclin'd to Vice or Reformation, by the Leudness or Vertue of another. For there is great reason to be­lieve, that as the Impression, so the Alteration is the same. But the Soul being agitated by Fancy and Ima­gination, as it is either Daring and Confident, or Ti­morous and Mistrustful, becomes better or worse.

While I was yet speaking, Olympiacus interrupting me, You seem, said he, by this Discourse of yours, to infer as if the Soul were Immortal, which is a Supposition of great Consequence. 'Tis very true, said I, nor is it any more then what your selves have granted already; in regard the whole Dispute has tended from the Begin­ning [Page 198] to this, that the Supream Deity overlooks, and deals to every one of us according to our Deserts. To which the other, Do you then believe, said he, it fol­lows of Necessity, that if the Deity observes our Acti­ons, and distributes to every one of us according to our Merits, that our Souls should exist, and be altogether incorruptible, or else for a certain time survive the Bo­dy after Death? Not so fast, good Sir, said I, But can we think that God so little considers his own Actions, or is such a Waster of his Time in Trifles, if we had nothing of Divine within us, nothing that in the least resembled his Perfection, nothing permanent and sta­ble, but were only poor Creatures, that according to Homers Expression, faded and dropt like wither'd Leaves, and in a short time too; that he should make so great account of us, like Women that bestow their Pains in making little Gardens, no less delightful to them then the Gardens of Adonis, in earthen Pans and Pots, as to create us Souls to blossom and flourish only for a Day in a soft and tender Body of Flesh, without any firm and solid Root of Life, and then to be blasted and ex­tinguish'd in a Moment, upon every slight Occasion? And therefore if you please, not concerning our selves with other Deities, let us go no farther then the God Apollo, whom here we call our own; whether he, knowing so well as we pretend he does, that the Souls of the Deceased vanish away like Clouds or Smoak, exhaling from our Bodies like a Vapour, would accept of so many Propitiations for the Dead, or require such Honours to be pay'd, such Veneration to be given to the Deceas'd, as if he did it to delude and couzen his Believers? And therefore, for my part, I will never deny the Propensity of the Soul, till some Body or o­ther, as they say Hercules did of old, shall be so daring as to come and take away the Prophetical Tripes, and so quite ruine and destroy the Oracle. Well knowing, [Page 199] that even in these our days several Answers have been utter'd by the Delphick Soothsayer, the same in sub­stance which was formerly given to Corax the Naxian.

Then Patrocles, What Oracle was this? who was that same Corax? For both the Master it self, and the Per­son whom you mention, are Strangers to my Remem­brance. Certainly, said I, that cannot be; only 'twas my Error which occasioned your Ignorance, in mak­ing use of the Addition to the Name, instead of the Name it self. For it was Callondas who slew Archilo­chus in Fight. Who being thereupon ejected by the Pythian Priestess, as one who had slain a Person devot­ed to the muses, but afterwards, humbling himself in Prayers and Supplications, intermix'd with undeniable Excuses of the Fact, was enjoyn'd by the Oracle to repair to the Habitation of Tettix, there to expiate his Crime, by appeasing the Ghost of Archilochus. That Place was call'd Tenarus, for there it was, as the Report goes, that Tettix the Cretan coming with a Navy to the Cape of Tenarus, landed, built a City not far from Psyco Pompeius, and stor'd it with Inhabitants; near to which, there is a peculiar Place devoted and set a part for appeasing the Ghosts of Persons sent out of the World by violent Deaths.

In like manner, when the Spartans were commanded by the Oracle to attone the Ghost of Pausanias, they sent for several Exorcisers and Conjurers out of Italy, who by Vertue of their Sacrifices, chas'd the Apparition out of the Temple. Therefore, said I, there is one and the same reason to confirm the Providence of God, and the Immortality of the Soul: Neither is it possible [Page 200] to admit the one, if you deny the other. Now then the Soul surviving after the Decease of the Body, the Inference is the stronger, that it partakes of Punish­ment and Reward; for during this mortal Life, the Soul is in continual Combat like a Wrestler; but after all those Conflicts are at an end, she then receives ac­cording to her Merits. But while the Soul is thus a­lone by it self, what those Punishments, what the Re­wards of past Trangressions, or just and laudable Acti­ons are, is nothing at all to us that are alive; for either they are altogether conceal'd from our Knowledge, or else we give but little Credit to them. But those Pu­nishments that reach succeeding Posterity, being con­spicuous to all that are living at the same time, restrain and curb the Inclinations of many wicked Persons. Now, in regard there is no Punishment more grievous, or that touches more to the Quick, then for a Man to behold his Children born of his Body, suffering for his Crimes; since nothing can more afflict the surviving Soul of a wicked and lawless Criminal, not so much to see his Statues defac'd, and his Memory dishonoured, by reversing the Ensigns of his Dignity; but to look down upon his own Children, his Friends, or nearest Kindred, ruin'd and overwhelm'd with Calamity; cer­tainly, were the same Person to live again, he would rather choose the Refusal of all Jupiters Honours, then to abandon himself a second time to his wonted Injustice and Extravagant Desires.

And here I could relate a Story which I lately heard, but that I fear, least you should censure it for a Fable. And therefore I deem it much the better way to keep close to what is probable and consentaneous to Reason. By any means, reply'd Olympicus, proceed, and gratifie us with your Story also, since it was so kindly offer'd. Thereupon, when the rest of the Company likewise made me the same Request, Permit me, said I, in the [Page 201] first place, to pursue the rational Part of my Discourse, and then, according as it shall seem proper and conve­nient, if it be a Fable, you shall have it as cheap as I heard it.

Bio was of Opinion, that God, in punishing the Children of the Wicked, for the Sins of their Fathers, seems more irregular then a Physician that should ad­minister Physick to a Son or a Grand-child, to cure the Distemper of a Father or a Grand-Father. But this Comparison does not run cleverly, since the Amplificati­on of the Similitude agrees only in some things; but in others is altogether defective. For if one Man be cur'd of a Disease by Physick, the same Medicine will not cure another; nor was it ever known that any Per­son troubl'd with sore Eyes, or labouring under a Fe­ver, was ever restor'd to perfect Health, by seeing a­nother in the same Condition anointed or plaister'd. But the Punishments or Executions of Malefactors are done puclickly in the Face of the World, to the end that Justice appearing to be the Effect of Prudence and Reason, some may be restrain'd by the Correction in­flicted upon others. So that Bio never rightly appre­hended where the Comparison answer'd to our Questi­on. Fo [...] oftentimes it happens, that a Man comes to be haunted with a troublesome, though not incurable Disease, and through Sloath and Intemperance, improves his Distemper, and weak'ns his Body to that Degree, that he occasions his own Death. After this, 'tis true, the Son does not fall sick, only has receiv'd from his Fathers Seed such a Habit of Body as makes him liable to the same Disease: which a good Physitian, or a ten­der Friend, or a skilful Apothecary, or a careful Master observing, confines him to a strict and spare Diet, restrains him from all manner of Superfluity, keeps him from all the Temptations of delicious Fair, Wine and Wo­men, and making use of wholsom and proper Physick, [Page 202] together with convenient Exercise, dissipates and Extir­pates the Original Cause of a Distemper at the begin­ning, before it grow to a Head, and gets a masterless Dominion over the Body. And is it not our usual Practice, thus to admonish those that are born of Di­seas'd Parents, to take timely Care of themselves, and not to neglect the Malady, but to expel the Original Nourishment of the Inbred Evil, as being then easily moveable, and apt for Expulsion? 'Tis very true, cry'd they. Therefore, said I, we cannot be said to do an absurd thing, but what is absolutely necessary; not that which is ridiculous, but what is altogether useful; while we prescribe to the Epileptick, the Hy­pochondriacal, and to those that are subject to the Gout; such Exercises, Diet and Remedies that are proper, not so much because they are at that time troubled with the Distemper, but to prevent the Malady. For a Man begotten by an unsane Body, does not therefore deserve Punishment, but rather the Preservation of proper Phy­sick and good Regiment; which if any one call the Pu­nishment of Fear or Effeminacy, because the Person is debarr'd his Pleasures, and put to some sort of Pain by Cupping and Blistring, we mind not what he says. If then it be of such Importance to preserve by Physick and other proper Means, the vitiated Off-spring of a­nother Body, foul and corrupted, ought we to suffer the innate and resembling Principles of a wicked Nature, sprouting up, and budding through evil Custom in Youth, and to stay till being diffus'd into all the Af­fections of the Mind, they bring forth and ripen the visible and malignant Fruit of a mischievous Dispositi­on? for such is the Expression of Pindar. Or can you otherwise believe, but that in this particular God is wis­er then Hesiod, admonishing and exhorting us in this manner?

Intimating thereby, that a Man was never to attempt the Work of Generation, but in the height of a jo­cond and marry Humor, and when he found himself as it were dissolved into jollity; as if from Procreati­on proceeded the Impressions not only of Vice or Ver­tue, but of Sorrow and Joy, and of all other Quali­ties and Affections whatever. However, it is not the Work of Human Wisdom, as Hesiod supposes, but of Divine Providence, to foresee the Sympathies and Dif­ferences of Mens Natures, before the Malignant In­fection of their unruly Passions come to exert it self by hurrying their unadvised Youth into a thousand Vil­lanous Miscarriages. For though the Cubs of Bears, and Whelps of Wolves and Apes, immediately disco­ver their several inbred Qualities and natural Conditi­ons, without any Disguise or artificial Concealment; Man is nevertheless a Creature more refin'd, who ma­ny times curb'd by the Shame of transgressing common Customs, universal Opinion, or the Law, conceals the Evil that is within him, and imitates only what is lau­dable and honest. So that he may be thought to have altogether cleans'd and rins'd away the Stains and Im­perfections of his vicious Disposition, and so cunningly for a long time to have kept his natural Corruption, wrapt up under the Covering of Craft and Dissimulati­on, that we are scarce sensible of the Fallacy till we feel the Stripes or Sting of his Injustice; believing Men to be only then unjust, when they offer Wrong to our selves; Lascivious when we see them abandoning themselves to their Lusts; and Cowards, when we see [Page 204] them turning their Backs upon the Enemy; just as if any Man should be so idle, as to believe a Scorpion had no Sting until he felt it; or that a Viper had no Ve­nom, until it bit him; which is a silly Conceit. For there is no Man that only then became Wicked, when he appear'd to be so. But having the Seeds and Prin­ciples of Iniquity within him long before, the Thief then steals when he meets with a fit Opportunity; and the Tyrant violates the Law, when he finds himself surrounded with sufficient Power. But neither is the Nature and Disposition of any Man conceal'd from God, as taking upon him with more Exactness to scrutinize the Soul then Body; nor does he tarry till actual Vio­lence or Leudness be committed, to punish the Hands of the Wrong-doer, the Tongue of the Prophane, or the transgressing Members of the Lascivious and Ob­scene. For he does not exercise his Vengeance on the Unjust, for any Wrong that He has receiv'd by his Un­justice: nor is he angry with the High-way Robber, for any Violence done to himself; nor does he abominate the Adulterer, for defiling his Bed. But many times, by way of Cure and Reformation chastizes the Adul­terer, the Covetous Miser, and the Wronger of his Neighbour, as Physicians endeavour to subdue an Epi­lepsie, by preventing the coming of the Fits.

What shall I say? But even a little before we were offended at the Gods protracting and delaying the Pu­nishments of the Wicked; and now we are as much displeas'd, that they do not curb and chastize the De­pravities of an evil Disposition before the Fact commit­ted. Not considering that many times a Mischief con­triv'd for future Execution, may prove more dreadful then a Fact already committed; and dormant Villany may be more dangerous then open and apparent Ini­quity. Nor being able to apprehend the Reason, where­fore it is much safer to bear with the unjust Actions of some Men, then to prevent the Meditating and Contri­vance [Page 205] of Mischief in others. As in truth, we do not rightly comprehend, why some Remedies and Physical Druggs are no way convenient for those that labour under a real Disease, yet wholsome and profitable for those that are seemingly in Health, but yet perhaps in a worse Condition then they who are Sick. Whence it comes to pass, that the Gods do not always turn the Transgressions of Parents upon their Children; but if a vertuous Son happen to be the Off-spring of a Wicked Father, as often it falls out that a Sane Child is born of one that is unsound and crazie, such a one is exempted from the Punishment which threatens the whole Descent, as one begot in Sin, as it is barely a Quality. But for a young Man that treads in the Footsteps of a Criminal Race, it is but just, that as Heir to his Fathers Estate, he should succeed to the Punishment of his Ancestors Iniquity. For neither was Antigonus punish'd for the Crimes of Demetrius, nor Phyleus for the Transgressions of Augeas; nor Nestor for the Impiety of Neleus, in re­gard that though their Parents were wicked, yet they were vertuous themselves. But as for those whose Na­ture has embrac'd and espous'd the Vices of their Pa­rentage, them holy Vengeance prosecutes, pursuing the Likeness and Resemblance of Sin. For as the Warts and Moles, and Freckles of Parents not seen upon the Children of their own begetting, many times after­terwards appear again upon the Children of their Sons and Daughters; and as the Grecian Woman that brought forth a Blackamore Infant, for which she was accus'd of Adultery, prov'd her self, upon diligent enquiry, to be the Off-spring of an Ethiopian, after four Gene­rations; and as among the Children of Pytho, the Ni­sibian, said to be descended from the Spartans, that were the Progeny of those Men that sprung from the Teeth of Cadmus's Dragon, the youngest of his Sons, who lately dy'd, was born with the Print of a Spear upon [Page 206] his Body, the usual Mark of that ancient Line, which not having been seen for many Revolutions of Years before, started up again, as it were out of the Deep, and shew'd it self the renew'd Testimonial of the In­fants Race; so many times it happens, that the first Descents and eldest Races hide and drown the Passions and Affections of the Mind peculiar to the Family, which afterward bud forth again, and desplay the na­tural Propensity of the succeeding Progeny to Vice or Vertue. Having thus concluded, I held my Peace, at what time Olympiacus smiling. We forbear, as yet said he, to give you our Approbation, that we may not seem to have forgot the Fable; not but that we believe your Discourse to have been sufficiently made out by Demonstration, only we reserve our Opinion till we shall have heard the Relation of that likewise. Upon which I began again after this manner: There was one Soleus a Thespesian, the Friend and familiar Acquaintance of that Protogenes, who for some time convers'd among us. This Gentleman in his Youth leading a debauch'd and intemperate Life, in a short time spent his Patri­mony, and then for some years became very Wicked; but afterwards repenting his former Follies and Extravagancies, and pursuing the Recovery of his lost Estate, by all manner of Tricks and Shifts, did as is usual with dissolute and lascivious Youth, who when they have Wives of their own, never mind them at all; but when they have dismiss'd them, and find them married to others that watch them with a more vigi­lant Affection, endeavour to corrupt and vitiate them by all the unjust and wicked Provocations imaginable. In this Humour, abstaining from nothing that was leud and illegal, so it tended to his Gain and Profit; he got no great matter of Wealth, but procur'd to himself a World of Infamy by his unjust and Knavish Dealing with all sorts of People. Yet nothing made him more [Page 207] the Talk of Country, then the Answer which was brought him back from the Oracle of Amphilochus. For thither it seems he sent to enquire of the Deity, whether he should live any better the remaining part of his Life. To which the Oracle return'd, that it would be better with him after he was dead. And indeed, not long after, in some measure it so fell out; for that happenning to fall from a certain Precipice upon his Neck, though he receiv'd no Wound, nor broke any Limb, yet the Force of the Fall beat the Breath out of his Body. Three Days after, being carry'd forth to be bury'd, as they were just ready to let him down into the Grave, of a sudden he came to himself, and recovering his Strength, so alter'd the whole Course of his Life, that it was almost incredible to all that knew him. For by the Report of the Cilicians, there never was in that Age a juster Person in common Dealings between Man and Man, more Devout and Religious, as to Divine Wor­ship, more an Enemy to the Wicked, nor more con­stant and faithful to his Friends; which was the reason that they who were most conversant with him, were desirous to hear from himself the Cause of so great an Alteration, not believing that so great a Reformation could proceed from bare Chance; though it were true that it did so, as he himself related to Protogenes and o­thers of his choicest Friends. For when his Sence first left his Body, it seem'd to him as if he had been some Pilot flung from the Helm by the force of a Storm in­to the midst of the Sea. Afterwards, rising up again above Water by degrees, so soon as he thought he had fully recover'd his Breath, he lookt about him every way, as if one Eye of his Soul had been open. But he beheld nothing of those things which he was wont for­merly to see, only he saw Stars of a vast Magnitude, at an immense distance one from the other, and sending forth a Light most wonderful for the brightness of its [Page 208] Colour, which shot it self out in length with an incredible force: on which the Soul riding, as it were in a Chari­ot, was most swiftly, yet as gently and smoothly dandl'd from one place to another. But omitting the greatest part of the Sights which he beheld, he saw, as he said, the Souls of such as were newly departed, as they mounted from below, resembling little fiery Bubbles, to which the Air gave way. Which Bubbles after­wards breaking insensibly, and by degrees, the Souls came forth in the Shapes of Men and Women, light and nimble, as being discharg'd of all their Earthly Substance. However, they differ'd in their Motion, for some of them leap'd forth with a wonderful Swift­ness, and mounted up in a direct Line. Others like so ma­ny Spindles of Spinning-Wheels turn'd round and round; sometimes whisking upward, sometimes darting down­ward, with a confus'd and mix'd Agitation, that in a very long time, and then hardly could be stopp'd.

The most part of these Souls he knew not who they were, only perceiving two or three of his Acquaintance, he endeavour'd to have approach'd and discours'd them. But they neither heard him speak, neither indeed did they seem to be in their right Senses, but in a deep Consternation, avoiding either to be seen or felt; they frisk'd up and down at first alone and apart by them­selves, till meeting at length with others in the same Condition, they clung together; but still their Motions were with the same giddiness and uncertainty as before, without any steerage of Discretion, or purpose of tend­ing any whither: yet sending forth inarticulate Sounds like the Cries of Souldiers in Combat, intermix'd with the doleful Yels of Fear and Lamentation. Others there were that towr'd aloft in the upper Region of the Air, and these lookt gay and pleasant, and kindly and familiarly accosted each other with a more then ordina­ry shew of Civility and Respect. Nevertheless they [Page 209] seem'd to shew a kind of Discontent when they were crouded and huddl'd together, but to rejoyce, and were well pleas'd when expanded and at Liberty. One of these, said he, being the Soul of a certain Kinsman, which because the Person dy'd when he was but very young, he did not very well know, drew near him, and saluted him by the Name of Thespesius; at which, being in a kind of Amazment, and saying, his Name was not Thespesius, but Aridaeus; the Spirit reply'd, 'twas true, that formerly he was so call'd, but that from thenceforth he must be Thespesius, that is to say, Divine. For thou art not in the Number of the Dead as yet, but by a certain Destiny and Permission of the Gods, thou art come hither only with thy intellectual Faculty, having left the rest of thy Soul, like an An­chor, in thy Body. And that thou may'st be assur'd of this, observe it for a certain Rule, both now and hereafter, that the Souls of the Deceas'd neither cast any Shadow, neither do they open and shut their Eye-lids. Thespesius having heard this Discourse, was so much the more encourag'd to make use of his own Rea­son, and therefore looking round about to prove the Truth of what had been told him, he could perceive that there follow'd him a kind of obscure and Shadow-like Line, whereas those other Souls shone like a round Body of perfect Light, and were transparent within; and yet there was a very great difference between them too; for that some yielded a smooth, even and contigu­ous Lustre, all of one Colour, like the Full-moon in her brightest Splendor. Others were mark'd with long Scales, or slender Streaks, distinguishing the Spaces be­tween. Others were all over spotted and very ugly to look upon, as being cover'd with black Speckles like the Skins of Vipers.

Moreover, this Kinsman of Thespesius (for nothing hinders but that we may call the Souls by the Names of [Page 210] the Persons which they enliven'd) proceeding to give a Relation of several other things, inform'd his Friend, How that Adrastia, the Daughter of Jupiter and Ne­cessity, was seated in the highest Place of all, to pu­nish all manner of Crimes and Enormities, and that in the whole Number of the Wicked and Ungodly, there never was any one, whither Great or Little, High or Low, Rich or Poor, that ever could by Force or Cun­ning, escape the severe Lashes of her Rigour. But as there are three sorts of Punishments, so there are three several Furies, or Female Ministers of Justice, and to every one of these belongs a peculiar Office and Degree of Punishment. The first of these was call'd [...] or Pain; whose Executions are swift and speedy upon those that are presently to receive Bodily Punishment in this Life, and which she manages after a more gentle manner, omitting the Correction of slight Offences, which need but little Expiation. But if the Cure of Impiety require a greater Labour, the Deity delivers those, after Death, to Dice or Revenge. But when Dice has given them over as altogether incurable, then the third and most severe of all Adrastia's Ministers, E­rinnys takes them in hand, and after she has chas'd and cours'd them from one place to another flying, yet not knowing where to fly for Shelter or Relief, plagu'd and tormented with a thousand Miseries, she plunges them headlong into an invisible Abyss, the Hideousness of which no Tongue can express.

Now of all these three sorts of Punishments, that which is inflicted by Poena in this Life, resembles the Practise a­mong the Barbarians. For as among the Persians, they take off the Garments and Turbants of those that are to be punish'd, and tear and whip them before the Of­fenders Faces, while [...]he Criminals, with Tears and La­mentations, beseech the Executioners to give over, so Corporeal Punishments and Penalties by Mulcts and [Page 211] Fines, have not that sharpness of Severity, nor do they reach the Deserts of the Vice, but are accounted great or excessive, according to Opinion, and a Sence of the Pain or Detriment which the Offendor feels. But if any one comes hither, that has escap'd Punishment while he liv'd upon Earth, and before he was well purg'd from his Crimes, Dice takes him to task, naked as he is, with his Soul display'd, as having nothing to conceal or vail his Impiety; but on all sides, and to all Mens Eyes, and every way expos'd, she shews him first to his honest Parents, if he had any such, to let them see how degenerate he was, and unworthy of his Progenitors. But if they were wicked likewise, then are their Sufferings rendred yet more terrible by the mutual Sight of each others Miseries, and those for a long time inflicted, till the remorsless Fury has quite defac'd each individual Crime with Pains and Torments, as far surmounting in Sharpness and Severity all Punish­ments and Tortures of the Flesh, as what is real and evident surpasses an idle Dream. But the Wheals and Stripes that remain after Punishment, appear more sig­nal in some, in others are less evident. View there, said he, those various Colours of Souls. That same black and sordid Hue, is the Tincture of Avarice and Fraud. That bloody and flame-like Dye, betokens Cruelty, and an imbitter'd desire of Revenge. Where you perceive a blewish Colour, 'tis a sign that Soul will hardly be cleans'd from the Impurities of Lascivious Pleasure and Voluptuousness. Lastly, that same dark violet and venomous Colour, resembling the sordid Ink which the Cuttle Fish spews up, proceeds from En­vy. For as during Life, the Wickedness of the Soul being govern'd by Human Passions, and governing the Body, occasions this variety of Colours, so here they are the end of Expiation and Punishment. For these being cleans'd away, the Soul recovers her Native [Page 212] Lustre, and becomes clear and spotless. But so long as these remain, there will be some certain Returns of the Passions, accompany'd with little Pantings and Beatings, as it were of the Pulse; in some remiss and languid, and quickly extinguish'd; in others more quick and ve­hement, which being thoroughly chastiz'd, recover a due Habit and Disposition. But the other, by the force of Ignorance, and the enticeing shew of Pleasure, are carry'd into the Bodies of Brute Beasts. For the Fee­bleness of their Ratiocination, while their Sloathfulness will not permit them to contemplate, hurries them to the active part of Generation; on the other side, want­ing the Instrument of Intemperance, yet desirous to gratifie their Desires with the full Swinge of Enjoyment, they endeavour to promote their Design by means of the Body. But alas, here is nothing but an imperfect Shadow and Dream of Pleasure, that never attains to Ability of performance.

Having thus said, the Spirit carry'd Thespesius to a certain place, as it appear'd to him, prodigiously spa­cious; yet so gently, and without the lest Deviation, that he seem'd to be born upon the Rays of the Light, as if he had sate upon the Wings of an Eagle. Thus at length he came to a certain gaping Chawn, that was fadomless downward, where he found himself deserted by that extraordinary Force which brought him thither, and perceiv'd other Souls also to be there in the same Condition. For hovering upon the Wing in Flocks together like Birds, they kept flying round and round the yawning Rift, but durst not enter into it. Now this same Cleft within side, resembl'd the Dens of Bac­chus, fring'd about with the pleasing Verdure of various Herbs and Plants, that yielded a more delightful Pro­spect still of all sorts of Flowers, enamelling the Green so with a wonderful diversity of Colours, and breath­ing forth at the same time, a soft and gentle Breeze, [Page 213] which perfum'd all the Ambient Air with Odors most surprizing, and more grateful to the Smell then the sweet Flavour of Wine to those that Love it. Inso­much, that the Souls banqueting upon these Fragrancies, were almost all dissolv'd in Raptures of Mirth and Ca­resses one among another, there being nothing to be heard for some fair distance round about the place, but Jollity and Laughter, and all the chearful Sounds of Joy and Harmony, which are usual among People that pass their Time in Sport and Merriment.

The Spirit said moreover, that Bacchus ascended through this Overture to Heaven, and afterwards re­turning fetch'd up Semele the same way; and that it was call'd the Place of Oblivion. Wherefore his Kinsman would not suffer Thespesius to tarry there any longer, though very unwilling to depart, but took him away by force; informing and instructing him withal, how strangely, yet how suddenly the Mind was subject to be softned and melted by Pleasure; that the Irrational and Corporeal Part being water'd and incarnated there­by, revives the Memory of the Body, and that from that Remembrance proceeds Concupiscence and Desire, exciting an Appetite to Generation, which is therefore call'd a violent Propensity bearing down the Soul by the Weight of its Moisture.

At length, after he had been carry'd as far another way, as when he was transported to the yawning Over­ture, he thought he beheld a prodigious standing Gob­let, into which several Rivers discharg'd themselves. Among which there was one whiter then Snow, or the Foam of the Sea; another resembled the Purple Colour of the Rain-bow. The Tinctures of the rest were va­rious; besides that, they had their several Lustres at a distance. But when he drew nearer, and that the Am­bient Air became more subtil and rarify'd, and that the Colours vanish'd, the Goblet retain'd no more of its [Page 214] flourishing Beauty, except the White. At the same time he saw three Demons sitting together in a Triangular Aspect, and blending and mixing the Rivers together with certain Measures. Thus far, said the Guide of Thespesius's Soul, did Orpheus come, when he sought after the Soul of his Wife, and not well remembring what he had seen, upon his return, rais'd a false Report in the World, That the Oracle at Delphos was in common, as well to Night as to Apollo; whereas Apollo never had any thing in common with Night. But said the Spirit, This Oracle is in common to Night and to the Moon, no way included within earthly Bounds, nor having any fix'd or certain Seat, but always wandring among Men in Dreams and Visions. For from hence it is that all Dreams are dispiers'd, compounded as they are, after Truth has been jumbl'd with Falshood, and Sincerity with the va­rious Mixtures of Craft and Delusion. But as for the Oracle of Apollo, said the Spirit, you neither do see it, neither can you behold it. For the earthy part of the Soul is not capable to release or let it self loose; nor is it permitted to reach Sublimity, but swags downward, as being fasten'd to the Body. And with that, leading Thespesius nearer, the Spirit endeavour'd to shew him the Light of the Tripos, which, as he said, shooting through the Bosom of Themis, fell upon Parnassus; which Thes­pesius was desirous to see, but could not, in regard the extraordinary Brightness of the Light dazl'd his Eyes; only passing by, he heard the shrill Voice of a Wo­man, speaking in Verse and Measure, and among o­ther things, as he thought, foretelling the time of his Death. This the Genius told him was the Voice of a Sybil, that being orbicularly whirl'd about in the Face of the Moon, continually sang of future Events. There­upon being desirous to have heard more, he was toss'd the quite contrary way, by the violent Motion of the Moon, as by the force of the Waves, so that he could [Page 215] hear but very little, and that very concisely too. A­mong other things, he learnt something concerning the Mountain Vesuvius, and the Burning of Dicaearchia, oc­casioned by a casual Fire; together with a piece of a Verse concerning a certain Emperor or great famous Chieftain of that Age.

After this, they pass'd on to behold the Torments of those that were punish'd. And indeed at first they met with none but lamentable and dismal Sights. For Thes­pesius, when he least expected any such thing, and be­fore he was aware, was got among his Kindred, his Acquaintance and Companions, who groaning under the horrid Pains of their cruel and ignominious Punish­ments, with mournful Cries and Lamentations, call'd him by his Name. At length he saw his Father ascend­ing out of a certain Abyss, all full of Stripes, Gashes and Scars; who stretching forth his Hands, and not a­ble to keep Silence, but constrain'd to confess by the Scourges of his Torments, acknowledg'd that he had most impiously poyson'd several of his Guests for the Sake of their Gold; of which, not being detected while he liv'd upon Earth, but being convicted after his decease, he had endur'd part of his Torments al­ready, and that now they were haling him where he should suffer more. However, he durst not either in­treat or intercede for his Father, such was his Fear and Consternation; and therefore being desirous to retire, and be gon, he look'd about for his kind and courteous Guide; but he had quite left him, so that he saw him no more. Nevertheless, being push'd forward by o­ther deform'd and grim-look'd Goblins, as if there had been some necessity for him to pass forward, he saw [Page 216] how that the Shadows of such as had been notorious Malefactors, and had been punished in this World, were not so grievously tormented, nor alike to others, in regard that only the imperfect and irrational part of the Soul, and which was consequently most subject to Passions, was that which made them so industrious in Vice. Whereas they who had shrouded a vicious and impious Life, under the outward Profession, and a gain'd Opinion of Vertue, those their Tormentors con­strain'd to turn their Insides outward, and with great Difficulty and dreadful Pain, to writhe and screw them­selves contrary to the Course of Nature, like the Sea Scolopenders, which having swallow'd the Bait, throw forth their Bowels and lick it out again. Others they flead and scarify'd, to display their occult Hypocrisies and latent Impieties, which were grounded, and had corrupted the principal Part of their Souls. Other Souls, as he said, he also saw, which being twisted two and two, three and three, or more together, gnaw'd and devour'd each other, either upon the Score of old Grudges and former Malice which they had born one a­nother, or else in Revenge of the Injuries and Losses they had sustain'd from such or such of their Acquain­tance upon Earth. Moreover, he said, that there were certain Lakes that ran parallel and equidistant one from the other, the one of boyling Gold, another of Lead, exceeding Cold, and a third of Iron, which was very scaly and rugged. By the sides of these Lakes stood certain Demons, that with their Instruments, like Smiths or Founders, put in or drew out the Souls of such as had transgressed, either through Avarice, or an eager Desire of other Mens Goods. For the Flame of the Golden Furnace having render'd these Souls of a fiery and transparent Colour, they plung'd them into that of Lead, where after they were congeal'd and harden'd into a Substance like Hail, they were then thrown into [Page 217] the Lake of Iron, where they became black and de­form'd, and being broken and crumbl'd by the Roughness of the Iron, chang'd their Form, and being thus trans­form'd, they were again thrown into the Lake of Gold; in all these Transmutations, enduring most dreadful and horrid Torments. But they that suffer'd the most dire and dismal Torture of all, were those who thinking that Divine Vengeance had no more to say to them, were again seiz'd and dragg'd to repeated Execution; and these were such, as for whose Trasgressions their Children or Posterity had suffer'd. For when any of the Souls of those Children come hither and meet with any of their Parents or Ancestors, they fall into a Passion, exclaim against them, and shew them the Marks of what they have endur'd. On the other side, the Souls of the Pa­rents endeavour to sneak out of sight and hide them­selves; but the others follow them so close at the Heels, and lade them in such a manner with bitter Taunts and Reproaches, that not being able to escape, their Tor­mentors presently lay hold of them, and hawl them to new Tortures, howling and yelling at the very thought of what they have suffer'd already. And some of these Souls of suffering Posterity, he said, there were, that swarm'd and clung together like Bees or Batts, and in that Posture murmur'd forth their angry Complaints of the Miseries and Calamities which they had endur'd for their Sakes. The last thing that he saw, were the Souls of such, as being design'd for a second Life, were bow'd, bent, and transform'd into all sorts of Creatures by the force of Tools and Anvils, and the Strength of Work-men appointed for that Purpose, that lay'd on without Mercy, bruising the whole Limbs of some, breaking others, disjoynting others, and pounding some to Powder and Annihilation, on purpose to render them fit for other Lives and Manners. Among the rest, he saw the Soul of Nero, many ways most grievously tor­tur'd, [Page 218] but more especially transfix'd with Iron Nails. This Soul the Work-men took in hand, but when they had forg'd it into the Form of one of Pindars Vipers, which eats his Way to Life through the Bowels of the Female, of a sudden, a conspicuous Light shone out, and a Voice was heard out of the Light, which gave order for the Transfiguring it again into the Shape of some more mild and gentle Creature, and so they made it to resemble one of those Creatures that usually Sing and Croak about the sides of Ponds and Marshes. For indeed he had in some measure been punish'd for the Crimes he had committed; besides that, there was some Compassion due to him from the Gods, for that he had restor'd the Grecians to their Liberty, a Nation the most Noble, and best belov'd of the Gods among all his Sub­jects. And now being about to return, such a terrible Dread surpriz'd Thespesius, as had almost frighted him out of his Wits. For a certain Woman, admirable for her Form and Stature, laying hold of his Arm, Come hither, said she, that thou may'st the better be Enabl'd to retain the Remembrance of what thou hast seen. With that she was about to have struck him with a small fiery Wand, not much unlike to those that Pain­ters use; but another Woman prevented her. After this, as he thought himself, he was whirl'd or hurry'd away with a strong and violent Wind, forc'd as it were through a Pipe, and so lighting again into his own Bo­dy, he began to look about him, as one that was hardly out of his Grave.

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. IV.
Of Natural Affection towards ones Off-Spring

AS Appeals to Foreign Judicatures first came in request among the Grecians, out of their Distrust of one another's Justice, they deeming it as requisite to fetch Justice from abroad, as any other necessary Commodity, which was not of their own Growth: Even so Philosophers, by reason of Dissensions amongst themselves, have in the Decision of some Questions, appealed to the Nature of irrational Beings, as to a strange City, and have sub­mitted the final Determination of such Questions to the Affections and Dispositions of Brutes, as being unbiassed and not corrupted by Bribes. And this is the general Complaint of Human Frailty, that while we differ a­bout the most necessary, and the greatest Things, we consult Horses, Dogs and Birds, how we should marry, beget Children, and bring them up; and, as if the Evidence of Nature in our selves were not to be trust­ed, we appeal to the Disposition and Affections of brute Beasts, and testifie against the manifold Transgressions [Page 220] of our own Lives, intimating how at the very first, and in the first things we are confounded and disturb­ed. For Nature conserves the Propriety in them pure, unmixt and simple; but in Men, the Mixture of asci­titious Opinions and Judgments (as Oyl is serv'd by the Druggists) alters the Proprieties, and does not preserve what is their Peculiar. Nor need we wonder, if irra­tional Animals follow Nature more than Rational; for Plants do it more than Animals, they having neither Imagination nor Passion to avert their Appetite fixt ac­cording to Nature, but are bound in Chains, and ever go that one way that Nature leads them. Brutes do little regard Gentleness, Wit or Liberty, they have indeed the Use of irrational Incitements and Appetites, which put them upon wandring and running about, but sel­dom far, for they seem to lye at the Anchor of Nature. As a Rider guides his Ass in the right way by Bit and Bridle, so Reason, the Lord and Master in Man, finds sometimes one turning, sometimes another, but in all its Wandrings leaves no Mark or Footstep of Nature. But in Brutes, observe how all things are accommodated to Nature. As to Marriages, they tarry not till Laws are passed against Celibacy and late Marriages, as Ly­curgus and Solon's Citizens did; they matter not the Dis­grace of wanting Children, nor are ambitious of the Honour of having three Children, as many Romans marry, and get Children, not that they may have Heirs, but that they may get Estates. Again, the Male accompanies with the Female not at all times, because not Pleasure, but Procreation is his end. Therefore in the Spring time, when the fruitful Breezes blow, and the Air is of a pregnant Temper, then the Female ap­proaches the Male, gentle and desirable, wantoning in the sweet Smell and peculiar Ornament of her Body, full of Dew and pure Grass; and when she perceives she has conceived, she modestly departs, and provides [Page 221] for her bringing forth, and for the Safety of what she shall bring forth. What Brutes do, cannot be suffici­ently exprest; in all of them, their Affection to their Young is evident by their Providence, Patience and Continence. Indeed we call the Bee wise, and we ce­lebrate the Yellow Honey-maker, flattering her for glutting us with her Sweetness; but the Wisdom and Art of other Creatures, about their bringing forth, and the rearing their Young, we wholly neglect. For instance, first, the Kings-Fisher, when she has conceived, makes her Nest of the Prickles of the Sea-needle, weaving them one among another, in form of a long Fishing-Net, very thick and uniform; then she puts it under the Dashing of the Waters, that being by degrees bea­ten upon and milled, it may acquire a smooth Surface, and it becomes so solid, that it cannot easily be divided by either Stone or Iron. And what is more wonderful, the Mouth of the Nest is so exactly fitted to the Kings-Fisher, that neither a greater nor a less Animal can live in it; for when she is in (as they say) it will not admit the Sea-water. Some sorts of Cats also, when they have brought forth their Young, let them go abroad to Feed, and then take them into their Bellies again, when they go to sleep. The Bear, a most fierce and ugly Beast, brings forth her Young shapeless and with­out Limbs, but with her Tongue, as with a Tool, she shapes the Members, so that she seems not only to bring forth, but to work out her Young. And does not Homer's Lioness.

Do's she not, I say, look as if she were contriving how to make a Bargain with the Huntsman for her Whelp [...]? For generally the Love of their Young makes bold Creatures timorous, the Slothful industrious, and the Voracious parcimonious. So Homer's Bird Gives to her Young, though with her self 't go hard. She feeds them by starving her self, and when she has taken up her Food, she lays it down again, and keeps it down with her Bill, lest she should swallow it unawares.

And fear for her young turns into a Second Passion. When Partridges and their Young are pursued, the Old suffer the Young to fly away before, so contriving that the Fowler may think to catch them; thus they hover about, run forward a little, then return again, and so detain the Fowler, till their Young are safe. We dai­ly behold Hens, how they cherish their Chickens, tak­ing some of them under their spread Wings, suffering others of them to run upon their Backs, and taking them in again, with a Voice expressing Kindness and Joy. When themselves are concern'd, they fly from Dogs and Serpents, but to defend their Chickens, they will venture beyond their Strength, and fight. And shall we think that Nature has bred such Affections in these Creatures, as if she were sollicitous for the Pro­pagation of Hens, Dogs and Bears, and that she would not by these means make us ashamed? Certainly we must conclude that these Creatures following the Duct of Nature, are for our Example, and they must upbraid the Remorslesness of Humanity, of which Human Na­ture alone is culpable, it not being capable of gratui­tous Love, nor knowing how to be a Friend without Profit. Well therefore might the Comedian be admir­ed, [Page 223] who said, For Reward only Man loves Man. Epicurus thinks that after this manner Children are beloved of their Parents, and Parents of their Children. But if the Benefit of Speech were allowed to Brutes, and if Horses, Cows, Dogs and Birds were brought upon the Stage, the Song would be chang'd, and it would be said, that neither the Bitch loved her Whelps for Gain, nor the Mare her Foal, nor Fowls their Chickens; but that they were all beloved Gratis, and by impulse of Nature: By the Affections of all Brutes, this Asserti­on would be approved as just and true. And is it not a shame, that the Procreation of Beasts, their Birth, Pains in Birth, and their Education should be by Na­ture Gratis; and that for these very things Man should require Usury, Rewards and Bribes? This Assertion can never be true, nor ought it to be believed. For as in wild Plants, such as wild Vines, Figs and Olives, Nature has implanted the Principles of cultivated Fruit, though crude and imperfect; so she has endowed Beasts with a Love of their Young, though imperfect and not attaining to Justice, nor proceeding further than Utili­ty. But in Man, whom she produced a rational and political Being, inclining him to Justice, Law, Religi­on, Building of Cities, and Friendship; she hath pla­ced the Seeds of these things generous, fair and fruitful, i. e. the Love of their Children, following the first Principles, which entred the Constitution of Bodies. For Terms and Expressions are wanting to declare with what Industry Nature, who is skilful, unerring, and not to be surpassed, and (as Erasistratus says) has nothing idle or frivolous; how she, I say, has contrived all things pertaining to the Procreation of Mankind; for Modesty will not permit it. The making and Oecono­my of Milk sufficiently speak her Providence and Care. In Women, what Blood abounds more than serves for necessary Uses, and through its Languidness and Want [Page 224] of Spirit, wandring about, disturbs the Body; that at other times is by Nature in monthly Periods discharged by proper Canals and Passages, for the Relief and Pur­gation of the Body, and to render the Womb like a Field fit for the Plow and Seed, and desirous of it at Seasons. But when the Womb has caught the Seed, and it has takeen Root (for the Navil, as Democritus says, grows first, like an Anchor to keep the Foetus from fluctuating, or as a Stay or Footstalk to the Child) then Nature stops the Passages proper for monthly Purgati­on, and keeps the superfluous Blood then for Nourish­ment, and waters the Birth with it, which is formed and fashioned, till at a set number of Days it encreases in the Womb, and seeks another place, and other sort of Food. Then Nature, more diligent then any Hus­band-Man, deriving the Blood to other Uses, has as it were some subterranean Fountains, which receive the affluent Liquors, and they receive them not negligently nor without Affection; but with the gentle Heat and womanish Softness, concoct, mollifie and alter them; for in this manner are the Breasts internally affected and tempered. And Milk is not poured out of them by Pipes in a full Stream; but the Breasts terminating in Flesh, that is pervious by small and insensible Passages, do af­ford store of sweet and pleasant Sucking. But for all this, such and so many Instruments for Procreation, such Preparation, so great Industry and Providence were all to no purpose, unless Nature had inbred in the Mothers a Love and Care of their Off-spring.

Which infallibly holds good of Infants new born. For nothing can be beheld so imperfect, helpless, naked, shapeless and nasty, as Man is just at his Birth; to [Page 225] whom alone almost Nature has denied a cleanly Passage into the World; but as he is smeered with Blood, and daub'd with Filth, more like to one kill'd than new-born, he could never be touch'd, taken in Arms, kiss'd, or hugg'd, but that Nature bears an inbred Affection for him. Therefore other Animals have their Dugs be­low their Belly, they grow on Woman above her Breast, that she may the more conveniently kiss, em­brace and cherish her Infant, because the end of bring­ing forth and rearing, is not Necessity but Love. For let us look back to ancient Times; those who first brought forth, and who first saw a Child born, upon them certainly no Law enjoyn'd any Necessity of Rear­ing their Off-spring, nor could Expectation of Thanks oblige them to feed their Infants, as if it were for Usu­ry. Nay rather, they were angry with their Children, and long remembred the Injuries they had received from their Young, as Authors of so many Dangers, and of so much Travail and Pain to them.

These Rhymes, some say, were not written by Homer, but by some Homeress, who either had been, or was then in Travail, and felt the very Pangs in her Bowels. Yet Love implanted by Nature, melts and sways the Child-bed Woman. While she is all in a Sweat and trembling for Pain, she is not averse to her Infant; but turns it to her, smiles on it, hugs and kisses it: Though she finds no true Sweetness, nor yet Profit, however, she some­times Rocks it in a warm Cradle, sometimes she Dances it in the cool Air, turning one Toil into another, rest­ing neither Night nor Day. He that plants a Vine in the Vernal Aequinox, gathers Grapes upon it in the [Page 226] Autumnal. He that sows Wheat at the Setting of the Pleiades, reaps it at their Rising. Cows, Mares and Birds bring forth Young ready for use. Man's Educa­tion is laborious, his Increase slow, his Vertue lies at a distance; so that most Parents dye before their Chil­dren show their Vertue. Niocles never saw Themistocles his Victory at Salamis; nor Miltiades the Valour of Ci­mon at Eurymedon; Xanthippus never heard Pericles plead­ing; nor Aristo Plato Philosophizing; nor did the Fa­thers of Euripides and Sophocles know the Victories their Sons won: They heard them indeed Stammering and Learning to Talk. It is the Fathers hap to see the Re­velling, Drinking, and Love Intreagues of their Chil­dren: To which purpose that of Ennius is memo­rable.

And yet Men find no end of rearing of Children; they especially who have no need of Children. For it is ri­diculous to think, that Rich Men, when they have Children born to them, do Sacrifice, to the end they may have some to maintain them, and to bury them. Surely they bring not up Children for want of Heirs, as if, forsooth, Men could not be found to accept of another Man's Estate. Sand, Dust, and the Feathers of all the Birds in the World are not so numerous as Heirs are to other Mens Estates. Danaus was the Father of fifty Daughters; who, if he had wanted Issue, had had many more Heirs. The Case is far otherwise with Children, they make not Acknowledgments, nor curry Favour, nor pay their Devotions, as expecting the In­heritance of due. But you may hear Strangers talk to them that want Heirs, like the Comedian.

And what Euripides said,

Does not universally hold true; but of such only, as have no Children. To such the Rich lend Money, such great Men Honour, and for such only Lawyers plead Gratis. A rich Man, who has no known Heir, can do great Matters. Many a Man, who has had a great Number of Friends and Followers, as soon as he has had a Child, has been divested of all his Alliances and Power. So that Children do not augment a Man's Power: But Nature's Almighty Power is shown no less in Men than in Beasts. For these and many other things are choaked by Vices, as when a wild Forrest is sown with Garden-Seeds. Can we say, that Man loves not himself, because some hang themselves, others break their own Necks, Oedipus put out his own Eyes, and Hegesias, by his Disputati­on, perswaded many of his Auditors to kill them­selves.

But all these things are Disease and Craziness of Mind, degenerating from its own Nature. And in this Men testifie against themselves. For if a Sow or a Bitch kill the Young they have brought forth, Men look dejected, are disturbed, sacrifice to the Gods to avert the Mischief, and do account it a Miracle, be­cause Men know that Nature has implanted in all Creatures the Love of their Young, so as they should feed them, and not kill them. For as among Metals, Gold, though mixt with much Rubbage, will appear; so Nature, even in vitious Deeds and [Page 228] Affections, declares the Love to Posterity. For poor People do not rear their Children, fearing that if they should not be well Educated, they would prove Slavish, Clownish, and destitute of all things com­mendable. So they cannot endure to entail Poverty, Which they look upon as the worst of all Evils or Di­seases upon their Posterity.

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. IV. Concerning the Fortune of the Romans.

AMong the many warm Disputes which have often hapen'd between Vertue and Fortune, This concerning the Roman Empire is none of the least considerable, Whether of them shall have the Honour of founding that Empire at first, and raising it afterwards to vast Power and Glory. The Victory in this Cause, will be no small Commen­dation of the Conqueror, and will sufficiently vindicate either of the contending Parties from the Allegations that are usually made against it: For whereas Vertue is accus'd as unprofitable, though beautiful, and Fortune as unstable, though good; the former as labouring in vain, the latter as deceitful in its Gifts: Who can de­ny but Vertue has been most profitable, if Rome does favour her Cause in this Contention, since she procured so much Good to brave and gallant Men? or that For­tune is most constant, if she be victorious in this Con­test, since she continued her Gifts with the Romans for so long a time?

Ion the Poet, has written somewhere in Prose, That Fortune and Wisdom, though they be very much different from one another, are nevertheless the Causes of the very same Effects: Both of them do advance and adorn Men, both do raise them to Glory, Power and Empire. It were needless to multiply Instances by a long Enu­meration of Particulars, when even Nature it self, which produces all things, is by some reputed Fortune, and by others Wisdom: And therefore the present Controversie will conciliate great Honour and Veneration to the Ci­ty of Rome, since she is thought worthy of the same Enquiry which uses to be made concerning the Earth and Seas, the Heavens and the Stars, whether she ows her Being to Fortune or to Providence. In which Que­stion, I think it may be truly affirm'd, that notwith­standing the fierce and lasting Wars which have been between Vertue and Fortune, they did both amicably con­spire to rear up the Structure of her vast Empire and Power, and joyn their united Endeavors to finish [...]he most beautiful Work that ever was of Human Pro­duction. It was the Opinion of Plato, that the whole World was composed of Fire and Earth, as necessary First Principles, which being mixed together, did ren­der it visible and tangible, the Earth contributing weight and firmness, while the Fire gave Colour, Form and Motion to the several Parts of Matter; but for the Tempering and Union of these Extreams, he thought it necessary, that the Water and Air, being of a middle Nature, should mitigate and rebate the contrary Force in Composition. After the same manner did God and Time, who laid the Foundations of Rome, conjoyn and mingle Fortune and Vertue together, that by the Union of their several Powers, they might compose a Vesta, truly sacred and beneficent to all Men, which should be a firm Stay, an eternal Support, and a steddy Anchor (as Democritus calls it) amidst the fluctuating and uncer­tain [Page 231] Affairs of Human Life. For as Naturalists say, That the World was not framed at first into that beau­tiful Order and Structure which we now behold, for want of the Union and Mixture of these several Bodies that compose it; but that all things did fluctuate a long while in Confusion and Noise, whilst the little Bo­dies being variously moved, avoided all Connexion to­gether, and the greater Bodies already compacted, be­ing of contrary Natures, did frequently justle and jar one against another; until such time as the Earth being fram'd of them both in its due Magnitude, was esta­blisht in its proper Place, and by its Stability, gave oc­casion to all the other Bodies of the Universe, either to settle upon it, or round about it; just so it happen'd to the greatest Kingdoms and Empires of Men, which were long toss'd with various Chances, and broken in pieces by mutual Clashings. That for want of one Supream God over all, the Earth was fill'd with un­speakable Calamities, by the continual Broils and Revo­lutions of every aspiring Pretender, until such time as Rome was raised to its just Strength and Greatness, which comprehending under her Power many strange Nati­ons, and even Transmarine Dominions, did lay the Foundation of Firmness and Stability to the greatest of Human Affairs; for by this vast Compass of one and the same Empire, Government was secur'd as in an un­moveable Circle, resting upon the Center of Peace. Whosoever therefore contriv'd and compass'd these great Designs, must not only be endow'd with all Ver­tues, but likewise be assisted by Fortune in many things, as will plainly appear from the following Dis­course.

And now methinks I behold, as from a Turret, Ver­tue and Fortune coming to this Conference. As to Ver­tue, her Gate is modest, her Countenance Grave, the blushing Colour of her Face shows her earnest Desire [Page 232] of obtaining Victory and Honour in this Contest; For­tune in her hasty Pace leaves her far behind, but she is led and accompanied by many brave and gallant Men, who are all over the Body full of Wounds, distilling Blood mingled with Sweat, and they lean upon the bending Spoils of their Enemies. If you inquire who they are, they answer, We are of the Fabricii, Camilli, and Lucii, and Cincinnati, and Maximi Fabii, and Clau­dii Marcelli, and the Scipio's, who have suffered so ma­ny Deaths for defending and enlarging the Roman Em­pire by our Magnanimity and Courage. I perceiv'd also in the Train of Vertue, C. Marius angry with For­tune, and Mutius Scaevola holding out his burning Hand, and crying with a loud Voice, Will ye attribute this to Fortune also? and M. Horatius Cocles, who behav'd him­self gallantly at the River Tiber, when he cut the Bridge and swam over, being loaded with Tyrrhenian Darts, and drawing his lame Foot out of the deep Water, thus expostulates, Was I also thus maim'd by meer Chance? Was there nothing of Vertue in this bold Action? Such is the Company of Vertue, when she comes to the Dispute, a Company powerful in Arms, terrible to their falling Enemies. But as to Fortune, her Gate was hasty, her Looks fierce, her Hope arrogant, and leaving Ver­tue far behind her, she enters the Lists; not as she is described with her light Wings, ballancing her self in the Air, or lightly tripping with her Tiptoes upon the Convexity of the Globe, as if she were presently to vanish away out of sight. No, she does not appear here in any such doubtful and uncertain Posture: But, as the Spartans say, that Venus, when she passed over Eurota, put off her Gew-Gaws and Female Ornaments, and arm'd her self with Spear and Shield for the Love of Lycurgus: So Fortune having deserted the Persians and Assyrians, did swiftly fly over Macedonia, and quickly threw off her Favorite Alexander the Great; and after [Page 233] that, having pass'd through the Countries of Egypt and Syria, and oftentimes by turns supported the Carthagini­ans, she did at last fly over Tiber to the Palatine Mount, and there she put off her Wings, her Mercurial Shoes, and left her slippery and deceitful Globe: Thus she en­tred Rome, as one that was to be resident there, and thus she comes to the Bar in this Controversie; she is no more uncertain, as Pindar describes her, she does henceforth steer a double Course, but continues constant to the Romans, and therefore may be call'd the Sister of Justice and Eloquence, and the Daughter of Providence, as Aleman describes her Pedigree. This is certain in the Opinion of all Men, that she holds in her Hand the Horn of Plenty, not that which is fill'd with verdant Fruits, but that which pours forth abundance of all things, which the Earth or the Sea, the Rivers or the Metals, or the Harbors afford. Several illustrious and famous Men were seen to accompany her, Pompilius Numa from the Sabines, and Priscus from the Tarquinians, whom, being Foreigners and Strangers, Fortune trans­planted to the Soil of Romulus: Aemilius Paulus also bringing back his Army from Perseus and the Macedo­nians, and triumphing in an unbloody and entire Victo­ry, does greatly magnifie and extol Fortune. The same does Caecilius Metellus, that brave old Gentleman, Sur­nam'd Macedonicus, from his many Victories, and Ho­norable Interment, whose Corps was carried forth to its Funerals by his four Sons, Q. Balearicus, L. Diadematus, or Vittatus, M. Metellus, and C. Caprarius, and his two Sons-in-Law, who were all six his Daughters Sons, of Consular Dignity; and also attended by his two Nephews, who were famous for the good Offices they did to the Common-wealth, both abroad, by their Heroical Acti­ons, and at home by the Administration of Justice. Aemi­lius Scaurus, from a mean Estate, and a meaner Family, was raised by Fortune to that height of Dignity, that he [Page 234] was chosen Prince of the Senate. It was Fortune that took Cornelius Sylla out of the Bosom of Nicopolis the Whore, and exalted him above the Cimbrian Triumphs of Marius, and the Dignity of his Seven Consulships, giving him at once the Powers of a Monarch and a Dictator; upon which account he adopted himself and all his memorable Actions to Fortune, crying out with OEdipus in Sophocles, I think my self the Son of Fortune. In the Roman Tongue, he was call'd Felix, the Happy, but he writ himself to the Greeks, L. Cornelius Sulla Ve­nustus, i. e. Beloved of Venus, which is also the Inscrip­tion on all his Trophies, both at Chelonaea with us, and Mithidratium, and that not without reason, since it is not the Night, as Menander thought, but Fortune that enjoys the greatest part of Venus.

And thus, having made a seasonable beginning in de­fence of Fortune, we may now call in for Witnesses in this Cause the Romans themselves, who attributed more to Fortune than to Vertue; for the Temple of Vertue was but lately built by Scipio Numantinus, a long time after the building of the City. And after that Marcellus de­dicated a Temple to Vertue and Honour, and Aemilius Scaurus, who liv'd in the time of the Cimbrian War, founded another to Mens [the Mind] when now by the Subtilties of Sophisters, and Encomiastics of Orators, these things begun to be mightily extoll'd; to this very Day there is no Temple built to Temperance, Patience, Magnanimity and Continence. But the Temples dedica­ted to Fortune are splendid and ancient, almost as old as the first Foundations of Rome it self. The first that built Her a Temple, was Ancus Martius, born of the Sister of Nurna, being the Fourth King from Romulus, and he seems to have made Fortune Surname to Fortitude, to which she contributes very much for obtaining Victory. The Romans built the Temple of Feminine Fortune, when by the help of the Women they turn'd back Marcius [Page 235] Coriolanus, leading up the Volsci against the City of Rome; for the Women being sent Ambassadors to him, together with his Mother and Wife, prevail'd with the Man to spare the City at that time, and draw off the Army of the Barbarians. It's said that this Statue of Fortune, when it was consecrated, utter'd these Words, It was piously done, O ye City Matrons, to dedicate me by the Law of your State. But which is more remarkable, Furius Camillus having extinguisht the Flame that broke out from the Gauls, and rescued Rome from the Ballance and Scales, in which her Price was weigh'd to them in Gold, did not upon this Occasion found a Temple to Prudence and Fortitude, but to Fame and Chance; which he built hard by the New-way, in that very Place, where it's said, That M. Caedicius walking in the Night-time, heard a Prophetical Voice, commanding him shortly to expect a War from the Gauls. The Image of For­tune, call'd the Stout and Valiant, having the Power of Conquering all things, which is consecrated near the River Tiber, has a stately Temple built to it, in these very Gardens which were left by Caesar, as a Legacy to the People, because they thought that he also was rais'd to the height of Power, by the Favour of Fortune. And so he himself testified (otherwise I should be a­sham'd to say such a thing of so great a Person.) For when he loos'd from Brundusium, and embarkt in pur­suit of Pompey, on the fourth Day of January, though it were then the latter end of Winter, he past over the Sea in Safety, by the good Conduct of Fortune, which was stronger than the Rigor of the Season. And when he found Pompey powerful by Sea and Land, with all his Forces lying together, and that himself with his small Party was altogether unable to give him Bat­tel, while the Army of Antonius and Sabinus lagg'd be­hind, he ventur'd to set forth again in a little Bark, un­known either to the Master of the Vessel or the Pilot, [Page 236] who took him for some Servant: But when he saw the Pilot begin to change his Purpose of putting out to Sea, because of the Violence of the Waves, which hin­dred, the Sailing out at the Mouth of the River, he pre­sently pluckt off the Disguise from his Head, and show'd himself, encouraging the Pilot in these Words, Put on, brave Fellow, and fear nothing, but commit the Sails to Fortune, and expose all boldly to the Winds, because thou carriest Caesar, and Caesar's Fortune. So resolute was Casar upon this Assurance, That Fortune did favour him in his Voyages and Journeys, his Armies and Battels, and that it was her Province to give Calmness to the Sea, and Warmth to a Winter Season; to give Swift­ness to the Slowest, and Vigor to the most Sluggish Crea­tures; and which is more incredible than all this, he be­liev'd that Fortune put Pompey to flight, and gave Ptolemy the Opportunity of Murthering his Guest, so that Pom­pey should fall, and Caesar be innocent. What shall I say of his Son, the first that had the Honour to be Sur­named Augustus? Did not he pray the Gods for his Nephew, when he sent him forth to Battel, to grant him the Courage of Scipio, and the Wisdom of Pompey, but his own Good Fortune, as counting her the chief Ar­tificer of his Wonderful Self? It was she that impos'd him upon Cicero, Lepidus, Pansa, Hortius and M. Antho­ny, and by their Victories and famous Exploits, by their Navies, Battels and Armies, rais'd him to the greatest height of Power and Honour, degrading them by whose Means he was thus advanc'd: For it was to him that Cicero govern'd the State by wise Counsels, Lepidus conducted the Armies, and Pansa gain'd the Victories. It was to him that Hortius fell as a Sacri­fice, and for his Benefit M. Anthony committed licentious Outrages: Nay, even Cleopatra her self is to be reckon'd as part of his Good Fortune; for, by her, as a dangerous Creek, Anthony was Shipwrackt, that he alone might [Page 237] wear the Title of Caesar. It is reported of Anthony, and Caesar call'd Augustus, when they liv'd familiarly to­gether, in daily Conversation, that Anthony was always beaten by Caesar at Ball, Dice and Cock-fighting, or a­ny other Games and Sports which they used for Recrea­tion; whereupon a certain Friend, who pretended to the Art of Divination, did freely admonish Anthony, and say, What have you to do, my Friend, with this young Man? why don't you avoid his Company? You excel him in Glory and Largeness of Empire, you exceed him in Age and Experience, having signaliz'd your Valour in the Wars. But your Genius is afraid of his, your Fortune, which is great by it self, does fawn upon his, and will undoubtedly pass over to him, unless you remove your self to a great Distance. By these Testimonies of Men, the Cause of Fortune was supported; after which, I proceed now to other Argu­ments, taken from the things themselves, beginning from the first Foundations of the City of Rome.

And first of all, it cannot be deny'd, That by the Birth and Preservation of Romulus, by his Education and Growth, the Foundations of Vertue were first laid, but then withal it must be acknowledg'd, that Fortune built upon them. As to their Greatness and Birth, who first founded and built the City, it lookt like a wonder­ful Good Fortune, that their Mother should conceive by a God; for as Hercules is said to be sown in a long Night, the natural Day being preternaturally prolong'd by the Sun's standing still: So it is reported concern­ing the Greatness of Romulus, that the Sun was eclipsed at the time, being in Conjunction with the Moon, as the Immortal God Mars was with the Mortal Sylvia. The same is said to have happen'd about the time of his Death: For about the seventh of July, call'd Nonae Ca­pratinae, so call'd, because on that Day, while he was numbring his People by the Lake Capra, he suddenly disappear'd (which is a Feast observ'd to this Day with [Page 238] great Solemnity) while the Sun was under an Eclipse, he suddenly vanisht out of the Sight of Men. After their Nativity, when the Tyrant would have murder'd the new-born Babes, Romulus and Remus, with the Con­duct of Fortune, concern'd for the Preservation of their Lives, they fell into the Hands of a Servant, no ways Barbarous and Cruel, but Pitiful and Tender-hearted, who laid them on the pleasant green Bank of a River, in a Place shaded with lowly Shrubs, near to that wild Fig-tree, to which the Name of Ruminalis was after­wards given. There it was that a She-Wolf, having left her young Whelps, by chance lighted on them, and being burden'd with her swoln Dugs, inflam'd for want of Evacuation, she gladly let down her over-heated Milk, as if it had been a second Birth, and suckled the young Children. The Woodpecker also, a Bird Sacred to Mars, came often unto them, and having gently plac'd her Claws upon their tender Bodies, she did by turns, open both their Mouths with her Bill, and distri­bute unto each of them convenient Gobbets of her own Food. This Fig-tree was therefore called Ruminalis, from Ruma, i. e. the Dug, which the Woolf lying down there gave to the Infants. And from a Vene­ration of this strange Chance of Romulus, whenever the like happen'd, the Inhabitants thereabout would not suffer any New Births to lie expos'd to Danger, but carefully took them up and foster'd them. Above all things, the hidden Craft of Fortune appear'd in their E­ducation at the City Gabii, for there they were secretly nurst and brought up, and the People knew nothing of their Pedigree, that they were the Sons of Sylvia, and the Grand-children of King Numitor; which seems to be so order'd on purpose to prevent that untimely Death which the Knowledge of their Royal Race would oc­casion, and to give them opportunity of shewing them­selves hereafter by their famous Exploits, and discovering [Page 239] the Nobility of their Extraction by their Heroical Acti­ons. And this brings to my Mind the Saying of that great and wise Commander Themistocles, to some of the Athenian Captains, who having follow'd him in the Wars with good Success, were grown ambitious to be preferr'd above him. There was an eager Contest, said he, between the Festival Day and the Day following for Precedency. Thou, says the Following Day, art full of Tu­mult and Business, but I give Men the peaceful Opportunity of enjoying themselves. Ay, says the Festival; that's true, but then I pray you tell me, If I had not been, where had you been? So says Themistocles, If I had not preserv'd my Country in the War with the Medes, what use would there be of you now? And after this manner, Fortune seems to accost the Vertue of Romulus. It's true, indeed your Actions are great and famous, by which you have clearly shown that you have descended of the Race of the Gods; but see now how far you come behind me; for if I had not reliev'd the Infants in their Distress, by my Bounty and Humanity; if I had deserted and betray'd them when they lay naked and expos'd, how could you have appear'd with such Lustre and Splendor as now you do? If a She-Wolf had not then lighted upon them, inflam'd with the abundance and pressure of her Milk, which wanted one to give Food unto, more than any Food for her self: If some wild Beast had hap­pen'd to come in her stead, hungry and ravaging for Meat, then there had been no such beautiful and state­ly Palaces, Temples, Theatres, Walks, Courts and Archives, as now you justly glory of; then your Followers had still been Shepherds, and your Buildings Cottages or Stables, and they had still liv'd in subjection to the Albanian, Tyrrh [...]nian or Latine Lords. Certainly the first beginning of all things is of greatest impor­tance, and more especially in building of a City. But it was Fortune that first gave a beginning to Rome, by [Page 240] preserving the Founder of it in so many Dangers to which he was expos'd: For as Vertue made Romulus great, so Fortune preserv'd him till his Vertue did appear. It is confest by all, that the Reign of Numa, which lasted longest, was conducted by a wonderful Good Fortune. For as to the Story of the wise Goddess Egeria, one of the Dryades, that she being in Love, converst familiarly with him, and assisted him in laying the Platform and cementing the Frame of the Common-wealth, it ap­pears to be rather fabulous than true, since there were others that had Goddesses for their Wives, and are said to be lov'd by them, such as Peleus, Anchises, Orion and Emathion, who, for all that, did not live so pleasantly and free from Trouble. But Numa seems to have had Good Fortune; for, his Domestick Companion and Colleague in the Government, which receiving the City of Rome into her protection, at such time as she was tost like a troublesome Sea, by the Wars of Neigh­bouring States, and inflam'd with intestine Feuds, did quickly heal these Breaches, and allay these Storms that threatned her Ruine. And as the Sea is said to receive the Haleyon-Brood in a Tempest, which it preserves and nourishes; so the People of Rome being lately gather'd together after various Commotions and Tossings, were by Fortune deliver'd from all Wars, Diseases, Dangers and Terrors, and setled in such a lasting Peace, that they had time and leisure to take root in their New Soil, and grow up securely into a well compacted City. For as a great Ship or Gal­ly is not made without many Blows and much Force from Hammers, Nails, Wedges, Saws and Axes, and being once built, it must rest for some time upon the Stocks, until the Bands of its Structure grow strong and tenacious, and the Nails be well fasten'd, which hold its Parts together, lest being launch'd while 'tis loose and unsetled, the Bulk should be shatter'd by the [Page 241] Concussion of the Waves, and let in the Water. So the first Artificer of Rome, having built the City of rustical Men and Shepherds, as its strong Walls and Ramparts, was forc'd to endure hard Labour, and main­tain dangerous Wars against those who oppos'd its first Origination and Institution; but after it was once fram'd and compacted by this Force, the second Artifi­cer, by the Benignity of Fortune, gave it so long Rest and Peace, till all its Parts were consolidated and setled in a firm and lasting Posture. But if at that time, when the City was newly built, some Porsena had ad­vanc'd the Etruscan Camp and Army to the Walls, being yet moist and trembling, or some Warlike Revolter of the Marsian Grandees, or some envious and contentious Lucanus, such as in later times were Mulius, or the bold Silo, or the last Plague of Sylla's Faction, Telesinus, who with one alarm, arm'd all Italy; if any of these, I say, had encompass'd the Philosopher Numa, with the sound of Trumpets, while he was sacrificing and praying to the Gods, the City being yet unsetled and unfinisht, could never have resisted so great a Torrent and Tem­pest, nor encreas'd unto so great Numbers of stout and valiant Men: That long time of Peace therefore in Numa's Reign, did prepare and fortifie the Romans a­gainst all the Wars which happen'd afterwards, for by its continuance, during the space of forty three Years, the Body of the People was confirm'd in that Athletick Habit, which they acquir'd in the War under Romulus, and which generally prevail'd henceforward against all their Enemies. For in these Years they say Rome was not afflicted with Famine or Pestilence, with Barren­ness of the Earth, or any notable Calamity by Winter or Summer; all which must be attributed, not to Hu­man Prudence, but to the good Conduct of Divine Fortune, governing for that time. Then the double Gate of Janus was shut, which they call the Gate of [Page 242] War, because it is always open'd in time of War, and shut in time of Peace. After Numa's Death, it was o­pen'd again, when the War with the Albanians com­menc'd, which was follow'd with six hundred other Wars, in a continued series of time; but after four hundred and eighty Years, it was shut again, when Peace was concluded at the end of the first Punick War, in the Consulship of C. Atilius, and T. Manlius. The next Year it was open'd again, and the Wars last­ed until the Victory which Augustus obtain'd at Actium; and then the Roman Arms rested but a little while, for the Tumults from Cantabria, and the Wars with the Gauls and Germans breaking in upon them, quickly disturbed the Peace. These things I have added to ex­plain this Argument of the Good Fortune of Numa; and even those Kings which follow'd him, have admir'd her as the Governess and Nurse of Rome, and the City-Supporter, as Pindar calls her. For proof of this, we may consider, That the Temple of Vertue at Rome was but lately built, many years after the beginning of the City, by that Marcellus who took Syracuse. There is also a Temple dedicated to Mens [the Mind] by Scaurus Aemilius, who liv'd in the time of the Cimbrian War, when the Arts of Rhetorick, and the Sophistry of Logick had crept into the City; and even to this Day, there are no Temples built to Wisdom, Temperance, Patience and Magnanimity. But the Temples of Fortune are many, ancient and splendid, adorn'd with all sorts of Honors, and divided amongst the most famous Parts and Places of Rome. The Temple of Masculine Fortune was built by Ancus Martius, the fourth King, which Name was therefore given it, because Fortune does contribute very much to Valor, in obtaining Victory. The Temple of Feminine Fortune was consecrated by the Matrons, when they drove away Marcius Coriolanus at the Head of an Army marching against Rome, as every Body [Page 243] knows. Moreover, Servius Tullius, who above all the Kings, did most enlarge the Power of the People and adorn the Common-wealth, who first gave order to the Tax­es of the Militia, who was the first Censor and Over­seer of Mens Lives and Sobriety, and is esteem'd a most wise and valiant Man, even he threw himself upon Fortune, and own'd his Kingdom to be deriv'd from her; so great was her Kindness to him, that she is thought to descend into his House by a Window, and there to converse familiarly with him. Upon which account he built two Temples to Fortune, one to that which is call'd Primigenia, in the Capitol, i. e. the first born, as one may expound it; another to that which is call'd Obsequens, as being obsequious to his Desires, besides many others. There is also the Temple of Private Fortune in the Mount Palatine, and that of Viscous For­tune, which Name, though it seems ridiculous, does by a Metaphor, explain to us the Nature of Fortune; that she attracts things at a distance, and retains them when they are brought to contact. At the Fountain, which is call'd Mossy, the Temple of Virgin Fortune, is still to be seen in the Field call'd Abescymae. There is an Al­tar also to Fortune of Good Hope, in the long narrow Street, without any Passage thorow; and near to the Altar of Venus Epitalaria, i. e. Footwing'd Fortune, there is a Chappel to Male Fortune. Infinite are the Honours and Titles of Fortune, the greater part of which, were instituted by Servius, knowing that all good Success in Human Affairs, does chiefly depend upon her; more-especially, he had found by experience, That by her Favour he was preferr'd from a Captive and hostile Na­tion to be King of the Romans. For when Corniculum was taken by the Romans, the Virgin Ocresia being taken at the same time, she for her illustrious Beauty and Ver­tue (which the meanness of her Fortune could not hide or obscu [...]e) was presented to Tanaquil the Consort of King [Page 244] Tarquinius, with whom she liv'd as Maid of Honour, till she was marry'd to one of her Favorites, and of them was born Servius. Others tell the Story after this man­ner, That the Virgin Ocresia using often to receive the First Fruits and Libations from the Royal Table, which were to be offer'd in Sacrifice, it happen'd on a time, That when, according to the Custom, she had thrown them into the Fire, upon the sudden Expiration of the Flame, there appear'd to come out of it, the Genital Member of a Man; the Virgin being fright­ed with so strange a Sight, told the whole Matter to Queen Tanaquil, who being a wise and understanding Woman, judg'd the Vision to be Divine, and therefore drest up the Virgin in all her Bridal Ornaments and At­tire, and then shut her up in a Room, together with this Apparition. Some attribute this Amour to Lar, the Houshold God, and others to Vulcan, but whichsoever it was, Ocresia was with child, and Servius being descend­ed of one of them, gives greater Probability to the Story of him, That while he was yet an Infant, his Head was seen to send forth a wonderful Brightness, like Lightning darted from the Skies. But those about An­tium tell this Story after a different manner, That when Servius his Wife Gegania was dead, he fell into a Sleep through grief of Mind, in the presence of his Mother, and then his Head was seen by the Women encompass'd by Fire; which as it was a certain Token that he was born of Fire, so it was a good Omen of that unexpect­ed Kingdom which he obtain'd after the Death of Tar­quin, by the means of Tanaquil; which is so much the more to be wondred at, because he, of all Kings, was the most unfit by Nature, and averse by Inclination to Monarchical Government, since he would have re­sign'd his Kingdom, and divested himself of Regal Authority, if he had not been hindred by the Oath, which, it appears, he made to Tanaquil when she was dying, that he should continue, during his Life, in [Page 245] Kingly Power, and never change that Form of Go­vernment which he had receiv'd from his Ancestors. Thus the Reign of Servius was wholly owing to Fortune, both because he receiv'd it besides his Expectation, and he retain'd it against his Will.

But lest we should seem to shun the Light of bright and evident Arguments, and retreat to ancient Stories, as to a Place of Darkness and Obscurity, let us now pass over the time of the Kings, and go on in our Discourse to the most noted Actions, and famous Wars of follow­ing Times. And first of all it must be confess'd, That the Boldness and Courage which are necessary for War, do aid and improve Military Vertue, as Timothy says; and yet it is manifest to him that will reason aright, that the abundance of Success which advanc'd the Ro­man Empire to such vast Power and Greatness, is not to be attributed to Human Strength and Counsels, but to a certain Divine Impulse, and a full Gale of running Fortune, which carried all before it, that hindred the rising Glory of the Romans. For now Trophies were erected upon Trophies, and Triumphs hasted to meet one another; before the Blood was cold upon their Arms, it was washt off with the fresh Blood of their falling Enemies: Henceforth the Victories were not reckon'd by the Numbers of the Slain, or the Great­ness of the Spoils, but by the Kingdoms that were taken, by the Nations that were conquer'd, by the Isles and Continents which were added to the Vastness of their Empire. At one Battle, Philip was forc'd to quit all Macedonia, by one Stroke Antiochus was beaten out of Asia, by one Victory the Carthaginians lost Libya; but which is yet more wonderful, Armenia, Pontus, Syria, Arabia, the Albanians, Iberians, Hyrcanians, with those about Caucasus, were by one Man, and the Success of one Expedition, reduc'd under the Power of the Roman Empire. The Ocean which is diffus'd over the Face of all the Earth, beheld him thrice Victorious, for he [Page 246] subdued the Numidians in Africa, as far as the Southern Shores; he conquer'd Spain, which joyn'd with Sertorius as far as the Atlantick Ocean, and he pursu'd the Albani­an Kings as far as the Caspian Sea. Pompeius Magnus, one and the same Man, atchiev'd all those great and stupen­dous things, by the assistance of that Publick Fortune which waited upon the Roman Arms with Success, and after all this, he sunk under the Weight of his own fatal Greatness. The great Genius of the Romans was not propitious for a Day only, or for a little time, like that of the Macedonians: It was not powerful by Land only, like that of the Lyconians, or by Sea only, like that of the Athenians. It was not too slowly sensible of Injuries, as that of the Persians, nor too easily pacify'd, like that of the Colophonians; but from the beginning, growing up with the City, the more it encreas'd, the more it enlarg'd the Empire, and constantly aided the Romans with its auspicious Influence by Sea and Land, in Peace and War, against all their Enemies, whether Greeks or Barbarians. It was this Genius which dissipa­ted Annibal the Carthaginian, when he broke in upon Italy like a Torrent, and the People could give no as­sistance, being torn in pieces by Intestine Jars. It was this Genius that separated the two Armies of the Cimbri­ans and Teutonicks, that they should not meet at the same Time and Place; by which means, Marius the Roman General encounter'd each Army by it self, and over­came them, which if they had been joyn'd together, would have overflow'd all Italy like a Deluge, with three hundred thousand valiant Men, invincible in Arms: It was the same Genius that hindred Antiochus, by other Occasions, from assisting Philip, while he was engag'd in War with the Romans, so that Philip was first vanquisht before Antiochus encounter'd the Danger of helping him. It was by the Conduct of the same Genius, That Mithridates was taken up with [Page 247] the Sarmatick and Bastarnick Wars, while the Marsians attack'd Rome: That Jealousie and Envy divided Ti­granes from Mithridates, while the latter was flusht with Success; but both of them were joyn'd together in the Defeat, that they might perish in the same com­mon Ruine. What shall I say more? Has not For­tune reliev'd the City when it was reduc'd to the greatest Extremity of Danger? When the Gauls en­camp'd about the Capitol, and besieg'd the Castle, pour­ing in Death and Wounds upon the Romans? Did not Fortune and Chance discover their secret Attack in the Night-time, which otherwise had surpris'd all Men? Of which wonderful Accident, it will not be unseasonable to discourse here a little more largely.

After the great Overthrow and Slaughter of the Romans at the River Alia, some of those that remain'd fled hastily to Rome, and communicated their Ter­ror and Consternation to the People there; of whom a few having trussed up their Bag and Baggage, con­vey'd themselves into the Capitol, resolving there to wait the Event of so dismal a Calamity; others flockt in great Multitudes to the Veientes, and there proclaimed Furius Camillus Dictator, giving him now in their Distress, an absolute and unaccountable Power, whom before, in their Pride and Prosperity, they had condemn'd and banisht, as guilty of robbing the pub­lick Treasure. But Camillus, to strengthen his Title to this Authority, which might seem to be given him only for the present Necessity, contrary to the Law of the State, touching the Election of such a Ma­gistrate, scorn'd to call a Senate [...] arm'd Souldiers so lately shatter'd and beaten, as if the Govern­ment of the City were dissolv'd; but sent to acquaint the Senators that were in the Capitol, and know if they would approve the Election of the Souldiers. To accomplish this, there was one C. Pontius, who [Page 248] undertook to carry the News of this Decree to those in the Capitol, though it were with great Danger of his Life; for he was to go through the midst of the Enemies, who were entrench'd and kept Watch about the Castle. He came therefore in the Night-time to the River Tyber, and by the help of broad Corks, supporting the Weight of his Body, he was carried down the Stream in a smooth calm Water, and safely landed on the other side; from thence he pass'd through Places uninhabited, being conducted by Darkness and Silence, to the Rock on which the Capitol was built, and climbing up through its wind­ing and rough Passages, with much Labour and Dif­ficulty, at last he arriv'd at the Capitol it self; where, being receiv'd by the Watch, he acquainted the Se­nators with what was done by the Souldiers, and having receiv'd their Approbation of the Decree of Election, he return'd again to Camillus. The next Day after, one of the Barbarians by chance walking about this Rock, seeing in one Place the Prints of his Feet, and his Fulls, in another Place the Herbs trod­den down which grow upon the interspersed Earth, and the plain Marks of his Body in its winding As­cent through the craggy Precipice, went presently and inform'd the rest of the Gauls of the whole Matter. And they finding that a Way was shown them by the Enemy, resolv'd to follow his Foot-steps, and taking the Advantage of the dead Time of the Night, when all were fast asleep, not so much as a Watch stirring, o [...] a Dog barking, they climb'd up secretly to the Ca [...]tle. But Fortune in this case was wonderfully propitious to the Romans, in discovering and preventing such an imminent Danger, by the Voice of the Sacred Geese which were maintain'd about the Temple of Juno, for the Worship of that God­dess; for that Animal being wakeful by Nature, and [Page 249] easily frighted with the least Noise, these Sacred Geese had been so much neglected by reason of the Scarcity of Provisions which was in the Castle, that they were more easily waken'd by the approach of the Enemy, out of their light and hungry Sleep, and therefore they presently perceiv'd the Gauls appearing upon the Walls, and with a loud Voice flew proudly towards them; but being yet more frightned with the Sight of their shining Armor, they rais'd a louder gaggling Noise, which waken'd the Romans, who un­derstanding the Design, presently beat back the Ene­mies, and threw them down over the Precipices of the Rock; and therefore in remembrance of this wonder­ful Accident, a Dog fasten'd to a Cross, and a Goose ly­ing in a Bed of State, upon a rich Cushion, is carried about, even to this Day, in pompous Solemnity. And now who is not astonish'd, that considers how great was the Misery of the City at that time, and how great its Happiness is now at this Day, when he be­holds the Splendor and Riches of its Donatives, the Emulation of Liberal Arts that flourish in it, the Ac­cession of Noble Cities and Royal Crowns to its Em­pire, and the chief Products of Sea and Land, of Isles and Continents, of Rivers and Trees, of Ani­mals and Fields, of Mountains and Metallick Mines, crowding to adorn and beautifie this Place? Who is not stunn'd with Admiration, at the imminent Danger which then was, whether ever those things should be or no; and at those poor timorous Birds, which first be­gan the Deliverance of the City, when all Places were fill'd with Fire, Darkness and Smoak, with the Swords of Barbarians and Bloody-minded Men? What a Pro­digy of Fortune was it, that those great Commanders, the Manlii, the Servii, Posthumii and Papyrii, so famous for their Warlike Exploits, and for the Illustrious Fa­milies that have descended from them, should be a­larm'd, [Page 250] in this Extremity of Danger, by the silly Geese, to fight for their Country Gods and their Country. And if it be true, which Polybius writes in his Second Book of those Gauls, which then possess'd Rome, That they made a Peace with Camillus, and de­parted, as soon as they heard the News of the In­vasion that was made upon their Territories by the Neighbouring Barbarians; then it is past all Contro­versie, that Fortune was the Cause of Rome's Preservati­on, by drawing off the Enemies to another Place, or rather forcing them from Rome beyond all Mens Ex­pectation.

But why do I dwell upon those things, which have nothing of certain or evident Truth, since the Me­moires of those Times have perisht, and the History of them is confus'd, as Livy tells us: For those things which happen'd in following Ages, being plain and manifest to all, do sufficiently demonstrate the benigni­ty of Fortune to Rome; among which, I reckon th [...] Death of Alexander to be no small Cause of the Romans Happiness and Security; for he being a Man of won­derful Success, and most famous Exploits, of invincible Confidence and Pride, who shot like a Star with incre­dible swiftness, from the rising to the setting Sun, was meditating to bring the Lustre of his Arms into Italy. The Pretence of this intended Expedition, was the Death of Alexander Molossus, who was kill'd at Pandosia by the Brutii and Lucani; but the true Cause was the Desire of Glory and the Emulation of Empire, which instigated him to war against all Mankind, that he might extend his Dominion beyond the Bounds of Bac­chus and Hercules. He had heard of the Roman Power in Italy, terrible as an Army in Battle Array, of the Il­lustrious Name and Glory which they had acquir'd by innumerable Battles, in which they were flusht with Victory; and this was a sufficient Provocation to his [Page 251] Ambitious Spirit, to commence a War against them, which could not have been decided without an Ocean of Blood; for both Armies appear'd invincible, both of fearless and undaunted Minds, and the Romans then had no fewer than one hundred and thirty thousand stout and valiant Men, skilful in fighting, both on Horse­back, and on Foot.

The rest of this Discourse appears to be lost, where­in we miss the Arguments which Vertue alledged for her self in this Contest.

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. IV.
Of Garrulity or Talkativeness.

IT is a troublesome and difficult Task that Philo­sophy undertakes, in going about to cure the Dis­ease, or rather Itch of Intemperate Prating. For that Words, which are the sole Remedy a­gainst it, require Attention. But they who are given to Prate will hear no Body, as being a sort of People that love to be always talking themselves. So that the principal Vice of Loquacious Persons, is this, that their Ears are stopt to every thing else but their own Impertinencies. Which I take to be a wilful Deafness in Men, controuling and contradicting Nature, that has given us two Ears, though but one Tongue. Therefore it was that Euripides spoke very right to a certain stupid Hearer of his.

More justly and truly might I say to an idle Prate­roast, or rather concerning such a Fellow.

Much more may he be said to spill his Instructions be­sides the Vessel, who speaks to those that will not hear him speak, then he that speaks to one that cannot hear at all. For so soon as a wise Man has utter'd any thing, be it never so short, Garrulity swallows it forth­with, like the Sea, and throws it up again threefold, with the Violence of a swelling Tyde. Such was the Portico within the City of Olympia, call'd Heptaphonos, by the Reverberation of one single Voice, causing no less then seven distinct Eccho's; and in like manner, if the least Word light into the Ears of an impertinent Bab­ler, presently all the Room-rings with it, and he makes such a Dinn,

Insomuch that we may say, that the Conduits and Conveyances of their Hearing reach not to the Souls, but only to their Ears. Therefore it is that other People retain what is spoken to them; whereas, whatever is said to talkative People, runs through them as through a Cullender, and then they run about from Place to Place, like empty Vessels, void of Sence of Wit, but making a hideous Noise. However, in hopes that there is yet some room left to try an Experiment for the Cure of this Distemper, let us begin with this golden Sen­tence to the impertinent Prater.

Among which, two of the first, and chiefest, are, as well to hear, as to be heard. To either of which, these Talkative Companions can never attain; so un­happy they are still to meet with Disappointments, though they desire it never so much. For as for those other Distempers of the Soul, such as Avarice, Ambi­tion, and exorbitant Love of Pleasure, they have this Happiness, to enjoy what they so eagerly covet. But this is that which most afflicts these idle Pratlers, that being desirous of nothing more than of Company that will hear 'em prate, they can never meet with it, in re­gard that all Men avoid their Society; and whether sit­ting in a Knot together, or walking, so soon as they behold a Pratler advancing towards them, they pre­sently give warning to each other, and adjourn to ano­ther Place. And as when there happens a deep Silence in any Assembly, so that all the Company seems to be mute, we say that Mercury is got among them; so when a Fool, full of Noise and Talk, enters into any Room where Friends and Acquaintance are met to Discourse, or else to Feast and be Merry, all People are husht of a sudden, afraid of giving him any Occasion to set his Tongue upon the Career: But if he once begin to o­pen his Mouth, up they rise, and away they trip; like Sea-men foreseeing a sudden Storm, and rowling of the Waves, when they hear the North-wind begin to whistle from some adjoyning Promontory, and hastning into Harbour. Whence it comes to pass, that they ne­ver can meet with any that are willing, either to Eat, or Drink, or Lodge with them in the same Room, ei­ther upon the Road, or upon a Voyage, unless con­strain'd thereto by Necessity. For so importunate he [Page 255] is, and in all Places, that sometimes he will pull ye by the Coat, sometimes by the Beard, and sometimes be hunching your Sides to make you speak. How highly then are to be priz'd a swift pair of Legs, according to the Saying of Archilochus? Nay, by Jove, it was the Opinion of wise Aristotle himself: For he being perplext with an Egregious Prater, and tir'd out with his Ab­surd Stories, and idle Repetitions of, And is not this a wonderful thing, Aristotle? No wonder at all, said he, this; but if a Man should stand still, to hear you prate thus, who had Legs to run away, that were a wonder indeed. To another of the same Stamp, that after a long Tale of a Roasted Horse, excus'd himself by say­ing, That he was afraid he had tir'd him with his Prolixity. No, upon my Word, quoth the Philosopher, for I ne­ver minded what you said. On the other side, should it so fall out, that there was no avoiding the Vexation of one of these chattering Fops, Nature has afforded us this Happiness, that it is in the Power of the Soul to lend the outward Ears of the Body, to endure the Brunt of the Noise, while she retires to the remoter A­partments of the Mind, and there employs her self in better, and more useful Thoughts. By which means, those Sonorous Bablers are at the same time disappoint­ed, as well of Auditors, as of People that believe what they say. All Men look upon their vain Babling with the same Opinion that they have of the Seed of People insatiably addicted to the Use of Women; for as the one is barren and useless for Generation, so is the other void of the end of Discourse, altogether frivolous and impertinent. And yet there is no Member of Human Bodies that Nature has so strongly enclos'd within a double Fortification, as the Tongue, entrench'd Within with a Barricado of sharp Teeth, to the end, that when it refuses to be rul'd by Reason, that holds the Reins of Science within, we should fix our Teeth [Page 256] in it till the Blood comes, rather then suffer the inordi­nate and unseasonable Dinn. For according to the Saying of Euripides.

And truly, I must tell ye, that they who think that Houses with Bolts and Bars, and Purses without Strings, are of no use to their Masters, yet at the same time sent either Fence nor Door before their Lips; but suffer a continual Torrent of vain and idle Discourse to flow through them, like the Perpetual Flux of Water through the Mouth of the Pontic Sea, seem to me to have the least Esteem for Human Speech of all Men in the World. Whence it comes to pass, that they never gain belief, which is the end of all Discourse. For the main Scope and Intention of all Men that speak, is to gain a Belief of what they utter, with those that hear them: Whereas Talkative Noise-makers are ne­ver believ'd, let them speak never so much Truth. For as Whear, when crouded into a musty Vessel, is found to exceed in Measure, but unwholsome for Use, so the Discourse of a Loquacious Person swells and enlarges it self with Lyes and falshood; but in the mean time it looses all force of Perswasion. Then again, there is no Man of Modesty and Civility, but would be careful of preserving himself from Drunkenness. For Anger, as some are of Opinion, is to be rang'd with Madness, and cohabits with those that are given to Drink; or rather is a kind of Phrensie it self; though inferiour to it in Continuance of time; but as it is vo­luntary, far exceeding it, since it is a Madness of our own Choice. Now there is nothing, for which Drun­kenness [Page 257] is so much abominated and decry'd, as for that it is the Cause of inordinate and unlimited Babling and Prating.

And yet both Singing, Laughing and Dancing, are all but Trifles to that which follows, the Consequences of which are oft times fatal.

This is that which often times proves dangerous, if not terrible to the Discoverer; and who knows but that the Poet might here design to resolve a Question much disputed among Philosophers? that is to say, what the difference is between being Tipsie and stark Drunk? by attributing to the former, only Mirth and Jollity of Humor; but branding the latter with the foul Reproach of noxious Babling, and Blabbing of Secrets. For ac­cording to the Proverb,

Wherefore it is reported of Bias, that sitting very si­lent at a Compotation, drinking only when it came to his Turn, and being laugh'd at by one whose Tongue run at random, who for his Silence call'd him Mope and Fool, he made this Reply, Find me out that Fool, said he, that e're could hold his Tongue in his Cups.

A Noble man of Athens, having invited the King of Persia's Embassadors to a magnificent Feast, at their Request, gave the same Invitation to the most eminent Philosophers in the City to bear them Company. Now when all the rest were propounding of Theams, and raising Arguments Pro and Con, and others were main­taining of Paradoxes, to shew their Wit and Learning; only Zeno sate still, so reserv'd and mute, that the Em­bassadors took notice of it; and thereupon, after they thought they had open'd his Heart with two or three lusty Brimmers, Pray tell us, Zeno, said they, what Re­port we shall make concerning thee to our Master? To whom Zeno, Nothing more, said he, but that there was an old Man at Athens, that could hold his Tongue in the midst of his Cups. Such profound and Divine mysterious Ver­tues are Silence and Sobriety: whereas Drunkenness is Loquacious, void of Reason and Understanding, and therefore full of jangling, and impertinent Tautologies. Wherefore the Philosophers, when they come to define Drunkenness, call it a Delirium, or Madness through immoderate Drinking of Wine. So that Drinking is not condemn'd, provided a Man keep himself within the Bounds of Silence and Moderation; only vain and silly Discourse makes Drinking of Wine to be Drun­kenness. He then that is Drunk, is Mad with Wine: But the Tautologizing Babler is every where Drunk; in the Market Place, at the Theatre, in the publick Portico's or Deambulatories, as well by Night as by Day. If he be a Physician, certainly he is more trou­blesome then the Disease; if your Companion in a Voy­age, more insupportable then the Qualms occasion'd by the Tumbling of the Sea. If he praise thee, his Pa­negyrick's more offensive than the Reproaches of ano­ther. It is a greater Pleasure to converse with vitious Men, so they be discreet in their Language, then with Twatlers, though never so honest. Therefore Nestor [Page 259] in Sophocles, desirous to appease exasperated Ajax, mild­ly thus rebuk'd him:

But there is not the same Excuse to be made for a vain babling Fellow; for the ill Government of his Tongue corrupts and vitiates all the Merits of his Actions. Ly­sias had giv'n to a certain accus'd Criminal, an Oration of his own writing. He, having read it several times over, came to Lysias, very much dejected, and told him, that upon his first perusal of it, it seem'd to him, to be a most admirable Piece; but after he had read it three or four times over, he could see nothing in it, but what was very dull and insipid. To whom Lysias, smiling, What, said he, is not once enough to speak it be­fore the Judges? And yet do but consider the Perswa­sive Eloquence and Grace that is in Lysia's Writing, and then I may be bold to affirm,

Certain it is, that of all the Commendations that were ever given to a Poet, this is the truest, that only Homer avoided being irksome to his Readers, as one that was always new, and still flourishing, as it were in the Prime of Poetick Beauty. And yet in speaking thus of himself,

He shews how careful he is to shun that Satiety, which as it were, waylays all Tediousness of Speech, alluring [Page 260] the Ear from one Relation into another, and still recre­ating the Reader with fresh Variety, in such a manner, that he never thinks himself satisfy'd. Whereas Men that let their Tongues run at random, rend and tear the Ears with their Tautologies, like those that after Ta­ble-books have been newly cleans'd and wip'd, deface them again with their impertinent Scrawls and Scratches. And therefore we would have them to remember this in the first place, that as they who constrain Men to guzzle down Wine unmix'd with Water, and to excess, are the occasion, that what was bestow'd at first on Men as a Blessing, to excite Mirth, and rejoyce the Heart, becomes a Mischief creating Sadness, and caus­ing Drunkenness; so they that make an ill and inconsi­derate use of Speech, which is the most delighful means of Human Converse, render it both troublesome and unsociable, molesting those whom they think to grati­fie, derided by those whose Esteem and Admiration they covet, and offensive to such whose Love and Friendship they seek. And therefore, as he may truly be said to be void of all Civility, who with the Girdle of Venus, wherein are all manner of Allurements, drives and chases away his familiar Acquaintance from his So­ciety, so he that vexes others with his loose and extra­vagant Talk, may be as truly said to be a Rustick, want­ing altogether Education and Breeding.

Now then among all other Passions and Maladies, some are dangerous, others hateful, and others ridicu­lous; but in foolish Prating, all these Inconveniencies concur. They are derided when they make Relations of common Matters; they are hated for bringing un­welcome Tidings; they are in danger, for divulging of Secrets. Whereas Anacharsis being feasted by Solon, was esteem'd a wise Man, for that as he lay asleep after the Banquet was over, he was seen with his Left-hand upon his Privy Parts, and his Right-hand laid upon his [Page 261] Mouth. Deeming, as indeed he rightly believ'd, that his Tongue requir'd the stronger Curb. For though it would be a hard Task to reckon up how many Men have perish'd through Venereal Intemperance; yet I dare say it would be almost as difficult to tell how ma­ny Cities and States have been demolish'd and totally subverted by the inconsiderate Blurting out of a Secret.

Sylla besieg'd Athens at a time when it was certain that he could not lye long before the City, by reason that other Affairs and Troubles call'd him another way. For on the one side Mithridates ravag'd Asia, on the other, Marius's Party had made themselves Masters of Rome. But it happen'd that certain old Fellows being met toge­ther in a Barbers Shop, among other Discourse, blabb'd it out, that the Heptachalcos was ill guarded, and that the City was in great danger of a Surprize in that part. Which being overheard, and reported to Sylla by certain of his Spies, he presently brought all his Forces on that side, and about Midnight, after a sharp Assault, entred the City with his whole Army, and it was a thousand to one, but that he had laid it in Ashes: However he fil [...]'d the Ceramicum with the Carkasses of the Slain, and made the Channels run with Blood, be­ing highly incens'd against the Athenians, more for their reproachful Language then their Military Opposition. For they had abus'd both him and his Wife Metella, getting up upon the Walls, and calling him Mulberry strew'd with Dust Meal, with many other provoking Scoffs of the same Nature; and for a few Jibes and Taunts, which as Plato observes, are the slightest things in the World, they drew upon their Heads the severe Punishment of a most dreadful and general Cala­mity.

The Tongue of one Man prevented Rome from re­covering her Freedom by the Destruction of Nero. For [Page 262] there was but one Night to pass before Nero was to be murder'd on the Morrow, all things being ready pre­par'd and agreed on for that purpose. But in the mean time it happen'd that he who had undertaken to execute the Fact, as he was going to the Theatre, seeing one of those poor Creatures that were bound and pinion'd, just ready to be led before Nero, and hearing the Fel­low bewail his hard Fortune, gather'd up close to him, and whispering the poor Fellow in the Ear, Pray only, honest Friend, said he, that thou mayst but escape this Day, to morrow thou shalt give me Thanks. Presently the Fel­low taking hold of this Enigmatical Speech, and calling to mind the vulgar Saying,

Prefer'd the more probable to be the juster way of sav­ing himself, and presently declar'd to Nero what that Man had whisper'd in his Ear. Immediately the Whisperer was laid hold of, and hurried away to the Place of Torture, where by Racking, Searing and Scourging, he was constrain'd, poor miserable Crea­ture, to confess that by Force, which before he had discover'd without any Compulsion at all. And there­fore Zeno, that he might not be compell'd by the Tor­tures of his Body, to betray, against his Will, the Se­crets entrusted in his Breast, bit off his Tongue and spit it in the Tyrants Face.

Notorious also was the Example of Leaena, and sig­nal the Reward which she had, for being true to her Trust, and constant in her Taciturnity. She was a Curtesan with whom Harmodius and Aristogiton were very familiar, and for that reason they had imparted to her the great Hopes which they had upon the Success of the Conspiracy against the thirty Tyrants, wherein [Page 263] they were so deeply engag'd, while she on the other side having drank freely of the Noble Cup of Love, vow'd never to reveal the Secrets which they had made her Privy to, for the Sake of that Deity; wherein she fail'd not of her Vow.

For the two Paramours being taken and put to Death, after they had fail'd in their Enterprize, she was also apprehended and put to the Torture, to force out of her a Discovery of the rest of the Accomplices; but all the Torments and Extremities they could exer­cise upon her Body, could not prevail to make her dis­cover so much as one Person; thereby manifesting to the World, that the two Gentlemen, her Friends, had done nothing mis-becoming the Nobility of their Descent, in having bestow'd their Affections upon such a Woman. For this reason, the Athenians, as a Monument of her Vertue, set up a Leaena, or Lioness in Brass, with out a Tongue, just at the Entrance into the Acropolis or Cittadel; signifying to Posterity, by the stomachful Courage of that Beast, the invincible Resolution of the Woman; and by making it without a Tongue, de­noting her Constancy, in keeping the Secret with which she was entrusted. For never any Word spoken did so much good, as many lockt up in Silence. Thus at one time or other a Man may blab forth a Secret, but when it is once blurted forth, it can never be recall'd. For it flies abroad, and spreads in a moment far and near. And hence it is that we have Men to teach us to speak; but the Gods are they that teach us Silence; Si­lence being the first thing commanded upon our first Initiation into their Divine Ceremonies and Sacred Mysteries. And therefore it is that Homer makes Ʋlysses, whose Eloquence was so charming, to be the most silent of Men; and the same Vertue also he attribu [...]es to his Son, his Wife, and his Nurse. For thus you hear her speaking,

And Ʋlysses himself, sitting by Penelope, before he dis­cover'd himself, is thus brought in,

So powerfully possess'd with Continence were both his Tongue and Lips, and having all the rest of his Mem­bers so obedient and subject to his Reason, he com­manded his Eyes not no weep, his Tongue not to speak a Word, and his Heart neither to pant or tremble,

His Reason penetrating even to those inward Motions, and subduing to its self the Blood and vital Spirits. Such were many of the rest of his Followers. For though they were dragg'd and hal'd by Polypheme, and had their Heads dash'd against the Ground, they would not con­fess a Word concerning their Lord and Master Ʋlysses, nor discover the long piece of Wood that was put in the Fire, and prepar'd to put out his Eye; but rather suf­fer'd themselves to be devour'd raw, then to disclose any one of their Masters Secrets, which was an Example of Fidelity, and reservedness not to be parallel'd. Pit­tacus therefore did very well, who when the King of Aegypt sent him an Oblation-beast, and order'd him to take out and set apart the best and worst Piece of it, pull'd out the Tongue and sent to him, as being the [Page 265] Instrument of many good things, and as well the In­strument of the greatest Evils in the World. Ino therefore in Euripides, frankly extolling her self, says she,

For they that are brought up under a truly generous and Royal Education, learn first to be silent, and then to talk. And therefore King Antigonus, when his Son ask'd him, when they should discamp? What! said he, art thou afraid of being the only Man that shall not hear the Trumpet? So loath was he to trust him with a Secret, to whom he was to leave his Kingdom. Teaching him thereby, when he came to command another Day, to be no less wary and sparing of his Speech. Metellus al­so, that old Souldier, being ask'd some such Question about the intended March of his Army, If I thought, said he, that my Shirt were Privy to this Secret, I would pull it off and throw it into the Fire. Eumenes also, when he heard that Craterus was marching with his Forces a­gainst him, said not a Word of it to his best Friends, but gave it out all along, that it was Neoptolemus, for him his Souldiers contemn'd, but they admir'd Craterus's Fame and Vertue; but no body knew the Truth but Eumenes himself. Thereupon joyning Battle, the Victo­ry fell to their Side, and they slew Craterus, not know­ing who he was till they found him among the Slain. So cunningly did Taciturnity manage this Com­bat, and conceal so great an Adversary. So that the Friends of Eumenes admir'd rather then reprov'd him, for not telling them before hand. For indeed, should a man be blam'd in such a Case, it is better for him to be accus'd after Victory obtain'd by his Distrust; then to be justly reproach'd for being open and easie to im­part [Page 264] [...] [Page 265] [...] [Page 266] his Secrets, after an Overthrow. Nay, What Man is he that dares take upon him the Freedom to blame another for not keeping that secret which he himself has reveal'd to him? For if the Secret ought not to have been divulg'd, 'twas ill done to break it to another; but if after thou hast let it go from thy self, and wouldst have another to keep it in; surely it is a great Argument that thou hast more Confidence in a­nother then in thy self; who if he be like thy self, thou art deservedly lost; if better, then thou art mira­culously sav'd, as having met with a Person more faithful to thee, then thou art to thy own Interest. But thou wilt say, he is my Friend: Very good—Yet this Freind of mine had another, in whom he might confide as much as I did in him; and in like manner his Friend another, to the end of the Chapter. And thus the Secret gains Ground and spreads it self by Multiplication of Babling. For as an Ʋnite never ex­ceeds its Bounds, but always remains One, and is there­fore call'd an Ʋnite; but then the next is Two, the first indefinite Beginning of the Difference, which after­wards by doubling, multiplies to Infinite; so Speech a­biding in the first Thoughts, may truly be call'd a Se­cret; but being communicated to another, it presently changes its Name into common Rumor. Which is the reason that Homer gives to Words the Epithete of Wing­ed. For he that lets go a Bird out of his Hand, does not easily catch her again: Neither is it possible for a Man to re-call and cage again in his Breast, a Word let slip from his Mouth. For with light Wings it fetches many a Compass, and flutters about from one Quarter to another in a Moment. The Course of a Ship may well be stav'd by Cables and Anchors, which else would spoom away before a fresh Gale of Wind; but there is no fast Riding or Anchor-hold for Speech, when once let loose, as from a Harbour; but being [Page 267] whirl'd away with a sonorous Noise and loud Eccho, it carries off, and plunges the unwary Babbler into some fatal Danger.

The Senate of Rome had been debating among them­selves a certain Piece of Secresie for several Days; which caus'd the Matter to be so much the more sus­pected and listned after. Whereupon a certain Roman Lady, discreet enough in other things, but yet a Wo­man, laid at her Husband Day and Night, and mourn­fully importun'd him what the Secret might be. Oaths you may be sure she was ready to make, and curse her self if ever she reveal'd whatever he should tell; nor was she wanting in Tears, and many moist Complaints of her being a Woman so little to be trusted by a Hus­band. The Roman thus beset, yet willing in some mea­sure, to make tryal of her Fidelity, and convince her of her Folly, Thou hast overcome me, Wife, said he, and now I'le tell thee a most dreadful and prodigious thing. We were advertis'd by the Priests, that a Lark was seen flying in the Air with a golden Helmet upon her Head, and a Spear in one of her Claws; now we are consulting with the Augures and Sooth-sayers about this Portent, whether it be good or bad. But keep it to thy self, for it may be of great Con­cernment to the Common-wealth. Having so said, he walk'd forth toward the Market-place.

No sooner was he gone, but his Wife catching hold of the first of her Maids that enter'd the Room, and then striking her Breast, and tearing her Hair, Wo is me, said she, for my poor Husband and dearest Country! What will become of us? prompting the Maid, as if she [Page 268] were desirous that she should say to her again, Why? What is the matter Mistriss? upon which she presently unfolded all that her Husband had told her; nay, she forgot not the common Burden with which all Twattle-Baskets conclude their Stories. But Hussie, said she, for your Life, be sure you say not a Word of this to any Soul living. The Wench was no sooner got out of her Mistresses Sight, but meeting with one of her Fellow Servants that had little to do, to her she unbosoms her self; she, big with the News, with no less speed runs away to her Sweet-heart, who she heard was come to give her a Visit, and without any more to do, tells him all. By this means the Story flew about the Mar­ket-place, before the first Deviser of it could get thi­ther. Presently one of his Acquaintance meeting him, Did ye come streight from your House? said he, Without stop or stay, reply'd the other. And did ye hear nothing? says his Friend. Why? quoth the t'other, Is there any News? Oh! quoth his Friend, a Lark has been seen flying i'the Air, with a golden Helmet upon her Head, and a Spear in her Claw, and the Senate is summon'd to consult about it. Upon which the Gentleman, smiling, God a mercy Wife, quoth he, for being so nimble—one would have thought I might have got into the Market-place before a Story so lately told thee; but I see 'twas not to be done. Thereupon meeting with some of the Senators, he soon deliver'd them out of their Pain. However, being resolv'd to take a slight Revenge of his Wife, making hast Home, Wife, said he, thou hast undone me—For it is found out that the great Secret I told thee was first divulg'd out of my House; and now must I be banish'd from my native Coun­try, for your wicked gagling Tongue. At first his Wife would have deny'd the Matter, and put it off from her Husband, by telling him, there were three hundred more besides himself that heard the thing, and why might not one of those divulge it as well [Page 269] as he? But when he bid her never tell him of three hundred more, and told her 'twas an Invention of his own framing to try her, and to avoid her Importuni­ty, the Lady was then convinc'd of her Folly, and begg'd her Husbands Pardon.

Thus this Roman safely and cautiously made the Expe­riment of his Wives Ability to keep a Secret; as when we powre into a crackt and leaky Vessel, not Wine nor Oyl, but Water only.

But Fulvius, one of Augustus Caesar's Minions and Fa­vorites, when he heard the Emperor deploring the De­solation of his Family, in regard his two Grand-chil­dren by his Daughter were both Dead, and Posthumus, who only remain'd alive, upon an Accusation charg'd against him, was confin'd to Banishment, so that he was forc'd to set up his Wives Son to succeed him in the Empire; yet upon more compassionate Thoughts, sig­nifying his Determination to re-call Posthumus from Exile; this Fulvius hearing, related the whole to his Wife, and she to Livia. Livia sharply expostulated the Matter with Caesar; wherefore seeing he had projected the thing so long before, he did not send for his Sisters Son at first, but expos'd her to the Hatred and Revenge of him that he had determined to be his Successor? The next Morning Fulvius coming into Augustus's Pre­sence, and saluting him with a Hail O Caesar! Caesar retorted upon, God send thee more Wit Fulvius. Who presently apprehending the meaning of the Repartee, made hast home again, and calling for his Wife, Caesar understands, said he, that I have discovered his secret Coun­sels, and therefore I am resolv'd to lay violent Hands upon my self. And justly too, said she, thou dost deserve to dye, since having liv'd so long with me, thou didst not know the Lavishness of my Tongue, and how unable I was to keep a Secret. However, suffer me to dye first; and with that, snatching the Sword out of her Husbands Hand, she slew her [Page 270] self before his Face. Truly therefore was it said by Phi­lippides the Comedian, who being curteously and famili­arly ask'd by Lysimachus, what he should bestow upon him of all the Treasure that he had, made answer, Any thing, O King, but your Secrets.

But there is another Vice no less mischievous, that attends Garrulity, call'd Curiosity. For there are a sort of People that desire to hear a great deal of News, that they may have Matter enough to twattle abroad; and these are the most diligent in the World to pry and dive into the Secrets of others, which they afterwards enlarge and aggravate with some old Stories and Foo­leries of their own. And then they are like Children, that neither can endure to hold the Ice in their Hands, nor let it go. Or rather they may be said to lodge o­ther Mens Secrets in their Bosoms, like so many Ser­pents, which they are not able to keep there long, be­cause they eat their way through. It is said that the Fish call'd Sea-needles and Vipers rive asunder and burst themselves when they bring forth: In like manner, Se­crets dropping from the Mouths of those that cannot contain them, destroy and overthrow the Revealers.

Seleucus Callinicus, in a Battel fought with the Gala­tians, having lost his whole Army, threw away his Royal Diadem, and fled away full speed, wandring through By-Roads and Desarts so long, till at last both Horse and Man began to faint for want of Food. At length, coming to a certain Country-man's House, and finding the Owner himself within, he ask'd him for a little Bread and Water, which the Country-man not only readily fetch [...]d him, but what else his Ground would afford, he very liberally and plentifully set before the King and his Companions, making them all as hear­tily welcome as it was possible for him to do. At length, in the midst of their Chear, he knew the Kings Face, which overjoy'd the poor Man to that degree, that he [Page 271] should have the Happiness to relieve the King in his Ne­cessity, that not able to contain himself, nor to dissemble his Knowledge of the King; after he had rode a little way with him, and came to take his Leave, Farewel King Seleucus, said the poor Man. But then the King stretch­ing forth his Right-hand, and pulling his Host to his Breast, as if he had intended to have kiss'd him, nodded to one of his Followers with his Sword, to strike off the Country-man's Head,

Whereas if he could but have held his Peace, and master'd his Tongue for a little while, till the King, as afterwards he did, had recover'd his Good Fortune and Grandeur, he had been doubtless better rewarded for his Silence, then he was for his Hospitality. And yet this poor Man had some colorable Excuse for letting his Tongue at liberty; that is to say, his Hopes, and the Kindness he had done the King. Whereas most of your Twatlers, without any Cause or Pretence at all, destroy themselves; as it happen'd when certain Fellows began to talk pretty freely in a Barbers Shop, concerning the Tyranny of Dionysius, that it was as secure and in­expugnable as a Rock of Adamant, I wonder, quoth the Barber, laughing, that you should talk these things before me, concerning Dionysius, whose Throat is almost every day under my Razor. Which scurrilous Freedom of the Bar­ber being related to the Tyrant, he caus'd him forth­with to be crucify'd. And indeed the Gener [...]lity of Barbers are a Prating Generation of Men; in regard the most loquacious Praters usually resort to their Shops, and there sit pratling, from whence the Barbers also learn an ill Habit of Twatling. Pleasant therefore was the Answer of Archelaus to the Barber, who after he had [Page 272] cast the Linnen Toylet about his Shoulders, put this Question to him, How shall I trim your Majesty? With­out any more Prating, quoth the King. It was a Barber that first reported the News of the great Overthrow which the Athenians receiv'd in Sicily; for being the first that heard the Relation of it in the Pyraeum, from a Servant of one of those that had escap'd out of the Bat­tle; he presently left his Shop at Six and Sevens, and flying into the City, as fast as his Heels could carry him,

Now you may be sure, that the first Spreader of this News caus'd a great Hubbub in the City, insomuch that the People thronging together in the Market Place, made diligent enquiry for the first Divulger. Presently the Barber was brought by Head and Shoulders to the Crowd and examin'd; but he could give no Account of his Author, only one that he never saw or knew in his Life before, had told him the News: which so in­cens'd the Multitude, that they immediately cry'd out, To the Rack with the Traytor, tye the lying Rascal Neck and Heels together, this is a meer Story of the Rogues own mak­ing. Who heard it? who gave any Credit to it besides himself? At the same Instant, the Cords were brought out, and the poor Barber was ty'd Neck and Heels to­gether, not to his ease you may be sure. And then it was, and not before, that the News of the Defeat was con­firm'd by several that had made a hard shift to escape the Slaughter. Upon which the People scatter'd every one to his own Home, to make their private Lamenta­tion for their particular Losses, leaving the unfortunate Barber Neck and Heels bound fast together; in which condition, he continu'd till late in the Evening, before [Page 273] he was let loose; nor would this reform the imperti­nent Fool, for no sooner was he at Liberty, but he would needs be enquring of the Executioner, what News, and what was reported of the Manner of Nici­as the General's being slain. So inexpugnable and in­corrigible a Vice is Loquacity, gotten by Custom and ill Habit, that they cannont leave it off, though they were sure to be hang'd. And yet we find that People have the same Antipathy against the Divulgers of bad Tydings, as they that drink bitter and distastful Poti­ons, have against the Cups wherein they drank them. Elegant therefore is the Dispute in Sophocles, between the Messenger and Creon.

Thus they that bring us bad Tidings are as bad as they who are the Authors of our Misery; and yet there is no restraining nor correcting the Tongue, that will run at random.

It happen'd that the Temple of Minerva in Lacedaemon call'd Chalcioecus (either because it was built of Brass, or built by the Chacidians) was robb'd, and nothing but an earthen Pitcher left behind, which caus'd a great Con­course of People, where, while every one spent his Ver­dict about the empty Pitcher, Gentlemen, says one, Pray give me leave to tell ye my Opinion concerning this Flagon or Pitcher, or what d'ye call it. I am apt to believe that these [Page 274] Sacrilegious Villains, before they ventur'd upon so dangerous an Attempt, drank each of them a Draught of Hemlock Juice, and then brought Wine along with them in this Pitcher; to the end, that if it were their good hap to escape without being apprehended, they might soon dissolve and extinguish the Strength and Vigor of the Venom by the Force of the Wine unmixt and pure; but if they should be surpriz'd and taken in the Fact, that then they might dye without feeling any Pain under the Torture of the Rack. Having thus said, the People observing so much Forecast and Con­trivance in the Thing, would not be perswaded that any Man could have such ready thoughts upon a bare Conjecture, but that he must know it to be so. There­upon immediately gathering about him, one ask'd him, Who he was? Another, Who knew him? A third, How he came to be so much a Philosopher? And at length, they did so sift and canvass, and fetch him about, that the Fellow confess'd himself to be one of those that com­mitted the Sacriledge. And were not they who mur­ther'd the Poet Ibicus discover'd after the same manner, as the sate in the Theatre? For as they were sitting there under the open Sky, to behold the publick Pastimes, they observ'd a Flock of Cranes flying over their Heads; upon which they whisper'd merrily one to ano­ther; Look yonder are the Revengers of Ibycus's Death. Which Words being overheard by some that sate next them, in regard that Ibycus had been long missing, but could not be found, though diligent Search had been made after him, they presently gave Information of what they had heard to the Magistrates. By whom being examin'd and convicted, they suffer'd condign Punishment, though not betray'd by the Cranes, but by the Incontinency of their own Tongues; an A­venging Erinnys hovering over their Heads, and con­straining them to confess the Murther. For as in the Body, wounded and diseased Members draw to them­selves [Page 275] the vicious Humors of the neighbouring Parts; in like manner the unruly Tongues of Bablers, infested as it were with Inflammations, where a sort of feverish Pulses continually lye beating, will be always drawing to themselves something of the secret and private Con­cerns of other Men. And therefore it ought to be environ'd with Reason as with a Rampart, perpetually lying before it, like a Mound, to stop the overflowing and slippery Exuberance of Impertinent Talk; that we may not seem to be more silly then Geese, which when they take their Flight out of Cilicia, over the Mountain Taurus, which abounds with Eagles, are reported to carry every one a good big Stone in their Bills, instead of a Bridle or Barricado to restrain their Gagling. By which means they cross those hideous Forrests in the Night time undiscover'd.

Now then if the Question should be ask'd, which were the worst and most pernicious sort of People? I do not believe there is any Man that would omit to name a Traytor. And yet by Treason it was, that Eu­thycrates cover'd the uppermost Story of his House with Macedonian Timber, according to the Report of Demosthenes: That Philocrates having receiv'd a good Sum of Money, spent it all upon Whores and Fish, and liv'd so voluptuously as he did; and that Euphorbius and Philager, who betray'd Eretria, were so well re­warded with ample Possessions. But a Pratler is a sort of Traytor that no Man needs to hire; for that he of­fers himself officiously, and of his own accord; nor does he betray to the Enemy either Horse or Walls; but whatever he knows of publick or private Concerns, requiring the greatest Secresie, that he discloses, whe­ther it be in Courts of Judicature, in Conspiracies, or Management of State Affairs; 'tis all one, he expects not so much as the Reward of being thank'd for his Pains; rather he will return thanks to them that give [Page 276] him Audience. And therefore what was said upon a certain Spendthrift, that rashly, and without any Dis­cretion, wasted his own Estate by his lavish Prodigality to others;

May be well retorted upon a common Pratler.

Nor would I have the Reader think, that what has hi­therto been said, has been discours'd so much to blame and condemn, as to reform and cure that vitious and in­fectious Malady of Loquaciousness and Incontinency of Speech. For though we surmount and vanquish the Vices of the Mind by Judgment and Exercise, yet must the Judgment precede. For no Man will accustom himself to avoid, and as it were to extirpate out of his Soul, those Vices, unless he first abominate them. Nor can we ever detest those evil Habits of the Mind as we ought to do; but when we rightly judge by Reason's Light of the Prejudice they do us, and the Ignominy we sustain thereby. For Example, we consider and find that these profuse Bablers, desirous of being belov'd, are universally hated; while they study to gratifie, they be­come troublesome; while they seek to be admir'd, they are derided. If they aim at Profit, they loose all their Labour; in short, they injure their Friends, advantage their Enemies, and undo themselves.

And therefore the first Remedy and Cure for this spreading Malady, will be this, to reckon up all the shameful Infamies and Disasters that attend it. The se­cond Remedy, is to take into serious Consideration the Practice of what is quite opposite and contrary to it, by always hearing, remembring, and having ready at hand, the due Praises and Encomiums of Reserv'dness and Taciturnity, together with the Majesty, Sanctimo­ny, and mysterious Profoundness of Silence. Let them consider how much more belov'd, how much more ad­mir'd, how far they are reputed to excel in Prudence, who deliver their Minds in few Words, roundly, home, and Sententious, and contract a great deal of Sence within a small Compass of Speech, then such as fly out into voluminous Language, and suffer their Tongues to run before their Wit. The former are those whom Plato so much praises, and likens unto skilful Archers, darting forth their Sentences thick and close, as it were crisp'd and curl'd one within another. To this same shrewdness of Expression, Lycurgus accustom'd his Fel­low Citizens from their Childhood, by the Exercise of Silence, contracting and thickning their Discourse into a compendious Delivery. For as the Celtiberians make Steel of Iron, by burying it in the Ground, thereby to refine it from the gross and earthy Part; so the Laco­nick way of Speech has nothing of Bark upon it; but by cutting off all superfluity of Words, becomes steel'd and sharpen'd to pierce the Understanding of the Hear­er. So their Conciseness of Language, so ready to turn the Edge to all manner of Questions, became natural by their Extraordinary Practise of Silence. And therefore it would be very expedient for Persons so much given to talk, always to have before their Eyes the short and pi­thy Sayings of those People, were it only to let them see the Force and Gravity which they contain. For Example, The Lacedaemonians to Philip; Dionysius in [Page 278] Corinth. And when Philip wrote thus to the Spartans, If once I enter into your Territories, I will destroy ye all, ne­ver to rise again. They answer'd him with no more then, If. To King Demetrius, exclaiming in a great Rage, What, have the Spartans sent me but one Embassador? The Embassador nothing terrify'd, One to One, said he. Certainly they that spoke short and concisely, were much admir'd by the Ancients. Therefore the Ampicty­ons gave order, that neither Homer's Iliads, nor his Odys­ses should be written over the Gates of Pythian Apollo's Temple; but, Know thy self, Nothing too much, Give good Sure­ties, Mischief at had. So much did they admire Concise­ness of Speech, comprehending full Sence in so much Brevity, made solid as it were by the Force of a Ham­mer. Does not the Deity himself study compendious Utterance in the Delivery of his Oracles? Is he not there­fore call'd Loxias, because he avoids rather Loquacity then Obscurity? Are not they that signifie their Meaning by certain Signs, without Words, in great Admiration, and highly applauded. Thus Heraclitus being desir'd by his Fellow Citizens, to give them his Opinion con­cerning Concord, ascended the publick Pulpit, and tak­ing a Cup of cold Water in his Hand, first sprinkl'd it with a little Flower, then stirring it with a Sprig of Pe­nyroyal, drank it off, and so came down again. Intima­ting thereby, that if Men would but be contented with what was next at hand, without longing after Dainties and Superfluities, it would be an easie thing for Cities to live in Peace and Concord one with another.

Scilurus, King of the Scythians, left fourscore Sons behind him; who when he found the Hour of Death approaching, ordered them to bring him a Bundle of small Javelins, and then commanded every one singly to try whether they could break the Bundle as it was ty'd up altogether, which when they told him was impossi­ble for them to do, he drew out the Javelins one by [Page 279] one, and break them all himself with ease. Thereby de­claring, that so long as they kept together united and in Concord, their Force would be invincible; but that by Dis-union and Discord, they would enfeeble each o­ther and render their Dominion of small Continuance. He then that by often Repetition and Reflexion shall enure himself to such Presidents as these, may in time perhaps be more delighted with these short and conclu­sive Apothegms, then with the Exorbitances of loose and lavish Discourse. For my own part, I must ac­knowledge that I am not a little asham'd of my self, when I call to mind that same Domestick Servant, of whom I am now going to speak, and consider how great a thing it is to advise before a Man speaks, and then to be able to maintain and stick to what he has re­solv'd upon.

Publius Piso the Rhetorician, being unwilling to be disturb'd with much Talk, gave order to his Servants to answer to such Questions only as he should ask them, and say no more. Then having a Design to give an Entertainment to Clodius, at that time the Chief Magi­strate, he order'd him to be invited, and provided a splendid Banquet for him, as in all probability he could do no less. At the time appointed, several other Guests appear'd, only they waited for Clodius's coming, who tarry'd much longer then was expected; so that Piso sent his Servant several times to him, to know whether he would be pleas'd to come to Supper, or no. Now in regard it grew late, and that Piso despair'd of his com­ing; What, said he to his Servant, did you call him? Yes, reply'd the Servant, Why then does he not come away? — Because he told me he would not come—Why did you not tell me so before?—Because, Sir, you never ask'd me the Question. This was a Roman Servant: But you shall have an Athenian Servant, that while he is digging and delving, will give his Master an Account of the Articles [Page 280] and Capitulations in a Treaty of Peace. So strangely does Custom prevail in all things; of which, let us now discourse; for there is no Curb or Bridle that can tame or restrain a Libertine Tongue; only Custom must vanquish that Disease.

First therefore, when there are many Questions pro­pounded in the Company where thou art, accustom thy self to Silence, till all the rest have refus'd to give an Answer. For as Sophocles observes,

No more does Voice and Answer aim at the same Mark. For it is the Business of a Racer to get the Start of him that contends with him. But if another Man give a sufficient Answer, there needs no more then by com­mending and approving what he says, to gain the Re­putation of a Candid Person. If not, then to tell wherein the other fail'd, and to supply the Defect, will neither be unseasonable, nor a thing that can justly me­rit Distaste. But above all things, let us take special heed, when another is ask'd a Question, that we do not chop in to prevent his returning an Answer. And perhaps it is as little commendable, when a Question is ask'd of another, to put him by, and undertake the So­lution of what is demanded our selves. For thereby we seem to intimate, that the Person to whom the Questi­on was put, was not able to resolve it, and that the Pro­pounder had not Discretion sufficient to know of whom to ask it. Besides that such a Malapert Forwardness in answering, is not only indecent, but injurious and affrontive. For he that prevents the Person to whom the Question is put, in returning his Answer, would in effect insinuate a What need had you to ask of him? What can he say to it? When I am in presence, no Man [Page 281] ought to be ask'd those Questions but my self. And many times we put the Question to some People, not for want of an Answer, but only to minister occasion of Dis­course, to provoke them to Familiarity, and to have the Pleasure of their Wit and Conversation; as Socrates was wont to challenge Theatus and Carmides. Therefore, to prevent another in returning his Answers, to abstract his Ears, and draw off his Cogitations from another to himself, is the same thing as to run, and salute a Man who designs to be saluted by some body else; or to divert his Eyes upon our selves, which were already fix'd upon another. Considering that if he, to whom the Question is put, refuse to return an Answer, it is but decent for a Man to contain himself, and by an Answer accommodated to the Will of the Propounder, modestly and respectfully to put in, as if it had been at the Request, or in the Behalf of the other. For they that are ask'd a Question, if they fail in their Answer, are justly to be pardon'd; but he that voluntarily pre­sumes to answer for another, gives distaste, let his An­swer be never so rational; but if he mistake, he is de­rided by all the Company.

The second point of Exercise, in reference to our own Answering of Questions, wherein a Man that is given to talk, ought to be extreamly careful, is first of all, not to be over-hasty in his Answers to such as pro­voke him to talk, on purpose to make themselves merry, and put an Affront upon him. For some there are, who not out of any Desire to be satisfy'd, but meerly to pass away the time, study certain Questions, and then propound them to Persons which they know love to mul­tiply Words, on purpose to make themselves Sport. Such Men therefore ought to take heed how they run headlong, and leap into Discourse, as if they were glad of the Occasion; but to consider the Behaviour of the Propounder, and the benefit and usefulness of the Questi­on. [Page 282] When we find that the Propounder is really de­sirous to be inform'd, it is convenient then for a Man to bethink himself a while, and make some Pause between the Question and the Answer, to the end the Proposer, if he pleases to make any Additions to his Proposal, may have time to do it, and himself a convenient space to consider what Answer to make, for fear of running at random, and stifling the Question before it be fully propounded; or of giving one Answer for another, for want of consideration what he ought to say, which is the Effect of an over-hasty Zeal to be talking. True it is indeed, that the Pythian Priestess was wont to give her Oracular Answers at the very Instant, and some­times before the Question was propounded. For that the Deity, whom she serves,

But it behoves a Man that would return a pertinent Answer, to stay till he rightly apprehended the Sence, and understands the Intent of him that propounds the Question; least he may happen to make good the Pro­verb.

There is also another way to subdue this inordinate and insatiate Greediness of having all the Talk, that it may not seem as if we had some old Flux of Humors im­postumated about the Tongue, which we were willing to have lanc'd and let out by a Question, giving occa­sion of lavish Discourse. Socrates therefore, though never so Thirsty after violent Exercise, never would allow himself the Liberty to drink, till he had empty'd [Page 283] his Bucket of Water, by pouring it out by degrees; to the end he might accustom his sensual Appetite to at­tend Reason's Appointment.

Now therefore we come to understand that there are three sorts of Answers to Questions; the First, which is necessary, the Second, out of Civility, and the Third, superfluous. For Example, if a Man should ask, Whi­ther Socrates is within? The other, if he were in an ill Humor, or not dispos'd to make many Words, would answer, Not within: Or if he intended to be more La­conick, he would cut off, Within, and reply briefly No. Thus the Lacedaemonians, when Philip sent them an E­pistle, to know, whether or no they would admit him into their City, vouchsaf'd him no other Answer, then only 'OY or NO, fairly written in Capital Letters, up­on a large Sheet of Paper. Another, that would an­swer more courteously, would say, He is not within; he is gone among the Bankers; and perhaps he would add, where he expects some Friends of his out of Ionia. But a superfluous Prater, and one that abounded in Words, would reply, He is not within, but is gone among the Bankers, in expectation to meet certain Ionian Friends, who are recommended to him in a Letter from Al­cibiades, who lives at Miletum with Tissaphernes, one of the Great King of Persia's Lieutenant Generals, who for­merly assisted the Lacedaemonians; but by the Solicitation of Alcibiades, is in League with the Athenians; for Alci­biades being desirous to return to his own Country, has pre­vail'd with Tissaphernes to change his Mind, and joyn with his Fellow Citizens. And thus perhaps you shall have him run on, and repeat the whole eighth Book of Thu­cidides, and overwhelm a Man with his Impertinent Discourse, till he has taken Miletum, and banish'd Alci­biades a second Time. Herein therefore ought a Man chiefly to restrain the Profuseness of his Language, as it were, following the Foot-steps of the Question, and [Page 284] circumscribing the Answer, as it were within a Center and Distance proportionable to the Benefit which the Propounder proposes to make of his Question. 'Tis re­ported of Carneades, that before he was well known in the World, while he was disputing in the Gymnasium, the President of the Place, sent him an Admonition to moderate his Voice (for he naturally spoke very deep and loud) in Answer to which, when he desir'd the President to send him a Gage for his Voice, the Presi­dent not unproperly made Answer, Let that be the Person who disputes with thee. In like manner, the intent of the Propounder ought to be the Rule and Measure of the Propounder. Moreover, as Socrates was wont to say, That those Meats were chiefly to be abstain'd from, which allur'd Men to Eat when they were not a-hun­gry, and those Drinks to be refrain'd, that invited Men to drink when they were not a-dry; so it would behove a Man that is lavish of his Tongue, to be afraid of those Discourses and Themes wherein he most delights, and makes it his Business to be most prolix; and whenever he perceives them flowing in upon him, to resist them to the utmost of his Power. For Example, your Martial Men are always talking of Sieges and Battels, and the Poet often introducesHector, as some read it. Nestor, boasting often of his own At­chievements and Feats of Arms. And the same disease is incident to noted Plea­ders at the Barr, and accompanies such as have unex­pectedly risen to be the Favorites of Great Princes. For such will be always up with their Stories, how they were introduc'd at first; how they ascended by degrees; how they got the better in such a Case; what Argu­ments they us'd in such a Case; and lastly, how they were humm'd up and applauded in Court. For to say Truth, Gladness and Joy are much more Loquacious then that same Agrippina, so often feign'd in their Come­dies; [Page 285] rousing up, and still refreshing it self with new Relations, and therefore they are prone to fall in­to such Stories upon the least Occasion given. For not only,

But Pleasure also has a Voice within it self, and leads the Tongue about, to be a support to their Memories: Like Lovers, that spend the greatest Part of their Time in Songs and Sonnets, that refresh their Memo­ries with the Representations of their Mistresses. Con­cerning which Amours of theirs, when Companions are wanting, they frequently discourse with Things that are void of Life.

And again,

And again,

And indeed it may well be said, that a loose Tongu'd Fellow is no more, in respect of his Discourse, then a white Line struck with Chalk upon a Piece of Timber. For in regard there are several Subjects of Discourse, and that many Men are more subject to some then to others; it behoves every one to take care of all in general, and to suppress them in such a manner, that [Page 286] the Delight which they take therein, may not decoy them into their belov'd Prolixity and Profuseness of Words beyond this white Line. The same Inclina­tion to overshoot themselves in Pratling, appears in such as are prone to those kind of Discourses, wherein they suppose themselves to excel others, ei­ther in Habit or Experience. For such a one be­ing as well a Lover of himself, as ambitious of Glory:

For Example, he that reads much, endeavours to ex­cell in History; the Grammarian, in the Artificial couching of Words; the Traveller is full of his Geo­graphy. But all these Surplusages are to be avoided with great Caution, least Men, intoxicated therewith, grow fond of their old Infirmities, and return to their former Freaks, like Beasts that cannot be driven from their Haunts. Cyrus therefore, yet a young Stripling, was most worthy of Admiration, who would never challenge his Equals and Play-fellows to any Exercise wherein he excell'd, but wherein he knew himself to be inferior; unwilling that the first should fret for the Loss of the Prize, which he was sure to win, and loath to loose what he could gain from the others better Skill.

On the other side, the Profuse Talker is of such a Disposition, that if any Discourse happen, from which he might be able to learn something, and in­form his Ignorance, that he refuses and rejects: Nor can you hire him to hold his Tongue; so that af­ter his rolling and restless Fancy has muster'd up some few obsolete and all to be tatter'd Rhapsodies [Page 287] to supply his Vanity, out he flings them, as if he were Master of all the Knowledge in the World. Just like one amongst us, who having read two or three of Ephorus's Books, tir'd all Mens Ears with his Talk, and spoil'd and brake up all the Feasts and Societies where e're he came, with his continual Re­lations of the Battle of Leuctra, and the Consequen­ces of it; by which means he got himself a Nick­name, while every one call'd him Epaminondas. But this is one of the least Inconveniences of this Infirmity: and indeed we ought to make it one Step toward the Cure, to turn this violent Vein of Twatling upon such Subjects as those. For such a Loquacity is less a Nuissance when it su­perabounds in only what belongs to Human Lite­rature.

It would be necessary also that the same sort of People who are addicted to this Vice, should ac­custom themselves to write upon some Subject or other, and to dispute of certain Questions apart. For Antipater the Stoick, as we may probably con­jecture, either not being able, or else unwilling to come in Dispute with Carneades, vehemently inveigh­ing against the Stocks, declin'd to meet him fairly in the Schools, yet would be always writing An­swers against him; and because he fill'd whole Vo­lumes full of Contradictory Arguments, and still oppos'd him with Assertions that only made a Noise, he was call'd Calamoboas, as one that made a great Clamor with his Pen to no Purpose: So 'tis very probable that such fighting with their own Shadows, and exclaiming one against another apart by themselves, driving and restraining them from the Multitude, would render them more tole­rable and sociable in Civil Company. Like Curst Cur [...], which after they have once discharg'd their [Page 288] Fury upon Sticks and Stones, become less fierce to­ward Men. It would be always of great Impor­tance to them to converse with their Superiors and Elders; for that the awful Reverence and Respect which they bore to their Dignity and Gravity, might accustom them in time to silence. And it would be evermore expedient for them to intermix and involve with those Rules and Exercises I have already set down, this manner of Ratiocination with themselves, before they speak, and at the same time that the Words are just ready to break out of their Mouths; What is this which I would say, that presses so hard to be gone? for what reason would this Tongue of mine so fain be walking? What good shall I get by speaking? What Mischief shall I incur by holding my Peace? For we are not to ease and discharge our selves of our Words, as if they were a heavy Burthen that overloaded us; for Speech remains as well when utter'd, as before; but Men either speak in behalf of themselves, when some Necessity compels them, or for the Benefit of those that hear them, or else to recreate one a­nother with the Delights of Converse, on purpose to mitigate and render more savory, as with Salt, the Toyls of our daily Employments. But if there be nothing profitable in Speaking, nothing neces­sary to them that hear what is said, nothing of Satisfaction or Delight, by being thereby render'd acceptable to all Societies: What need is there it should be spoken? For Words may be in vain, and to no purpose, as well as Deeds. But after, and above all that has been said, we ought always to bear in Remembrance, and always to have rea­dy at our Tongues end, that Saying of Simonides, That he who is given to Talk, has many times an occasion to repent him of his Words, but never [Page 289] he that can hold his Tongue. Then as for Exer­cise, we must believe it to be a matter of great Importance, as being that which overcomes and masters all things; considering what Toi [...] and La­bour Men will undergo to get rid of an old Cough or Hickup, the Effects of Superfluity and Laziness, and that Silence and Taciturnity are not only never afflicted with Thirst, as Hippocrates observes, but altogether free from Pain and Sorrow.

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. IV.
Of Love.

WAS it not in Helicon, Dear Autobulus, that those Discourses were held concerning Love, which whether thou hast already set them down in Writing, or still carry'st in thy Memory, as having often desired them from thy Father, are now in expectation that thou wilt recite to us at our importunate Request?

It was in Helicon, Dear Flavianus among the Muses, at what time the Thespians perform'd the Erotic So­lemnitie [...]. For (as in Honour of the Muses) so with the same Devotion they celebrate every five Years certain Games and Festivals very Magnificent and Splendid in Honour of Cupid.

Knowst thou then, what it is we all desire at thy hands, as many as are gather'd here together to be thy Auditors?

[Page 291]

No but I shall surely know, when once by you in­form'd.

Curtal, we beseech ye, your Discourse at present, for bearing the Descriptions of Medows and Shades, together with the crawling Ivy, and windings of the purling Rivo­lets, and whatever else being customary in describing such kind of Places make Plato's Ilissus desirable: such as the Chastity-preserving Tree, with the pleasing variety of Herbs and Flowers covering the rising Hillocks, study'd with more Curiosity then Elegancy.

What needed my Relation, dearest Flavianus, such a Proem as this? The occasion that gave birth to these dis­courses requires only a numerous Auditory and a Theater; otherwise there is nothing wanting of an Interlude. Therefore let us first beseech the Mother of the Muses to be propitious and assist us in the discovery of the Fable. For my Father, born a long time since before me, ha­ving newly espous'd my Mother, by reason of an unlucky variance that fell out between their Parents, took a journey to Thespiae, with an intention to Sacrifice to the God of Love, and carry'd my Mother also to the Feast (for that it properly belong'd to her as well to make the Feast, as to perform the Sacrifice) besides se­veral of his familiar Acquaintance that accompany'd him from his House.

Now being arriv'd at Thespiae, he met with Daphnaeus, the Son of Archidamus, and Lysander in Love with the Daughter of Simon, above all her Suitors, chiefly the most welcome and acceptable to her. There he also found Soclarus, the Son of Ariston, who was come from Tithora; together with Protogenes of Tarsus, and Zeux­ippus the Lacedemonian, by whom he had been a Guest several times kindly entertain'd, with many other Baeotian [Page 292] Gentlemen, with whom my Father was intimately ac­quainted. Thus they stay'd for two or three days in the City entertaining each other with learned discourse, one while in the Common wrestling Places, sometimes in the Theaters, still keeping company together. After that, avoiding the Troublesom Contests of the Harpers and Musicians, it being found out that all would be carry'd by anticipation of Parties, the greatest part brake Company, and as if they had been discamping out of an Enemies Country, retir'd to Helicon and took up their Lodgings among the Muses. Whether the next morning came to them Anthemion and Pisias, Persons of eminent Nobility; and both ally'd to Baccho, Sir­named the Fair, and both I know not how at some dif­ference one with another, by reason of the Affection which they severally bore to him, For there was at Thespiae Ismendora of an Illustrious family and wealthy withal; and indeed in all other respects discreet and modest; and moreover she had continu'd a Widow without spot or stain to her Reputation, though both young and beautiful.

Now it happen'd that while this Brisk Widow was endeavouring to make up a Match between Baccho the Son of a Neighbouring Lady her intimate Friend, and a certain just blooming Virgin nearly ally'd to her self, by often talking with the Young Gentleman and much frequenting his Company, she began to feel some sparks of kindness kindled for him in her own Breast. Af­terwards hearing him highly commended by others, and speaking many things in his praise her self, and finding him belov'd by a great number of Persons of the best Rank, by degrees she fell desperately in love with the Youth; nevertheless with a resolution to do nothing unbeseeming her Birth and Quality, but after public Wedlock to acknowledge him her Husband: But as the Match seemed impracticable, by reason of the di­stance [Page 293] of their years, so the Mother of the Young Man suspected the Nobility and Grandeur of her House not to be correspondent to her Son's condition, which ren­dred him uncapable of such a preferment. Moreover his Companions that were wont to go a hunting with him, weighing the difference between his and the Age of Ismenodora, filled his head with several scruples, asking him why he did not Marry his Mother, if he wanted an Old woman; and bidding him consider how much it would cost him after a little time in new Sets of Teeth; and thus scaring him with continual frumps and scoffs, more effectually hinder'd the Match, then they who labour'd industriously and seriously to prevent it. But at last, the Young Man, shaking off all others, applys himself to Pisias and Athenion for their advice in a Mat­ter of so great concernment. The Elder of these two, Ariston, was his Uncle; and Pisias the most austere of all his Lovers. The latter therefore withstood the Match with all his Might, and upbraided Anthenion as one that went about to betray the Young Man to Isme­nodora. On the other side Anthenion told Pisias, that he did not well to do as he did, having the Reputation of a worthy honest Man, to imitate those leud Lovers, that endeavour'd to deprive their Friend of a Noble House, a Rich Wife, and other corresponding conve­niences, that he might have the Pleasure to see him frequently naked in the Wrestling Places, fresh and smooth, and a stranger to Female Sports. However to prevent the growing of any quarrel between them, through long and Passionate disputes, they chose for Umpires of the Controversie my Father and those Friends that were with him: and besides them, as if they had been chosen on purpose, Daphnoeus pleaded for Pisias, and for Anthenion, Protogenes; who bitterly inveighing against Ismenodora, O Hercules, cry'd Daphnaeus what may we not expect, when Protogenes bids defiance to [Page 294] Love? He that all along has spent as well the serious as sportive hours of his Life both in Love and for Love, without regard either to Learning or his Country, not like to Laius, who was but five days journey distant from it; for his was a slow sort of Love upon the dry Land; whereas your Cupid, Protogenes ‘With nimble Wings display'd.’

Cross'd the Seas from Cilicia to Athens, merely to visit and straggle up and down with Lovely Boys. And in­deed, such at first was the true cause of Protogenes's Peregrination. At which the Company falling into a loud Laughter, how! said Protogenes, can you believe that I at this time wage War against Love, and that I do not rather fight for Love against intemperate De­sire and lascivious Wantonness, which under the shelter of the most honest and fairest Names that are, let them­selves loose into the most shameful Acts of inordinate Lust and Concupiscence. Then Daphnaeus, do ye num­ber Wedlock, said he, and the Conjunction of Man and Wife (then which there is no Tye more sacred in the World) among the vile and dishonest Actions of the World? Why truly reply'd Protogenes, this same Bond of Wedlock, as being necessary for Generation, is not undeservedly perhaps extoll'd by our grave Poli­ticians and Lawgivers, and by them recommended to the Multitude. But I must tell ye, if you mean true Love, there is not a Farthings worth of it to be found among Women. Nor do I believe, that either you your selves or any other that dote so much as you pre­tend to do, upon Women and Virgins, love them any otherwise, then as Flys love Milk, or Bees love Hony­combs; only as Cooks and Butchers Fat up Calves and Poultry in the Dark, not out of any extraordinary af­fection which they bear those Creatures, but for the [Page 295] gain which they make of them. Well knowing that Nature prompts all Men to the use of Bread and Meat with Moderation, and so far as may suffice the Appetite. The excess of which becomes a Vice, un­der the name of Gluttony or Gurmandizing. Thus it is natural for Men and Women to desire the Pleasures of mutual enjoyment; but as for that impetuous Con­cupiscence that hurries the greatest part of Mankind with so much strength and violence, it is not properly call'd Love. For Love, that is bread in a Young and truly Generous Heart, by means of Friendship terminates in Vertue. Whereas all our Desires toward Women, let them be taken in the best sence we can, serve us only to reap the fruit of Pleasure, and to assist us in the Fruition of Youth and Beauty, which when once de­cay'd, we love no longer. As Aristippus testified to on [...] that would have put him out of conceit with Lais, for that, as he said, she did not truly love him; no more, said he, am I beloved by pure Wine, or good Fish, and yet I willingly make use of both. For the end of De­sire is Pleasure and Enjoyment. But Love having once lost the hopes of Friendship, will neither tarry, nor cherish, for Beauty sake, that which is Irksom, though never so gaudy in the flower of Youth, if it bring not forth the Fruit of a Disposition propense to Friendship and Vertue. And therefore it is that you hear a certain Husband, in a Tragedy thus talking to his Wife

Though I take him to be far the more amorous Man of the two, that can endure for the sake of his carnal Pleasure, the Plague of a curst, ill-natur'd shrew, that is always scolding, then he that bears the Infamy of a [Page 296] Cuckold, when his Wife and he are well pay'd for it. The first of which Love Martyrs Phillippides the Comedi­an thus derided in the Person of Stratocles the Rhetorician.

Now if this be the Passion you talk of which is to be call'd Love, it is a spurious and effeminate Love, that sends us to the Womens Chambers, as it were to the Cynosarges at Athens. Or rather, as they say, there is a sort of Generous and true bred Mountain Eagle, which Homer calls the black Eagle and Eagle of Prey; and then again there is another sort of Bastard Eagle, that takes Fish and Birds that are Lazy and slow of Flight: and wanting Food, makes a shrill and mournful noise for Hunger. Thus the true Genuine Love is that of Children, not flaming with Concupiscence, as according to Anacreon the Love of Maids and Virgins does, neither besmear'd with odoriferous Oyntments, nor alluring with Smiles and rowling Glances: but you shall find him plain and simple, and undebauch'd with pleasures, in the Schools of the Philosophers, or in the Wrestling Lists, and Places of Public Exercise, smart and generous in the Chace of Youth, and exhorting to Vertue all that he finds to be fit objects of his Diligence. Whereas that other Love, Nice and Effeminate, and always nestling in the Bosoms and Beds of Women, pursuing soft pleasures, and wasted with [...]nmanly Delights, that have no gust of friendship or heav'nly ravishment of Mind, such a Love is to be despis'd and rejected of all Mankind; as Solon banish't it out of his Commonwealth, when he forbid Slaves and Servants the use of male Familiarity, but permitted them the Liberty to accompany with Wo­men. [Page 297] As looking upon Friendship to be laudable and civil, but Pleasure to be a vulgar thing, and unbecoming a Man born free. Whence it appears that for a Ser­vant to make Love to a Boy, is not allowable but only to a Citizen or a Freeman: for this is no mischievous Love of Copulation, like the affection toward Women.

Now while Protogenes was desirous to have said more, Daphnaeus interrupting him. Truly, said he, you have done well to put us in mind of Solon, as if we were to make use of him to be the judge of a Person addicted to Love, that is to say, of a real Lover. Hear what he says.

Add to this of Solon that other of Aeschylus,

These are proper judges of Love, but others there are who deride all those that would have Lovers inspect their Thighs and Hanches, like so many Sacrificers or Bowel Observers. And for my Part I draw from hence a very strong Argument on the behalf of the women. For if Male-Converse, which is altogether a­gainst Nature, neither extinguishes nor is any way noxious to Amorous Affection; much more probable is it, that the Love of Women which is according to Nature, should reach to the consummation of Friendship, by vertue of that Obsequious Beauty which attends it. For I must tell ye, Protogenes, the submission of the Female to the Male was by the Ancients express'd by the word [...]. For which reason Pindarus observes that Vulcaen was by Juno brought forth without the Graces, that is, when she was in a morose humor, and would nor oblige Ju­piter: [Page 296] [...] [Page 297] [...] [Page 298] and Sappho tells a young Virgin, not yet ripe for Matrimony,

And certain a Person puts the Question to Hercules,

But the Submission of Males to Males, if it be by Com­pulsion of Strength, is call'd a violent and forcible Rape; but if it be voluntary; for one Man to cover another, like Bulls and Horses, and to conterfeit the Act of Generation, in defiance of Nature, such a one is void of all Allurement, brutish, and contrary to the end of Venereal Pleasure. Wherefore I am apt to be­lieve that Solon wrote those Lines when he was young, brisk, and full of Seed, as Plato phrases it: For when he was grown into Years, he sang another Note;

As if he had alter'd his Course of Life, and retir'd from the Storms and Tempests of Paderastick Fury, into the Calms of Wedlock and Philosophy. Now then Protogenes, let us but consider the truth of the Matter, we shall find the Passion of Lovers to be the same, whether it be for Boys or for Women; or if out of a contentious Humor, you will distinguish them, [Page 299] you shall find that this Affection for Boys does not keep it self within Bounds, but like a late-born Issue, clan­destinely brought forth in the Dark, and out of Season, strives to expel the truly Genuine and Legitimate Love, which is much the more ancient. For give me leave to tell ye, my dear Friend, it was but as it were of ye­sterday's standing, or the day before, since young Boys began to strip and shew themselves naked in the Pub­lick Places of Exercise, that this Frenzy getting in by degrees, and crowding in there, afterwards by little and little, being better fledg'd, and gathering strength of Wings in the Wrestling-Rings, the Insolence of it could never since be so restrain'd, but that still it will be afronting and adulterating that same Nuptial and Conjugal Love which is the Coadjutrix of Nature, and helps to immortallize mortal Mankind, which being extinguish'd by Death, it raises up, and immediately restores again by Generation. But this same Protogenes denies there is any Pleasure in Male Concupiscence, for he is asham'd and afraid to acknowledge it. Therefore there must be some decent Pretence for the feeling and handling these adult and lovely Youths. And truly he has found out a very clever Excuse, alledging it to be for the Sake of Friendship and Vertue. Therefore he rowls himself in the Dust, washes with cold Water, erects his Brows, and outwardly pretends to Philosophy and Chastity, for fear of the Law; but when Dark­ness covers the Earth, and that all People have betaken themselves to their Rest,

Now if it were as Protogenes says, that no Carnal Con­junction attended these Masculine Familiarities, how can it be Love, when Venus is absent? Seeing that of [Page 300] all the Goddesses, she it is that Cupid is bound to obey and attend, and that he has no Honour or Power, but what she confers upon him? But if there be a sort of Love without Love, as a Man may be drunk without Wine, by drinking the Decoctions of Figs or Barley, the Disturbance of such a Love must prove fruitless, and to no end, and consequently loathsome and of­fensive.

These things thus said, it was apparent that Pisia [...] found himself touch'd to the Quick, and was much con­cern'd for what Daphnaeus had spoken. But after he had been silent a while, O Hercules, said he, what a strange Impudence and Levity is this in Men, to acknowledge them­selves ty'd to Women by their generating Parts, like Dogs to Bitches; by this means expelling and banishing Love from the Places of Exercise, from the publick Portico's, and from conversing under the open Sky and Sun-shine, to the Snares, Poniards, Philters, and Sorceries of Lascivious Women; for it is not convenient for the Chast, either to love, or to be belov'd. At which Words, as my Father told me, he took Protogenes by the Hand, and repeated to him these Verses:

For surely the Exorbitant Language of Pisias gives us good reason to take Daphnaeus's part, while he introduces over the Head of Wedlock, a Society void of Love, and utterly a Stranger to that same Friendship which descends, and is inspir'd from above; which if real Affection and Submission be wanting, can hardly be re­straind by all the Curbs and Yokes of Shame and Fear. Then Pisias, for my part, said he, I give little heed to this Argument; for as for Daphnaeus, I find him in the same Condition with Brass; for as Brass is not so easily [Page 303] melted by the Fire, as by the force of the same melt­ed and liquid Metal being powr'd upon it, which molli­fies both alike, and causes them to run and mix toge­ther; so it is not the Beauty of Lysandra that inflames him, but the Conversing long with her that is already inflam'd and full of Fire, that sets him all in a Flame himself; and it is apparent, that unless he makes hast to us, he will suddainly be melted with his own Heat. But I perceive, said he, the same thing will befall me, which Athemion has most reason to desire, that I shall offend both my Judges and my self; and therefore I shall say no more. Then Anthemion, 'tis very true in­deed, your Fear is just; for you ought at the first to have spoken to the purpose, and what was proper to the Argument in Hand. To this Pisias reply'd, that he was willing that every Woman should have her Lo­ver, but withal, that it very much concern'd Baccho to have a care how he entangl'd himself in Ismenodora's Wealth; least while we match him with so much Grandeur and Magnificence, we consume him to no­thing, like Tin among Brass. For I must tell you, it would be a hard matter for so young a Stripling as he is, though he should marry a plain and ordinary Wo­man, to keep the Soveraignty of the Breeches, and to be still predominant, as Wine above Water. But we see her already design Superiority and Command; else why should she refuse so many Sutors of great Wealth and Noble Extraction that court her daily, to woe her self a meer Boy, that has but newly assum'd the Robes of Manhood, and more fit to go to School then to Marry. And therefore those Husbands that are wise, without any Admonition, out of their own Fore-sight, clip their Wives Wings themselves; that is, they prune away their Riches, that prompt them to Luxury and Vanity, and render them inconstant and Foolish; so that many times, by the help of these Wings, they soar out of [Page 302] their Husbands Reach and fly quite away; or if they stay at Home, better it were for a Man to be chain'd with Fetters of Gold, as they chain their Prisoners in Aethiopia, then to be ty'd to the Riches of a Wife. However, said Protogenes, he has not hinted to us in the least, the hazard we run of inverting absurdly and ridiculously the Counsel of Hesiod, whose Words are these;

We, quite contrary to this Precept, are going about to couple a young Lad, scarce ripe for Marriage, to a Lady much older then himself, like those that graft the tender Scions of Dates and Fig-trees upon old Stocks, to make them bear Fruit before their Season. But you'l say, the Woman is in Love up to the Ears, and burns with Desire. Who is he that will hinder her from Masquerading before his Doors? from singing her A­morous Lamentations at his Windows? from adorn­ing his Statues with Chaplets and Garlands of Flowers? from duelling her Rivals, and winning him from them all by Feats of Arms? for these are Acts that demon­strate the height of a passionate Affection. Let her knit her Brows, refrain all manner of Pomp and Luxu­ry; let her put on a Garb and Countenance suitable to such a violent Passion. But if Bashful and Modest, let her sit at Home, expecting her Suitors and Gallants to come and court her there. But who would not fly and abominate a Woman that professes Love, for fear of [Page 303] making such an impudent Incontinence the first step to his future Nuptials.

When Protogenes had thus concluded, Do you not see, Anthemion, said Daphnaeus, how they make this again the common Hypothesis and Subject of Dispute, enforcing us still to continue our Discourse of Nuptial Love, who deny not our selves to be the Upholders of it; nor ever avoided the being one of that celebrated Chorus. Most certainly I do, reply'd Anthemion, and therefore pro­ceed in the Defence of Conjugal Affection; and let us have also your Assistance in maintaining the Argument about Riches, with which Pisias chiefly seems to scare us. 'Tis the least we can do, said my Father, for would it not be a great Reproach to Woman-kind, should we reject Ismenodora, because she is in Love, and wealthy to boot? But she is Nobly descended as well as Rich; what then, is she not beautiful and young? What if she be somewhat stately and haughty, by reason of her Il­lustrious Birth, so she live in Esteem and Reputation. If she be proud and reserv'd to others, a sober and dis­creet Lady, as Ismenodora i [...], will not be so to her Hus­band. For there is nothing of Crabbedness, nothing sowre, nothing troublesome in Women truly Chast and Modest. So that if there be any Women that value them­selves upon their Chastity, and domineer over their Husbands for only that good Quality, 'tis because they are otherwise naturally morose, and that ill Quality gains them the Name of Shrews and Furies, to be commended for their Chastity and nothing else. But you'l say, since it may be a Man's Misfortune to be so hamper'd, would it not be better to marry some Thra [...]i­an Abr [...], or some Miles [...]an [...] Bacchis exchang'd for raw Hides, as an Assurance of her future Loyalty and Obedience; and yet we have known some Men that have been miserably Henp [...]ck'd by these sort of Under­lings. The Samian Mi [...]str [...] and M [...]ri [...] D [...], such [Page 304] as were Arist [...]nica and O [...]nanthe with her Tabor and Pipe, and Agathoclia insulted over the Diadems of their Sove­raigns. The Syrian Sennicamis was a poor Wench, kept by one of Ninus's Slaves, partly as his Servant, partly as his Harlot, till Ninus meeting her, and tak­ing a Fancy to her, at length doted upon her to that degree, that she not only govern'd him as she pleas'd her self, but contemn'd him. So that finding she had got the absolute Mastery over him, she became so bold as to desire him to do her the favour to see her sit but one Day upon his Throne, with the Royal Diadem up­on her Head, dispatching the publick Business. To which the King consenting, and giving order to all hi [...] Officers to yield her the same Obedience as to himself, at first she was very moderate in her Commands, to make tryal of the Guards about her, but when she saw that they obey'd her without the least Hesitation or Murmuring, she commanded them first to lay hold upon Ninus himself, then to bind him, and at length to kill him. Which being done, she took the Govern­ment upon her self, and reign'd victoriously over all Asia with great Splendor and Renown; after she added several Kingdoms by Conquest to her ancient Domini­ons. And was not Bel [...]sti [...], a Barbarian Curtesan, bought in the Market, in whose Honour the Alexandrians erect­ed Temples and Altars, with Inscriptions to Venus Be­letia, a [...] Marks of the Kings Affection to her? Then for Phryn [...] also, enshrin'd in the same Temple, and ho­nour'd with the same Solemnities as Cupid, and whose Statue all of beaten Gold stands among Kings and Queens; I would fain know what Dowry of hers it was, that brought so many Lovers into such Subjection to her. But as those great Men, through their Soft­ness and Effeminacy, became a Prey to those Women; so on the other side, Men of low and mean Condition, having marry'd Women both wealthy and of splendid [Page 305] Extraction, neither loar'd Sail, nor abated any thing of their Courage and Greatness of Mind, but liv'd toge­ther, always honouring their Wives, and keeping that Superiority over them which was their Right and Due. But he that contracts and reduces his Wife within a narrow Compass, and makes her less, like a Ring that is too big for the Finger, to prevent it from dropping off, are like to those that dock off their Mares Tails, and clip their Mains, and then lead them to a River or Pond; for it is reported, that when those Mares perceive themselves so ill favour'dly shorn and disfigur'd, they loose their natural Courage, and will afterwards suffer themselves to be cover'd by Asses. And therefore as it is a base thing to prefer the Riches of a Woman above her Vertue or Nobility; so is it as great a Fol­ly to reject Wealth when accompany'd with Vertue and illustrious Parentage. Antigonus writing to a Cap­tain of his, whom he had order'd to fortifie the little Hill Munichia, joyning the City of Athens to the Har­bor, bid him not only make the Collar strong, but keep the Dog lean; intimating thereby, that he should take care to impoverish the Athenians. But there is no necessity for the Husband of a rich and beautiful Wife, to make her poor, or to disfigure her, but by his Reserv'dness and Prudence, and by seeming not to admire any thing particularly in her, to carry himself so, that she may perceive that as he designs not to be a Tyrant; so she must not expect him to be her Subject, giving that Weight to the Ballance, that still the Scale may turn for the Good of both. Now, as for Isme­nodora, her Years are fit for Marriage, and she is a Wo­man most likely to bear Children; nay, I am inform'd that she is now in her Prime, and then smiling upon Pi­sias, for, said he, she is not elder then any of her Ri­vals; neither has she any grey Hairs, as some that keep Company with Baccho. Now if those People [Page 306] think their Converse with the young Gentleman no way mis-becoming their Gravity; what hinders, but that she may affect and cherish him as well, if not better then any young Virgin whatever. For I must needs say, 'tis a difficult matter many times rightly to mix and blend the Tempers and Conditions of young People; in regard it will require some time to make them sensible of several Extravagancies which they may commit, un­til they have lay'd aside the Pride and Wantonness which is incident to Youth, and many a blustring Tem­pest will happen between the new married Couple, be­fore they can be brought to endure the Yoak, and draw quietly together; more especially if there be any thing of Jealousie harbour'd in the Bosom of either; for that, like the Wind, in the Absence of the Pilot, disturbs and confuses the Happiness of the Match, while the one has not skill to govern, and the other refuses to be govern'd. Now then if it be so that Nurses are sought for to look after sucking Infants, School-masters to teach Children; if Masters of Exercise guide young Striplings; if the Law and the Captain General governs those that are of age, so that no Man can be said to be at his own Liberty, to do what he list, where is the Absurdity for a Wife that has Wit and Discretion, and the Advantage of years, to govern and direct the Life and Conversation of a youthful Husband; profitable to him, as exceeding him in Wisdom, and augmenting the Pleasure of her Socie­ty, by the Sweetness of her Disposition, and Reality of Affection. To conclude, said he, we that are B [...]eo­tians our selves, ought to reverence Hercules, and not to be offended with those that marry Women elder then themselves; knowing, as wo do, that even Hercules himself gave his own Wife Megara, being then three and thirty years old, to Iolaus his Son, being no more then sixteen years of Age.

[Page 307]

While they were in the midst of these Discourses, one of Pisias's Companions and Friends, as my Father reported, came galloping toward them out of the City, whip and spur, to bring the News of a strange and won­derful Accident. For Ismenodora believing that Baccho no way dislik'd his being marry'd to her, but only was deterr'd by the Importunities of his Friends that dis­swaded him from the Match, resolv'd not to let the young Man escape her. To this purpose she sent for certain Sparks of her acquaintance, whom she knew to be stout and resolute young Gentlemen, and some Wo­men that were well Willers to her Amours, and ob­serving the Hour that Baccho was wont to pass by her House to the Wrestling Place, well attended and de­cently garbated, one day when he came near the outer­most Door, anointed as he was for the Exercise, with two or three more in the same Posture, she met him in the Street, and gave a little Twitch to his upper Coat, which was the Signal given; at what time her Friends rusht forth, and fairly and softly catching him up in his Mandillion and Doublet, in a Huddle together, they carry'd him into the House, and lock'd the Doors fast after them. Then came the Women also, and pulling off his Mandillion, threw about him a costly Nuptial Garment. The Servants likewise running up and down from one Place to another, adorn'd the Posts not only of Ismenodora's, but of Bacco's House, with Laurel Boughs; and a Minstrel likewise was order'd to pipe along the Streets, as is usual at Weddings. The Story thus related, the Thespians and Strangers some of them laugh'd, some others were heinously offended, and did what they could to exasperate the Presidents of the Publick Exer­cises. For they have a great Command over the young Gentlemen, and keep a severe and vigilant Eye over all their Actions. And now there was not a Word said of the Sports that were intended; but all the People for­saking [Page 308] the Theatre, flock'd to Ism [...]nodora's House, dis­coursing and debating the Matter one among another. But when Pisias's Friend, with his Horse all foaming, and in a Sweat, as he had brought Intelligence from the Army in time of War, had deliver'd his News, hardly able to speak for want of Breath, and concluded his Story with saying, That Ismenodora had ravish'd Baccho, my Father told me, that Zeuxippus fell a laughing, and as he was a great Admirer of that Poet, repeated the Verses of Euripides,

But that Pisias starting up out of his Seat, made a great Exclamation, crying out; O ye Gods! when will ye put an end to this Licentiousness, that will in the end subvert our City? For now all things are run­ning into disorder through Violation of the Laws; but perhaps it is now look'd upon as a slight matter to trans­gress the Law and violate Justice; for even the Law of Nature is transgress'd and broken by the insolent Anar­chy of the Female Sex. Was ever there any such thing committed in the Island of Lemnos? Let us go, said he, let us go and deliver up the Wrestling Place, and the Council House to the Women, if the City be so effeminate as to put up these Indignities. Thus Pisias brake from the Company in a Fury; nor would Pro­togenes leave him, partly offended at what had happen'd, partly to asswage and mollifie his Friend. But Anthe­mion, 'twas a Juvenile bold Attempt, said he, and truly Lemnian, for we know that the Lady was warmly in Love. To whom Soclarus smiling, Do you then be­lieve, said he, that this was a real Ravishment and Force, and not rather a Stratagem of the young Man's own Contrivance (for he has Wit at will) to the end [Page 309] he might escape out of the Hands of his ruder Male Lovers, into the Embraces of a fair and rich Widow? Never say so, said Anthemion, nor have such a Suspici­on of Baccho. For were he not naturally, as he is of a plain and open Temper, he would never have conceal'd this thing from me, to whom he has always imparted his Secrets, and whom he knew to be always a Favorer of Ismenodora's Design. For according to the saying of Heraclitus, it is a harder matter to withstand Love then Anger. For whatever it has a Desire to, it will pur­chase with the Hazard of Life, Fortune and Reputa­tion. Now where is there a more accomplish'd Wo­man in all our City that Ismenodora? When did you ever hear an ill Word spoken of her? Or when did ever a­ny thing done in her House, give the least Suspition of an ill Act? Rather we may say, that she seems to be inspir'd beyond other Women with something above Human Reason. Then Pemptides smiling, Truly, said he, there is a certain Disease of the Body, which they call Sacred: So that it is no wonder, if some Men give the Appellation of Sacred and Divine, to the most ra­ging and vehement Passion of the Mind. But as in Ae­gypt, once I saw two Neighbours hotly contending about a Serpent which crept before them in the Road, while both concluded it to be good Luck, and each assum'd the happy Omen to himself; so seeing some of you at this time haling Love into the Chambers of the Men, others into the Cabinets of the Women, as a Divinely transcend­ing Good; I do not wonder, since it is a Passion so pow­erful, and greatly esteem'd, that it be magnify'd, and held in greatest Veneration by those that have most rea­son to clip its Wings, and expel and drive it from them. Hitherto therefore I have been silent, perceiving the Debate to be rather about a particular Concern, then a­ny thing for the Publick Good. But now that Pisias is gone, I would willingly understand from one of you, [Page 310] upon what accompt it was, that they who first dis­cours'd of Love, were so fond to deify it? So soon as Pemptides had done, and that my Father was about to say something in answer to his Question, another Mes­senger came from the City, in Ismenodora's name, re­questing Anthemiom to come to her: for that the Tumult increased, and the Presidents of the Games could not agree, while one was of Opinion that Baccho was to be demaned and delivered up into their Hands, and the other thought it an Impertinence to meddle with that which nothing concern'd them.

Thus Anthemion being gone, my Father address'd him­self to Pemptides by name, and so entring into the fol­lowing discourse, You seem to Me, Sir said he, to have hit upon a very strange and nice point, or rather as I may so say, to have endeavour'd to stir things which are not to be mov'd, in reference to the Opinion which we have of the Gods, while you demand a Reason and demonstration of every thing in particular. For it is sufficient to believe according to the Faith of our Fore­fathers, and the Instructions of the Country where we have been bred and born, then which we cannot utter or invent a more certain Argument,

For this is a Foundation and Basis common to all Piety and Religion; of which if once the steady Rule and decreed Maxims be once disordered and shaken, all the rest must totter and become suspected. And no que­stion but you have heard in what a confusion of thought Euripides was, and how it perplexed him to begin his Menalippe

Where he seems to have a Confidence in the Lofty Stile and Elaborate Eloquence of his Tragedy, to venture the Indignation of the Deity; but finding he had drawn upon himself the Envy of another Adversary, the Multi­tude, he altered the Verse.

What difference then is there between calling in que­tion the Name of Jupiter or Minerva, and doubting of the Name of Cupid, or Love? For it is not of late that Cupid or Love has challeng'd Altars and Sacrifices, nei­ther is he a Foreigner started up out of any Barbarian Superstition as were the Attae, and the Adonaei, intro­duc'd by I know not what sort of Hermophrodites and idle Women. Nor has he clandestinly crept into Ho­nors no way becoming him to avoid the accusation of Bastardy, and being unduly enroll'd in the Catalogue of the Gods. But when you hear Empedocles thus saying,

You ought to believe all this to be said of Love. For that Love, no more then any of the rest of the ancient Deities, is visible, but apprehended only by Opinion and Belief. For every one of which if you require a reason and demonstrative Argument, by enquiring af­ter [Page 312] every Temple, and making a Sophistical doubt upon every Altar, you shall find nothing free from Calumny and malicious Slander. For that I may go on farther, observe but these.

Therefore Empedocles gives her the Epithite of [...], or the Giver of Life: And Sophocles calls her [...] or Fruitful: both very aptly and pertinently. For indeed the great and wonderful Work of generation is properly the Work of Venus, where Love is only an Assistant, when present with Venus: but whose absence renders the act it self altogether irksom, dishonourable, harsh and ungrateful. For the Conjunction of Man and Woman without true Affection, like hunger and thirst, that ter­minate in Satiety, produces nothing truly noble or commendable, unless the Goddess seperating from Love the glut of Pleasure, perpetuate Delight by a continual supply of friendship and harmony of Temper. There­fore Parmenides asserts Love to be the most ancient of all the Works of Venus,

But Hesiod, in my Opinion, seems more Philosophically to make Love the Eldest of all the Gods, as from whom all the other Deities derive their beginning. Therefore should we deprive Love of the Honours which are de­creed him, neither will the Ceremonies ascrib'd to Venus be any longer in request. For it is not sufficient to say, that some Men reproach Love and load him with [Page 313] Contumelies, but abstain from giving her an ill word. For upon the same Theater we hear these Scandals fix'd upon both;

And in another place thus upon Venus;

As indeed we may say of the rest of the Gods, that there is not one that has escap'd the scandalous jibes of illiterate Atheism. Look upon Mars, as in a Brazen Sculpture possessing the Place just opposite to Love, how highly has he been honoured, how lowly degraded by Men?

Homer also gives him the Epithite of [...] or conta­minated with Murder; and of [...], or Jack a­both [...]sides. Moreover Chrysippus explaining the name of the Deity, fixes a villanous accusation upon him. For says he, Ares is derived from [...], which signifies to Murder and destroy: thereby affording an occasion for some to give the Name of Ares or Mars, to that same proneness and perverse Inclination in Men to wrath and Passion, and to quarrel and fight one with another. Others affirm Venus to be nothing but our Concupi­scence: that Mercury is no more then the faculty of Speech, that the Muses are only the Names for the [Page 314] Arts and Sciences; and that Minerva is only a fine word for Prudence. And thus you see into what an Abyss of Atheism we are likely to plunge our selves, while we go about to set up the Passions, Faculties and Vertues of Men for so many Gods. I plainly perceive it, reply'd Pemptides; for I neither believe it lawful to make the Gods to be Passions, nor on the other side, to make the Passions to be Deities. To whom my Fa­ther, Well then, said he, do you believe Mars to be a God, or a Passion of ours? To which when Pemptides reply'd, that he thought Mars to be the Deity that rectify'd the Angry and Couragious part of Man; my Father presently retorting upon him, Why then, said he, shall our passionate Part, and those wrathful Incli­nations within us that provoke us to mischief and blood­shed, have a Deity to over-rule and govern then, and will you not allow the same Guardianship over our bet­ter propensities to Love, Friendship, Society and Peace? There is a Deity that presides and has the superinten­dence over those that kill and are slain; a Deity that bears rule in matters of Arms, all Warlike Preparations, Assaults of Citys, Depredations of Countries, &c. And distributes rewards as he sees occasion; and shall there be no Deity to be a Witness and Overseer, a Supream Governour and Director of Conjugal Affection which terminates in Concord and happy Society? Nay we find that they who make it their sport to Hunt Wild Goats, Hares and Deer are not without their Forest Deity to incourage them; and they that make it their business to Trapan Wolves and Bears into Snares and Pit-falls, Pray for good luck to Aristaeus,

[Page 315] Hercules having also bent his Bow, before he let fly at the Bird which he intended to hit, invok'd another Deity, as we find in Ecschylus;

But for Men that Hunt the most Noble Game of Love and Friendship, there is not so much as one Daemon to assist and prosper so laudable an enterprise. Truly, Daphnaeus for my part I cannot believe a Man to be a more incon­siderable Plant then an Oak, or Mulbury-Tree, or the Vine, which Homer calls by the Name of Hemeris; con­sidering that Man in his due season also is endu'd with a Powerful faculty to bud, and pleasantly put forth the Beautys both of his Body and Mind. To whom Daph­naeus, In the Name of all the Gods, who ever thought otherwise? All those most certainly, reply'd my Father, who believing the care of Plowing, Sowing and Plant­ing, is an Employment becoming the Gods: to which purpose they have also certain Nymphs attending them, who are call'd Druids, and live just as long as the Trees, of which they take care; Or as Pindarus Sings,

And yet will not allow the nourishment and growth of Children and Young People, who in the flower of their Age are to be form'd and shap'd into several varieties of Beauty, to be under the care and tuition of any Deity: or that there is any Divinity to take care, that Man being once born may be guided and conducted in the true Paths of Vertue, and to prevent the ten­der [Page 316] Plant from being bow'd and bent the wrong way for want of a good Instructor, or by the deprav'd conversation of those with whom he lives. For my part, I look upon it as a heinous peice of Indignity and Ingratitude, and as it were a driving of the Deity from his love to Mankind, which he is ready to dispeirce and diffuse over all, and willingly never abandons the di­stresses and necessitys of Mortals. Of which there are some that cannot be avoided, though not so pleasing to en­dure. Thus our being delivered from the Mothers Womb, is no such delightful thing, as being attended with Pain and Issues of Blood, and yet there is a Ce­lestial Midwife and Overseer that takes particular care of that necessity, which is Lucina. And indeed a Man had better never to be born, then to be made bad and wicked for want of a good Tutor and Guardian. Nay, we find that the divine Power does not desert us in our Sickness, nor after we are dead; there being still some Deity or other, who claims some certain peculiar Em­ployment or Function, even upon those occasions. A­mong the rest there is one that helps to convey the Souls of such as have ended this Life into the other World, and lays them asleep, like the Eunuch that is appointed to usher in the Bride into her Bed-Chamber; for which reason Mercury is called by the name of [...], or the Soul conductor. According to this of the Poet,

Nevertheless these Ministerial functions have many dif­ficulties [Page 317] and troubles which atend them; whereas we cannot imagine any Employment more holy, any Ex­ercise more sacred, nor any Contention for Prize and Glory more becoming a Deity, then to direct and assist the lawful endeavours and pursuits of Lovers in their prime of Years and Beauty. There is nothing disho­norable, nothing of forc'd necessity in this, but gentle perswasion and alluring Grace, rendring labour deghtful, as leading to Vertue and Friendship, and which never attains the true accomplishment of the end it aims at without some divine assistance; nor can have any other Conductor and Master then Cupid him­self, who is the Friend and Companion of the Mus [...], the Graces and Venus his own Mother. For according to Melannippides,

What do you say, Zeuxippus, can we believe it to be otherwise? In truth, I judge it so, reply'd Zeuxippus, and I think it would be absurd to affirm the contrary. And would it not be absurd indeed, said my Father, since there are four sorts of Friendship, according to the de­termination of the Ancients? The first, say they, is Natural; the next is that of Kindred and Relations; the third is that of Friends and Acquaintance, and the last is that of Lovers. Three of these have their several Tutel [...]r Deities, under the Names of [...], the Patron of Friendship, [...], the Patron of Hospitality; and [...] or [...], who knits Affection, between those of the same Country. Only amorous Affection, as if it were unhallowed and under interdiction, they leave without any Guardian or Protector, which indeed requires the [Page 318] greatest Care and Government above all the rest▪ All that you say, reply'd Zeuxippus, in undeniable.

By the way, reply'd my Father, we may here take notice of what Plato discourses upon this Subjects. For he says, that there is a certain Madness transmitted from the Body to the Soul, proceeding from a malignant Mix­ture of ill Humors, or a noxious Vapor, or rather per­nicious Spirit that possesses the Heart; which Madness is a rugged and terrible Disease. The other is a kind of Fury, partaking something of Divine Inspiration; neither is it en­gender'd within, but is an Insufflation from without, and a disturbance of the Rational and Considerative Faculty, deriving its Beginning and Motion from some stronger Power; the common Affection of which is call'd an En­thusiastick Passion. For as [...] or Inspiration signifies fill'd with Wind; and [...] denotes repleat with Pru­dence, so this Commotion of the Soul is call'd Enthusiasm, by reason it participates of a more Divine Power. Now the Prophetic Part of Enthusiasm, derives it self from the Inspiration of Apollo, possessing the Intellect of the Sooth-sayer; but Bacchanal Fury proceeds from Father Liber, ‘And with the Corybantes ye shall dance.’ Says Sophocles. For as for the Extravagancies of the Priests of Cybele, the Mother of the Gods, and those which are call'd Panick Terrros and Ejaculations, they are all of the same Nature with the Bacchanal Orgies. There is also a third sort of Enthusiasm, which is proper to the Muses, which possessing an even temper'd and placid Soul, excites and rouses up the Gifts of Poetry and Musick. But as for that same Warlike Fury which is call'd Arimanian, it is well known to descend from Mar [...] the God of War; a sort of Fury, wherein there is no Grace nor Musical Sweetness, destructive altoge­ther [Page 319] to Generation, and rousing up the People to Dis­cord and Tumult.

There remains yet one sort more of Alienation of the Understanding in Man, the same neither obscure, nor yet altogether calm and quiet. Concerning which, I would fain ask Pemptides,

But without expecting a Resolution of this Qustion, I mean that Erotick Fury that possesses lovely Youths and Chast Women; yet a most hot and vehement Trans­port. For do we not see how the Warrior lays down his Arms, and submits to this more prevalent Rage?

And thus having renounc'd the Hazards of Battel, he sits down a quiet Spectator of other Mens Dangers. But as for these Bacchanalian Motions, and Frisking of the Corybantes, there is a way to allay those extravagant Transports, by changing the Measure from the Tro­ [...]haic to the Spondaick, and the Tone from the Phrygian to the Dorick; and the Pythian Prophetess, descending from her Tripos, and quitting the Prophetic Exhalati­on, becomes sedate and calm again. Whereas the Fu­ry of Love, where ever it seizes either Man or Wo­man, it sets them in a Flame; no Musick, no ap­peasing Incantations, no change of Places are able to quench or put a Stop to it; but being in Presence, being absent, they desire; by Day they prosecute their Importunate Visits; by Night they serenade at [Page 320] the Windows: Sober, they are continually calling [...]p­on their Mistresses, and when they are Fuddl'd, ar [...] always [...]ea [...]ing the Company with their Love Songs and Madrigals. Neither, as one was pleas'd to [...]ay, are Poetical Fancies, by reason of their lively Expressi­ons, the Dreams of those that wake. But rather t [...] Dialogues of Persons enamor'd, discoursing with their absent Mistrisses, as if they were present; and D [...]ly­ing, Embracing and Expostulating with them, as if they were in Place. For the Sight seems to delineate other Fancies in the Water, that quickly glide away, and slip out of the Mind: Whereas the Imagin [...] ­tions of Lovers, being, as it were, enamel'd by Fi [...]e, leave the Images of things imprinted in the Me­mory, moving, living, speaking and remaining for a long time. So that Cato the Roman was wont to say, that the Soul of a Lover resided and dwelt in the Soul o [...] the Person belov'd. For that there is settl'd and fix'd in the one, the Form, Shape, Manners, Conversation and Actions of the other▪ by the swift Motion of which, he dispatches and rids a great deal of Ground, as the Cyr [...]c [...], or as others will have it, the Comaedians say, in a short time; and finds a more compendious and di­rect Road to Vertue; and he is carry'd from Love to Friendship, as it were, with Wind and Tide, the God of Love assisting his Passion. In short then I say, that the [...]thusiasm of Lovers, is neither void of Divine In­spiration, neither is it under the Guardianship and Con­duct of any other Deity, but he whose Festivals we solemnize, and to whom we offer our Oblations. Ne­vertheless, in regard we measure the Excellency of a Deity by his Puissance, and the Benefit which we re­ceive at his Hands, and esteem Power and Vertue to be the two chiefest and most Divine of all Human Bles­sings, it may not be unseasonable to consider, whether [Page 321] Love be inferior in Power to any other of the Gods. For according to Sophocles,

Great is also the Dominion of Mars, and indeed we see the Power of all the rest of the Gods, divided in some Measure into two sorts; the one familiarly alluring to Vertue and Honesty; the other, which consists in the Resistance of Evil, and which is originally bred in the Soul. As Plato observes in his Description of Forms.

Now then let us consider, that Venereal Delight is a thing that is purchas'd many times for a small matter of Money, and that there is no Man that ever underwent any Pain or Danger for the sake of Venereal Enjoy­ments, unless he were inflam'd and tormented with the burning Fires of an ardent Lust; insomuch, that not to mention such Curtesans as either Phryne or Lais, we find that the Harlot Gnathemon,

Is often pass'd by and Neglected.

This makes the Pleasure equally esteem'd and valu'd to the Treasures of Tantalus, and all his vast Dominions. So faint and so soon cloy'd is Venereal Desire, unless rendred grateful by the Charms and Inspiration of Love. Which is more evidently confirm'd by this: for that many Men admit others to partake of their Vene­real [Page 322] Pleasures, prostituting not only their Mistresses and Concubines, but also their own Wives, to the Embra­ces of their Friends; as it is reported of the Roman Kalbas or Galba, who inviting Mecaenas to his House, and perceiving him winking and nodding upon his Wife, turn'd away his Head upon his Pillow, as if he had been asleep; yet at the same time, when one of the Servants came creeping out of the next Room, to steal a Bottle of Wine from the Cubboard, presently turning about, with his Eyes open, Varlet, said he, 'tis only to pleasure Mecaenas, that I sleep.

At Argos, there was a great Animosity between Ni­costratus and Faulius, so that they always oppos'd each other, and quarrel'd at the Council Board. Now it being known that King Philip intended a Visit to that City, Faulius bethought himself that he could not miss the highest Preferment the Government could afford, if he could but oblige the King with the Company of his Wife, who was both Beautiful and Young. Ni­costratus smelling this Design, set some of his Servants to walk too and fro before Faulius's House, and observe who went in and out; where they had not stay'd long, but out came Nicostratus's Wife, in high Shoes, with a Mantle and Cap, after the Macedonian Fashion, ac­couter'd like one of the Kings Pages, accompany'd by two or three more, that carry'd her directly to the Kings Court. Since then there ever were, and still are too many Lovers of this Temper, did you ever know of any one that ever prostituted his particular Male Friend, though it were to gain the Honours as­crib'd to Jupiter himself? Truly, I never believe there ever was any such. For why? there never was any one that would pretend to oppose and contend with a Tyrant; but there are many Rivals and Competitors that will quarrel and fight for Boys that are Beautiful, and in the Prime of their Years. It is reported of Ari­stogiton [Page 323] the Athenian, and Menalippus of Agrigentum, that they never contested with Tyrants, though they wasted and ruin'd the Common-wealth, and indulg'd the Im­petuosity of their Lust; but when they found them attempting their Male Amours, they withstood them with the utmost Peril of their Lives, as if they had been to defend their Temples, and their most Sacred Sanctuaries. Alexander also is said to have sent to Theo­dorus, the Brother of Proteus, in these Words: Send me that Musical Girl that Plays and Sings so well, and take ten Talents for her, unless thou lov'st her thy self. Another time, when one of his Minions, Antipatridas came to be jovial with him, and brought a Minstrel in his Compa­ny to compleat their Mirth, the Prince being greatly affected with the Girls Playing and Singing, ask'd An­tipatridas, Whether he had any extraordinary Kindness for her? Who answering, That he lov'd her as his Eyes. Then all the Plagues of Mankind light upon thee, quoth the Prince: however he would not so much as touch the Girl. Consider also what vast Power Love has also over Martial Men and Warriors. Not as Euripides will have it to be,

For a Man that is once inflam'd with Love, wants not Mars himself to be his Second, when he is to engage with his Enemies; but confiding in the Deity that is within him,

And breaks through all Opposition, if his Mistriss re­quire any Proof of his Valour. Therefore we read in [Page 324] Sophecles, that the Daughters of Niobe being wounded with Arrows to Death, one of them, as she lay wollow­ing in her Blood, calls out for no other Help or Succor to assist her in her Revenge, but her Love.

You know the Reason why Cleomachus the Pharsalian, fell in Battel. I am a Stranger to the Story, reply'd Pemp­tides, and would willingly therefore hear it. Certainly 'tis very well worth your Knowledge, said my Father.

In the heat of the War between the Chalcidians and the Eretrians, Cleomachus went to aid the Chalcidians; at what time it was evident that the Chalcidians were the stronger in Foot, but they found it a difficult thing to with­stand the Force of the Enemies Horse. Thereupon they requested Cleomachus, being their Confederate, and a Man signaliz'd for his Courage, to give the first On­set upon the Enemies Cavalry. Presently the Youth, whom he most intirely lov'd, being present, he ask'd him, Whether he would stay and be a Spectator of the Com­bat? To which, when the Lad gave his Consent, and after many tender Kisses and Embraces, had put on his Helmet, Cleomachus, his Love redoubling his Courage, and being surrounded with some few of the Flower of the Thessalian Horse, charg'd into the thickest of the Enemy, and put them to the Rout; which the heavy-arm'd Infantry seeing, betook themselves also to Flight, so that the Chalcidians obtain'd a Noble Victory; however Cleomachus was there slain, and the Chalcidians shew his Monument erected in the Market Place with a fair Pillar standing upon it to this Day; and whereas they abomi­nated Pederastie before, after that, they admir'd and [Page 325] affected it above all other Pleasures. Nevertheless, Aristotle tells us, that Cleomachus indeed lost his Life after the Victo­rious Battel which he gain'd from the Eretrians; but as for that Cleomachus, who was thus kiss'd by his Male Concubine, he was of Chalcis in Thrace, and sent to aid the Chalcidians in Euboea. Which is the reason of that same Ballad which is generally sung among them:

Dionysius the Poet, in his Poem, entitl'd Questions, in­forms us, that the Name of the Lover was Anton, and that the Youth belov'd was call'd Philistus. And is it not a Custom among us Thebans, for the Lover to present the Beloved with a compleat Suit of Armor, with their own Names inscrib'd on it; as Artidas presented his Mi­nion. And Pammenes, a very great Souldier, but very amorously given, quite alter'd the Method of embat­teling the heavy-arm'd Infantry, and blames Homer, as one that knew not what belong'd to Love, for marshal­ing the several Divisions of the Achaeans, according to their Tribes and Wards, and not placing the Lover by his Beloved. For then the Description which he gives of their Close Order, would have been the Conse­quence of his Skill and Marshal Discipline, where he says,

[Page 326] The only way to render a Battalion invincible. For Men will desert those of the same Tribe or Family; nay, before George, their very Children and Parents; but never any Enemy could pierce or penetrate between a Lover and his Darling Minion, in whose Sight, ma­ny times, when there is no necessity, the Lover delights to shew his Courage and Contempt of Danger; like Thero the Thessalian, who clapping his Left hand to the Wall, and then drawing his Sword, struck of his Thumb, thereby challenging his Rival to do the same. Or like another, who falling in Battel upon his Face, as his Enemy was about to follow his Blow, desir'd him to stay till he could turn, least his Male Concubine should see that he had been wounded in the Back. And there­fore we find that the most Warlike of Nations, are most addicted to Love, as the Boeotians, Lacedaemonians and Cretans; and among the most ancient Hero's, none more amorous then Meleager, Achilles, Aristomenes, Ci­mon and Epaminondas: the latter of which, had for his Male Concubines, Asopicus and Caphisodorus, who was slain with him at the Battel of Mantinea, and lyes buried v [...]ry near him; whose Love, because it had render'd him more fierce and daring, and consequently more terrible to the Enemy, therefore Bucnamus the Amphissi­an, that first made head against him and slew him, had Heroick Honours pay'd him by the Phocensians. It would be a Task too great to enumerate the Amours of Hercules; but among the rest, Iolaus is honour'd and ador'd to this Day by many, because he is thought to have been the Darling of that Hero; and upon his Tomb it is that Lovers plight their Troths, and make reciprocal Vows of their Affection. Moreover, Apollo being skill'd in Physick, is said to have recover'd Al­cestis from Deaths Door, in Kindness to Ad [...]tus, who, as he had a great Love for his Wife, so had the Deity as great a Passion for him. For it is said of Apollo, [Page 327] that doating upon Admetus, he became his Servant for a whole year. And here methinks we have very oppor­tunely mention'd Althestis: For although the Temper of Women has little to do with Mars, love many times drives them to daring Attempts beyond their own Nature, even to lay violent Hands upon themselves. And if there be any Credit to be given to the Fables of the Poets, the Stories of Alcestis, Protesilaus and Euridice, the Wife of Orpheus, plainly evince us, that Pluto himself obeys no other God but Love. For as Sophocles says,

But to Lovers he pays a Reverence; to them alone, nei­ther implacable nor inexorable. And therefore it is a very good thing to be initiated into the Eleusinian Cere­monies; but I find the Condition of those much better in Hell, who are admitted into the Mysteries of Love; which I speak, as one that neither altogether confide in Fables, nor altogether mis-believe them. For they speak a great deal of Sence, and many times by a cer­tain Kind of Divine good Hap, hit upon the Truth, when they say that Lovers are permitted to return from Hell to Sun-light again; but which way, and how, they know not; as wandring from the right Path, which Plato, first of all Men, by the Assistance of Phylosophy, found out. For there are several slender and obscure dimanations of Truth dispiers'd among the Mythologies of the Egyptians; only they want an acute and expe­rienc'd Tracer, to find out greater Mysteries by hunting small things Dryfoot. And therefore let 'em go.

And now since we find the Power of Love to be so great, let us take a little Notice of that which we call the [Page 328] Benevolence and Favour of it toward Men. Not whither it confers many Benefits upon those that are addicted to it, for that's a thing apparent to all Men; but whether the Blessings that Men receive by it, are more and greater then any other. And here Euripi­des, notwithstanding that he was a Person so amorous as he was, admires the meanest gift it has; for says he,

For he might as well have said, that Love makes a Man wise and Prudent, that was a Fool and sottish before; or a Coward bold and daring; or a Stout and couragious Man a dastard and pusillanimous; as when we heat Wooden Poles in the fire of soft and bend 'em to make them strong and streight. In like manner he that was a sordid Miser before, falling once in Love, becomes liberal and lofty minded; his covetous and pinching humor being mollified by Love, like Iron in the Fire, so that he is more pleas'd with being liberal to the Objects of his Love, then before delighted to re­ceive from others. For ye all know how Anytus, the Son of Anthemion fell in Love with Alcibiades; who understanding that Anytus had invited several of his Friends to a noble and splendid Banquet, came into the Room in Masquerade, and going to the Table, after he had taken one half of the Silver Cups and other Plate, went his way. Which when some of the Guests took very ill, and told Anytus that the young Lad had demeaned himself very rudely and saucily. Not so, said Anytus, but very civily, since when it was in his power to have taken all the rest, he was so civil as to leave me some. Pleased with this story, O Hercules, quo Zeu­xippus, how have ye almost ras'd out of my Mind, that Hereditary Hatred which I had conceiv'd against Anytus, [Page 329] for his ill opinion of Socrates and Philosophy, since he was become so gentle and generous in his Amours. Be it so said my Father, but let us proceed, Love is of that nature, that it renders those that were severe and morose before, both affable and pleasant in their Humor. For as,

So the Heat of Love renders the Soul of Man more lively and cheerful. But there are many who go quite contrary to reason in this particular. For when they behold a glitttering Light in a House by Night they admire, and look upon it as something Celestial; but when they see a narrow pittiful, abject soul, of a suddain replenish'd with Understanding, Generosity, Sence of Honour, Curtesie and Liberality, they do not believe themselves constrain'd to say as Telemachus in Homer, ‘Surely some God within this House resides.’ For the love of the Graces tell me, said Daphnaeus, is it not a thing altogether as much savouring of Divinity, that a Man who contemns all other things, not only his Friends and Familiar acquaintance, but also the Laws, the Magistrates; even Kings, and Princes themselves; who fears nothing, is astonish'd at nothing, cares for nothing, but thinks himself able to fight an Army, so soon as he beholds the object of his burning Love,

[Page 330] Should presently loose all his prowess, and that all his Bravery should fail him as if his heart were quite sunk to the bottom of his Belly? Remarkable therefore is that recorded by Sapho among the Muses. For the Romans report in their Storys, that Cacus the Son of Vulcan vomited Fire and Flames out of his Mouth. And in­deed Sapho speaks, as if her words were mixt with fire, and by her Verses plainly discovers the violent heat of her Heart,

And here, Daphnaeus, if the Love of Lysander, have not buried in oblivion your former sportive of Dalliances, I would desire ye to call to mind and oblige us with the repetition of those Elegant Raptures of Sappho, wherein she tells us, how that when the Person beloved by her appear'd, her speech forsook her, her Body was all over in a cold Sweat; how she grew pale and wan, and was surpriz'd with a suddain trembling and diziness. To this Daphnaeus consented, and so soon as he had con­cluded, said my Father, So Jupiter help me, is not this an apparent seisure of something more then human up­on the Soul? Can this be other then some Celestial rapture of the Mind? what do we find equal to it in the Pythian Prophetess, when she sits upon the Tripos? Where do we find that the Flutes which are used in the Bacchanalian Orgies, or the Tabors play'd upon in the Ceremonies of the Mother of the Gods, rouse up such noble Transports among that fanatic sort of Enthusiasts? Many there are that behold the same Body and the same Beauty, but the Lover only admires and is ravish'd with it. And what's the reason d' ye think! For we [Page 331] do not perceive ot understand it, when Menander shews it us;

Now 'tis the God of Love that gives the Occasion, seizing upon some, and letting others go free. What therefore had been more seasonable for me to have spo­ken before, since it is now chop'd into my Mouth, as Aeschilus says, I think it is my best way to let it go, as being a Matter of great Importance. For it may be, my dear Friend, there is not any thing in the World which was not perceptible by Sence; but what gain'd Credit and Authority at the first, either from Fables, or from the Law, or else from rational Dis­course. And therefore Poets, Law-givers, and in the third place, Philosophers, were all along the first that instructed and confirm'd us in our Opinions of the Gods. For all agree that there are Gods; but concerning their Number, their Order, their Essence and Power, they vastly differ one among another. For the Philosophers Deities are subject neither to Age nor Diseases, neither do undergo any Labour or Pain,

And therefore they will not admit the Poetical Erides and Litai, or Numen's of Contention and Pacification; nor will they acknowledge Fear and Terror to be the Sons of Mars. They also differ from the Law-givers in many things. Thus Zenophanes forbid the Aegyptians to worship Osiris as a God, if they thought him to be Mortal, and if they thought him to be a God, not to bewail him. Then again, the Poets and Law-givers vary from the Philo­sophers, [Page 332] and will not so much as hear them, while they Deifie certain Idea's, Numbers, Unites, and Spirits; such is the wild Variety, and vast Difference of Opini­ons among these sort of People. Therefore as there were at Athens the three Factions of the Parati, Epacri, and Pediei, that could never agree, but were always at variance one with another; yet when they were assem­bl'd, gave their Suffrages unanimously for Solon, and chose him with one Consent for their Peace-maker, Go­vernour, and Law-giver, as to whom the highest Re­ward of Vertue was beyond all doubt or question due; so the three different Sects or Factions, in reference to the Gods, in giving their Opinions, some for one, and some for another, as being by no means willing to subscribe one to another, are all positive in their Con­sent as to the God of Love: Him, the most famous of the Philosopers, and the numerous Acclamations of the Philosophers and Law-givers have enroll'd in the Catalogue of the Gods, with loud Praises and Panegy­ricks. And as Alcaeus says, that the Mitylenians unani­mously chose Pittacus for their Prince; so Hesiod, Plato, and Solon, bring forth Cupid out of Helicon, and con­duct him in Pomp and State into the Academy to be our King, Governour, and Director, hamper'd with all the Yokes and Fetters of Friendship and Society; not as Euripides says.

With Fetters bound, but not of Brass, God knows, as if the Bonds of Love were only the cold and ponde­rous Chains of Necessity, made use of as a colorable Pretence to excuse and qualifie Shame; and not such as are carryed upon winged Chariots to the most lovely and Celestial Objects in this World, concerning which, there has been much more said by others.

After my Father had thus deliver'd himself; Do ye not perceive, said Soclarus, how, being fallen a second time into the same Matter, you have as it were by force [Page 333] constrain'd your self to this Deviation, unjustly to de­prive us, if I may speak what I think, of that same Sacred Discourse which you were entring into? For as before, you gave us a Hint concerning Plato and the Egyptians, but pass'd them over as if it had been done against your Will, so you do now again. 'Tis true, that as for those things which Plato, or rather the Mu­ses, have deliver'd in Plato's Writings, I do not believe you would put your self to the trouble to say any thing more, although we should request it. But whereas you have obscurly hinted that the Fables of the Egypti­ans accord with Plato's Opinion concernig Love, we know you have a greater Kindness for us then to con­ceal your Knowledge from us; and though it be but a little of those imports [...]t Matters; it shall suffice us. Thereupon the rest of the Company declaring their Readiness to give attention, my Father thus be­gan.

The Egyptians, said he, as also the Grecians, set up two Deities of Love; the one Vulgar, the other Ce­lestial; to which they add a third, which they be­lieve to be the Sun; and as for Venus, they pay her a very great Veneration. We our selves also do find that there is a great Affinity and Resemblance between the Sun and the God of Love. For neither of them are material Fire, as some conjecture. All that we can acknowledge is only this, that there is a certain soft and generative Heat and Warmth proceeding from the Sun, which affords to the Body Nourishment, Light and Relaxation of Cold: Whereas that Warmth which comes from the other, works the same Effects in the Soul. And as the Sun breaking forth from the Clouds, and after a thick Fog is much hotter; so Love, after the Passionate Anger and Jealousies of the Party belov'd, upon Reconciliation of both Parties, are over, grows more delightful and fervent. Moreover as some be­lieve [Page 334] the Sun to be kindl'd and extinguish'd, they also imagine the same things concerning Love, as being mortal and unstable. For neither can a Constitution, not enur'd to Exercise, endure the Sun, nor the Dis­position of an illiterate and ill tutor'd Soul, brook Love without Trouble and Pain, and both are alike distem­per'd and diseas'd, for which the lay the Blame upon the Power of Love, and not their own Weakness. Herein only there may seem to be some Difference be­tween them, for that the Sun displays to the Sight upon the Earth, both Beauty and Deformity at once. But Love is a Luminary that affords us the View of beauti­ful Objects only, and perswades Lovers to cast their Eyes only upon what is pleasing and delightful; but with a careless Eye to overlook all other things. On the o­ther side, they that attribute the Name of Venus to the Earth, can make out no Resemblance at all. For that Venus is Celestial and Divine; but the Region of Mix­ture between Mortal and Immortal, is weak of it self, obscure and dark, without the Presence of the Sun; as Venus is where Love is absent. Therefore more proper­ly, and with more probability, the Moon is liken'd to Venus, and the Sun to Love, rather then to any other of the Gods. Nevertheless, we must not therefore say they are all one. For neither is the Soul and Body the same, but distinct; as the Sun is visible, Love perceptible on­ly by Sence. And if it might not be thought too harsh a Saying, a Man might affirm, that the Sun and Love act contrary to one another. For the Sun diverts the Understanding from things intelligible to sensible Ob­jects, alluring and fascinating the Sight with the Grace and Splendor of his Rays, and perswading us to search among other things, even for Truth it self, within and about himself, and no where else. And we appear to be passionately in Love with this Sun, because as Euripi­des says,

For want of our Knowledge of another Life; or ra­ther through Forgetfulness of those things, which Love calls to our Remembrance. For as when after being newly awaked, and coming into a bright and dazling Light, we forget whatever appear'd to the Soul in our Dreams; so the Sun seems to stupifie the Remembrance of things done, and happening in this Life, and to a­dulterate and empoyson the Understanding, with the Pleasure and Admiration of himself, so that we forget all other Considerations besides of the other Life. Though there indeed are the real Substances proper for the Contemplation of the Soul; here they only em­brace Dreams, and grope after what is beautiful and Divine;

Being perswaded here, that every thing is goodly and highly to be priz'd, unless they happen upon some Di­vine and chast Love to be their Physitian and Preserver; which being transmitted from Elysium through Corporeal Bodies, leads them to Truth, and the Fields of Verity; where they desire to embrace that which is pure, and void of Fallacy and Sophistication, and for some time to abide in Amity together; while Love, like an obse­quious Servitor to those that are initiated in Sacred Ce­remonies, assists and leads them to Noble Contemplati­ons; but no sooner is Love sent from hence again, but the Soul is no longer able to make her approaches of her self, but by the Body. And therefore as Geometrici­ans, when Children are not able of themselves to ap­prehend [Page 336] the intelligible Ideas of incorporeal and impos­sible Substances, form and set before their Eyes the tan­gible and visible Imitations of Spheres, Cubes, and Dode­caedrons: In like manner Celestial Love having fram'd lovely Mirrors to represent lovely Objects, though mor­tal and passive Figures of things divine, and only percep­tible to Sence, shews them to us glittering in the Form [...], Colours and Shape of Youth in its Prime, and first in­sensibly moves the Memory inflam'd by the Sight of these Objects. Whence it comes to pass, that some through the Stupidity of their Friends and Acquain­tance, endeavouring by Force, and against Reason, to extinguish that Flame, have enjoy'd nothing of true Benefit thereby, but only either disquieted themselves with Smoak and Trouble, or else rushing headlong into obscure and irregular Pleasures, obstinately cast them­selves away. But as many as by sober and modest Ra­tiocination, have sincerely extinguish'd the raging Heat of the Fire, and only left behind a warm and glowing Heat in the Soul, not being any Agitation of the Soul, moving forward to the Seed, or a slippery Concurrence of Atomes compress'd by smoothness and Titillation; but a wonderful and engendring Diffusion, as in a blossoming and well nourish'd Plant; and opening the Pores of Obedience and Affection; these I say, in a short time, passing through the Bodies of those whom they love, penetrate more inwardly, and fall to admire their Manners and Dispositions, and calling off their Eyes from the Body, converse together, and contem­plate one another in their Discourses, and in their Acti­ons, provided there be but the least Scrip or Appea­rance of Beauty in the Understanding. If not, they let 'em go, and turn their Affections upon others, like Bees that will not fasten upon many Plants and Flowers, because they cannot gather Honey from them. But where they find any Footstep, any Emanation, any Re­semblance [Page 337] of a Divinity, ravish'd with delight and admi­ration, they attract it to themselves, and place their whole content in what is truly amiable, happy and belov'd by all Mankind.

True it is, that the Poets according to their sportive humour, seem to write many things in Merriment con­cerning this Deity, and to make him the Subject of their lascivious Songs, in the height of their Revelling Jollity: making but little serious mention of him; whether out of judgment and reason, or being assur'd of the Truth by divine Inspiration, is the question. Among the rest, there is one thing which they say very odly, concerning the Birth and Generation of this God,

Unless the Grammarians have likewise deluded you, by saying that this Fable was invented, by the variety of the colours in the Rainbow to set forth the multi­ply'd diversity of Passions that attend on Love.

To whom Daphnaeus, to what other end or purpose could it be? Hear me then, said my Father; for 'tis no more then what the Celestial Meteor constrains us to say. The Reflection of the Colours in the Rainbow is an Affection of the Sight, when it lights upon a Cloud somewhat of a dewy substance, but smooth and mode­rately thick withal, and we beholding the repercusion of the Sun-beams upon it, together with the light and splendor about the Sun, it begets an Opinion in us, that the Apparition is in the Cloud. In like manner, this same subtle Invention of Love-Sophistry in generous and noble Souls causes a repercusion of the Memory from beautiful Objects there appearing, and so call'd, [Page 338] upon that Beauty really divine, truly amiable and happy, and by all admired. But most People pursuing and taking hold of the fancy'd Image of this Beauty in Boys and Women, reap nothing more assur'd and certain then a little Pleasure mix'd with Pain. But this seems to be more then a Delirium or diziness of the Vulgar sort, beholding their empty and unsatisfy'd desires in [...]he Clouds, as it were in so many Shadows. Like Children, who thinking to catch the Rainbow in their hands, snatch at the Apparition that appears before their Eyes. But a generous and modest Lover observes another Method. For his Contemplations reflect only but that Beauty which is divine and preceptible by the Understanding: but lighting upon the Beauty of a visible Body, and making use of it as a kind of Organ of the Memory, he embraces and loves, and by Conversation augmenting his joy and satisfaction, still more and more inflames his Understand­ing. But neither do these Lovers conversing with Bodies, rest satisfy'd in this World with a Desire and Admira­tion of this same Light; neither when they are arriv'd at Elisyum after death, do they return hither again as Fugitives, to hover about the Doors and Mansions of new Marry'd People; which are only the Dreams and Visions of Men and Women given to pleasure and corporeal delights, who by no means deserve the Name and Character of true Lovers. Whereas a Lover truly Chaste and Amorous, being got to the true Mansion of Beauty, and there conversing with it, as much as it is lawful for him to do, mounted upon the Wings of chaste desire, becomes pure and hallow'd, and being initiated into sacred Orders, continues dancing and sporting about his Deity, till returning again to the Meadows of the Moon and Venus, and there layd asleep, he becomes ready for a new Nativity. But these are Points too high for the Discourse which we have propos'd to our selves.

[Page 339]

To return therefore to our purpose; Love, according to Euripides, is of the same Nature with all the rest of the Gods,

On the otherside he is no less offended, when any Affront or Contempt is put upon him; as he is most kind and benign to those that entertain him with humi­lity and respect. For neither does Jupiter, Sirnam'd the Hospitable, so severely prosecute injuries done to Stran­gers and Suppliants, nor is Jupiter Genialis so rigorous in accomplishing the Curses of Parents disobey'd, as Love is to listen to the Complaints of injur'd Lovers, being the Scourger and Punisher of Proud, Ill-natur'd and Ill-bred People. For not to mention Euxynthetus and Leu­comantis, at this day in Cyprus call'd Paracypptusa, or the Squine-Ey'd, 'tis a hundred to one that you have not heard neither of the Punishment inflicted upon Gorgo the Cretan, not much unlike to that of Paracytusa, only that Gorgo was turn'd into a Stone, as she lookt out of a Window to see her Love going to his Grave. With this Gorgo Asander fell in Love, a young Gentleman ver­tuous and nobly descended; but reduc'd from a flourish­ing Estate to Extremity of Poverty. However he did not think so meanly of himself, but that being her Kins­man, he courted this Gorgo for a Wife, though she had many Suitors at the same time by reason of her great Fortune: and had so carry'd his business, that notwith­standing his numerous and wealthy Rivals, he had gain'd the good will of all her Guardians and nearest Rela­tions.

[Page 340]

Now as for those things which they say are the Cau­ses that beget Love, they are not peculiar to this or t'other Sex, but common to both. For those Images that enter into Amorous Persons, and whisk above from one Part to another, moving and tickling the Mass of Atoms that slides into the Seed, cannot perform the same in young Boys, and it is as impossible they should do the same in young Women, unless we recal these no­ble and sacred Remembrances with which the Soul is winged to that same Divine, real and Olympic Beauty. What should hinder then but that the same Remem­brances may pass from Boys and Young Men; what should hinder Virgins and Young Women from remem­bring the same things, when we find a Disposition chast good natur'd in the prime of Youth and graceful fea­tures, s eing that, according to what Aristotle said, as a hand­some and well made Shoe, shews the Proportion of the Foot, so they that have Judgment in these Matters can discern the splendid upright, and uncorrupted foot­steps of a noble and generous Soul in beautiful Forms and Features, and Bodies undefil'd. For should the Question be be put to a Voluptious Person,

And he should answer thus,

There is no reason that he should be thought to have return'd a proper and pertinent Answer to his Concupi­scence; and that a noble and generous Lover, should not direct his Amours to loveliness and good Nature, but [Page 341] only to the Parts that distinguish the Sex. For cer­tainly a Man that delights in Horses, and is a good Horseman besides, will no less value the Mettle and Swiftness of Podargus, then of Aitha that was Agamem­nons Mare. And he that is a good Hunts-man, does not only delight in Dogs, but mixes with his Cry the Bitches of Candy and Laconia: and shall he that is a Lover as well of civility, carry himself with an inequality more to one than to another, and make a distinction as of Garments between the Love of Men and Women? But some say that Beauty is the Flower of Vertue. Will they then affirm that the Female Sex never blossoms, nor makes any shew of tendency to Vertue: It were absurd to think so. Therefore was Echylus in the right, when he said,

Now then are those signs and markes of Lasciviousness, Wantoness and impudence to be discover'd in the Vi­sages of Women, and shall there be no Light shining in their Faces for the discovery of Modesty and Chastity? Nay, shall there be many such signs and those Appa­rent, and shall they not be able to allure and provoke love? Both are contrary to reason, and dissonant from Truth: but every one of these things is common to both Sexes, as we have shew'd,

Now then Daphnaeus, let us confute the reason that Zeuxippus has but now alledg'd, by making Love to be all one with inordinate desire, that hurrys the Soul to In­temperance. Not that it is his Opinion, but only what he has frequently heard from Men morose, and no way addicted to Love. Of which there are some who Mar­rying poor silly Women, for the sake of some petty [Page 340] Portion, and having nothing to do with them and their Money, but to make them perpetual Drudges in p [...]ti­ful Mecanic Employments, are every day brawling and quarrelling with them. Others more desirous of Chil­dren then of Wives, like Grashoppers that spill their Seed upon Squills or some such like Herb, discharge their lust in hast upon the next they mee [...] with, and having reap'd the Fruit they sought for, bid Marriage farwel, or else regard is not at all, neither caring to Love, nor be belov'd. And in my Opinion the Words [...] and [...], which signifies dearly to love and dearly to be beloved again, differing but one Letter from [...], which signifies to contain, or endure, seem to me as import and denote, that mutual kindness which is call'd Conjugal, and is intermix'd by time and custom with necessity. But in that same Wedlock which Love supports and inspires, as in Plato's Commonwealth, there will be no such Language as Thine and M [...]e. For pro­perly to speak, there is no Community of Goods among all Freinds; only where two Friends though sever'd in Body, yet having their Souls melted, and as it were twisted together, and neither being desirous, nor b [...] ­lieving themselves to be two separate Persons, live in mutual respect and reverence, which is the chiefest hap­piness of Wedlock. But where the Law constrains be­yond the freedom of the Will, or where we are re­strain'd by shame or fear,

There it is requisite that they who are coupl'd in Matri­mony should have a strict guard upon themselves. Whereas in Love there is so much Continency, so m [...]ch Modesty, and so much of loyal Affection, that if it happen upon an Intemperate and Lascivious Soul, it is [Page 341] thereby diverted from all other Amours, and by cut­ting off all malapert Boldness, and bringing down the Insolence of Imperious Pride; instead of which it in­troduces modest Bashfulness, Silence and Submission, and adorning it with decent and becoming Behaviour, makes it for ever after the obedient Observer of one Lover. Most certainly you have heard of that cele­brated, and highly courted Curtisane L [...]s, how her Beauty inflam'd all Greece, or rather how two S [...] strove for her. This famous Beauty being seiz'd with an ardent Affection for Hippolochus the Thessalian, leaving the Aerocorinthus, as the Poet describes it, ‘With Seagr [...]en Water all encompass'd ro [...],’ And privately avoiding the great Army, as I may so call it, of those that cour [...]ed her Favour, withdrew her self modestly to the Enjoyment of him only in the Ci­ty of Megalopolis, where the Women incens'd with Jea­lousie, and envying her surpassing Beauty, dragg'd her into the Temple of Venus, and there ston'd her to Death. For which reason it is call'd to this Day the Temple of Venus the Murdress. We our selves have known several young Damsels, little better then Slaves, who never would submit to the Embraces of their Ma­sters, and private Persons, who have disdain'd the Com­pany of Queens, when Love had the abs [...]lute Dominion of their Hear [...]. For [...] in Rome, when there is a Dicta­tor chosen, all other chief Magistrates lay down their Officers, so all such Persons, where Love is truly predo­minant, are immediately free and man [...]i [...]ed from all other Lords and Masters, and afterwards live like Vo­t [...]ries to some particular Deity. And indeed a vertuous and generous Lady, once [...]k'd to her lawful Husband by an unfeign'd Affection, will sooner choose the E [...] ­brace [...] of Wolves and Dragons, th [...] to [...] the Bed­fellow [Page 344] of any other Person whatsoever but her only Spouse. Of which, although we might produce Ex­amples without Number, yet among you that are of the same Country where Cupid was born, and keep him Company at all his Festivals and Dancing Materi [...]s, it will not be from the Purpose to relate the Story of Kamma the Galatian. For she being a Woman of transcendent Beauty, and marry'd to Sinatus the Tetrarch, Sinorix, one of the most powerful Men in all Galatia, fell desperately in Love with her, and that he might enjoy her, murdered her Husband Sinatus, since [...] could not prevail with her either by Force or Perswasi­on, while her Husband was alive. Thereupon Camma having no other Sanctuary for the Preservation of her Chastity, nor Consolation in her Affliction, retir'd to the Temples of Diana, where she remain'd a Votaress to the Goddess, not admitting any Person so much as to speak to her, though she had many Suitors that sought her in Wedlock. But when Synorix boldly presum'd to put the Question to her, she neither seem'd to reject his Motion, neither did she upbraid him with the Crime h [...] had committed, as if he had been induc'd to perpetrates so vile an Act, not out of any malicious intent to Sina­tus, but meerly out of a pure and ardent Love and Af­fection to her. Thereupon he came with greater Confi­dence, and demanded her in Marriage. She on the o­ther side, met him no less chearfully, and leading him by the Hand to the Altar of the Goddess, after she had pour'd forth a small quantity of Hydromel, well temper'd with a rank Poyson, as it were an Atonement offering to the Goddess, she drank off the one half of that which remain'd her self, and gave the other half to the Galatian. And then, so soon as she saw be bad, drank it off, she gave a loud Groan, and calling her dece [...]s'd Husband by this Name, This Day, said she, my most [...]ar [...] and belo [...]ed Husband, I have long expected, as [Page 345] having liv'd, depriv'd of thee, a desolate and comfortless Life: but now receive me joyfully, for for thy Sake I have reveng'd my self upon the most wicked among Men, willing to have liv'd with thee, and now no less rejoycing to dye with him. Thus Synorix being carry'd out of the Temple, soon after expir'd, but Camma surviving him a Day and a Night, is reported to have dy'd with an extraor­dinary Resolution and Chearfulness of Spirit. Now in regard there have been many such, as well among us as among the Barbarians, who can bear with those that re­proach Venus, that being coupl'd and present with Love, she becomes a Hindrance of Friendship? Whereas a­ny sober and considerate Person, may rather revile the Company of Male with Male, and justly call it Intem­perance and Lasciviousness.

And therefore as for those that willingly prostitute their Bodies, we look upon 'em to be the most wicked and flagitious Persons in the World, void of Fidelity, nei­ther endu'd with Modesty nor any thing of Friendship, and but too truly and really, according to Sophocles.

And as for those, who not being by Nature Lewd and Wicked, were circumvented and forc'd to prostitute them­selves, they persist in a perfect Hatred and Detestation of no Men, more then those that deluded and flatter'd 'em into so vile an Act, and bitterly revenge themselves, when they find an Opportunity. For Crateas kill'd Ar­chelaus [Page 344] who had rid him in his Youth, and Py [...]l [...] slew Alexander the Pherae [...]. Periander, Tyrant of the Ambracintos, ask'd his Minion, whether he were with Child or no? which the Lad took so heinously, that he stabb'd him. Whereas among Women that are mar­ry'd, these are but the Beginnings of Friendship, as it were, a communicating and imparting of Great and Sa­cred Mysteries. The Pleasure of Coition i [...] she least thing; but the Honour, the Submission to natural L [...] and Fidelity, which daily germinates from this, conv [...]ce us, that neither the Delphians rav'd, who gave the Name of Har [...]a, or a Chariot to Venus; nor that H [...] was in an Error, who call'd the Conjunction of Man and Woman, by the Name of Friendship: but that Solon was a Law-giver the most experienc'd in Conjugal Affairs; who decreed, that a Husband should lye with his Wife thrice a Month at least, not for Pleasures Sake, but that as Cities renew their Treaties one with another at such a time, so that the Alliance of Matrimony might be renew'd by the Discontinuance of Chast En­joyment. But you will say, there are many Men i [...] Love with Women that act amiss and furiously. [...] are there not more Enormities committed by those that are enamor'd upon Boys? But though there is a Raging Passion after Boys, as well as a Dotage upon Women, yet can neither be truly said to be truly Love. And therefore it is an Absurdity to aver, that Women are not capable of other Vertues, as well as Love. For not to speak of so many Signal for their Chastity, Pru­dence and Fidelity; we find others no less Eminent for their Justice, Fortitude, Resolution and Magnanimity; after all which, to tax them of being incapable of Friend­ship only, is a hard Case. For they are naturally Lo­vers of their Children, affectionate to their Husbands; and this same Natural Affection of theirs, like a fertile [Page 345] Soyl, as it is capable of Friendship, so it is no less pliable to perswasion nor less accompanied with all the Graces. But as Poetry adapting to Speech the Conditements of Rythm, measure and charming Expression renders the wholsom and instructive Part of it so much the more moving, and the noxious Part so much the more apt to corrupt the Mind, so Nature having adorn'd a Woman with the Charms of Beauty and per­swasive Language, a Lascivious Woman makes use of these Perfections to please her self and deceive others, but in a Modest and Sober Woman, they work won­ders toward the gaining and fixing the good will and favour of her Husband. Therefore Plato exhorted Xeno­crates, otherwise generous and brave, but very morose in his humor, to sacrifice to the Graces; but he would have exhorted a Vertuous and Modest Woman to Sa­crifice to Love, for his propitious favour to her Mar­riage, in ordering it so, that her behaviour prove may a sufficient Charm, to keep her Husband at Home, or if he will be upon his Rambles after other Women, he may be forc'd to exclaim, as in the Comedy,

For in Wedlock, to love is a far greater blessing then to be belov'd. For it preserves and keeps People from falling into many Errors, especially those that corrupt and ruin Matrimony; for as for those passionate Affections, which at the beginning of Conjugall Love raise certain Fits which are somewhat sharp and biting, most fortunate [...]xipp [...], I would not have you fear them, for any Ulcer or Scarification which they will produce. Though perhaps it would not be amiss if it should cost ye some small wound to be joyn'd to a vertuous Woman, like Trees that grow together, when grafted by Incision [Page 344] [...] [Page 345] [...] [Page 344] [...] [Page 345] [...] [Page 348] upon a proper Stock. The beginning of Conception it self, is a kind of Exulceration; for there can be no mixture of things that do not suffer reciprocally one from the other. The very Mathematical Rudiments do not a little perplex little Children at the first; as Phi­losophy troubles the Brains of Young beginners, though grown to maturity of Years; so neither does this corro­ding humour always remain among Lovers, no more then those first unpleasantnesses among Scholars and and Students. In so much that a Man would think that Love at first resembl'd the mixture of two Liquors, which when they once begin to incorporate by their Ebullition discover some little disgusts; for so Love at the beginning bubbles up with a kind of Effervency, till be­ing settl'd and purify'd, it acquires a firm and stable Constitution. For this indeed is properly that kind of mixture, which is call'd the Mixture of the whole through the whole. Whereas the Love of other Friends conversing and living together, is like the touches and interweavings of Epicurus's Atoms; subject to raptures and separations, but can never compose such a Union as proceeds from Love, assisting conjugal Society. For neither are the Pleasures receiv'd from any other Love so great, nor the benefits so lasting one from another, nor is the Glory and Beauty of any other Friendship so noble and desirable,

More especially where it is a thing warranted by Law, while Nature shews us that even the Gods themselves stood in need of Love, for the sake of common Pro­creation. Thus the Poets tell us that Heaven was in Love with the Earth, and the Natural Philosophers are of Opinion that the Sun is in love that with the Moon, that [Page 349] they copulate every Month, and that the Moon Con­ceives by vertue of that Conjunction: and it would of necessity follow, that the Earth which is the common Mother of all Mandkind, of all Animals and of all manner of Plants, would one day cease and be extin­guish'd, should that same Ardent Love and Desire in­fus'd by the God forsake the Matter, and that Matter cease to pursue and lust after the Principles and Motions of Generation.

But that we may not seem to wander too far, or spend our time in Trifles, you your selves are not ignorant that these Padirasties are by many said to be most incer­tain and the least durable things in the World, and de­rided by those that make use of them, whom affirm the Friendship of Boys to be like an Egg divided into three Parts and the Lovers themselves are like the wandring Scy­tians, who having spent the Spring in flowery and verdant Pastures, presently dislodge from thence, as out of an Ene­mies Country. And Bio the Sophister was yet more sharp and satyrical, when he call'd the Beards of young and beautiful Striplings by the Names of Harmodil, and Aristogitons, as being by that fair budding show of Man­hood, deliver'd from the Tyranny of their Lovers. But these imputations are not charg'd upon true Lovers. Elegant therefore was that which was said by Euripides: For as he was clipping and embracing the Fair Agatho, just as the Down began to sprout forth upon his Chin, he cry'd that the very Autumn of lovely Youths was plea­sing and delightful. But I say more then this, that the Love of vertuous Women does not decay with the Wrin­kles that appear upon their Faces, but remains and endures to their Graves and Monuments. Then again, we shall find but few Male-Couples of True Lovers; but thousands of Men and Women conjoyn'd together in Wedlock, who have reciprocally and inviolably ob­serv'd a Community of Affection and Loyalty to the [Page 348] end of their Lives. I shall only instance one Exampl [...] which happen'd in our time, during the Reign of Caesar Vespasian. Julius who was the first that occasi­on'd the Revolt in Galatia among many other Confe­derates in the Rebellion had one Sabinus, a Young Gen­tleman, of no mean Spirit, and for Fame and Riches, inferior to none. But having undertaken a very diffi­cult enterprize they miscarry'd, and therefore expect­ing nothing but Death by the hand of Justice, some of them kill'd themselves, others made their Escapes as well as they could; and as for Sabinus he had all the Opportunities that could be to save himself by flyin [...] to the Barbarians. But he had Marry'd a Lady, the best of Women, which they call'd by the Name of E [...], as much as to say in the Greek Language a Her [...]s [...]. This Woman it was not in his Power to leave, neither could he carry her conveniently along with him. Ha­ving therefore in the Country certain Vaults or Cellars under ground, where he had hid his Treasures and Moveables of greatest value, which were only known to two of his freed Bondmen, he dismiss'd all the rest of his Servants, as if he had intended to have poyson'd himself, and taking along with him his two faithful and trusty Servants, he hid himself in one of the Vaults, and sent another of his enfranchiz'd Attendants, whose Name was Martialus, to tell his Wife, that her Husband had poyson'd himself, and that the House and his Corps were both burnt together, designing by the Lamentation and unfeigned Greif of his Wife, to make the Report of his Death the more easily believ'd; which fell out according to his Wish. For the Lady, so soon as she heard the News, threw her self upon the Floor, and there continu'd for three days together, without Meat or Drink, making the most bitter out­crys, and bewayling her loss with all the marks of a real and unfeigned Anguish. Which Sabinus understanding, and [Page 349] fearing her Sorrow might prevail with her to lay vio­lent hands upon her self, he order'd the same Martinius to tell her he was yet alive, and lay hid in such a Place; however that she should for a while continue her Mourning and be sure so to counterfeit her Grief, that she should not be discover'd. And indeed in all other things the Lady acted her Part so well, and managed her Passion to that degree, that no Woman could do it better. But having still a longing desire to see her Husband, she went to him in the Night, and return'd again so privately, that no body took any notice of her. And thus she continu'd keeping him Company for seven Months together, that it might be said to differ very little from living in Hell it self. Where after she had so strange­ly disguis'd Sabinus with a false Head of Hair, and such odd sort of Habit, that it was impossible for him to be known, she carry'd him to Rome along with her un­discover'd to several that met him. But not being able to obtain his Pardon, she return'd with him back to his Den, and for many Years convers'd with him under Ground; only between whiles she went to the City, and there shew'd her self in Public to several Ladys her Friends and familiar Acquaintance. But that which was the most incredible of all things, she so order'd her business, that none of them perceiv'd her being with Child, though she were very big at the same time. For such is the Nature of that same Oyntment where­with the Women anoynt their Hair to make it of a Colour shining like Gold, that by the Fatness and Oyli­ness of it, it plumps and swells up the Flesh of the Body, and brings it up to an Embonpoint: So that the Lady no less liberal of her Oyntment, then she was dili­gent to chase and rub her Body limb by limb, by the proportionable rising and swelling of her Flesh in every Part, conceal'd the swelling of her Belly: and when she came to be deliver'd, she endur'd the Pains [Page 352] of her Child-bearing alone by her self; like a Liones abiding her self in her Den with her Husband, and there, as I may say, bred up in private her two Male Whelp [...]; for at that time she was deliver'd of two Boys. Of which there was one who was slain in Egypt: the other whose Name was also Sabiuus, was but very lately with us at Delphi. For this reason Caesar put the Lady to death; but dearly paid for the Murder, by the utter extirpation of his whole Posterity, which in a short time after was utterly cut off from the Face of the Earth. For during his whole Reign, there was not a more cruel and savage Act committed; neither was there any other Spectacle, which in all probability the Gods and Daemons more detested, or from which they turn'd away their Eyes in Abomination of the Sight: be­sides that she abated the compassion of the Spectators by the stoutness of her behavior and the Grandeur of her Ut­terance; then which there was nothing more exasperated Vespasian; when despairing of her Husbands Pardon, she did as it were challenge the Emperor to exchange her Life for his; telling him with all, that she accounted it a far greater Pleasure to have liv'd in darkness under ground, then to see him Reign in all his Splendor.

Here, as my Father told me, ended the Discourse con­cerning Love, they being now got pretty near to Thespiae; at what time they saw coming a good round pace toward them one of Pisias's Friends, by name Diogenes; to whom when Soclarus, while he was yet at a distance, cry'd out, No tydings of War, Diogenes, I hope? No, no, said he, that near can be at a Wedding; and there­fore mend your pace, for the Nuptial Sacrifice stays only for your coming. And to tell ye the Truth, all the rest of the Company were exceeding glad, only Zeuxippus seemed to be a little moody. And yet he was the first who when it came to the conclusion, approv'd what Ismenodora had done; and at the same time [Page 353] putting on a Garland upon his Head, and throwing a White Nuptial Robe about his Shoulders, march'd be­fore all the Company through the Market Place, to give thanks to the God of Love. Well done, by Jupiter, come away, come a way then, cry'd my Father, that we may Laugh and be merry with our Friend, and adore the Deity, so Apparently and Propitiously present with his Favour and Approbation of the Wedding.

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. IV.
Five Tragical Histories of Love.

IN Aliartus, which is a City of Baeotia, liv'd a Young Damsel, of surpassing Beauty, whose Name was Aristoclia, the Daughter of Theophanes. This Lady was courted by Straton an Orchomenian, and Callisthenes of Haliartus; but Straton was the more Wealthy of the two, and more enamour'd of the Vir­gin. For he had seen her Bathing her self in the Foun­tain of Ercyne, which is in Lebadia, against the Time that she was to celebrate the So­lemnity of carying theThis Pannier was of pure Gold, fill'd with all the First Fruits of the Season, and was carry'd by Virgins that were come to Maturity, though not in Honour of Ju­piter, but of Bacchus, as Da­marathus affirms. Others say, that those Panniers were fill'd by the Nobler Sort of Athenian Virgins, with such things as they had wrought with most Beauty and Curiosity and of­fer'd to Diana, signifying thereby that they were weary of their Virginity, and desir'd to change their Course of Life. Sa­cred Pannier as an Offer­ing to Jupiter the King. But the Virgin her self had a greater Affection for Cal­listhenes, for that he was [Page 355] more nearly ally'd to her. In this case, her Father Theophanes not knowing well what to do (for he was a­fraid of Straton, who had the Advantage both of No­ble Birth and Riches above all the rest of the Boeotians) resolv'd to refer the Choice to the Oracle of Jupiter Tro­phonius. On the other side, Straton (for he was made believe by some of the Virgins familiar Acquaintance, that his Mistriss had the greatest Kindness for him) ear­nestly desir'd to refer the Matter to the Election of the Virgin her self. But when Theophanes put the Questi­on to his Daughter in a great Assembly of all the Friends of all Parties, so it fell out that the Damsel preferr'd Callisthenes. Thereupon it presently appear'd in Straton's Countenance, how much he was disgusted at the Indignity he had receiv'd. However, two days after he came to Theophanes and Callisthenes, requesting the Continuance of their Friendship, notwithstanding that some Daemon had envy'd him the Happiness of his intended Marriage. Who so well approv'd his Proposal, that they invited him to the Wedding and the Nuptial Feast. But he in the mean time having muster'd together a great Number of his Friends, together with a numerous Troop of his own Servants, whom he secretly dispiers'd and dispos'd up and down in Places proper for his Purpose, watch'd his Opportunity so well, that as the Damsel was going down, according to the Custom of the Country, to the Fountain, call'd Cissoessa, there to pay her Offerings to the Nymphs before her Wedding-day, he and his Ac­complices rushing out of their Embuscado, seiz'd upon the Virgin, whom Strato held fast and pull'd to himself. On the other side, Callisthenes, with those that were about him, as it is easie to be believ'd, flew with all speed to her Relief; and in this fatal Contest, while the one tugg'd, and the t'other hawl'd, the unhappy Damsel perish'd. As for Callisthenes, he was never seen any more, whether he lay'd violent hands upon himself, or whether it were [Page 356] that he left Baeotia as a voluntary Exile, for no Man could give any account of him afterwards. And as for Strato, he slew himself upon the dead Body of the unfortunate Virgin.

A certain great Person, whose Name was Phido, de­signing to make himself Lord of the whole Peloponnesus, and more especially desirous that Argos, being his Native Country, should be the Metropolis of all the rest, re­solv'd to reduce the Corinthians under his Subjection. To this purpose he sent to them, to demand a Levy of a thousand young Gentlemen, the most Valiant, and the Chiefest, in the Prime of their Age, in the whole City. Accordingly, they sent him a thousand young Sparks, brisk and gallant, under the Leading of Dexander, whom they chose to be their Captain. But Phido, de­signing nothing more then the Massacre of these Gen­tlemen, to the end he might the more easily make him­self Master of Corinth, enfeebl'd by so great a Loss (as being by the Scituation of it, the only Bulwark to guard the Entrance into Peloponnesus) imparted this Con­trivance of his to several of his Confidents, in which Number, was one whole Name was Abro, who having been formerly acquainted, and familiarly entertained by Dexander, discover'd the whole Conspiracy to his Friend, in acknowledgment of his Kindness. By which means, the Phliasti, before they fell into the Embuscado, retreated and got safe to Corinth. Phido thus disappointed, made all the Inquiry imaginable, to find out who it was that had betray'd and discover'd his Design. Which Abro under­standing, fled to Corinth with his Wife and all his Fa­mily, and settl'd himself in Melissus, a certain Village in the Territory of the Corinthians. There he begat a Son, whom he nam'd Melissus, from the Name of the Place where he was born. The Son of this Melissus was Actaeon, the loveliest and most modest of all the Strip­lings of his Age. For which reason there were several [Page 357] that fell in Love with him, but none with so much Ar­dour as Archias, being of the Race of the Heraclidae, and for Wealth and Authority, the greatest Person in all Corinth. This Archias, when he found that no fair Means and Perswasions would prevail upon the young Lad, resolv'd to ravish him away by Force. To which purpose he invited himself to Melissus's House, as it were, to make Merry, accompany'd with a great num­ber of his Friends and Servants, and by their Assistance, made an Attempt to carry away the Boy by Violence. But the Father and his Friends opposing the Rape, and the Neighbours coming in to the Rescue of the Child, poor Actaeon, between the one and the other, was pull'd and hawl'd to Death; and Archias with his Company departed. Upon this, Melissus carry'd the murther'd Body of his Son into the Market place of Corinth, and there exposing him to publick View, demanded Justice to be done up­on the Murtherers. But finding that the Corinthians only pity'd his Condition, without taking any further notice of the Matter, he return'd home, and waited for the Grand Assembly of the Greeks at Isthmus. At what time, getting up to the very Top of Neptune's Temple, he exclaim'd against the whole Race of the Bacchiadae, and after he had made a publick Relation of the good Service which his Father Abro had done the Corinthians, he invok'd the Vengeance of the Gods, and presently threw himself headlong among the Rocks. Soon after the Corinthians being plagu'd with a most terrible Drought, upon which ensu'd a violent Famine, sent to the Oracle, to know by what means they might be de­liver'd from their Calamity. To whom the Deity made answer, that it was Neptune's Wrath, which would not cease till they had reveng'd the Death of Actaeon; which Archias hearing (for he was one of those that were sent to the Oracle) he never return'd again to Corinth, but Sailing into Sicily, built there the City of Sy­racuse, [Page 358] where after he was become the Father of two Daughters, Ortygia and Syracoussa, he was treacherously slain by Telephus, whom he had preternaturally abus'd in his Youth, and who, having the Command of a Ship, Sail'd along with him into Sicily.

A certain poor Man, Skedasus by Name, liv'd at Leuctra, a small Village in the Territory of the Thespians, and had two Daughters, Hippo and Milesia; or as others say, Theano and Euxippe. This Skedasus was a very good Man, and to the Extent of his Fortune, very Hospitable to Strangers. Which was the reason that most readily and gladly he entertain'd two young Gentle­men of Sparta, that came to lodge at his House. Who falling in Love with the Virgins, yet were so over-aw'd by the Kindness that Skedasus had shew'd them, that they durst not make any rude Attempt for that time. The next Morning therefore they went directly to the City of Delphos; where after they had consulted the O­racle, touching such Questions as they had to put, they return'd homeward, and travelling through Boeotia, stopp'd again at Skedasus's House, who happen'd at that time, not to be at Leuctra. However, his Daughters, according to that Education to which their Father had accustom'd them, gave the same entertainment to the Strangers, as if their Father had been at Home. But such was the perfidious Ingratitude of these Guests, that finding the Virgins alone, they ravish'd, and by force deflowr'd the Damsels; and which was worse, perceiv­ing them lamenting to excess the undeserv'd Injury they had receiv'd, the Ravishers murther'd 'em, and after they had thrown their Bodies into a Well, went their ways: Soon after Skedasus returning Home, miss'd both his Daughters, but all things else he found safe and in order as he left them; which put him into such a Quandary, that he knew not what to say or do, till in­structed by a little Bitch that several times in a Day [Page 359] came whining and fawning upon him, and then return'd to the Well; he began to suspect what he found to be true, and so he drew up the dead Bodies of his Daugh­ters. Moreover, being then inform'd by his Neigh­bours, that they had seen the two Lacedaemonian Gentle­men which he had entertain'd some time before, go in­to his House, he guess'd them to be the Persons who had committed the Fact, for that they would be always praising the Virgins when they lodg'd there before, and telling their Father what happy Men they would be that should have the good Fortune to marry them. Thereupon away he went to Lacedaemon, with a Reso­lution to make his Complaint to the Ephori; but being benighted in the Territory of Argos, he put into a Pub­lick House, where he found another Old Man, of the City of Oreum, in the Province of Hestiaeas; whom when he heard Sighing and Cursing the Lacedaemonians, Skedasus ask'd him what Injury the Lacedaemonians had done him? In answer to which, the Old Man gave him this Account: I am, said he, a Subject to the Lacedae­monians, by whom, Aristodemus was sent to Oreum, to be Governor of that Place, where he committed several Outra­ges and Savage Enormities. Among the rest, being fallen in Love with my Son, when he could by no fair means procure his Consent, he endeavour'd to carry him away by main Force out of the Wrestling-Place: But the President of the Exer­cises opposing him, with the Assistance of several of the Young Men, Aristodemus was constrain'd to retire; but the next Day, having provided a Galley to be in a readiness, he ravish'd away my Son, and sailing from Oreum to the oppo­site Continent, endeavour'd, when he had the Boy, there to abuse his Body, and because the Lad refus'd to submit to his Lust, cut the Child's Throat. Ʋpon his Return, he made a great Feast at Oreum, to which he invited all his Friends. In the mean while, I being soon inform'd of the sad Acci­dent, presently went and interr'd the Body; and having so [Page 360] done, I made haste to Sparta, and preferr'd my Complaint to the Epori, but they gave me no Answer, nor took any no­tice of the Matter.

Skedasus having heard this Relation, remain'd very much dejected, believing he should have no better Suc­cess. However, in his Turn, he gave an Account to the Stranger of his own sad Mischance; which when he had done, the Stranger advis'd him not to complain to the Ephori, but to return to his own Country, and erect a Monument for his two Daugh­ters. But Skedasus not liking this Advice, went to Sparta, made his Case known to the Ephori, and de­manded Justice, who taking no notice of his Com­plaint, away he went to the Kings, but they as little regarding him, he apply'd himself to every particular Citizen, and recommended to them the Sadness of his Condition. At length, when he saw nothing would do he ran through the City, stretching forth his Hands to the Sun, and stamping the Ground with his Feet, call'd upon the Furies to revenge his Cause; and when he had done all he could, in the last place slew himself; but afterwards the Lacedaemonians dearly pay'd for their Injustice. For being at that time Lords of all Greece, while all the chiefest Cities of that spacious Region were curb'd by their Garrisons, Epaminondas the Theban was the first that threw off their Yoak, and cut the Throats of the Garrison that lay in Thebes. Upon which, the Lacedaemonians making War upon the Re­volters, the Thebans met them at Leuctra, confident of Success from the Name of the Place, for that former­ly they had been there deliver'd from Slavery; at what time Amphyctyon being driven into Exile by Sthenelus, came to the City of Thebes, and finding them Tributa­ries to the Chalcidians, after he had slain Chalcodon, King of the Eubaeans, eas'd them altogether of that Burthen. In like manner it happen'd that the Lacedaemonians were [Page 361] vanquish'd not far from the Monument of Skedasus's Daughters. It is reported also that before the Fight, Pelopidas being then one of the Theban Generals, and troubled by reason of some certain Signs that seem'd to portend some ill Event of the Battel, Skedasus appear'd to him in a Dream, and bid him be of good Courage, for that the Lacedaemonians were come to Leuctra to re­ceive the just Vengeance which they ow'd to him and his Daughters; only the Ghost advis'd him, the Day before he encounter'd the Lacedaemonians, to Sacrifice the Fole of a white Mare, which he should find ready for him close by his Daughters Sepulchre. Whereup­on Pelopidas, while the Lacedaemonians yet lay encamp'd at Tegea, sent certain Persons to examine the Truth of the Matter, and finding by the Inhabitants thereabouts that every thing agreed with his Dream, he ad­vanc'd with his Army boldly forward and won the Field.

Phocus was a Boeotian by Birth (for he was born in the City of Cleisas) the Father of Challirrhoe, who was a Virgin of matchless Beauty and Modesty, and courted by thirty young Gentlemen, the Prime of the Baeotian Nobility. Phocus therefore seeing so many Suitors a­bout her, still pretended one Excuse or other to put off her Marriage, afraid least some Force or other should be put upon her. At length, when he could hold out no longer, the Gentlemen being offended at his dilato­ry Answers, he desir'd them to refer it to the Pythian Deity to make the Choice. But this the Gentlemen took so heinously, that they fell upon Phocus and slew him. In this Combustion and Tumult, the Virgin making her Escape, fled into the Country, and was as soon pur­su'd by the young Sparks; but lighting upon certain Country People that were piling up their Wheat in a Barn, by their Assistance she sav'd her self: for the Country-men hid her in the Corn; so that they who [Page 362] were in chase of her, pass'd her by. The Virgin thus preserv'd, kept her self close till the General Assembly of the Boeotians, call'd Pamboiotia, and then coming to Coronea, she there sate as a Suppliant before the Altar ofRather I­conian. Iconian Minerva, and there gave a full Relation of the Villany and Murther committed by her several Sui­tors, discovering withal the Names of the Persons, and Places of their Abode. The Boeotians commiserating the Virgin, were no less incens'd against the young Gentlemen; who having notice of what had pass'd, fled to Orchomenus; but being shut out by the Citizens, made their Escape to Hippotae, a Village near to Helicon, seated between Thebes and Coronea, where they were receiv'd and protected. Thither the Thebans sent to have the Murtherers of Phocus deliver'd up, which the Inhabitants refusing to do, they march'd against the Town with a good Force of other Boeotians, under the Leading of Phaedus, then the chief Ruler of Thebes, and laying Siege to it, for it was a strong Place, at last they took it for want of Water; and in the first place, having apprehended all the Murtherers, they ston'd them to Death; then they condemn'd the Inhabitants to perpe­tual Slavery, broke down the Walls, ruin'd the Houses, and divided the Land between the Thebans and Coroneans. The Report goes, that the Night before Hippotae was taken, there was a Voice heard from Helicon, several times uttering these Words, I am come; and that when the thirty Rivals heard it, they knew it to be the Voice of Phocus; and it was said moreover, that the very Day the Rivals were ston'd, the Monument of the old Man, which was erected in Cleisas, was cover'd with Saffron. And as Phaedus, the Governor and General of the Thebans, was upon his March homeward from the Siege, News was brought him upon the Way, that his Wife had brought him a Daughter, which for [Page 363] the good Omens Sake, he call'd by the Name of Ni­costrata.

Alcippus was a Lacedaemonian by Birth, who marry­ing Damocrita, became the Father of two Daughters. This Al [...]ppus being a Person that always advis'd the City for the best, and one that was always ready to serve his Country-men upon all Occasions, was envy'd by a con­trary Faction that bandy'd against him, and continually accus'd him to the Ephori, as one that endeavour'd to subvert the ancient Laws and Constitutions of the City, and never left till the Ephori had banish'd the Husband who being condemn'd, forsook the City; but when Damocrita and his Daughters would fain have fol­low'd him, they would not permit them to stir. More­over they confiscated his Estate, to deprive his Daugh­ters of their Portions. Nay, more then this, when there were some that courted the Daughters for the Sake of their Fathers Vertue, his Enemies obtain'd a Decree, whereby it was forbid that any Man should make Love to the young Ladies, cunningly alledging, that the Mother had often pray'd to the Gods to fa­vour her Daughters with speedy Wedlock, to the end they might the sooner bring forth Children to be re­veng'd of the Injury done their Father. Damocrita thus beset, and in a Streight on every side, stay'd till the General Festival, when the Women, together with their Daughters, Servants and little Children Feast in publick together; on which day, the Wives of the Magistrates and Persons in Dignity, Feast all Night in a spacious Hall by themselves. But then it was that Damocrita, with a Sword girt about her, and taking her Daughters with her, went in the Night-time to the Temple, and watching her Opportunity, when the Wo­men were all busie in the great Hall, performing the Mysteries of the Solemnity, after all the Ways and Pas­sages were stopp'd up, she fetch'd the Wood that was [Page 364] ready prepar'd for the Sacrifices appertaining to the Festival, and pil'd it against the Doors of the Room, and so set Fire to it. All was then in a Hurry, and the Men came crowding in vain to help their Wives; but then it was that Damocrita slew her Daughters, and upon their Dead Bodies her self. Thus the Lacedaemonians not knowing upon whom to wreck their Anger, were forc'd to be contented with only throwing the dead Bodies of the Mother and the Daughters without the Confines of their Territories. For which barbarous Act of theirs the Deity being highly offended, plagu'd the Lacedaemo­nians, as their Histories record, with that must dreadful Earthquake, so remarkable to Posterity.

PLUTARCH's Discourse to an unlearned Prince.

PLato being desired by the Cyreneans to prescribe to them good Laws, and to settle their Government, refused to do it; saying, That it was a hard matter to give them any Law, whilst they en­joyed so much Prosperity; since nothing is so fierce, arro­gant and untameable, as a Man that thinks himself to be in a happy Condition: Wherefore it is very difficult to give Counsel to Princes in Matters of Government; for they fear to receive Advice as a thing seeming to command them, least the Force of Reason should seem to lessen their Power, by obliging it to submit to Truth. And they consider not the Saying of Theopompus, King of Sparta, who being the first in that Country that joyn'd theCertain Ma­gistrates, whose Office it was to inspect the Affairs of the Common­wealth. Ephori with the Kings, was reproached by his Wife, because by this means he would leave the Kingdom to his Children less than he found it, to whom he replied, that he should render it so much the greater, by how much the more firm it was; for by holding the Reins of Government somewhat loose, he avoided all Envy and Danger; nevertheless, since he permitted the Stream of his Power to flow so freely into other Channels, what he gave to them must needs be a Loss to himself. Though Philosophy possessing a Prince as his Assistant and Keeper, by taking away the [Page 366] dangerous part of Fulness of Power, leaves the sound. But many Kings and Princes foolishly imitate those un­skilful Statuaries, who think to make their Images look Great and Fierce, if they make them much stradling and distended; after the same manner, they, by the grave Tone of their Voice, stern Countenance, and morose Behaviour, would affect a kind of Majestick Grandeur, not unlike those Statues, that without seem to be of an Heroic and Divine Form, but within, are fill'd with nothing but Earth, Stone and Lead, with this only Difference, that the weight of these massie Bo­dies renders them stable and unmoveable, whereas un­learned Princes, by their internal Ignorance, are often sha­ken and overthrown, and in regard they do not build their Power on its true Basis and Foundation, they fall toge­ther with it: For as it is necessary at first that the Rule it self should be right and streight, before those things that are applied to it can be rectified and made like un­to it. So a Potentate ought in the first place to learn how to govern his own Passions, and to imbue his Mind with a Tincture of Princely Vertues, and afterwards to make his Subjects conformable to his Example; for it is not the Property of one that is ready to fall himself, to hin­der another from Tripping; nor of one that is Rude and Illiterate, to instruct the Ignorant; neither can a Person Govern, that is under no Government. But many being deceived by a false Opinion, esteem it the chiefest Good in Ruling, to be subject to no Authority; and thus the Persian King accounted all as his Servants and Slaves except his Wife, whose Master he ought more especially to have been. Who then shall have Power to govern a Prince? The Law, without doubt, which (as Pindar saith) is the King of Mortal and Immortal Beings, and is not written without in Books, nor engra­ven on Wood or Stone, but is a clear Reason imprinted in the Heart, always residing and watching therein, and [Page 367] never suffering the Mind to be without Government. The King of Persia indeed, commanded one of his Lords that lay in the same Chamber, to attend him every Morning, and to sound these Words in his Ears: Arise, O King! and take care of those Affairs and Duties that One of the Gods of the Per­sians. Oromasdes requires of thee. But a Wise and Learned Prince hath such a Monitor within his Breast, that always prompts and admonishes him to the same effect. It was a Saying of Polemon, that Love was the Minister of the Gods, ap­pointed to take care of the Education of Youth, but it might be more truly affirmed, that Princes are the Ad­ministrators of the Divine Power, for the Safety and Protection of Mankind, to distribute part of those Goods that God bestows on Men, and to reserve part for themselves.

The Air indeed dispierces the first Principles of conve­nient Seeds, but the Earth causeth them to spring forth; some grow and thrive by the means of moderate and refreshing Showrs, some delight in gentle Breezes of Wind, and some are cherished by the Influence of the Moon and Stars; but 'tis the Sun that perfects and beau­tifies all, inspiring them with the Principle of mutual Sympathy and Love. Nevertheless, all these, so many and so great Benefits that are the Effects of the Divine Munificence and Liberality, cannot be enjoyed, nor du­ly made use of, without a Law, Justice and a Prince; for Justice is the end of the Law, the Law is the Prince's Work, and the Prince is the Image of God, that dis­poseth all things; he doth not stand in need of a Phidi­as, a Policl [...]tus, or a Myro; but by the Practice of Ver­tue, [Page 368] makes himself most like the Divine Nature, and becomes a most delectable Object to God and Man; for as God hath placed the Sun and Moon in Heaven, as manifest Tokens of his Power and Glory, so the Majesty of a Prince is resplendent on Earth, as he is his Representative and Vice-gerent.

Viz. Such a one as is endowed with the Wisdom and Understanding of the Deity, but pretends not to bran­dish his Scepter, Thunder or Trident, as some here vain­ly caused themselves to be painted in such a Posture; thereby exposing their egregious Folly to the World, in affecting that which they are not able to attain to: For God cannot but be incensed against those that presume to imitate him, in producing Thunder, Lightnings, and in such like Works of his Omnipotence; but if any strive to emulate Goodness and Mercy, being well pleased with their Endeavours, he will assist them, and will endue them with his Justice, Truth and Gentleness, than which, nothing can be more Sacred and Pure, not Fire, not Light, not the Course of the Sun, not the Rising and Setting of the Stars, nor even Eternity and Immortality it self: For God is not only happy by reason of the Duration of his Being, but because of the Excellency of his Vertue, this is properly Divine and Transcendent, and that is also good which is govern'd by it. Anaxarchus endeavouring to comfort Alexander who was very much afflicted for the Murther he had committed on the Person of Clitus, told him, that Justice required it, and that the the Gods had determined, that whatsoever was done by a King, should be accounted Lawful and Just; but by this means he indiscreetly pre­vented his Repentance, and encouraged him to attempt the committing the like Crimes again. But if we may [Page 369] be permitted to guess at these Matters, Jupiter hath not Justice for an Assessor or Counsellor, but is himself Ju­stice and Right, and the Original and Perfection of all Laws; and therefore the Ancients devised and taught these things, that they might thereby shew, that Jupiter himself could not Rule well without Justice, for she is (ac­cording to Hesiod) a pure and undefiled Virgin, and the Companion of Modesty, Chastity andInstead of [...], I read [...] Simplicity; hence Kings are called Venerable, for they deserve most Ve­neration that fear least; but a Prince ought to be more afraid of doing Ill, than of suffering, for this is the Cause of the other, and this is a noble and generous sort of Fear, well becoming a Prince; to be solicitous least any Harm should befall his Subjects unawares, and not ex­pected.

Epaminondas, when on a certain Festival Day, the The­bans gave themselves up wholly to Drinking and Ca­rowsing, went about alone and view'd the Arsenal and the Walls of the City, saying, That he was Sober and Vigilant, that others might have Liberty to be Drunk and to Sleep. And Cato at Ʋtica, when he called toge­ther by Proclamation, all his Souldiers that had escaped the Slaughter, to the Sea-side, caused them to embark in Ships, and having prayed for their prosperous Voy­age, returned home and kill'd himself, leaving an Ex­ample to Princes, for whom they ought to fear, and what they ought to contemn. Clearchus, King of Pon­tus, creeping into a Chest, slept therein like a Snake; and Aristodemus lay with his Concubine in a Bed, plac'd [Page 370] in an upper Room over a Trap door, her Mother re­moving the Ladder as soon as they were got up, and bringing it again in the Morning: How then did he Fear to be seen in the Theatre, in the Judgment Hall, in the Court, or at a Feast, who had turned his Bed-Chamber into a Prison? For indeed good Princes are possessed with Fear for their Subjects, but Tyrants are afraid of them, insomuch that their Timorousness en­creaseth with their Power, since by how much the more People they have under their Dominion, so much the more Objects they see of Dread and Terror. Neither is it probable nor convenient (as some Philosophers af­firm) that God should be mingled together with Matter that is altogether passive, and obnoxious to innumerable Necessities, Chances and Mutations; but to us he seems to be pl [...]ced somewhere above with an eternal Nature, that always operates after the same manner, and pro­ceeding (as Plato saith) on Sacred Foundations, accord­ing to Nature, brings his Works to Perfection: And as he hath placed the Sun in the Firmament, as a clear Image of his most Sacred and Glorious Essence, in which, as through a Glass, he exhibits himself to the Contem­plation of Wise Men: So in like manner the Splendor of Justice that appears in some Cities, is a Kind of Repre­sentation of the Divine Wisdom, which happy and prudent Persons describe by the help of Philosophy, ad­dicting themselves to the Study of things of a most sub­lime and excellent Nature. It is certain that this Dis­position of Mind cannot be attained but by the Doctrine of Philosophy; otherwise we shall lye under the same Circumstances as Alexander, who seeing Diogenes at Co­rinth, and being astonished at his Ingenuity and Maje­stick Gravity, let fall this Expression, If I were not A­lexander, I would choose to be Diogenes; for being al­most opprest with the Weight of his own Grandeur and Power, which are the Impediments of Vertue and Me­ditation, [Page 371] he seemed to envy the Happiness of a Thread­bare Cloak and Pouch, with which the Cynic rendred himself as invincible, as he could be with all his Ar­mor, Horses and Spears: However, he had an Oppor­tunity to Philosophize, and to become Diogenes in his Mind, though he remained Alexander in his outward State and Condition; and be might more easily be Dio­genes, because he was Alexander, forasmuch as to keep the Vessel of his Prosperous Fortune steady, which was tossed with the Winds and Waves, he stood in need of a good quantity of Ballast, and of a skilful Pilot: A­mongst the mean and inferior sort of People, Folly min­gled with Weakness is destitute of an Ability to do Mischief, and the Mind is vexed and distracted by it at a distempered Brain is with troublesome Dreams, insomuch that it hath not strength enough to execute what it desires; but Power joyned with a corrupt and de­prived Inclination, adds the Fuel of Madness to the Fire of the Passions; so true is that Saying of Dionysius, who declared that he then chiefly enjoyed his Authori­ty, when he speedily performed what he designed; but herein lyes the greatest Danger, lest he that is able to do all things that he desires, should desire those things that he ought not.

Vice being furnished with Wheels by Power, sets all the Faculties of the Soul in a violent Fermentation; of Anger it makes Murther, of Love Adultery, and of Covetousness, the Confiscation of other Mens Goods.

But the Offender is Executed, and the accused Person is put to Death meerly upon Suspicion; and as Natura­lists affirm, that the Lightning breaks forth after the Thunder, as the Blood follows the Wound, but is seen first, since whilst the Ear expects the Sound, the Eye discerns the Light, so under some Go­vernments the Punishments precede the Accusation, and the Condemnation prevents the proving of the Crime.

Unless this exorbitant Power be restrained and kept with­in its due Bounds by the force of sound Reason. Therefore a Prince ought to imitate the Sun, which be­ing come to its greatest height in the Northern Signs, moves slowest, whereby he renders his Course the more safe: For 'tis not possible that the Vices and Faults of Persons in Authority can be concealed in Obscurity; but as People that are troubled with the Falling-Sickness, if they wander about in the Cold, are seized with a Giddiness in the Head, and a Dimness in the Sight, which are the usual Symptoms of that Disease; so Fortune, when she hath a little exalted illiterate and foolish Men with Riches, Glory, or Authority, sud­denly hastens their Ruine: And as amongst empty Vessels, it cannot easily be discerned which are whole and which are leaky, but by the powring in of any Liquor; so corrupt and exulcerated Minds, after the Infusion of Power, are not able to contain it, but immediately overflow with Concupiscense, An­ger, Arrogance and Folly. And what need is there of mentioning these Particulars? since the least Faults and Miscarriages of renowned and famous [Page 373] Men lye under the lash of Slander and Calum­ny; Cimon was accused for being too much ad­dicted to the Drinking of Wine, Scipio was blamed for delighting in immoderate Sleep, and Lucullus for making too liberal and costly Entertain­ments.

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. IV.
Of Herodotus's Malice.

THE Stile, O Alexander, of Herodotus, as be­ing simple, free, and easily suiting it self to its Subject, has deceived many; but more a Perswasion of his Dispositions being e­qually sincere. For 'tis not only (as Plato says) an ex­tream Injustice, to make a shew of being Just, when one is not so; but 'tis also the highest Malignity, to pretend to Simplicity and Mildness, and be in the mean time really most Malicious. Now since he principally ex­orts his Malice against the Boeotians and Corinthians, though without sparing any other, I think my self ob­lig'd to defend our Ancestors and the Truth against this part of his Writings, since those, who would detect all his other Lies and Fictions, would have need of many Books. But, as Sophocles has it, the Face of Per­swasion is prevalent, especially when deliver'd in good Lan­guage, and such as has Power to conceal both the other Absurdities, and the ill Nature of the Writer. King Philip told the Greeks, who revolted from him to [Page 375] Titus Quinctius, that they had got a more polisht, but a longer-lasting Yoke: So the Malice of Herodotus is in­deed more polite and delicate than that of Theopompus, yet it pinches closer, and makes a more severe Impressi­on, not unlike to those Winds, which blowing secret­ly through narrow Chinks, are sharper than those that are more diffus'd. Now it seems to me very convenient to delineate, as it were in a rough Draught, those Signs and Marks that distinguish a malicious Narration From a candid and unbiass'd one, applying afterwards every Point we shall examine, to such as appertain to them.

First then, Whoever in relating a Story shall use o­dious Terms, when gentler Expressions might do as well, he is not to be esteemed impartial, but an Enjoyer of his own Fancy in putting the worst Construction on Things; as if any one, instead of saying Nicias is too precise, should call him Phanatick, or should accuse Cleon of Presumption and Madness, rather than of In­considerateness in Speech.

Secondly, When a Writer, catching hold of a Fault which has no reference to his Story, shall draw it into the Relation of such Affairs, as need it not, extending his Narrative with Circumlocutions, only that he may insert a Mans Misfortune, Offence, or discommendable Action, 'tis manifest that he delights in speaking Evil. Therefore Thucydides would not clearly relate the Faults of Cleon, which were very numerous; and as for Hyperbo­lus the Orator, having toucht at him in a Word, and call'd him an ill Man, he let him go. Philistus also pass'd over all those Outrages committed by Dionysius on the Barbarians, which had no Connexion with the Greci­an Affairs. For the Excursions and Digressions of Hi­story are principally allow'd for Fables and Antiquities, and sometimes also for Encomiums. But he, who makes Reproaches and Detractions an Addition to his Discourse, [Page 376] seems to incur the Tragedians Curse on the Collector of Mens Calamities.

Now the Opposite to this is known to every one, as the omitting to relate some good and laudable Action, which, though it may seem not to be reprehensible, yet is then done maliciously, when the Omission happens in a Place, that is pertinent to the History. For to praise unwillingly, is so far from being more Civil than to dispraise willingly, that 'tis perhaps rather more Un­civil.

The Fourth Sign of a partial Disposition in writing of History, I take to be this, when, a Matter being re­lated in two or more several manners, the Historian shall embrace the worst. Sophisters indeed are permitted for the obtaining either of Profit or Reputation, to un­dertake the Defence of the worse Cause; for they nei­ther create any firm Belief of the Matter, nor yet do they deny, that they are often pleased in maintaining Pa­radoxes, and making incredible things appear probable. But an Historian is then just, when he asserts such things, as he knows to be true, and of those, that are uncertain, reports rather the better, than the worse. Nay there are many Writers, who wholly omit the Worse. Thus Ephorus writes of Themistocles, that he was acquainted with the Treason of Pausanias, and his Negotiations with the Kings Lieutenants; but that he neither con­sented to it, nor hearkned to Pausanias's Proffers of making him partaker of his Hopes. And Thucydides left the whole Matter out of his Story, as judging it to be false. Moreover in things, confess'd to have been done, but of doing which the Cause and Intention is unknown, he, who casts his Conjectures on the worse side, is partial and malicious. Thus do the Comedians, who affirm the Peloponnesian War to have been kindled by Pericles for the Love of Aspasia, or the Sake of Phidias, and not through any Desire of Honour or Ambition of pulling [Page 377] down the Peloponnesians Pride, and giving place in no­thing to the Lacedemonians. For those who suppose a bad Cause for laudable Works and commendable Acti­ons, endeavouring by Calumnies to insinuate sinister Suspicions of the Actor, when they cannot openly dis­commend the Act; as they, that impute the Killing of Alexander the Tyrant by Theba not to any Magnanimity, or Hatred of Vice, but to a certain feminine Jealousie and Passion; and those, that say, Cato slew himself for fear, Caesar should put him to a more shameful Death: such as these are manifestly in the highest degree envious and malicious.

An Historical Narration is also more or less guilty of Malice, according as it relates the manner of the Acti­on; as if one should be said to have perform'd an Ex­ploit rather by Money, than Vertue, as some affirm of Philip; or else easily, and without any Labour, as 'tis said of Alexander; or else not by Prudence, but Fortune, as the Enemies of Timotheus painted Cities falling into his Nets, as he lay sleeping; for they undoubtedly diminish the Greatness and Beauty of the Actions, who deny the Performers of them to have done them generously, in­dustriously, vertuously, and by themselves.

Moreover, those who will directly speak ill of any one, incur the Reproach of Moroseness, Rashness, Madness, unless they keep within Measure. But they who send forth Calumnies obliquely, as if they were shooting Arrows out of Corners, and then stepping back, think to conceal themselves by saying, they do not believe, what they most earnestly desire to have be­liev'd, whilst they disclaim all Malice, condemn them­selves also farther of Disingenuity. Next to these are they, who with their Reproaches intermix some Prai­ses; as did Aristoxenus, who, having term'd Socrates Unlearned, Ignorant and Libidinous, added, Yet was he free from Injustice. For, as they who flatter artificially, [Page 378] and craftily, sometimes mingle light Reprehensions with their many and great Praises, joyning this Liberty of Speech, as a Sauce to their Flattery: so Malice, that it may gain Belief to its Accusations, adds also Praise. We might here also reckon up more Notes, but these are sufficient to let us understand the Nature and Man­ners of Herodotus.

First therefore, beginning, as the Proverb is, with Vesta, whereas all the Grecians affirm Io, Daughter to Inachus, to have been worshipt with Divine Honour by the Barbarians, for her Glory, to have left her Name to many Seas and principal Ports, and to have given a Source and Original to most Noble and Royal Fami­lies; this famous Author says of her, that she gave her self to certain Phaenician Merchants, having been not un­willingly destowr'd by a Mariner, and fearing, left she should be found by her Friends to be with Child. And he belyes the Phaenicians, as having deliver'd these things of her, and says, that the Persian Stories testifie her be­ing carry'd away by the Phaenicians with other Women. Presently after he gives Sentence on the bravest and greatest Exploits of Greece, saying, that the Trojan War was foolishly undertaken for an ill Woman. For 'tis manifest, says he, that had they not been willing, they had never been ravisht. Let us then say, that the Gods also acted foolishly, in inflicting their Indignation on the Spartans, for abusing the Daughters of Skedasus the Leuctrian, and in punishing Ajax for the Violation of Cassandra. For 'tis manifest, if we believe Herodotus, that, if they had not been willing, they had never been defil'd. And yet he himself said, that Aristomenes was taken alive by the Spartans; and the same afterwards hapned to Philopaemen, Praetor of the Achaians; and the Carthaginians took Regulus, the Consul of the Romans; than whom there are not easily to be found more va­liant and warlike Men. Nor is it to be wondred, since [Page 379] the very Leopards and Tigers are taken alive by Men. But Herodotus blames the poor Women that have been abus'd by Violence, and Patronizes their Ravishers. Nay, he is so favorable to the Barbarians, that acquitting Bu­siris of those Human Sacrifices, and that Slaughter of his Guests, for which he is accus'd, and attributing by his Testimony to the Aegyptians much Religion and Justice, he endeavours to cast that abominable Wickedness, and those impious Murthers on the Grecians. For in his Se­cond Book, he says, that Menelaus having received He­lena from Proteus, and been honour'd by him with ma­ny Presents, shew'd himself a most unjust and wicked Man. For wanting a sit Wind to set Sail, he found out an impious Device, and having taken two of the In­habitants Boys, consulted their Entrals; for which Vil­lany being hated and persecuted, he fled with his Ships directly into Africa. From what Aegyptian this Story proceeds, I know not. For on the contrary many Ho­nours are even at this day given by the Aegyptians both to Helena and Menelaus. The same Herodotus, that he may still be like himself, says, that the Persians learnt the Defiling of the Male Sex from the Greeks. And yet how could the Greeks have taught this Impurity to the Persians, amongst whom, 'tis confess'd by all, that Boys were castrated, before ever they arriv'd in the Grecian Seas? He writes also, that the Greeks were instructed by the Aegyptians in their Pomps, Solemn Festivals, and Worship of the twelve Gods: that Melampus also learnt of the Aegyptians the Name of Dionysius [or Bacchus] and taught it the other Greeks; that the Mysteries likewise and Rites of Ceres were brought out of Aegypt by the Daughters of Danaus; and that the Aegyptians were wont to beat themselves and make great Lamentation, but yet would not tell the Names of their Deities, but con­ceal'd them in Silence. As to Hercules and Bacchus, whom the Aegyptians nam'd Gods, and the Greeks very aged [Page 380] Men, he no where makes use of this Distinction, al­though he places also the Aegyptian-Hercules amongst the Gods of the second Rank, and Bacchus amongst those of the third, as who had some Beginning of their Being, and were not Eternal, and yet he pronounces those to be Gods, but to these as having been Mortal, and being now Demi-Gods, he thinks we ought to perform Anni­versary Solemnities, but not to Sacrifice to them as to Gods. The same also he said of Pan, overthrowing the most venerable and purest Sacrifices of the Greeks by the proud Vanities and Mythologies of the Aegyptians. Nor is this impious enough. But moreover, deriving the Pedigree of Hercules from Perseus, he says, that Perseus was an Assyrian, as the Persians affirm. But the Leaders, says he, of the Dorians may appear to be descended in a right Line from the Aegyptians, reckoning their Ancestors from before Danae and Acrisius. For he has wholly pass'd by Epaphus, Io, Jasus, and Argus, being not only ambitious to make the other Herculeses Aegyptians and Phoenicians, but to carry this also, whom himself says to have been the third, out of Greece to the Barbarians. But of the ancient learned Writers, neither Homer, nor Hesiod, nor Archilochus, nor Pisander, nor Stesichorus, nor Alcman, nor Pindar, make any mention of the Aegyptian or Phenician Hercules, but do all acknowledge this our one Baeotian and Argive Hercules. Now of the seven Sages, whom he calls Sophisters, he affirms Thales to have been a Babarian, descended of the Phaenicians. Speaking ill also of the Gods under the Person of Solon, he has these Words: Thou, O Craesus, askst me concerning Human Affairs, who know, that every one of the Deities is envious and tumultuous. Thus attributing to Solon, what himself thinks of the Gods, he joyns Malice to Blasphemy. Having made use also of Pittacus in some trivial Mat­ters, not worth the mentioning, he has pass'd over the greatest and gallantest Action that was ever done by [Page 381] him. For when the Athenians and Mitylenians were at War about the Sigaeum, Phegnon, the Athenian General, challenging, whoever would come forth, to a single Com­bat, Pittacus advanc'd to meet him, and catching him in a Net, slew that stout and giant-like Man, For which, when the Mitylenians offer'd him great Presents, darting his Javelin, as far as he could, out of his Hand, he desir'd only so much Ground, as he should reach with that Throw, the Place being to this Day called Pittacium. Now what does Herodotus, when he comes to this? In­stead of Pittacus's valiant Act, he tells us the Flight of Alcaeus the Poet, who, throwing away his Arms, ran out of the Battle; by this his not writing of honorable Deeds, and not passing over such, as are dishonorable, giving his Testimony to those, who say, that from one and the same Malice proceed both Envy, and a Rejoycing at o­ther Mens Harms.

After this, he accuses of Treason the Alcmaeonidae, who shew'd themselves generous Men, and deliver'd their Country from Tyranny. He says, that they receiv'd Pisistratus after his Banishment, and got him call'd Home, on condition he should marry the Daughter of Migacles; but that the Damsel saying to her Mother, Do you see, Mother, how I am, contrary to Nature, known by Pisistratus? The Alcmaeonidae were so offended at this Villany, that they expell'd the Tyrant. Now that the Lacedaemonians might have no less Share of his Malice than the Athenians, behold how he bespatters Othryades, the Man, most admir'd and honour'd by them. He only, says Herodotus, remaining alive of the three hundred, and asham'd to return to Sparta, his Companions being lost, slew himself in the Place. For having before said, the Victory was doubtful on both sides, he here, by making Othryaders asham'd, witnesses, that the Lacedaemonians were vanquisht. For 'twas shameful for him to survive, if conquer'd; but glorious if Conqueror. I pass by now, that having re­presented [Page 382] Craesus, as foolish, vainglorious, and ridiculous in all things, he makes him, when a Prisoner, to have taught and instructed Cyrus, who seems to have excell'd all other Kings in Prudence, Vertue and Magnanimity. Having testify'd of the same Craesus nothing else that was commendable, but his honouring the Gods with many and great Oblations, he shews that very Act of his to have been the most impious of all. For he says, that he and his Brother Pantaleon contended for the Kingdom, while their Father was yet, alive; and that Craesus hav­ing obtain'd the Crown, caus'd a Companion and fami­liar Friend of Pantaleons to be torn in pieces in a Ful­ling-Mill, and sent Presents, made of his Money, to the Gods. Of Deioces also, the Median, who by Ver­tue and Justice obtain'd the Government, he says, that he got it not by real, but pretended Justice. But I let pass the Barbarian Examples, since he has offer'd us Plenty enough in the Grecian Affairs. He says, that the Athenians, and many other Ionians were so asham'd of that Name, that they wholly refus'd to be call'd Ionians; and that those, who esteem'd themselves the noblest amongst them, and descended from the very Prytaneum [or Senate] of Athens, begat Children on Bar­barian Wives, whose Parents and former Children they had slain; that the Women had therefore made a Law among themselves, confirm'd it by Oath, and deliver'd it to be kept by their Daughters, never to eat with their Husbands, nor to call any of them by his Name, and that the present Milesians are descended from these Wo­men. Having afterwards added, that those are true Ionians, who celebrate the Feast call'd Apaturia: They all, says he, keep it, except the Ephesians and Colophonians: In this manner does he deprive these two States of their Nobility. He says moreover, that the Cumaeans and Mitylenians agreed with Cyrus, to deliver up to him for a Price Pactyas, who had revolted from him: I know [Page 383] not indeed, says he, for how much, since 'tis not certain what it was. But he ought not to have cast such an Infamy on a Grecian City, without a more assured Knowledge. He says farther, that the Chians drew Pactyas, who was brought to them out of the Temple of Minerva Poliuchus [or Guardianess of the City] and deliver'd him up, having receiv'd the Field Atarnes for their Recompence; and yet Charon the Lampsacenian, a more ancient Writer, relating this Matter concerning Pactyas, charges neither the Mitylenians nor the Chians with any such Action. These are his very Words. Pactyas, hearing, that the Persian Army drew near, fled first to Mitylene, then to Chios, and fell into the Hands of Cyrus.

Our Author in his third Book, relating the Expedi­tion of the Lacedaemonians against the Tyrant Polycrates, affirms, that the Samians think and say, that the Spar­tans, to recompence them for their former Assistance a­gainst the Messenians, both brought back the Samians, that were banisht, and made War on the Tyrant. But that the Lacedaemonians deny this, and say, they under­took not this Design to help or deliver the Samians, but to punish them for having taken away a Cup sent by them to Craesus; and besides, a Breast-plate sent them by Amasis. And yet we know, that there was not at that time any City, so desirous of Honour, or such an Enemy to Tyrants, as Sparta. For what Breast-plate or Cup was the Cause of their driving the Clypselioae out of Co­rinth and Ambracia, Lygdamis out of Naxos, the Chil­dren of Pisistratus out of Athens, Aeschines out of Sicy­on, Symmachus out of Thasus, Aulis out of Phoceae, and Aristogenes out of Miletus? and of their overturning the domineering Powers of Thessaly, pulling down Aristode­mus and Angelus by the help of King Leotichides? which Facts are elsewhere more largely describ'd. Now if Herodotus says true, they were in the highest degree [Page 384] guilty both of Malice and Folly, when denying a most honorable and most just Cause of their Expedition, they confess'd, that in remembrance of a former Injury, and through highly valuing an inconsiderable Matter, they invaded a miserable and afflicted People. Now perhaps he gave the Lacedaemonians this Stroke, as directly fall­ing under his Pen; but the City of Corinth, which was wholly out of the Course of his Story, he has in his passing by it, as they say, bespatter'd with a most filthy Crime, and most shameful Calumny. The Corinthians, says he, studiously forwarded this Journey of the Lacedaemo­nians, as having themselves also been formerly affronted by the Samians. The Matter was this; Periander, Tyrant of Co­rinth, sent three hundred Boys, Sons to the principal Men of Corfu, to King Alyattes, to be gelt. These, going ashore in the Island of Samos, were by the Samians taught to sit, as Suppliants, in the Temple of Diana, where they preserv'd them, setting before them for their Food Cakes made of Sesam-Seed and Honey. This our Author calls an Affront, put by the Samians on the Corinthians, who therefore instiga­ted the Lacedemonians against them; to wit, because the Samians had sav'd the Children of the Greeks from being unmann'd. By attributing this Villany to the Corinthi­ans, he makes the City more wicked than the Tyrant. He indeed reveng'd himself on those of Corfu, who had slain his Son. But what had the Corinthians suffer'd, that they should punish the Samians for putting an Ob­stacle to so great a Cruelty and Wickedness? And this, after three Generations, reviving the Memory of an old Quarrel for the Sake of that Tyranny, which they found so grievous and intollerable, that they are still endlesly abolishing all the Monuments and Marks of it, though long since extinct. Such then was the Injury done by the Samians to the Corinthians. Now what a kind of Punishment was it, the Corinthians would have inflicted on them? Had they been indeed angry with [Page 385] the Samians, they should not have incited, but rather di­verted the Lacedaemonians from their War against Polycra­tes, that the Samians might not by the Tyrants Over­throw, recover Liberty, and be freed from their Slave­ry. But what is most to be observ'd, why were the Co­rinthians so offended with the Samians, that desir'd indeed, but were not able to save the Corcyreans Children, and yet were not displeas'd with the Cnidians, who both pre­serv'd them, and restor'd them to their Friends? Nor indeed have the Corcyreans any great Esteem for the Sa­mians on this Account; but of the Cnidians they pre­serve a Memorial, having granted them several Honors and Priviledges, and made Decrees in their Favour. For these, sailing to Samos, drave away Perianders Guards from the Temple, and taking the Children aboard their Ships, carry'd them safe to Corfu, as 'tis recorded by An­tenor the Cretan, and Dionysius the Chalcidian in his Founda­tions. Now that the Spartans undertook not this War on any design of punishing the Samians, but to save them by delivering them from the Tyrant, we have the Te­stimony of the Samians themselves. For they affirm, that there is in Samos a Monument, erected at the publick Charge, and Honours there done to Archias a Spartan, who, fighting valiantly, fell in that Quarrel; for which Cause also his Posterity still keep a familiar and friendly Correspondence with the Samians, as Herodotus himself witnesses.

In his Fifth Book he says, that Clisthenes, one of the best and noblest Men in Athens, perswaded the Priestess Pythia to be a false Prophetess, always exhorting the Lacedaemonians to free Athens from the Tyrants; calum­niating this most excellent and just Action by the Imputa­tion of so great a Wickedness and Imposture, and tak­ing from the God the Credit of that true and good Pro­phesie, beseeming even Themis her self, who is also said to have joyn'd with him. He says farther, that Isagoras [Page 386] prostituted his Wife to Cleomenes, who came to her. Then, as his manner is, to gain Credit, mixing some Praises with his Reproaches, he says: Isagoras, The Son of Tisander, was of a Noble Family, but I cannot tell the O­riginal of it. His Kinsmen indeed Sacrifice to Jupiter Cari­us. O this pleasant and cunning Scoffer of a Writer, who thus disgracefully sends Isagoras to the Carians, as it were to the Ravens. As for Aristogiton, he puts him not forth at the Back-door, but thrusts him directly out of the Gate into Phaenicia; saying, that he had his Origi­nal from the Gephyraeans, and that the Gephyraeans were not, as some think, Eubaeans or Eretrians, but Phaenici­ans, as himself is fully perswaded. And since he can­not altogether take from the Lacedaemonians the Glory of having deliver'd the Athenians from the Tyrants, he en­deavours to cloud and disgrace that most honorable Act by as foul a Passion. For he says, they presently repent­ed of it, as not having done well, in that they had, by the Inducement of spurious and deceitful Oracles, driven the Tyrants, who were their Allies, and had promis'd to put Athens into their Hands, out of their Conntry, and re­stor'd the City to an ungrateful People. He adds, that they were about to send for Hippias from Sigaeum, and bring him back to Athens; but that they were oppos'd by the Corinthians, Sosicles telling them how much the City of Corinth had suffer'd under the Tyranny of Cypselus and Periander; and yet there was no Outrage of Perianders more abominable and cruel, than his sending the three hundred Children to be emasculated, for the delivering and saving of whom from that contumely, the Corinthi­ans, he says, were angry, and bore a Grudge against the Samians, as having put an Affront upon them. With so much Repugnance [...]d Contradiction is that Malice of his Discourse fill'd, which on every Occasion insinu­ates it self into his Narrations. After this, relating th [...] Action at Sardis, he, as much as in him lies, diminishe [...] [Page 387] and discredits the Matter; being so audacious, as to call the Ships which the Athenians sent to the Assistance of the Ionians, who had revolted from the King, the Beginning of Evils, because they endeavour'd to deli­ver so many and so great Grecian Cities from the Barba­rians. As to the Eretrians, making mention of them only by the way, he passes over in silence, a great, gal­lant, and memorable Action of theirs. For when all Ionia was in a Confusion [and Uproar] and the Kings Fleet drew nigh, they, going forth to meet him, over­came in a Sea Fight the Cyprians in the Pamphilian Sea. Then turning back, and leaving their Ships at Ephesus, they invaded Sardis, and besieg'd Artaphernes, who was fled into the Castle, that so they might raise the Siege of Miletus. And this indeed they affected, caus­ing the Enemies [to break up their Camp, and] re­move thence in a wonderful Fright, and then seeing themselves in danger to be oppress'd by a Multitude, re­tired. This not only others, but Lysanias Mallotes, also in his History of Eretria relates, thinking it convenient, if for no other Reason, yet after the Taking and De­struction of the City, to add this valiant and heroick Act. But this [Writer of ours] says, they were de­feated, and pursued even to their Ships by the Barbarians, though Charon the Lampsacenia [...] [...]as no such thing, but writes thus word for wor [...] The Athenians set forth with twenty Gallies to the Assistance of the Ionians, and going to Sardis, took all thereabouts, except the Kings [Fortress or] Wall; which having done, they returned to Miletus.

In his Sixth Book [our Author] discoursing of the Plataeans, how they gave themselves to the Lacedaemonians, who exhorted them rather to have Recourse to the A­thenians, who where nearer to them, and no bad Defen­ders; he adds, not as a Matter of Suspicion or Opini­on, but o [...] a thing, certainly known by him, that the [Page 388] Lacedaemonians gave the Plataeans this Advice, not so much for any good Will, as through a Desire to find Work for the Athenians, by engaging them with the Boeotians. If then Herodotus is not Malicious, the Lace­daemonians must have been both fraudulent and spightful, the Athenians Fools, in suffering themselves to be thus impos'd on, and the Plataeans were brought into play, not for any good Will or Respect, but as an Occasion of War. He is farther manifestly convinc'd of belying the Lacedaemonians, when he says, that, whilst they ex­pected the Full Moon, they fail'd of giving their As­sistance to the Athenians at Marathon. For they not on­ly made a thousand other Excursions and Fights at the beginning of the Month, without staying for the Full Moon; but wanted so little of being present at this very Battle, which was fought the sixth Day of the Montn Boedromion, that at their coming they found the Dead still lying in the Field. And yet he has written thus of the Full Moon. 'Twas impossible for them to do these things at that present, being unwilling to break the Law; for 'twas the beginning of the Month, and they said, they could not go forth on the ninth Day, the Orb of the Moon be­ing not yet full. And therefore they stay'd for the Full Moon. But thou [O Herodotus!] transferrest the Full Moon to the Beginning of the Mo [...] when she is but yet in her first Quarter, and at [...]he same time confoundest the Heavens, Days, and all things. And professing to write of the Greek Affairs, but more particularly and carefully those of Athens, thou dost not so much as say a Word of that solemn Pomp, which the Athenians, even at this Day, send to Agra, celebrating a Feast of Thanks­giving to Hecate for their Victory. But this helps He­rodotus to refel the Crime, with which he is charg'd, of having flatter'd the Athenians for a great Sum of Mo­ney, he receiv'd of them. For if he had rehears'd these things to them, they would not have omitted or [Page 389] neglected that wicked Philippides, who, going from the Fight, call'd the Lacedaemonians to it, especially since he went, as himself says, in two Days from Athens to Spar­ta; unless the Athenians sent for their Allies to the Fight, after their Enemies were overcome. Indeed Diyllus the Athenian, none of the most contemptible Historians, says, that he received from Athens a Present of ten Talents, Anytus proposing the Decree. Moreo­ver Herodotus, as many say, has in relating the Fight at Marathon, derogated from the Credit of it, by the Number he sets down of the Slain. For he writes, that the Athenians made a Vow to Sacrifice so many Kids to Diana Agrotera, as they should kill Barbarians; but that after the Fight, the Number of the Dead ap­pearing infinite, they appeas'd the Goddess by making a Decree, to immolate five hundred to her every year. But letting this pass, let us see, what was done after the Fight. The Barbarians, says he, retiring back with the rest of their Ships, and taking the Eretrian Slaves out of the Island, where they had left them, doubled the Point of Su­nium, desiring to prevent the Athenians, before they could gain the City. The Athenians suspected this to have been done by a Plot of the Alcmaeonidae, who by Agree­ment shew'd a Shield to the Persians when they were got into their Ships. They therefore doubled the Cape of Suni­um. Let us in this place take no notice of his calling the Eretrians Slaves, who shew'd as much Courage and Gallantry in this War, as any other of the Grecians, and suffer'd things, unworthy their Vertue. Nor let us insist much on the Calumny, with which he defames the Alcmaeonidae, of whom, were both the greatest Families, and noblest Men of the City. The Greatness of the Victory it self is overthrown, and the End of that so celebrated Action comes to nothing; nor does it seem to have been a Fight, or any great Exploit; but only a light Skirmish with the Barbarians, as the Envious and [Page 390] Ill-willers affirm, if they did not after the Battle fly a­way, cutting their Cables, and giving themselves to the Wind, for to carry them as far as might be from the Attick Coast; but having a Shield lifted up to them as a Signal of Treason, made straight with their Fleet for Athens, in hope to surprise it, and having at leisure doubled the Point of Sunium, were discovered above the Port Phalerus, so that the Chief and most Illustrious Men, despairing to save the City, would have betray'd it: for a little after, acquitting the Alcmaeonidae, he charges others with the Treason. For the Shield indeed was shewn, nor can it be deny'd, says he, as if he had seen it himself. But this could no way be, since the Athe­nians obtain'd a solid Victory; and if it had been done, it could not have been seen by the Barbarians, flying in an Hurry amidst Wounds and Arrows into their Ships, and leaving every one the Place with all possible speed. But when he again pretends to excuse the Alcmaeoni­dae of those Crimes, which he, first of all Men, objected against them, he speaks thus. I cannot bear this Discourse, that the Alcmeonidae by agreement, lifted up a Shield to the Persians, and would have brought the Athenians under the Power of the Barbarians and Hippias. I remember a cer­tain Clause, [the Tenor of which, is this:] You will take me, and having taken me, let me go. Thus you first Accuse, then Apologize, and write Calumnies against Illustrious Men, which again you refute; to wit, dis­crediting your self. For you heard your self say, that the Alcmaeonidae lifted up a Shield to the vanquisht and flying Barbarians. And in those very things, which you alledge for the Alcmaeonidae, you shew your self a Syco­phant. For if, as here you write, the Alcmaeonidae were more, or no less Enemies to Tyrants, than Callias the Son of Phoenippus, and Father of Hipponicus, where will you place their Conspiracy, of which you write in your for­mer Books, that assisting Pisistratus, they brought him [Page 391] back from Exile to the Tyranny, and did not drive him away, till he was accus'd of unnaturally abusing his Wife? Such then are the Repugnancies of these things, and by his intermixing the Praises of Callias, the Son of Phoenippus, amidst the Crimes and Suspicions of the Alc­maeonidae, and joyning to him his Son Hipponicus, who was, as Herodotus himself says, one of the richest Men in Athens, he confesses, that he brought in Callias, not for any necessity of the Story, but to ingratiate himself, and gain Favour with Hipponicus. Now, whereas all know, that the Argives deny not to enter into the common League of the Grecians, though they thought not sit to fol­low, and be under the Command of the Lacedaemonians, who were their mortal Enemies, and that this was no o­therwise, [our Author] subjoyns a most malicious Cause for it, writing thus, When [they saw] they were comprised by the Greeks, knowing that the Lacedaemonians would not admit them into a share of the Command, they requested it, that they might have a Pretence to lye still. And of this, he says, the Argive Embassadors afterwards put Artaxerxes in mind, when they attended him at Susa, and that he said, He esteem'd no City more his Friend than Argos. Then adding, as his Manner is, to cover the Matter, he says. Of these things I know nothing certainly; but this I know, that all Men have Faults, and that the worst things were not done by the Argives. But I must tell such things a are reported, though I am not bound to believe them all; and let this be understood of all my Narrations. For 'tis farther said, that the Argives, when they were not able to sustain the War against the Lacedaemonians, call'd the Persian into Greece, willing rather to suffer any thing than the pre­sent Trouble. Therefore, what himself reports she Aethi­opian to have said of the Ointment and Purple, Deceitful are the Beauties, deceitful the Garments of the Persians; may not any one say the same of him; Deceitful are the Phrases, deceitful the Figures of Herodotus's Speeches, as [Page 392] being perplext, unsound, and full of Ambiguities? For as Painters set off, and render more eminent the lumi­nous part of their Pictures, by adding shadows, so he by his Denials extends his Calumnies, and by his dubious Speeches, makes his Suspicions take deeper Impression. If the Argives joyn'd not with the other Greeks, but stood out through an Emulation of the Lacedaemonians Com­mand and Valor, it cannot be deny'd, but that they acted in a manner, not beseeming their Nobility and De­scent from Hercules. For it had been more honorable for the Siphnians and Cythnians to have defended the Gre­cian Liberty, than contending with the Spartans for Su­periority, to have avoided so many, and such signal Combats. And if it were they, who brought the Persi­an into Greece, because their War against the Lacedaemo­nians succeded ill, how came it to pass, that they did not at the c [...]ming of Xerxes openly joyn themselves to the Medes? or, if they would not fight under the King, why did they not, being left at Home, make Incursions into Laconia, or again attempt Thyreae, or by some other way disturb and infest the Lacedaemonians? Since they might have greatly damaged the Grecians by hindring the Spartans from going with so great an Army to Plattae. But in this place indeed he has highly magnified the A­thenians, and pronounc'd them the Saviours of Greece, doing herein rightly and justly, if he had not intermixt many Reproaches with their Praises. But now, when he says, that the Lacedaemonians were betray'd by the other Greeks; and that being left alone, and having un­dertaken great Exploits, they dy'd generously, having before seen that the Greeks, favouring the Medes, held In­telligence with Xerxes, 'tis manifest, he speaks not these things so much to the Commendation of the Athenians, as that, praising the Athenians, he may speak ill of all the rest. For how can any one now be angry with him for so bittery and outragiously, at every turn, upbraiding [Page 393] the Thebans and Phocaeans, when he charges even those, who expos'd themselves to all Perils for Greece, with a Treason, which, as himself says, was never acted? Nay, of the Lacedaemonians themselves, he makes it doubtful, whether they fell in the Battle, or yielded to the Enemy, distinguishing them by very slight Con­jectures from those that were slain at Thermopylae.

After this, when he [...]lares the Shipwrack, that befel the Kings Fleet, and how, an infinite Mass of Wealth be­ing cast away, Aminocles the Magnesian, Son of Cresines, was greatly enriched by it, having gotten an immense Quantity of Gold and Silver; he could not so much as let this pass without snarling at it. For this Man, says he, who had till then been none of the most Fortunate, by those Wrecks became exceeding Rich; for the Misfortune, he had in Killing his Son, much afflicted his Mind. This in­deed is manifest to every one, that he brought this gol­den Treasure, and this Wealth, cast up by the Sea, in­to his History, that he might make way for the in­serting Aminocle's Killing his Son. Now, whereas A­ristophanes the Boeotian wrote, that having demanded Money of the Thebans, he receiv'd none, and that going about to discourse and reason with the young Men, he was prohibited by the Magistrates through their Clow­nishness and Hatred of Learning; of which there is no other Argument. But Herodotus bears Witness to Aristo­phanes, whilst he charges the Thebans with some things falsly, with others ignorantly, and with others, as hat­ing them, and having a Quarrel with them. For he affirms, that the Thessalians at first, upon necessity, in­clin'd to the Medes, in which he says the Truth; and prophesying of the other Grecians, that they would be­tray the Lacedaemonians; he added, that they would not do it willingly, but upon Necessity, one City being ta­ken after another. But he does not allow the Thebans the same Plea of Necessity, although they sent to Tempo [Page 394] five hundred Men under the Command of Mnamia, and to Thermopylae as many, as Leonidas desir'd; who al­so alone, with the Thespians, stood by him, the rest leaving him, after he was surrounded. But when the Barbarian, having possess'd himself of the Avenues, was got into their Confines, and Demaratus the Spartan, fa­vouring in right of Hospitality Apaginus, the Chief of the Oligarchy, had so wrou [...], that he became the Kings Friend and Familiar, whilst the other Gre [...]ks were in their Ships, and none coming on by Land; then at last being forsaken, did they acc [...]pt Conditions of Peace, to which they were compell'd by great Necessity. For they had neither the Sea and Ships at hand, as had the Athenians, nor did they dwell far off, as the Spartans, who inhabited the most remote parts of Greece; but were not above a Day and an halfs Journey from the Medians Army, whom they had already with the Spar­tans and Thespians alone resisted at the Entrance of the Streights, and were defeated. But this Writer is so e­quitable, that having said the Lacedaemonians being alone, and deserted by their Allies, would perhaps make a Composition with the Enemy, when he could not whol­ly obliterate this most great and glorious Act of the Thebans, yet went about to deface it with a most vile Imputation and Suspicion, writing thus: The Confede­rates, who had been sent, return'd back, obeying the Commands of Leonidas; there remain'd only with the Lacedaemoni­ans the Thespians, and the Thebans; of these, the The­bans stay'd against their Wills, for Leonidas retain'd them as Hostages; but the Thespians most willingly, as who said, they would never depart from Leonidas, and those that were with him. Does he not here manifestly discover himself to have a peculiar Pique and Hatred against the Thebans, by the Impulse of which he not only falsly and unjustly calumniated the City, but did not so much as take care to render his Contradiction probable, or to conceal, at [Page 395] least from a few Men, his being conscious of having knowingly contradicted himself? For having before said, that Leonidas, perceiving his Confederates not to be in good Heart, nor prepared to undergo Danger, wish'd them to depart; he a little after adds, that the Thebans were, against their Wills, detain'd by him; whereas, if he had believ'd them inclin'd to the Medians, he should have driven them away, though they had been willing to tarry. For if he thought that those, who were not brisk, would be useless, to what purpose was it to mix among his Souldiers those, that were suspected? Nor was the King of the Spartans, and General of all Greece, so sensless as to think, that four hundred armed Thebans could be detain'd as Hostages, by his three hundred, especially the Enemy being both in his Front and Rear. For though at first he might have taken them along with him as Hostages; tis certainly probable, that at last having no regard for him, they would have gone a­way from him, and that Leonidas would have more fear'd being encompass'd by them, than by the Enemy. Fur­thermore, would not Leonidas have been ridiculous, to have sent away the other Greeks, as if by staying, they should soon after have dy'd, and to have detain'd the Thebans, that being himself about to dye, he might keep them for the Greeks? For if he had indeed carry'd them along with him for Hostages, or rather for Slaves, he should not have kept them with those, that were at the point to perish, but have deliver'd them to the Greeks, that went away. There remain'd but one Cause, that might be alledg'd for Leonidas's unwillingness to let them go, to wit, that they might dye with him, and this our Historian himself has taken away, writing thus of Leonidas's Ambition: Leonidas, considering these things, and desirous that this Glory might redound to the Spartans a­lone, sent away his Confederates rather for this, than because they differ'd in their Opinions. For it had certainly been the [Page 396] height of Folly to keep his Enemies against their Wills, to be Partakers of that Glory, from which he drave away his Confederates. But 'tis manifest from the Effects, that, Leonidas suspected not the Thebans of Insincerity, but esteem'd them to be his stedfast Friends. For he march'd with his Army into Thebes, and at his request obtain'd that which was never granted to any other, to sleep within the Temple of Hercules, and the next Morning related to the Thebans the Vision, that had appear'd to him. For he imagin'd, that he saw the most illustrious and greatest Cities of Greece, irregularly toss'd, and float­ing up and down in a very stormy and tempestuous Sea; that Thebes, being carry'd above all the rest, was lifted up on high to Heaven, and suddenly after disappear'd. And this indeed had a Resemblance of those things, which long after befel that City. Now Herodotus in his Narration of that Fight, hath obscur'd also the brav­est Act of Leonidas, saying, that they all fell in the Streights near Colonus. But the Affair was otherwise manag'd. For when they perceiv'd by Night, that they were emcompass'd by the Barbarians, they march'd streight to the Enemies Camp, and got very near the Kings Pavilion, with a Resolution to kill him, and leave their Lives about him. They came then to his Tent, killing, or putting to slight all they met. But when Xerxes was not found there, seeking him in that vast Camp, and wandring about, they were at last with much difficulty slain by the Barbarians, who surround­ed them on every side. What other Acts and Sayings of the Spartans Herodotus has omitted, we will write in the Life of Leonidas. Yet that hinders not, but we may here set down also some few. Before Leonidas went forth to that War, the Spartans exhibited to him a Fune­ral Fight, at which the Fathers and Mothers of those who went along with him, were Spectators. Leonidas himself, when one said to him, You lead very few with you [Page 397] to the Battle: answered, They are many to dye there. When his Wife, at his Departure, ask'd him, what Commands he had for her; he turning to her, said, I command you to marry a good Man, and bring him good Children. After he was enclosed by the [...]emy at Thermopylae, desiring to save two, that were related to him, he gave one of them a Letter, and sent him away; but he rejected it, saying, an­grily, I follow'd you as a Souldier, not as a Post. The other commanded on a Message to the Magistrates of Sparta; but he answering, 'Tis a Messengers Business, took his Shield, and stood up in his Rank. Who would not have blam'd another, that should have omitted these things? But he, who has collected and recorded the Fart of A­masis, the coming of the Thiefs Asses, and the giving of Bottles, and many such like things, cannot seem to have omitted these gallant Acts, and these remarkable Say­ings, by Negligence and Oversight, but as bearing ill Will, and being unjust to some. He says, that the The­bans, being at the first with the Greeks, fought, but com­pell'd by Necessity. For belike not only Xerxes, but Le­onidas also, had Whipsters following his Camp, by whom the Thebans being scourg'd, were forc'd against their Wills to fight. And he says, that the fought upon Necessity, who might have gone away and fled; and that they inclin'd to the Medes, whereas not one came in to help them. After this, he writes, that the rest making to Colonus, the Thebans separated themselves from them, lifted up their Hands to the Barbarians, and coming near, cry'd with a most true Voice, that they h [...]d fa­vour'd the Medes Affairs, had given Earth and Water to the King, that now being forc'd by Necessity, they were come to Thermopylae, and they were innocent of the Kings Wound. Having said these things, they obtain'd Quar­ter; for they had the Thessalians for Witnesses of all they said. Behold, how amidst the Barbarians Exclama­tions, Tumults of all sorts, Flights and Pursuits, their [Page 398] Apology was heard, the Witnesses examin'd, and the Thessalians in the midst of those, that were slain and trod­den under Foot, all being done in a very narrow Pas­sage, Patroniz'd the Thebans, to wit, because the Thebans had but a little before driven a [...]y them, who were pos­sest of all Greece as far as Thespiae, having Conquer'd them in a Battel, and slain their Leader Lattamias. For thus at that time stood Matters between the Bo [...]etians and the Thessalians, without any Friendship or Good Will. But yet how did the Thebans escape, the Thessalians helping them with their Testimony? Some of them, says he, were slain by the Barbarians. Many of them were by Command of Xerxes mark'd with the Royal Mark, beginning with their Leader Leontiades. Now the Captain of the The­bans at Thermopylae, was not Leontiades, but Anaxander, as both Aristophanes, out of the Commentaries of the Ma­gistrates, and Nicander the Colophonian have taught us. Nor did any Man, before Herodotus, know, that the The­bans were stigmatiz'd by Xerxes. For otherwise this would have been an excellent Plea for them against his Calumny, and this City might well have glory'd in these Marks, that Xerxes had punisht Leonidas and Leontiades as his greatest Enemies, having outrag'd the Body of the one when he was Dead, and caus'd the other to be tor­mented, whilst living. But he, who makes the Barbarians Cruelty against Leonidas, when dead, a Sign, that he hated him most of all Men, when living; and yet says, that the Thebans, though favouring the Medes, were stig­matiz'd by them at Thermopylae, and having been thus stigmatiz'd, again chearfully took their Parts at Platea, seems to me not unlike to Hippoclides, who being told, as he was dancing over the Tables at a Festival, that he had danc'd away the Truth, made answer, Hippoclides cares not for that.

In his Eighth Book, our Author says, that the Greeks being frighted, design'd to fly from Artemisium into [Page 399] Greece, and that being requested by the Euboeans to stay a little, till they could dispose of their Wives and Fa­milies, they regarded them not, till such time as The­mistocles, having taken Money of them, divided it be­tween Eurybiades and Adimantus, the Captain of the Co­rinthians, and that then they stay'd, and had a Sea-Fight with the Barbarians. Yet Pindar, who was not a Citi­zen of any of the Confederate Cities, but of one, that was suspected to take part with the Medians, having made mention of Artemisium, brake forth into this Ex­clamation. [This is the Place] where the Sons of the A­thenians laid the glorious Foundation of Liberty. But He­rodotus, by whom, as some will have it, Greece is ho­nour'd, makes that Victory a Work of Bribery and Theft, saying, that the Greeks, deceiv'd by their Cap­tains, who had to that end taken Money, fought against their Wills. Nor does he here put an end to his Ma­lice. All Men in a manner confess, that, although the Greeks got the better at Sea, they nevertheless abandon'd Artemisium to the Barbarians, after they had receiv'd the News of the Overthrow at Thermopylae. For 'twas to no purpose for them to stay there, and keep the Sea, the War being already within Pylae, and Xerxes having pos­sess'd himself of the Avenues. But Herodotus makes the Greeks contriving to fly, before they heard any thing of Leonidas's Death. For thus he says: But they, having been ill treated, and especially the Athenians, half of whose Ships were sorely shatter'd, consulted to take their Flight into Greece. But let him be permitted so to name, or ra­ther to reproach this Retreat of theirs before the Fight; for having before call'd it a Flight, he both now stiles it a Flight, and will again a little after term it a Flight; so bitterly does he adhere to this Word Flight. Presently after this [says he] there came to the Barbarians in a Pinnace a Man of Hestiaeae, who ac­quainted them with the Flight of the Grecians from Arte­misium. [Page 400] They, because the thing seem'd incredible, kept the Messenger in Custody, and sent forth some light Gallies to dis­cover the Truth. But what is this you say? That they fled as conquer'd, whom the Enemies after the Fight could not believe to have fled, as having got much the better? Is then this [a Fellow] fit to be believ'd, when he writes of any Man or City, who in one Word de­prives Greece of the Victory, throws down the Tro­phy, and pronounces the Inscriptions, they had set up to Diana on the East Side of Artemisium, to be nothing but Pride and vain Boasting? The Tenor of the In­scription was, as follows.

Moreover, not having describ'd any Order of the Greeks, nor told us, what Place every City of theirs held during the Sea-fight, he says, that in this Retreat, which he calls their Flight, the Corinthians sail'd first, and the Athenians last. He indeed ought not to have too much insulted over the Greeks, that took part with the Medes, who, being by others thought a Thurian, reckons him­self among the Halicarnasseans, which, being Dorians by Descent, went with their Wives and Children to the War against the Greeks. But he is so far from giving first an Account of the Streights, they were in, who re­volted to the Medes, that relating how the Thessalians sent to the Phocaeans, which were their mortal Enemies, and promis'd to preserve their Country free from all Dammage, if they might receive from them a Reward of fifty Talents, he writ thus of the Phocaeans: For the Phocaeans were the only People in these Quarters, who in­clin'd [Page 401] not to the Medians, and that, as far as I upon due consi­deration can find, for no other Reason, but because they hated the Thessalians; for if the Thessalians had been affected to the Grecian Affairs, I suppose the Phocaeans would have joyn'd themselves to the Medes. And yet a little after he wi [...]l say, that thirteen Cities of the Phocaeans were burnt by the Barbarians, their Country laid wast, and the Temple, which was in Abes, set on fire, and all of both Sexes put to the Sword, except those, that by Flight e­scap'd to Parnassus. Nevertheless, he puts those, who suffered all Extremities, rather than they would lose their Honesty, in the same Rank with those, who most affectionately sided with the Medians. And when he could not blame the Phocaeans Actions, he devis'd false Causes, framing Suspicions against them with his Pen, and judging them, not by what they did, but by the Con­struction, put on their Intentions by the Thessalians, who gap'd after their Dominions, as if they therefore refused to enter into the Treason, because others had prevented them. Now if any one, going about to excuse the Re­volt of the Thessalians to the Medes, should say, that they would not have done it, but for the Hatred, they bare the Phocaeans, whom when they saw joyn'd to the Greeks, they, against their Inclinations, followed the Party of the Medes; would not such an one be thought most shamefully to flatter, and for the Sake of others, to per­vert the Truth, by feigning good Causes for evil Acti­ons? Indeed, I think, he would, why then should not he be thought openly to calumniate, who says, that the Pho­caeans chose the best, not for the Love of Vertue, but because they saw the Thessalians on the contrary side? For neither does he refer this Device to other Authors, as he is elsewhere wont to do, but says, that himself found it out by Conjecture. He should therefore have pro­duc'd certain Arguments, by which he was perswaded, that they, who did things like the best, followed the [Page 402] same Counsels with the worst. For what he alledges of their Enmities, is ridiculous. For neither did the Dif­ference between the Aeginetae and the Athenians, nor that between the Chalcidians and the Eretrians, nor yet that between the Corinthians and the Megarians, hinder them from fighting together for Greece. Nor did the Mace­donians, their most bitter Enemies, plaguing the Thessali­ans, divert them from their Friendship with the Barba­rians. For the common Danger did so bury their pri­vate Grudges, that banishing their other Pussions, they apply'd their Minds either to Honesty, for the Sake of Vertue, or to profit through the Impulse of Necessity. And indeed after that Necessity, which compell'd them to obey the Medians, was over, they return'd again to the Greeks, as Laocrates the Spartan has openly testified of them. And Herodotus, as constrain'd to it, in his Rela­tion of the Affairs at Plataeae, confess'd that the Phocaeans took part with the Greeks. Neither ought it to seem strange to any, if he thus bitterly inveighs against the Un­fortunate; since he reckons amongst Enemies and Tray­tors those, who were present at the Engagement, and together with the other Greeks, hazarded their Safety. For the Naxians, says he, sent three Ships to the Assistance of the Barbarians, but Democritus, one of their Captains, perswaded the other two to take the Party of the Greeks. So unable he is to praise without dispraising, that if he com­mends one Man, he must condemn a whole City or People. But in this there give Testimony against him, of the more ancient Writers, Hellanicus, and of the l [...] ­ter Ephorus, one of which says, that the Naxians came with six Ships to aid the Greeks, and the other with five. And Herodotus convinces himself of having feign'd these things. For the Writers of the Naxian Annals say, that they had before beaten back Megabates, who came to their Island with two hundred Ships; and after that, put to flight the General Datis, who had set their City on [Page 403] Fire. Now if, as Herodotus has elsewhere said, the Barbarians burnt their City, so that the Men were glad to save themselves by flying into the Mountains; had they not just Cause rather to send Aid to the De­stroyers of their Country, than to help the Protectors or the common Liberty? But that he fram'd this Lye, not so much to honor Democritus, as to cast Infamy on the Naxians, is manifest from his omitting and wholly passing over in Silence the valiant Acts then perform'd by Democritus, of which Simonides gives us an Account in this Epigram.

But why should any one be angry with him about the Naxians? If we have as some say, Antipodes inhabiting the other Hemisphere; I believe, that they also have heard of Themistocles and his Counsel, which he gave the Greeks to fight a Naval Battel before Salamis, where the Barbarian being overcome, he built in Malta a Tem­ple to Diana the Counsellor. This gentle Writer, en­deavouring, as much as in him lies, to deprive Themisto­cles of the Glory of this, and transfer it to another, writes thus Word for Word: Whilst things were thus, Mnesiphilus, an Athenian, askt Themistocles, as he was going aboard his Ship, what had been resolv'd on in Council. And being answer'd, that 'twas decreed, the Ships should be brought back to Isthmus, and a Battel fought at Sea before Peloponnesus; he said, If then they remove the Navy from Salamis, you, Themistocles, shall never fight for your Coun­try; for they will every one return to his own City. Where­fore, [Page 404] if there be any way left, go, and endeavour to break this Resolution, and if it be possible, perswade Euribyades to change his Mind and stay here. Then adding, that this Advice pleas'd Themistocles, who, without making any Reply, went streight to Euribyades, he has these very Expressions. And sitting by him, related, what he had heard from Mnesiphilus, feigning, as if it came from him­self, and adding other things. You see how he accuses Themistocles of Disingenuity in arrogating to himself the Counsel of Mnesiphilus. And further deriding the Greeks, he says, that Themistocles, who was call'd ano­ther Ʋlysses for his Wisdom, was so blind, that he could not foresee, what was fit to be done. But that Artemisia, who was of the same City with Herodotus, without being taught by any one, but by her own Consideration, said thus to Xerxes. The Greeks will not long be able to hold out against you; nor is it probable, if you march your Army by Land to Peloponnesus, that they will sit still, or take care to fight at Sea for the Athenians. But if you make hast to give them a Naval Battel, I fear, lest your Fleets receiv­ing Dammage, may prove also very prejudicial to your Land-Forces. Certainly Herodotus wanted nothing but Verses to make Artemisia another Sibyl, so exactly prophesying of things to come. Therefore Xerxes also deliver'd his Children to her to be carry'd to Ephesus; for he had (it seems) forgot to bring Women with him from Susa, if indeed they wanted a Train of Female Attendants. But 'tis not our Design to search into the Lies of Herodotus; we only make inquiry into those, which he invented, to detract from the Glory of others. He says, 'tis report­ed by the Athenians, that Adimantus, Captain of the Co­rinthians, when the Enemies were now ready to joyn Battel, was struck with such Fear and Astonishment, that he fled; not thrusting his Ship backward at the Stern, or leisurely retreating through those, that were en­gag'd, but openly hoising up his Sails, and turning the [Page 405] Heads of all his Vessels. And that about the farther part of the Salaminian Coast, he was met by a Pinnace, out of which one spake thus to him: Thou indeed, Adi­mantus, fly'st, having betray'd the Grecians, yet they over­come, and according to their Desi [...]es have the better of their Enemies. This Pinnace certainly was let down from Heaven. For what should hinder him from erecting a Tragical Machine, who by his Boasting excell'd the Tragaedians in all other things? Adimantus then crediting him, return'd to the Fleet, when the Business was al­ready done. This Report, says he, is deliver'd by the Athenians; but the Corinthians deny it, and say, they were the first at the Sea-sight, for which they have the Testi­mony of all the other Greeks. Such is this Man in many other Places: He spreads different Calumnies and Accu­sations of different Men, that he may not sail of making some one appear altogether Wicked; as it has succeed­ed well with him in this place: for if the Calumny is believ'd, the Corinthians; if it is not, the Athenians are rendred infamous, or else the Athenians did not bely the Corinthians, but he has bely'd them both. Certainly Thucydides, bringing in an Athenian Ambassador, contest­ing with a Corinthian at Sparta, and gloriously boasting of many things about the Median War, and the Sea-Fight at Salamis, charges not the Corinthians with any Crime of Treachery, or leaving their Station. Nor was it likely the Athenians should object any such thing against Corinth, when they saw it engraven in the third place after the Lacedaemonians and themselves on those Spoils, which, being taken from the Barbarians, were consecrated to the Gods. And in Salamis they had per­mitted them to bury their Dead near the City, as being Men, who had behav'd themselves gallantly, and to write over them this Elegy.

And their Honorary Sepulchre in Isthmus has on it this Epitaph.

Moreover, on the Offerings of Diodorus, one of the Co­rinthian Sea-Captains, reserv'd in the Temple of Latona, there is this Inscription.

And as for Adimantus himself, against whom Herodotus frequently inveighs, saying, that he was the only Cap­t [...]in, who went about to fly from Artemisium, and would not stay the Fight: behold in how great Honour he is.

For neither is it probable, that such Honour would have been shewn to a Coward and a Traytor after his De­cease; nor would he have dar'd to have given his Daughters the Names of Nausinica, Acrothinius, and A­lexibia, and his Son, that of Aristeas, if he had not per­form'd some illustrious and memorable Action in that Fight. Nor is it credible, that Herodotus was ignorant [Page 407] of that, which could not be unknown even to the meanest Carian, that the Corinthian Women alone made that glorious and Divine Prayer, by which they besought the Goddess Venus to inspire their Husbands with a Love of Fighting against the Barbarians. For it was a thing divulg'd abroad, concerning which, Simonides made an Epigram to be inscrib'd on the Brasen Images, set up in that Temple of Venus, which is said to have been found­ed by Medea, desiring the Goddess, as some affirm, to deliver her from loving her Husband Jason; or, as others, to free him from loving Thetis. The Tenor of the Epigram follows.

These things he should rather have written, and recorded, than have inserted Aminocles's Killing of his Son. After he had abundantly satisfy'd himself with the Accusati­ons brought against Themistocles, of whom he says, that unknown to the other Captains, he incessantly robb'd and spoil'd the Islands, he at length openly takes away the Crown of Victory from the Athenians, and sets it on the Head of the Aeginetae, writing thus: The Greeks having sent the First Fruits of their Spoils to Delphos, askt in general of the GOD, whether he had a sufficient part of the Booty, and were contented with it. He answer'd, That he had enough of all the other Greeks, but not of the Aegi­netae; for he expected a Donary of them, as having won the greatest Honor in the Battle at Salamis. See here, how he attributes not his Fictions to the Scythians, to the Persi­ans, or to the Aegyptians, as Aesop did his to the Ravens and Apes; but using the very Person of the Pythian A­pollo, takes from Athens the chief Honour of the Battle at [Page 408] Salamis. And the second Place in Honour being given to Themistocles at Isthmus by all the other Captains, every one of which, attributing to himself the first Degree of Valor, gave the next to Themistocles, and the Judgment not coming to a Determination, when he should have re­prehended the Ambition of the Captains, he said, that all the Greeks weigh'd Anchor from th [...]ce, not be­ing willing to give the chief Honour of the Victory to Themistocles.

In his ninth and last Book, having nothing left, to vent his Malice on but the Lacedaemonians, and their glo­rious Action against the Barbarians at Plataeae, he writes, that the Spartans at first fear'd, lest the Athenians should suffer themselves to be perswaded by Mardonius, to for­sake the other Greeks; but that now, the Isthmus being fortify'd, they, supposing all to be safe at Peloponnesus, easily slighted the rest, Feasting and making merry at home, and deluding and delaying the Athenian Ambassa­dors. How then did there go forth from Sparta to Plateae a thousand and five Men, having every one of them with him seven Heilots? or how came it, that exposing them­selves to so many Dangers, they vanquisht and over­threw so many thousand Barbarians? Hear now his pro­bable Cause of it. It happen'd, says he, that there was then at Sparta a certain Stranger of Tegea, nam'd Chileus, who had some Friends amongst the Ephori, between whom and him there was mutual Hospitality: He then perswaded them to send f [...]rth the Army, telling them, that the Fortifica­tion on the Isthmus, by which they had fenc'd in Peloponne­sus, would be of no avail, if the Athenians joyn'd themselves with Mardonius. This Counsel then drew Pausanias with his Army to Plataeae. Now if any private Business had kept that Chileus at Tegea, Greece had never been victori­ous. Again, not knowing what to do with the Atheni­ans, he tosses to and fro that City, sometimes extolling it, and sometimes debasing it. He says, that contending [Page 409] for the second Place with the Tegeates, they made menti­on of the Heraclidae, alledg'd their Acts against the A­mazons, and the Sepulchres of the Peloponnesians, that dy'd under the Walls of Cadmeia, and at last brought down their Discourse to the Battel of Marathon, ambitiously desiring the Command of the left Wing. A little after he says, that Pausanias and the Spartans yielded them the first Place, desiring them to fight in the right Wing against the Persians, and give them the Left, who ex­cus'd themselves as not skill'd in fighting against the Barbarians. Now 'tis a ridiculous thing to be willing to fight against no Enemy, unless one has been us'd to him. But he says farther, that the other Greeks being led by their Captains to encamp in another Place, as soon as they were mov'd, the Horse fled, not without Joy, towards Plataeae, and in their Flight came as far as Juno's Temple. In which place indeed he charges them all in general with Disobedience, Cowardize and Treason. At last he says, that only the Lacedaemonians and the Tegeates fought with the Barbarians, and the Athenians with the Thebans; equally defrauding all the other Cities of their Part in the Honour of the Victory; whilst he affirms, that none of them joyn'd in the Fight, but all of them, sitting still hard by in their Arms, betray'd and forsook those, who fought for them. That the Phliasians and Megarians indeed; when they heard, Pausanias had got the better, came in, and falling rashly on the Theban Horse, were cut off: that the Corinthians were not at the Battel; but, after the Victory was got, making hast through the Hills, they escap'd the Theban Cavalry. For the Thebans, after the Barbarians were overthrown, going before with their Horse, affectionately assisted them in their Flight, to return them Thanks (forsooth) for the Marks, they had stigmatiz'd them with at Ther­mopylae. Now what Rank the Corinthians had in the Fight at Plataeae against the Barbarians, and how they [Page 410] perform'd their Duty, you may hear from Simonides in these Verses.

For he wrote not these things, as one that taught at Co­rinth, or that made Verses in Honour of the City, but as recording these Actions in Elegiack Verses. But He­rodotus, whilst he desires to prevent that Objection, by which those might convince him of Lying, who should ask, whence then are so many Mounts, Tombs and Monuments of the Dead, at which the Plataeans, even to this Day, celebrate Funeral Solemnities in the Presence of the Greeks? has charg'd, unless I am mistaken, a fouler Crime, than that of Treason on their Posterity. For these are his Words. As for the other Sepulchres that are seen in Plateae, I have heard, that their Successors, being asham'd of their Progenitors Absence from this Battel, erected every Man a Monument for Posterities Sake. Of this treache­rous Deserting the Battel, Herodotus was the only Man, that ever heard. For the Greeks, who withdrew them­selves from the Battel, deceiv'd Pausanias, Aristides, the Lacedaemonians, and the Athenians. Neither yet did the Athenians exclude the Aeginetae, who were their Adver­saries, from the inscription, nor convince the Corinthians of having fled from Salamis before the Victory, Greece bearing Witness to the contrary. Indeed Cleadas a Pla­taean, ten years after the Median War, to gratifie, as Herodotus says, the Aeginetae, erected a Mount bearing their Name. How came it then to pass, that the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, who were so jealous of each other, [Page 411] that they were presently after the War ready to go to­gether by the Ears about the setting up a Trophy, did not yet repel those Greeks, who fled in a Fear from the Battel, from having a Share in the Honour of those, that behav'd themselves valiantly, but inscrib'd their Names on the Trophees and Colosses, and granted them part of the Spoils? Lastly, they set up an Altar, on which was engraven this Epigram.

Did Cleadas also, O Herodotus, or some other, write this, to oblige the Cities by Flattery? What need had they then to employ fruitless Labor in digging up the Earth, to make Tombs, and erect Monuments for Posterities Sake, when they saw their Glory consecrated in the most il­lustrious and greatest Donaries? Pausanias indeed, when he was now aspiring to the Tyranny, set up this Inscrip­tion in Delphos.

In which he gave the Glory to the Greeks, whose Ge­neral he profess'd himself. Yet the Greeks not enduring, but utterly misliking it, the Lacedaemonians, sending to Delphos, caus'd this to be cut out, and the Names of the Cities, as it was fit, to be engraven instead of it. Now how is it probable, that the Greeks should have been of­fended, that there was no mention made of them in the Inscription, if they had been conscious to themselves of [Page 412] deserting the Fight? or that the Lacedaemonians would have eras'd the Name of their Leader and General, to insert Deserters, and such as withdrew themselves from the common Danger? For it would have been a great Indignity, that Sochares, Deipnistus, and all the rest, who shew'd their Valor in that Fight, should calmly suffer the Cythnians and Melians to be inscrib'd on the Tro­phees; and that Herodotus, attributing that Fight only to three Cities, should erase all the rest out of those and other Sacred Monuments and Donaries. For there hav­ing been then four Fights with the Barbarians; he says, that the Greeks fled from Artemisium; that, whilst their King and General expos'd himself to Danger at Ther­mopylae, the Lacedaemonians sat negligent at Home, cele­brating the Olympian and Carnean Feasts. And discours­ing of the Action at Salamis, he uses more Words a­bout Artemisia, than he does in his whole Narrative of the Naval Battel. Lastly, he says, that the Greeks sate still at Plataeae, knowing no more of the Fight, till it was over, than if it had been a Skirmish between Mice and Frogs, in which, as Pigres, Artemisias's Brother, mer­rily and scoffingly said, it had been agreed to fight si­lently, lest they should be heard by others; and that the Lacedaemonians excell'd not the Barbarians in Valor, but only got the better, as fighting against naked and unarm'd Men. To wit, when Xerxes himself was pre­sent, the Barbarians were with much difficulty compell'd by Scourges to fight with the Greeks; but at Plataeae, having taken other Resolutions, they were no way in­ferior in Courage and Strength; but their Garments be­ing without Armour, was prejudicial to them, since be­ing naked, they fought against a compleatly arm'd E­nemy. What then is there left great and memorable to the Grecians of those Fights, if the Lacedaemonians fought with unarm'd Men, the other Greeks, though present, were ignorant of the Battel, empty Monuments are set [Page 413] up every where, and Tripuses and Altars, full of lying Inscriptions, plac'd before the Gods: if lastly, Herodotus only knows the Truth, all others, that give any Account of the Greeks, being deceiv'd by the Fame of those Acti­ons, as the Effects of an admirable Prowess?

What then is to be said? But that he is an acute Writer, his Stile is pleasont, there is a certain. Grace, Force, and Elegancy in [...]is Narrations; and as he has, like a Musician, propos'd his Discourse, though not knowingly, however sweetly, these things delight, please, and affect all Men. But as in Roses we must beware of [the venemous Flies, call'd] Cantharides; so must we take heed of his Calumnies and Envy, lying hid under smooth and well-couch'd Phrases and Expressions, lest we imprudently entertain absur'd and false Opinions of the most excellent and greatest Cities and Men of Greece.