CHAP. I.
Of the Birth and Education of Sadeur:

AS 'tis impossible to reflect upon all the adventures of my Life, without admiring the prodigi­ous variety of Events which have accompanied it, so I believed I ought to make a Collection, and from thence remark all the most considerable Instances, for altho I have yet no oppor­tunities to send them into my own Coun­trey, [Page 2] nor see any probability of return­ing thither, yet I believe I cannot do better than commit them to writing, for the frequent assistance of my Memory, and my more particular Satisfaction.

I receiv'd a Memoir from a Father Je­suit of Lisbon in Portugal, when I was at Villa Franca, which contains an Account of my Birth, and the Adventures of my younger Years, as I am about to relate.

My Father was called James Sadeur, and my Mother, Willemetta Ilin, both of them were of Chatillon upon Bar of the jurisdiction of Rochel in Campagne, a Province of France. My Father knew many Secrets in Mathematicks, which were owing more to his own Genius than the Precepts of a Master; particu­larly he excelled in the inventions of fa­cilitating the removal of great Bodies or Burthens. Monsieur de Vare, who had then some Intendance over Sea Affairs being acquainted with him, brought him to Bordeaux, and from thence to the West-Indies, with promises which he ne­ver perform'd to him, altho he knew him to be so necessary for his Service: My Mother who had followed him, prest him to return after 9 or 10 Months a­boed at Port-Royal, and being imbark't, [Page 3] April 25. 1603. she brought me into the World 15 days after they had been on Shipboard, Monsieur de Sarre, who was Captain of the Vessel, was pleased to be my God-father; I was Conceived in Ame­rica and brought forth upon the Ocean, an infallible presage of the miseries which were to attend me during my whole Life.

The Voyage was happy enough in all the places which were esteemed dange­rous, even to the Coasts of Aquitain, where an unexpected Tempest so furi­ously engaged the Vessel, that it was cast upon the Coasts of Spain, and Ship­wreckt near the Cape of Finisterre, in the Province of Galicia in Spain, with the loss of my Father and Mother. The same Memoir, says, that my Mother seeing the Ship let in the Water on every side, lifted me out of my Cradle, and em­bracing me with an extream tenderness, and abundance of Tears, said, Ah my dear Child, have I brought thee forth upon the Waters, to see thee so soon swallowed up by them? at least I shall have this con­solation of perishing with thee. She had hardly finish'd this complaint, when a more impetuous Wave than any of the former, breaking into the Vessel, bore [Page 4] her away from my Father. In this ex­tremity every one was sensible that no­thing was more dear than the preserva­tion of his own Life, only my Parents, who preferring me to themselves, did expose themselves to the evident danger of perishing to preserve me alive; the love that my Mother had for me, made her not forsake me, for in the lifting me up continually with her arms above the Waters she her self was at last choak-with them; the Courage which my Fa­ther shewed on this occasion was also very particular, for, forgetting him­self, instead of making to the Shore as did the rest, he came to us by the Mer­cy of the Waves, and imbracing my Mother, who yet lift me up, he drew us just to the Bankside, and set us upon the Sand, but either having wholly spent himself upon this occasion, or be­lieving that we were Dead, he fell down in a Swound, holding me in his Arms; altho every one was sufficiently perplext, yet there was none that did not consider this spectacle, and was not amazed at it, many themselves running to relieve us, when it was perceived that I had yet any motion, they took me from the Arms of my Father, and held me be­fore [Page 5] a fire, which the Inhabitants had kindled out of compassion to us. There was no sign of life in my Mother, and having laid her for some time before the fire, they were perswaded that she had more need of a Burial.

Those who had more particularly known my Father, deplored his fate with Cries that drew Tears from the In­habitants of the Countrey, O Man of eternal memory, said some, O too generous soul, must thou dye for being willing to save the life of thy Family? Ah, said others, never was there such a Tragedy; the Mother to expose her self for the Child, the Father for the Mother, and yet those generous efforts to terminate in the death of each other.

I know not whether so much lamen­tation made my Father sensible, but he open'd his Eyes, and with a feeble and languishing voice, said, Where art thou my Dear? this unexpected speech surpri­zed the Company, and when they an­swered him not readily enough, he ad­ded, Then let us all three dye together; these were his last words, and then he clos'd his eyes and dyed. 'Tis said▪ that he signalized himself on many oc­casions in this Voyage; but he drew the [Page 6] admiration of every one in this extre­mity: All those who saw him thus ex­pire could not look upon me without be­ing moved with pitty, Poor destitute (said they) what can become of thee, can any good fortune attend thee in this world, thou being the cause of their death, who gave thee thy life? Some believed that I could not long survive them, after the violent struglings which I had under­gone in the Shipwrick.

But alas! this was but the begin­ning of a Tragedy, which I have now continued for about fifty five Years, with so great and strange Catastiophes, that they can never be represented in their whole extent, altho I my self should re­late them all: the heat of the fire soon impower'd me to weep and lament, with such a noise as gave them to un­derstand that I was out of danger.

An Inhabitant of the Countrey, who knew French enough to understand what had past, remembred that he had an only Son who dyed not long before, and resembled me, this mov'd him to use his interest to get me; they repre­sented to Monsieur de Sacre that this was a very favourable opportunity, and that he could not easily refuse it without [Page 7] putting me in evident danger, he there­upon consented, being rather constrain'd by necessity than any other conside­ration; this man soon adapted me into the place of his Son, and his Wife ha­ving, heard the whole relation embrac'd and entertain'd me with great Caresses: Monsieur de Sarre, and some others of the most skilful in the Vessel, knowing that they were near to St. James's, took a resolution of visiting the Church which is consecrated to God, under the name of this Saint, and there by good fortune they found Merchants of their own ac­quaintance, who equip'd and gave them opportunity of returning creditably to Oleron. Monsieur de Sarre after his ar­rival, began to particularize his adven­tures to his Wife, and describe the Ship­wreck which he had escap'd, but it was some time before she could attend to it, for the joy of having received her Husband safe from the danger of so long and tedious a Voyage; this wholly took her thoughts in the first moments of his return: But some time after she prayed her Husband to give her the History of the Shipwreck, and then she could not forbear admiring the Conju­gal and paternal Love of my Parents, [Page 8] who for my sake underwent a volunta­ry death; and instead of conceiving an indignation for me, she took such an affection to me, especially when she understood that her Husband was my Godfather, that she continually impor­tuned him to find some means of re­gaining me; whereupon he re-imbarkt 22 Months after his return, and in 15 days arrived at Camarinas, where he found me very well, and about 30 Months old, equally cherish'd by a Fa­ther and Mother, whom I believed to be my Parents; as soon as he had de­clared to them the reasons of his coming, and the design he had to pay for my entertainment, proportionable to the time that they had kept me, these good People were mightily offended, and de­termined not to part from me; Monsieur de Sarre alledged his right of Godfather, and the Spaniard insisted upon the Do­nation and Possession, this Cause was brought before the Judges of Camarinas, who, having decided in favour of my Foster Parents, Monsieur de Sarre, for fear of having made a Voyage to his shame resolv'd to steal me away, and fly under favour of the Wind which then stood for him, and entring roughly into [Page 9] the house with a Valet where I was, and seeing only one Servant-Maid which held me, he snatcht me into his arms, and gain'd the Bark which was ready to Sail; the fear that I was in, and the Cries that I uttered threw me into a kind of Convulsive Swound; as soon as I came to my self, they found me in a great Fevor: My foster Father being advertized, and justly provokt with this attempt, ran with other people towards the Forts, and perceiving that we were out of attack, they made a discharge, which gave occasion to a Portugueze Vessel who lay to the South, to discharge a volly of Canon upon us, with such misfortune that a Bullet broke a Plank out of our Vessel, just at the top of the water, and sunk her down to rights, tho not without some respect of being the cause of the death of persons they knew not; those in the Road see­ing this accident made what haste they could away, and the Portugueze sent two Shalops to endeavour to save those which perished, they only preserv'd a Valet, who knew how to swim better than the rest, and as I floated upon the Waters, by means of the Straw in my Cradle, it happened that I was also ta­ken [Page 10] up: I am troubled to write that which no body can read with­out looking upon me as a kind of Viper, which lived by the death of those who took pains to preserve my life; the Portuguzes fearing a just reproof for their Crime, put out speedily to the main Sea, and finding that I was yet alive, they committed me to the care of a Portuguze Matron, who was in their Vessel▪ she profest a great desire of ser­ving me, till she found that I was of two Sexes, I would say an Hermaphrodite, for afterward she conceiv'd such an a­version for me, that it was a trouble to her to look upon me, and as my Fevor encreas'd, my death had been inevitable without the particular care of Monsieur de Sarre's Valet. One might believe that God only preserv'd him to cherish me, if I had been any way useful to his service. Being arrived at Leira, he brought me from Port to Port, and us'd me with that tenderness, as if I had been his own Child; the Portugueze be­ing very willing to be discharg'd of us for many reasons, departed thence, un­known to him; and he being inform'd that he would find more assistance in the great Hospital of Lisbon, than in Leira, [Page 11] resolv'd to carry me thither: He was received there with as much humanity as if he had been in his own Countrey, but he was scarce arrived when he found himself seized with a mortal Fevor, which carry'd him the seventh day, dying in the arms of a Jesuit, to whom he communicated all the particulars which I have related, and as I learn'd by means of a Memoir which this Jesuite gave me 15 years after as I said before. The poor wretch dying, instead of regretting his misfortune, and hating me as the cause of it, ceast not to recommend me to those who assisted him, as if I had be­longed to him. The Father Jesuits be­ing advertized of the Evils which I had been the cause of till then, very seriously deliberated what I should come to, and the result was, that they should take a particular Cognizance of my Inclinations, so that they might know how to distin­guish my Sex; I had hardly attained to the age 5 years, but they were satis­fied that I ought to be reckoned in the Masouline Party. They saw that I had an inclination to Devotion, and judged that if my mind was cultivated, it would promise no mean thing; they presented me to the Countess of Villa [Page 12] Franca, at eight years of age, after ha­ving given her the Story of my sad ad­ventures. This Lady, who might justly be compared to her Illustrious Predeces­sors, received me with so much tender­ness that she was pleased that I should be treated and educated as the Count her Son, who was about 9 years old; altho I wore a Livery, I had no other obliga­tion than that of keeping him compa­ny in his Studies, and I learn'd with him the Latin, Greek, French and Ita­lian Tongues; the Principles of Astro­nomy, Geography, Philosophy, and the History of Spain, with Chronology. The Countess, who shewed the same affections to me as if I had been of her own blood, being inform'd that I was very serviceable to the progress of the Count in his Studies, was willing that I should lay by the Livery, and Study Philosophy, and having accomplisht that, 'twas thought fit to dispose the Count to the publick Theses, at the Uni­versity of Conimbria, where I was ob­lig'd to harrangue, and begin the Dispute. Above 15 days before our departure, I had my mind so agitated, that I visibly dryed away, so that my blood congealed, as if I had been about to endure the [Page 13] utmost punishment, and my heart beat as if I had been upon the point of be­ing Precipitated; they saw my Colour come and go, but that which was most afflicting in this Chain of accidents, was, that every body believed that 'twas only caus'd by the fear of which I had of appearing in Publick. I shall say no­thing of the Dreams, Spectres, and a thousand such things which threatened me with extream Desolation: So soon as I had learnt that the Count was resolv'd to go by Sea, all the story of my misfor­tunes which had happened there before; pierc'd my mind after so feeling a manner, that I believed there was no mean be­twixt embarking and perishing, I en­treated then that I might travel by Land with part of his Train, But how little do precautions serve to combat against Destiny? That what I sought most eagerly to shun, the Evil wherewith I was threatned did justly render it ine­vitable; I made so many adieus for some hours before my departure, that I appeared ridiculous, and the Countess seeing me weep at her Feet, lookt up­on me as Weak and Effeminate. The Count, with whom I was familiar as with my Brother, said to me, Sa­deur, [Page 14] are you willing to forsake us? You will go distracted, why do you thus torment your self? I believe that you have some particular design in your mind; the fear of appearing in publick is not capable of working so much upon you as to deprive you of common sense. My Lord (said I) If it please God that I return, I will discover to you the weakness of my mind, but grant me the favour of suspending your judgment till we come back: This answer was so great a surprise to the young Lord, that he protested that ei­ther he would not forsake me, or that I should not go the Voyage, For the Voyage, answered I, as it is for your Honour, so I will accomplish it or dye by the way, to accompany you upon the water if my Life lay only at the Stake I should abandon it with pleasure, but to suffer that yours should be expos'd, I should rather do violence on my self than obey you. This discourse joyned to the affecti­on which he had for me, made him urge it no more to me, and so we part­ed. The day following, it is to be re­membred that Philip the II. King of Ca­stile, having taken possession of the Kingdom of Portugal, in the year 1581, he raised many Families to maintain [Page 15] this Illustrious Conquest with the greater ease, one of these which he most ad­vanced was the Seignory of Villa Franca, not without the jealousie of many o­thers, who lookt upon themselves to be deserving as that. As 'tis more easie to us Conquer Nations than Hearts, many Portugueze remained so firm to the Fa­mily of Braggance, that they only sought how they might shake off the Yoke of the Castilians, and Crown the Duke of this House: Altho the Country was en­tirely submitted to the Obedience of the Kings of Spain; the secret Revolts of particular persons were very frequent, and the Sea was not without its Pyrats, who shewed in all the Rancounters, what aversion they had for the Spanish Government, and that they could not support the Creatures of the King of Spain. The Embarking of the Count was blaz'd abroad, which was on the 15th day of May, in the Year 1623. and two Vessels Confederate of Braggance, were resolved to take him; to this end they attackt two Sail which convoy'd him towards the Coasts of Ternais. But they maintained their shock with such vigour [Page 16] that the attack was to their own Confu­sion, and the Glory of the Count; I followed afar off with the Train that went by Land, and perceived nothing of what past, till such time as the Ene­mies distinguishing us by the shining Colours of the Count, put to Shore 30 Musquetters, who fir'd upon us from an Ambuscade, killing one Page, two Ser­vants, and the Horse upon which I was mounted.

The rest being incapable of defending themselves fled away, and left me a­lone, abandon'd to the discretion of these Pyrats, who having brought me into their Vessels, put forth into the open Sea.

CHAP. II.
Of the Voyage of Sadeur to the King­dom of Congo.

'TIS a true saying, that Man purposes, but God disposes: I believed that in going by Land, I should shun the dangers of the Sea; and the Sea (if I may so speak) found me upon the Land, and reduc'd me to all those misfortunes which I strove to flee from, the Pyrats were not long in the open Sea, but that it began to blow terribly, and became so tempe­stuous that the Master Pilots despaired of escaping; the Mast of our Vessel broke, the Rudder split, the Ship Leakt on all sides, and we endured 24 hours the mer­cy of the Waves, labouring Night and Day at 6 great Pumps; till at last being overcome with labour, the water at last gain'd upon us, the Ship sunk down [Page 18] to the Bottom, I found my self by chance near the Door of the Captains Chamber, which was born up and began to swim, and as I was about to perish I catcht hold of it, rather by a natural Power and Instinct, than by any effect of Rea­son and Conduct: I cannot say how long time I floated with in it that manner, because I was distracted and void of Judgment; but I was perceived by means of the Moon-light, by a Vessel, which sait'd towards the South, and which sent out a Shalop to know what I was, when they saw that I was a Ship­wreckt man, they took me and carryed me into the Vessel: I was scarce come to my self, but they took me for a Portu­gueze, and soon remembred that they had seen me at Lisbon, and that I was in the service of the House of Villa Franca; the Captain of the Vessel order'd that particular care should be taken of my person, because he had great obligations to that Illustrious House, I was not long in recovering my perfect health, which so soon as I got, I conjured the Com­pany to dischage me at any rate what­ever, I recited all the misfortunes which had happened to me upon the water, and omitted nothing which [Page 19] might perswade them that this Element was extremely fatal to me, but the more I studied reasons to work 'em in­to that belief, the more ridiculous I ap­peared to them, wherefore I concluded with my self to insist no longer upon that Subject, but that it were better for me to abandon my self to the Course of my De­stiny. The Captain told me that the re­spect he had for, and knowledge he had of that House, where he had of­ten seen me, obliged him to conduct me thither, that he might deliver me to the Countess, adding, that he esteem'd this occurrance more happy than all the other fortunes he could have made in his Voyage; I learn'd at the same time that the Vessels which we were in be­longed to the Portugueze Merchants, which went to the East-Indies. It hap­pen'd a little time after that, the chief Secretary of the Vessel fell very ill, wherefore they pray'd me to undertake the charge.

The Wind was so favourable that eve­ry one said I brought good luck to the Vessel. We came well and healthful to the Line, the 15th of July, and the first of September to the Kingdom of Congo, where we cast Anchor the sixth, at [Page 20] Maninga: There was no sickness a­mongst us, but that of the Secretary, which encreas'd daily; the Physitian gave his opinion that he ought to be set a Shore, all the Captains and Pilots at the same time judg'd, that he ought not to be exposed to double the Cape of Good Hope, during the approaches of the Equinox. At last it was resolv'd to stay in this Port till the Month of December, as well for our Health as to avoid danger: We met three Portugueze at Maninga, who un­derstood the Language of the Countrey, and who told us of so many Rarities in the Kingdom, that we could not suffici­ently admire them: and was a true terestial Paradice, filled with all that man could ever desire, for Health, Convenience, or the Pleasures of Life, without any need of cultivating the Earth, which is often bar­ren after a thousand labours, and always exposed to the rigours of bad seasons.

The natural inclination which I al­ways had to know the wonders of Nature gave me a very sensible pleasure at the relation of them, and as I sometimes desired of our Merchants to go abroad into the Country, and examin the truth of these things which were told us, so I shall give this Abridgement of them as follows.

[Page 21] This Country has not half the Inha­bitants in it that Portugal has; I know not whether it may happen from the lit­tle Inclination, and the great difficulty there is to engender: The Men there are entirely naked, only within these few years, there are some that begin to imi­tate the Europeans, and cover what we call Shameful. 'Tis certain, that the a­bundance of their Countrey renders them negligent, slothful, simple and stupid; after having considered them sometimes, I was forced to acknowledge, that Man naturally becomes slothful when he has nothing to do, and that Idleness trans­forms him to a Beast. The Soil of these Regions, which is watered throughout with the Rivers of Zair and Cariza, produces Fruits in Abundance, without any Labour, and these Fruits are so deli­cate and nourishing that they fully satisfie those which eat of them, even the very Water of certain Fountains, has I know not what delicacy and juice, which satis­fies those that drink thereof. We staid there a considerable time, but without any expense, because the People despise Gain, the Countrey furnishing in abun­dance all that one can wish. There's so little need of Houses in this Countrey, [Page 22] that no body goes into them; and as the Nights have all the sweetness that one can desire; so 'tis better to sleep abroad than under a covering; they know not how to make use of Beds, yet they have their Reserves of some Mattresses, for the weaker sort to lye upon, tho there is no body that sleeps not upon the Ground, All these Considerations gave me an Idea of a People, who being not obliged to Labour, lived with some justice in the midst of Idleness, which rendred them dull, negligent, sleeping, disdainful, without Exercise, and without Action.

Our Captain gave Liberty to me, and three more of our Company, to go by the River Zair, to a Lake of the same Name; we had all the Pleasure and Sa­tisfaction possible in this Voyage. Take one part of the most considerable Re­marks which I then made, as far as my Memory will assist me. We arrived in twenty four days at the mouth of the Lake, we went about it in ten, and we came back again to the Fleet in twenty more; the River Zair is not rapid, and as we had four good Oars, we could easily make fifteen and eighteen Leagues a day; nevertheless, 'tis certain we never made above eight in going, whence we may ea­sily [Page 23] see how much our Geographers are deceived, that place the Lake of Zair three hundred Leagues from the Sea, that which obliged us to such little Jour­neys, was the number of Curiosities which continually presented themselves to our Eyes, in Fruits, Flowers, Fishes, and tame Animals; we could scarce re­mark a place in the vast Meadows of six­ty and eighty Leagues long, which was not enriched with a Marvellous Tapestry of Flowers, which would pass for rare in the finest Cardens in Europe; I could scarce see my Feet tread upon so many Miracles of Nature without Indignation; but the vast quantity of them was the cause that they were no more esteemed then our Field Dazies; there is scarce a Tree which does not bear some precious Fruits, and such as are incomparably bet­ter than all that we know; and Nature hath so accommodated them to the Con­stitution of the Inhabitants, that they might be gathered without incommodety and danger; we lived not upon any o­ther Nourishment, nor did we desire any more: Our Master Pilot Sebastiano Deles, a Man of great Experience, seeing that we were admiring why we should go to the East-Indies for their Delicates and Cu­riosities, [Page 24] and never brought back none of those things that we saw in this Coun­trey, said, That 'twas with these Fruits, as with Viands, well baked and seasoned, which could not be preserved four days with their ordinary Gust; this obliged me to make the Experiment, and I saw that indeed they would not be kept long with­out Corruption; 'tis true, that in eating them we find 'em perfectly digesting, nourishing and conformable to the Sto­mach, very different from our Fruit, and which brings at last as much Indisposition to the Body, as Pleasure to the Taste.

For this Cause they may be preserved, since their Crudity strives with their na­tural heat, whereas those at Manicongo be­ing perfectly ripe are spoiled in a little time, and as nature has provided that some are always dying; so the Trees are always laden with Flowers, Buds, and Fruits, some green, some rotten, and others pro­per to Eat.

Amongst the great quantity of Fishes which I remarkt in the River Zair, I saw two sorts which surprized me, I may call the one Amphibious, since they are some­thing like our Water Spaniels, and come as easily out of the Water; they leap almost like Foxes, with this difference, [Page 25] that their Paws are as large as the Feet of our Drakes, and those before are twice or thrice as short as those behind; they have so great an Inclination for a Man that they will seek him out, and offer them selves to him, as so much Sacrifice, it happens sometimes that they will even leap into Boats, and come to the Feet of the Watermen, to fawn upon them like Dogs; this I saw with my Eyes, and I wish not over well to a Water man that struck one of 'em down at my Feet; the Natives of the Countrey call them Cad­zeick, and their Flesh resembles that of our Spanish Otters.

The other that I admired were slying F [...]shes, and we might well call them Sea Peacocks, but much more fine, and of a brighter Colour, than those at Land, 'tis rarely that they swim at the bottom of the Water, but they are almost always seen at the top, their Feathers appear just like the Scales of Fishes, but with a di­versity of Green, Blew, Yellow▪ and speckled with Red, which ravishes the Eyes of such as behold them, these which I saw out of the Water appeared like great Eagles with two Wings, every one with five or six Feet; one would believe that they affected to be seen and admired, [Page 24] [...] [Page 25] [...] [Page 26] sometimes did they gather together in a Circle round the Boat, sometimes they placed themselves right against those who lookt upon them, turning and returning after all manners, with Trains which dazelled our Eyes; The Shores were full of many sorts of Animals, but the most common, and the most charming, re­sembled our Sheep at Leira, excepting that we saw some of almost all Colours, I mean, Red, Green, Yellow, and a Blew so shining, that our Purple, and best pre­pared Silks come not near them; I askt why no one traffickt in such glistering ra­rities? and 'twas answered that these Na­tural Colours fail with the Lives of the Animals.

Being arrived at the Lake, we employ­ed ten days in going round it, and we found its length about sixty Leagues, and its breadth about forty; we saw the head of the River Niger, which is pretty spa­cious, and deep enough to carry a Ves­sel, but it soon lost it self in the Moun­tains of Benin; we rested our selves up­on the Nile, which is not at all inferiour in its rise to the Niger, and it continues in its first state for about three Leagues, there is no difficulty to go down into the Mediteranean Sea, and the Communica­tion [Page 27] betwixt the two Seas is also very Commondious by means of this place.

I carefully endeavoured to inform my self where the Crocodiles were, which Historians place in such great Numbers in these Quarters, but the Inhabitants could not even divine what I talkt of, which made me believe they were only Fables, if we may truly say, that those who make long Voyages may enlarge upon them to others, who only know the place of their Birth, 'tis yet more true to Assertion, that this liberty is stretcht too far, and often runs out into Fictions, the reason is, it often happens that Men travail a great way without seeing any thing besides Ports, or never rest themselves a Moment, and all the Mischievous incommodities which they saffer, give so much trouble and weari­ress, that they never think of taking any Recreation: Nevertheless, as Travel­lers are perswaded that they ought to tell something new when they come from far, the more cunning they are, the more capable they are of Invention, and as there is no on which cannot contra­dict them, they are pleasantly received, and there is as certain a debt to the labour of their Inventions, as to truth it self.

[Page 28] We went afterwards into a small Island which is in the middle of the Lake which belongs to the King of Jassal­ [...]er, who also calls himself the King of the Lake; the Natives of this Country, call him Zassa, and the King keeps a Fortress, which is lookt upon as very famous in this Country, tho in truth 'tis very small in comparison of our Forts in Europe; we were Charmed as soon as we set foot upon Land, for there was nothing wanting for the ge­neral pleasure of all the Senses, besides the order of the Aromatick Herbs, which was a little too strong; there were Fruits so fine so delicate, and in so great quantities, that the Beauty of them joyned to the abundance, cloyed us; but which was more surprizing than the rest, and which I had never heard of, was a Fountain which was as sweet as our Hipocras, and which rejoyced and pleased us more than our Spanish Wine, we reasoned loing enough upon the cause, which should produce so agreea­ble a Liquor, and we concluded that as all over head was embalmed in this Country, so the Earth within must be of the same Nature; and if there were Fountains of a very ill tast, there must [Page 29] by consequence be those that are very sweet and agreeable; we drank with an inexpressible pleasure, and every one wisht to live in that place: There came one of the Natives to us, and with a great concern told us, that drinking of that water was mortal to all such as drank to excess of it, we were n [...]t long in proving the truth of what he had told us: But so great a drowsiness fell upon us, that we could not forbear lying down in the place, where we slept above 15 hours, how ever this sleep had no ill effect upon us, for we rose as brisk and healthful as we were before; some attributed this sleep to the great quantity of Odours which hanged over our heads, and others be­lieved this, that this delicious drink we had taken, was the cause of it. From this Isle we were willing to go to the Source of the River Cuama, which we found narrow and incapable of receiving a Boat, a little time after, we discove­r [...]d the Fountain of the Lake it self, and we reckoned above 200 Brooks which came down from the Mountain, which are over against the middle of it, and which the Spaniards call Mountains of the Moon, because that Vasco de Gama, [Page 30] who first doubled the Cape of Good Hope, in the Year 1497, to discover the Oriental Isles, seeing the Moon, on these Mountains, appear, as if it had toucht the top of them, gave them this name. The Natives of this Coun­try, call them the Mountains of the Ors, that is, of the Water, because of the abundance of Water which continually runs down from them. These who confound the Lake of Zembre, with that of Zair, speak upon very defective re­lations, for we were assured that it was on the other side these Mountains, a­bout▪ 50. Leagues from Zair. Most Historians place a great number of Monsters in these Quartecs, but upon no other foundation than the recital of those who first invented it: all our en­quiries could not serve us to discover the Original of a neighbouring Nati­on, which the Europians call Caffres, and the Natives, the Country of Fordi. We were informed that a Native ha­ving taken a small She Tigres, became so familiar with the Beast, that he loved her Carnally, and committed that infamous Crime with her, whence came an Ani­mal half Man and half Beast, which gave the original to these Savages, [Page 31] which cannot be humanized; a very probable proof of this relation, is that their Heads and Feet are very like those of Tigers, and even their Body is in some places markt with spots like those of these Animals.

We returned by the River of Cari [...], and staid 20 days upon the Road, with the same divertisements which we had upon the River Zair, except that whatever we saw as we came back, was become common to us and excited a less admiration than at first.

CHAP. III.
Of the Accidents which brought Sa­deur into the Southern World.

SO soon as we were returned we set sail, with a Wind and Sea as fa­vourable as we could wish them, we arrived in 8 days to the Cape of Good Hope, where we would not stay for fear of losing the opportunity of so fair a season, which is very rare in this place, we were got within sight of Port Dananbolo, in the Isle of Mada­cascar, [Page 32] where we were wind bound, for more than forty six hours, afterwards an East Wind so furiously tost the Sea, and drove us with that impetuosity that it broke our Cordage, and drove us above a thousand Leagues to the West. Many saw some Isles on the right hand, and took them for those which are cal­led the Trinity, 'twas there that a Rock at the top of the water broke our Ves­sel into two parts, and where we found our selves exposed to the mer­cy of the most inexorable of all the Elements. I could never tell what be­came of the other Ships, nor what was the fortune of my Companions in this wreck, because 'twas in the night, and very dark; for I was only busied how to save my self: my other Shipwrack had given me Experience and Faith, I had sought for a light Plauck during the dangers of the Tempest; and I will say it to my shame, that being far enough removed from the approaches of death, I always appeared very indifferent as to my Life, but in this evident danger, I could think of nothing else but how to save my self. I floated for many hours by the means of my Plank, with such a tossing and turning over and o­ver, [Page 33] that I can't now think of it with­out horror: The Waves did so often plunge me under, and overturn me, that tho I held out as long as I could, yet at last I lost both knowledge and think­ing, and truly I knew not what be­came of me, nor by what means I was preserved from death; I only remem­ber that coming to my self I opened my eyes, and found a calm Sea, I per­ceived an Isle very near, and I felt my hands so clencht to the Plank, that I could hardly loose them, and my sin­gers were so crooked that I could not by any means bring them to themselves▪ the sight of this Island encouraged me very much, and infine, being come on shore, I drag'd my self under a Tree, without thinking of any thing but lan­guishing, and expecting death in a little time; I found under this Tree two fruits, about the bigness, and like in Colour to our Pomegranets, with this difference, that their tast appeared to me much more delicate, substantial and nourishing; having eaten the first, my spirits recovered, and my heat grew light, and having eaten the second I sound my self sufficiently satisfied, but I was so bruised▪ that I was in great pain [Page 34] to bear my self up, so I lay down and fell into so deep a sleep, that I was at least 24 hours before I awakt, after this sleep I found that I was not in the least a weary, I saw that my Cloaths were dry, and the Sun shone, and inspired me with a courage and hope: I found two other fruits, which I did eat, and having applyed my self to find out the Elevation of the Sun, I judged that I was 33 deg. Lat. South, but I knew not the Longitude; having rested my self again I resolved to advance into the Isle, to discover if there were any In­habitants, I plainly saw the appearance of some ways, but they led into very thick Bushes, where I could not pass without stooping, which gave me very strange thoughts; having found a tree much higher than the rest, I thought that if I climbed to the top of it, I might discover some place or other, but as I got up I heard a great noise, and I saw two prodigious flying Beasts, which came to the top of the tree, obliged me to get down a little faster than I got up: Be not surprized at the name of Beast, which I here gave to the Birds, for they were so very large that I was frighted at them, and speak then [Page 35] as I thought. I got down with all the speed imaginable, but I was no sooner down, but heard so frightful a Cry, that I expected every moment to be devoured: In fine, coming to my self, I reflected upon the misery I saw my self reduc'd to, I concluded that it were better to dye forthwith, than to seek to languish any longer, after all, I said, there's a necessity that I dye by some means or other, and I cannot shun one danger, but run into a greater.

I then made a resolute preparation for death, and remembring that my Father and Mother expir'd upon the Sea shore, I made thither, where I had left my Plank: I had scarce left my place but I was followed by a great number of Ani­mals, which I could not distinguish from one another, nevertheless I had my judgment as ready as could possi­bly be expected upon such an occasion, I thought I saw certain kinds of Horses, but with pointed Heads, and claw-footed, I can't tell whether these were not of those Beasts, which came to light upon the tree where I was, but they had Wings and Feathers. I saw certain kinds of great Dogs, and many other sorts of Animals, which don't at all resemble [Page 36] any that we have in Europe, they made great Crys so soon as they perceiv'd me, and as they approacht nearer and near­er they redoubled the Noise. I resol­ved to defend my life, and took my Plank and began to exercise it, in turn­ing and returning it, which made 'em very attentive, till two of the largest Beasts approacht to come in with me, I turned to one of them, and struck it so roughly that it ran back to the other Animals, which set 'em all on howling: I was seized with an extreme fear, at the redoubling of these terri­ble cries, and in great hast took three fruits of the Tree which I have spoken of, and cast my self into the Wa­ter with my Plank; after having swam such a distance as it was reasona­ble enough for me to believe I was out of all danger: I turned my eyes to­ward the Isle, and I saw upon the shoar all that great number of Animals which I fled from, part of them put themselves readily to swim, and pursued me with that vigour and hast, that they were not long before they came up to me, when I saw that I could not escape, I turned towards them, and presented the end of my Plank to them, with success [Page 37] happy enough, for as they prest on to take and bite the end, they made me advance as fast as themselves, this ma­nagement continued till I arrived at a small kind of a little Isle, which floated upon the Water; and which carried me away, swift enough to remove the means of my Enemies joyning me: they followed me nevertheless with a Cou­rage, or rather with an encreased Rage, till they dispaired of being able to come at me again; but at last my Isle happen­ing to stoop on a sudden, they had time of coming up to me again: I scarce knew what to think, and began to make unprofitable reflections in de­vising the cause of the Immobility of the Isle, whose motion had been so favou­rable to me, I saw four of those great flying Animals which I have spoken of, which came to the assistance of the o­thers, when they were ready to fall up­on me. I covered my self with my plank, to avoid their first attacks, which were so rude that with a stroak with their Beak, they pierc'd it thro', 'twas then that my Isle raising it self, sud­denly with an extreme impetuosity shakt me, and threw me more than 50 Paces from it, I believed that it was a [Page 38] kind of Whale, which Naturalists men­tion: For one of these monstrous Birds placing her self upon its back, thrust her Talons into its flesh, it lifted it self up as I thought, above one hundred Cubits out of the Water, with a noise as terrible as that of Thunder. This toss wholly conquer'd my spirits, so that I knew not what became of me then, but my crooked fingers were the cause that I quitted not my Plank; be­ing a little come to my self, I saw the Creature which bounded, and it cast water out of its Nostrils, with horri­ble hissings; and afterwards sunk down again, clear under the water.

The Birds which pursued me were retired, so that I found my self alone in the midst of the water, without any other assistance than my piece of Wood, and without any other thought than that of death, which I well saw could not be avoided; I was so spent with the Fatigues which I had under­gone, and so incommoded with the water which I had swallowed down, that no one would think humanity ca­pable of resisting so great Evils in this Estate, I remembred my fruits and eat two of them, after which I found it impossible to avoid sleeping, so that I [Page 39] was oblig'd to turn me upon my plank, with my face upwards, to be in some manner without danger of being strangled by the waters. I closed my eyes, and knew not how long I tarried in this posture, but I wakned at last by the rays of the Sun, which darted very bright upon my face; and I found that I was driven by the Wind North-East, with great swiftness, altho the Sea was pretty smooth. I thought my heart and mind in a very calm po­sture; and a little after I found my self very near a Country, whither the Wind had driven me; my crooked fingers were so clinched to my plank, that I had much ado to disentangle them to get upon shore; my Cloaths were so heavy with the water which they had drunk up, that I could scarce carry them, the tossing of the Sea, and salt water which I had drank, had so distemper'd my head, that I found much ado to endure it; I was like a man, whom the excess of Wine, or many turnings had made giddy, and rendred incapable of doing any thing to the purpose, all that I could do was to trail my plank at a certain distance, where I layed me down and soon fell a sleep, my sleep in some measure setled [Page 40] my Brain, and dryed my cloaths, which I rub [...]d to make 'em less incommodious; I remembred I had yet one of these fruits which I have spoken of, and ha­ving eaten it, I perceived that want of nourishment was the principal cause of my extreme weakness; I then advanced to seek out something else, and after having marched about 200 Paces I found many Trees, but I perceived no fruit, which made me fall into a pro­found raving, tho I forbore not all the time to march on, and as I went, I lookt downwards, and saw two fruits upon the Earth, which were covered with leaves, I took 'em as a present from Heaven, and after I had eaten one of them, I per­ceiv'd my strength to encrease, which encouraged me to advance on my way, and to examine the place where I might be, which I found to be about 35 deg. South: I saw many signs which per­swaded me that the firm Land was not far off, the water was very fresh. The Winds blew South, and I remarkt that they were very much interrup­ted; I even perceived certain extra­ordinary Vapours, in a word, I flat­tered my self that I saw some ap­pearence of a Country, and endeavour­ing much to get forward, I found a [Page 41] Tree laden with great fruit, whose branches were bowed, down to the Earth; the place was all tapistred with Flowers of divers colours, and perfu­med with very agreeable Odours; as soon as I had eaten of this fruit I fell into a great benumness, and I was so affected, that in looking upon all things about me, I could see nothing distinctly: A little time after I heard many howlings of Beasts, which seemed to be very near me, and I soon per­ceived Seven, which were of the big­ness and colour of our great Bears, besides that every Paw appeared as bigg as their whole Head, they ap­proacht me, and retired many times without touching me, but at last, they came up all together, on purpose to devour me, and I was all bloody, when two great Birds of the form of those which I have mentioned above, came to light upon these Animals, and ob­liged them to retire, and to hide them­selves in the next Caverns they could meet with: The Birds persued them, but catching none of them, they came back to me, and after having given me some wounds with their Talons, one of them seized me between her [Page 42] two feet, and lifted me up very high in the Air; The Girdle that I had went many times about me, and sav'd my life, by keeping me from being pierced into the Entrails, however I was in continual fear; after a long way these animals rested themselves upon a Rock, where that which carried me set me down, and the other seiz'd me after the same manner that the first did. In fine, the pain that they put me to, became in supportable, and having cast me into a kind of dispair, I threw my self vigorously upon his neck, and found strength enough to tear out his eyes with my Teeth, he fell at the same time into the water, and ha­ving let me go, I soon mounted up­on his back, his Companion who flew before, to divide the Air, perceiving that the other followed not; and ha­ving seen us upon the Water, turned back and fell upon me, with a dreadful impetuosity, he pitcht upon my shoul­ders, and struck such blows at me, as would have been mortal if they had hit me. I always kept a little Poni­ard at my Girdle, which I thrust in­to his Belly with much ado, for these Birds are almost impenitrable, as we [Page 43] shall see afterwards, having two great Scales which environ them, and which defend 'em, like those of Tortoises; whilst I fought against this second Enemy, the first slipt from under my Thighs, and got from me, which made me lay hold on one of the Claws of the last, by which he lift me up ve­ry high, and I held fast for fear of falling, he cry'd terribly, and after having raised himself pretty high, he threw himself into the Sea again, and by the favour of this Element I had the liberty to cast my self upon his neck, and so got upon his back: He howled at the loss of his blood, tumbled and turned himself after a thousand ways to shake me off, and constrain me to leave him.

I thought then of nothing else but of holding him fast, to hinder the effect of his effort, because that my Plank which was my only assistance, being lost, I saw no mean betwixt quitting him and perishing: at last he staied upon the Water without any other motion than an Ox, whose throat is cut, confessing by his stilness that I had overcome him, having then some leisure to take breath and to think of my Wounds, I could [Page 44] not distinguish any part in all my body which was not torn and bloody; my Cloaths were all rent, not one part es­caping, whole, the water of the Sea, altho 'twas very fresh in that place, yet was salt enough to cause such pain as made me lose my Senses. I apprehend­ed sometime afterwards, that some Guards from the Sea saw part of this Combat, and that four were come in a little Shalop to see if they could know who I was, they believed me to be with­out Life, and drew me into their Boat as a dead man, who had expired in his Vi­ctory: as soon as they perceiv'd any motion in my heart, they put into my Mouth, Nose and Ears a Liquor, which soon made me open my Eyes, and see my Benefactors; they made me drink of a sort of Water, which gave me new strength, and recovered my Spirits; they washt my Body with an odoriferous Water, they anointed my Wounds and bound them up very Commodiously, having thus brought me out of danger, they pursued my Enemies, and having drawn the last into the Boat, they laid him at my feet, the other had still some motion; but explaining to them by signs that I had pluckt out his Eyes, they pur­sued [Page 45] him, took him, and laid him upon the other, with great marks of rejoycing, they returned to Land, from which they were distant about three hours rowing, and having brought me to shoar, they bore the two Fowls at my feet, with ac­clamations, like to those they are used to make in their greatest Victories.

CHAP. IV.
A Discription of the Australian World.

IF there was any thing in the World which could perswade me of the in­evitable fatallity of humane things, and the infalible accomplishments of those events, the Chain of which composes the destiny of Mankind, it would certainly be this History that I am writing; there is not on single accident of my Life, which has not been serviceable either to direct or support me in this new Country, where it was decreed I should one day be driven. My often Shipwracks taught me to bear them; both Sexes were necessary for me under pain of being destroyed at my arrival, as I shall show in the sequel of my Story. It was [Page 46] my good fortune to be found naked, o­therwise I had been known to be a Stran­ger in a Land where no one wears any covering, without that terrible com­bat that I was obliged to maintain against the monstrous Fowls I have be­fore mention'd, and which brought me into great reputation amongst those that were wittnesses of it, I should have been forced to have submitted to an examination, that would have been in­fallibly followed with my death. In­fine, the more all the Circumstances of my Voyages and perils shall be conside­red, the more clearly it will appear that there is a certain order of things in the fate of man, and such a chain of effects that nothing can prevent, and which brings us by a thousand imper­ceptible turnings, to the end to which we are destined.

The custom of the Inhabitants of this Country is never to receive any person amongst them, whose Humour, Birth and Country, they know not be­fore: But the extraordinary Courge with which they had seen me fight; and the great admiration they conceiv'd at my reviving after it, made me with­out any inquest be admitted into the [Page 47] neighbouring quarter, where every one came to Kiss my Hands: They would also have carryed me upon their Heads, the greatest mark of high esteem that they show to any person; but as they perceived it could not be without in­comoding me, so they omitted this ce­remony. My reception being made, those that had brought and comforted me, carryed me to the House of the Heb, which signifies, a House of Edu­cation; they had provided me a lodg­ing, and all things necessary, with such a diligence, as surpassed the Civility of the most polished Europeans: I was scarcely arrived when two Hundred young Australians came and saluted me in a very friendly manner; the desire I had to speak to them, made me call to mind some words that I had heard at Congo, and among others that of Rim­len, which I made use of, it signifies, I am your Servant, at this word they believed me to be of their own Coun­try, and cryed out with great signs of joy, Le cle, le cle, that is, our Brother, our Brother, and at the same time pre­sented me with two fruits of a red colour, intermixt with blew, I had no sooner eat them, but they refreshed, [Page 48] and strengthend me very much; they gave me afterwards a kind of a yel­low bottle of Liquor, that held a­bout a good glass, which I drank with such a pleasure as I had never before felt: I was in this Country, and a­mongst these New faces, like a man fallen from the Clouds, and I found it difficult to believe I truly saw what I did; I imagin'd to my self sometimes, that per­haps I might be dead, or at least in a Trance, and when I convinced my self by many reasons, that I was certainly a­live, and in my perfect sences; and yet I could not perswade my self that I was in the same Country, or with men of the same Nature of our Europeans: I was entirely: cured in fifteen days, and in five Months learnt enough of the Lan­guage to understand others, and to ex­plain my self to them. I have here there­fore set down the best account of the Australian Territories that I could get ei­ther by the relations of others, or cou'd describe according to the Meridan of Ptolemy.

It begins in the three hundred and fortieth Meridian, towards the fifty se­cond degree of Southern Elevation, it advances on the side of the Line, in [Page 49] forty Meridians, until it comes to the fortieth degree. The whole Land is called Hust: The Land continues in this elevation, about 15 degrees, and they call it Hube; from the fifteenth Meridi­an the Sea gains, and sinks by little and little into twenty five Meridians, until it comes to the fifty first degree. And all on the western side is called Hump: The Sea makes a very considerable Gulph there, which they call Ilab: The Earth afterwards falls back towards the Line, and in four Meridians advances unto the two and fortieth degree and a half; and this Eastern side is called Hue: The Earth continues in this elevation about thirty six Meridians, which they call Huod; after this long extent of Earth, the Sea regains, and advances unto the forty-ninth degree, in three Meridians, and having made a kind of semicircle in five Meridians, the Earth returns and goes [...]n unto the thirtieth degree, in six Me­ridians, and this Western side is called Huge. The bottom of the Gulph Pug, [...]nd the other side Pur; the Land con­ [...]inues about 34 Meridians, almost in [...]he same elevation, and that is call'd the Land of Sub, after which the Sea rises, and seems to become higher than ordi­nary, [Page 50] wholly overflowing the Earth, and falls again by little and little towards the Pole, that Earth by degrees giving way unto the sixtyieth Meridian, on this side are the Countries of Hulg, Pulg, and Mulg; towards the fifty fourth de­gree of elevation, appears the mouth of the River Sulm, which makes a very considerable Gulph: Upon the borders of this River live a people which are very like the Europians, who are under the Obedience of many Kings.

This is all that I can have a certain knowledge of, as to that side of Australia, which is towards the Line; it is limited towards the Pole, by prodigious Moun­tains, much higher and more in accessible than the Pirhenean, which separate France from Spain; they call them Ivas, and they begin towards the fiftieth degree, falling insensibly, for sixty five Meridi­ans, unto the sixtieth degree, and then rising again unto the forty eighth, and returning afterwards unto the fifty fifth degree, after which it rises to the forty third, and then ends in the Sea.

At the foot of these Mountains they distinguish these following Countrys; Curf, which extends it self from the Mountains unto Huff; afterwards Curd; [Page 51] then Gurf, Durf, Jurf, and Surf, which last ends in the Sea. In the middle of the Countrys, between the Mountains and the Australian Coasts lies Trum, Sum, Burd, Purd Burf, Turf, and Pulg, which joyns to the Sea. Thus the Au­stralian Territories contain twenty se­ven different Countries, which are all very considerable, and are altogether about three thousand Legues in length, and four or five hundred in breadth.

The Vally which is on the other side of the Mountains is sometimes twenty degrees broad, and sometimes but six on­ly, it is parted by two Rivers, which are very broad at the mouth, one of which runs to the West, and is called Sulm, and the other to the East, named Hulm.

The length of this Country is about eight hundred Leagues, and its breadth six hundred in some places, but in most but three. All this vast Land is called Fund; and is under two or three Go­vernors, which very often make cruel Wars, one against the other. But what is most surprizing in the Australian Do­minions, is, that there is not one Mountain to be seen; the Natives ha­ving levelled them all. To this prodi­gy may by added the admirable unifor­mity [Page 52] of Languages, Customs, Buildings, and other things which are to be met with in this Country. 'Tis sufficient to know one Quarter, to make a certain judgment of all the rest; all which with­out doubt proceeds from the nature of the people, who are all born with an inclination of willing nothing contrary to one another; and if it should happen that any one of them had any thing that was not Common, 'twould be impossible for him to make use of it.

There are fifteen thousand Sezains, in this prodigious Country: Each Sezain contains sixteen quarters, without count­ing the Hub, and the four Hebs; there is twenty five houses in each quarter, and every house has four apartments, which lodge four men each; so that there is four hundred houses in each Se­zain, and six thousand four hundred per­sons; which being multiplied by fifteen thousand Sezains, will shew the number of the Inhabitants of the whole Land, to be about fourscore and 16 Millions, with­counting all the Youth, and Masters lodg­ed in the Hebs, in each of which there is at least eight hundred persons; and as in the fifteen thousand Sezains, there is sixty thousand Hebs, so the young [Page 53] men, and the Masters that teach them, will be found to amount to near forty eight millions.

The great House of the Sezain, which they call the Hab, that is, the House of elevation, is built only with diaphonous and transparent Stones, like to our finest Crystal, only these Stones are diversify'd with a prodigious quantity of Figures of all forts of colours, very fine and lively, which by their infinite variety form sometimes Images of Mankind, sometimes represent the Fields in all their Beauty, and sometimes Suns and other Figures, of such a vivacity, as can never be too much admired. The whole Building is without any Artifice, except the curious cut of this Stone, with Seats all round it, and sixteen great Tables of a much more lively red than that of our scarlet.

There is four very considerable En­trances, that answer to the four great ways upon which it is situate: All without is filled with very rare Inventions. They ascend unto the top of it by a thousand steps, upon which there is a kind of Platform, that will easily contain forty persons. The Pavement of this stately House is much like our Jasper, but the colours thereof are much more lively [Page 54] and are also full of Veins, of a very rich blew, and a yellow which surpasses the brightness of Gold: No one for a constancy lives in it, but each Quarter take their turns to supply the Tables for the refreshment of Passengers. This great House built in the middle of the Sezain, and is about an hundred paces daimeter, and three hundred and thirty in circumference.

The House of the four Quarters by them called Heb, which is the House of Education, is built of the same Stone that the Hab is paved with, except the Roof of it, which is made of a transpa­rent Stone, through which the Light en­ters into it.

The Pavement of it something resem­bles our white Marble, but is intermixed with a most lively red and green. This fine Building is divided into four quar­ters, by twelve great Crossings, which are made like four Semi-diameters: It is about fifty paces diameter, and about an hundred and fifty three paces in circuit. Each Division is allotted to the Youth of that Quarter it belongs to; and there is at least two hundred Children, whose Mothers, as soon as they have conceived of them, enter there, and depart not [Page 55] till the Children are two years of age, and then they go out, leaving them to the Care of certain young men, who are there on purpose to instruct them. These young men, whereof there is a very great number, are divided into five Companies.

The first are employed in teaching First-Principles, of which there are six Masters. The second make it their busi­ness to give the common Reasons for Natural things, among which there are four Masters. The third are such as are remitted to dispute, of whom there is two Masters. The fourth are such as can compose, and they have but one Master. The fifth and last are those that expect to be chose for Lieutenants, that is, to fill the place of the Brethren that retire from the World, of whom I shall give a particular account afterwards.

These are the peculiar Officers of each Quarter, which contribute to the main­tenance, and educating part of the World, and they carry very regularly every day what is necessary for their subsistence, when they go to the Conference held in the House.

The common Houses, which they call Hebs, that is, the Habitation of Men, are [Page 56] in number twenty five in each Quarter, each House twenty five paces diameter, and fourscore paces in circumference. They are divided like the Hebs, by two great Walls, which make four distinct separations, and end each at an Apart­ment. They are built with white Mar­ble, like the Pavement of the Hebs, ex­cept the cross Bars of the Windows, which are of the same Crystal with the Habs, for the conveniency of giving Light to them. Each Apartment is inhabited by four persons, whom they call the Cle, that is, Brethren. There is nothing to be seen in these Buildings but four kinds of Benches, which serve them to rest them­selves on, and some Seats for the same use.

The Partitions that they call Huids are near three hundred paces in circumfe­rence, and sixty five in diameter: The Figure of them is perfectly square, and they are divided into twelve curious Al­lies, each of which goes round the Apart­ments, with a square place in the middle that is six paces diameter.

The three first and greatest Rows are beautified with Trees, which bear such Fruits as are in great esteem amongst them. These Fruits are as big as the [Page 57] Callebashes of Portugal, which are seven or eight inches diameter. The inside of them is red, and of a more exquisite taste than any of our most delicate Meats, one of which Fruits is sufficient to satisfie four men, though never so hungry.

The next five are also planted with Trees that bear Fruits of a charming yel­low, full of a most substantial Juice, which is very refreshing: The Liquor of one of these Fruits will quench any ones thirst; and their custom is to drink three of them at a Meal.

The four last rows are filled with little Trees, which bear a Fruit about as large as a Pappin, of a bright purple; its smell is very fine, and so extraordinary the taste, that I can compare nothing to it, that we eat in Europe. This Fruit hath a Propriety of causing Sleep according to the proportion they eat thereof, some of which they are accustom'd to eat every night, and if they eat but one, they are sure of sleeping three hours.

In each Alley they dig two Furrows of an indifferent depth, in which there grows Roots that bring forth three sorts of Fruits, one of which is not unlike our Melons; the second are as big as Boon­chretins, but of a lovely blue; and the [Page 58] third much resemble the Spanish Gourd, but the colour and taste are very diffe­rent.

These Fruits are equally in use through­out all parts of this vast Country for their nourishment. They have no Ovens, nor any way to bake any Meat for them: They neither know what Kitchin or Cook means; their Fruits fully satisfie their Appetite, without ever the least of­fending their Stomachs; they also make them strong and vigorous, and do not overcharge them, or cause any digestion, because they are perfectly ripe, and have nothing green or crude remains in them.

There is a Tree in the middle of the Square which is higher than the rest, that bears a Fruit as big as our Olives, but the colour red, they call it Balf, or Tree of Beauty, whereof if they eat four, they become excessively gay and sprightly; if they eat six, they fall into a Sleep for twenty four hours, but if they exceed that number, they sleep eternally, which mortal sleep is preceded, with all the signs of the greatest Joy and Pleasure in the World.

'Tis very seldom that the Australians sing throughout their whole lives, and never dance; but they have no sooner [Page 59] eat this Fruit in such quantity as I before spoke of, but they sing and dance until Death puts a period to their excessive Mirth.

I ought not to forget, that all the Trees which I have spoken of are at all times full of ripe Fruits, Flowers, and Buds; we have an Image of this marvellous Fruitfulness in out Oranges, but with this difference, that the severity of our Winters and heats of our Summers very much injure them; whereas in this Coun­try it is a very difficult thing to be able to observe any alteration.

From what I have said, it is easie to imagin, that this great Country is plain, without Forests, Marshes, or Desarts, and equally, inhabited throughout; never­theless it descends somewhat towards the Line, and there is an insensible ascention on the side of the Pole; but in four or five hundred leagues it gains at least three in height.

There is a great quantity of Water that runs from the Mountains Juads, and the Australians know how to conduct them so exactly, that they have brought them round all their Sezains, Quarters, and Apartments, which contribute much to the fruitfulness of their Grounds.

[Page 60] The Descent which I spoke of is not only in respect to the Continent, but the Sea also, which is so shallow for three league, that it is troublesome to go with a Boat thereon; it is not upon the side of the shore a Fingers depth, and after a league it is not above a foot deep, and so on in proportion; from whence it is easie to conceive, that 'tis impossible to come to this Land from the Sea side, without the assistance of some few Rivers, which are only known to the Inhabitants of this Country.

This same Descent is the cause also that this whole Land is turn'd directly to­wards the Sun, to receive its Rays, and with so much advantage, that it is al­most every where alike fertile; after such a manner, that we may say, the Mountains, which are over against its Pole, are so raised by Nature, and placed there, only to preserve this happy Coun­try from the Rigours of the Sun. Be­sides, these terrible Bulwarks serve to stop the Rays of the Sun, and reflect them back to the farthest parts of this Country; and 'tis upon this account that its Inhabitants rejoyce in the possession of a Happiness, which all the Northern Peo­ple are destitute of, which is to have nei­ther [Page 61] ther excess of Heat in Summer, nor Cold in Winter, or rather to have properly neither Winter nor Summer.

This Proposition ought not to surprize the Geographers, who having divided the Earth into two equal parts, by the Equinoxial Line, place as much heat and cold on one side, as on the other, [...]oun­ded upon this Principle, that the proxi­mity or distance of the Sun causes Sum­mer or Winter throughout the whole Earth: But there are also Geographers which have corrected this Error, and without any knowledge of the Australian Land▪ have observed, that if his Princi­ple was true, it mu [...]t of necessity be al­ways hotter in Guinea, and in the Molu [...] ­coes, than in Portugal and Italy, because the Sun is never so far distant: Which is contrary to the Experience of all those that have made a Voyage into that Country, who assure us, the greatest heats there are always in the Dog-days, and the greatest Colds when the Sun is in the Signs of Aquaries and Pisces, altho' it is farther from them when it is in Capri­corn. It is therefore most certain, that Winter and Summer happen universally throughout all the Earth in the same time, altho' with great difference, accor­ding [Page 62] to the different situations of the Countries. I say moreover, the nearness of the Sun contributes so little to the heat of the Earth, that if we do but narrowly observe it, we shall find when it is nearest 'tis then that the least heat is se [...]t; for 'tis well known in Europe, that the Months of May and June are not so hot as July and August; and there is often Frosts in June, when the Sun is in its greatest ele­vation; and scorching heats in July, when it is gone some distance from them; it is therefore some other cause than its Proxi­mity that heats the Earth. It happens very often in its entire absence, even at night, the heat is much greater than in the day, when it is present.

But to return to the Astralians, they know not what Rain is in this Country, no more than in Africa: Nor do they ever hear any Thunders & 'tis but very rarely that they see any fleeting C [...]ouds. There is neither Flyes, nor Caterpillars, nor any other Insect. There's neither Spider, nor Serpent, nor any venomous Beast to be seen. In a word, 'tis a Land full of Deli­cacies, which are not to be met with in any other part of the World, and which is likewise exempted from all the Inconve­niencies that other places are troubled with.

CHAP. V.
Of the Constitutions of the Australians, and of their Customs.

ALL the Australians are of both Sexes, or Hermaphrodi [...]es, and if it hap­pens that a Child is born but of one, they strangle him as a Monster. They are nim­ble, and very active; their Flesh is more upon the red than Vermilian; they are commonly eight foot high, their Face pretty long, Forehead large, their Eyes in the upper part of their Heads, and Mouth small, their Lips of a deep red coral, Nose more enclined to be long than round, and Beard and Hair alway black, which they never cut because they grow but little; their Chin is long, and turns a little a­gain; their Neck slender; their Shoul­ders large and high; they have very lit­tle Breasts, placed very low, a little redder than Vermilian; their Arms are nervous and their Hands pretty broad and long; they have a high Chest, but flat Belly, who appears but little when they are big with Child; their Hips high; their Thighs large, and Legs long: They are so accu­stomed to go naked, that they think they cannot speak of covering themselves without being declared Enemies to Nature, and deprived of Reason.

[Page 64] Every one is obliged at least to present one child to the Heb: But they bring them forth in so private a manner, that it is accounted a crime amongst them to speak of the necessary conjuction in the propagation of mankind.

In all the time▪ that I was there, I could never dis­cover how Generation work was performed amongst them; I have only observ'd, that they all lov'd one another with a cordial love, and that they never lo­ved any one more than another. I can affirm, that in 30 years that I have been with them, I nei [...]her saw Quarrel or Animosity amongst them. They know not how to distinguish between mine and thine, they have all things in common amongst them, with so much sincerity and disinterestness, which charm'd me so much the more, because I had never seen the like in Europe.

I always used to speak what I thought; but I was a little too free in declaring what I did not like in their Manners, sometimes to a Brother, sometimes to another, even by maintaining with Arguments mine own Opinions; I spoke of their Nakedness with certain terms of aversion, which extreamly of­fended them. I one day stopt a Brother, and wag­gishly demanded of him, with a seeming earnestness, where were the Fathers of those Children that were a ready born, and told him, that I thought it ridi­culous for them to affect such a silence in that point. This Discourse, and some others of the like nature, gave the Australians a kind of hatred for me, and many of them having maintain'd that I was but half a man, had concluded▪ that they ought to destroy me, which would have been, but for the assistance of a venerable old man, Master of the third Order in the Heb, called Suains, who vindicated my cause several times in the Assemblies of the Hab; but seeing I still maintained such Discourses as offended the Brethren, he took me one day by my self, & said in a [Page 65] Cold and grave Tone: It is no longer doubted but thou art a Monster, thy evil Genius and insolent dis­course, hath made thee detested amongst us. Some have a long time design'd to destroy thee, and had it not been for the Action which we our selves saw thee do, thou shouldst have been put to death soon after thou arrivedst here. Tell me freely, who art thou, and how camest thou here? The fear that these words put me in, toge­ther with the obligation that I had to this Man, made me ingeniously declare my Countrey, and the Adventures that had brought me amongst them.

The old Man testifyed a great deal of pity for me, and assured me, that if for the time to come I would shew my self more reserv'd in my Man­ners and Discourse, what was past should be for­gotten. He also told me he should live two years longer to support me; and his Lieutenant being but Young, he would choose me in his Place. I know well, says he, That being arriv'd in a Countrey where thou seest many things contrary to what is practised in thine, thou hast some reason to be surprized and astonished; but as 'tis an inviolable custom with us to suffer no half-Man amongst us, as soon as we discover him either by his Sex or Actions; And altho' both Sexes save thee, yet thy manner of acting condemns thee, and there­fore thou must correct thy self, if thou wilt be suf­fered amongst us. The best Council that I can give thee to that end is, that thou come without a­ny fear, and discover all thy doubts to me, and I will give thee all the satisfaction thou canst wish for, provided thou beest discreet. I promis'd him an inviolable fidelity: I swore I would be guided wholly by him; and protested that for the future I would keep such a guard upon my self, that I would offend no body. The Old Man accepted all my Propositions, and promised me he would serve me as a Father as long as I performed those [Page 66] promises I had made to him. And to begin that strict Commerce that I intend to keep with thee, con­tinued he, thou shalt know that having seen thy Com­bat, I could not without trouble be perswaded that thou wa [...] but a half-Man. I saw afterwards that thou hadst all the Marks of a perfect Man, a large Fore­head, a long Visage; and have still observed that thou reason'd [...]on many things: 'Tis these Considerations that perswaded me to defend thee against those Ene­mies that thou hast here made thy self. Now tell me how they live in thy Countrey, if all that Inhabit it are Men of Body and Mind like to thee; if Avarice and Ambition does not reign amongst them. In fine, ex­plain to me the Customs and Manners of thy Countrey without any disguise; I demand this one Proof of that Fidelity and Sincerity that thou hast promised me.

I was perswaded in the Condition I saw my self reduced to, that to dissemble was to expose my Life, wherefore I thought I was oblig'd to answer sincerely, and without giving him any cause of distrust: I gave him therefore a particular ac­count of my Countrey according to the Rules of Geography: I made him understand the great Con­tinent we dwell in, to which we give the Name of Europe and Africa; I extended my Discourse at large upon the different kinds of Animals, which those Countries produce; and this good Man admired nothing more than what we the most dispise, Flyes, Insects, and Worms, &c. And could not apprehend how such little Animals cou'd enjoy Life and arbitrary Motion. I made him a particular recital of the several things they were nourished by; from whence he concluded by a Reasoning, which our best Physitians have not been ignorant of, that it was impossible that we should be long liv'd. In which I agreed with him, and assured him 'twas very rare to see any person amongst us arrive to an hundred years of [Page 67] Age, but that Nature had seem'd sufficiently to provide for this defect, by means of Generation, whereby one Man and one Woman were able to beget ten or twelve Children. He slightly pas­sed by this matter, pushed on with impatience he had to hear me upon others. I confest to him that both Sexes in one person was so rare amongst the Europeans, that such as happen'd to be born so, past for Monsters amongst them; and as for reasoning, I assur'd him that al­most every one was taught it, and that there were publick Lectures made in many places. The Old Man interrupted me then. Thou advancest too much, said he to me, take heed thou dost not cut thy self off, mingle not Contradictions with thy Relations; thou canst never reconcile the use of Reason with the exclusion of both Sexes in one person; and what thou addest, that many reason among you, and that they make publick Lectures in divers places, proves only that reasoning is banished from you. The first fruit of reasoning is to know, and this knowledge on necessity carries us to two things. The first, that to be Man it is necessary to be entire and com­pleat. The second, that to this end it is neces­sary to be able to reason upon every thing that presents it self to us. Your pretended Men have not the first, since they are all imperfect; nor have they the second, since there's so few amongst them able to Reason. Canst thou say any thing against these Consequences? I answer'd him, that Reason taught us a Being was perfect when it wanted nothing that Constituted its Na­ture, and that therefore to add to it what good things another possest, would not render it more perfect, but rather make it Monstrous. The Light of the Sun is an admirable thing, added I, There is nothing more beautiful than this Charming Creature, by which we see all others, yet it could [Page 68] never be prudent to say, that Man was perfect because he possest not this Rich Treasure of Light? It is necessary therefore first, to establish what Con­stitues the Nature and Perfection of Man, then we must certainly agree, and may Judge infallibly of those that are perfect, and such as are defec­tive. Thou Arguest Justly, replyed the Old Man, I'll convince thee therefore by thy own Principles. Thou knowest assuredly that Man is made of two things, a Body more perfect then that of other Animals, and a mind more Clear and Bright; the per­fection of the Body employs every thing that a Body may and can contain without deformity; and that of the Mind requires a knowledge that extends to what ever can be known, or at least a faculty of reasoning which may conduce to this extent of Knowledge. Tell me then, is there not more perfection in possessing solely what composes a Humane Body then in being endowed but with one half thereof? Now it it certain, that both Sexes are necessary for the perfection of an entire Man. Wherefore I have reason to say those that have but one, are im­perfect. To which I answered, that we ought to consider Man as other Animals in respect to his Body, and that as an Animal cannot be cal­led imperfect in its kind, because it is but of one Sex, so ever we cannot reasonably say, that Man is imperfect, because he also is but of one. And that on the contrary, the confusion of Sex­es in the same person, ought rather to pass for a Monstrous thing, then for a degree of per­fection. Thy Manner of Arguing answer'd he supposes you to be Just, as I presume you are, that is, Beasts; and if I cannot absolutely say you are such, tis because there remains upon you some Marks of Humanity; and as you seem to keep a kind of medium between Man and Beast, [Page 69] I believe I do you no injury in calling you half-Men. As to what thou sayest added he, that we are like to Beasts in respect to our Bodies, 'tis a ve­ry great error to distinguish as thou dost between the mind of Man and his Body; the Union of these two parts are after such a manner that one is comprehended in the other; so that all the Powers imaginable cannot take any thing from Man, no not even from his Body, which is so ab­solutely Humane, that it can never agree with that of a Beast; and by consequence Man in whatsoever belongs to him, is perfectly distinct from Beast. My Old Man in this place seeing that I had a great desire to make some reply, permitted me: Therefore said I to him, can it be deny'd that Man agrees with the Beast in what regards Matter, where­of the Bodies of each were formed? Is it not equally said of both, that they feel, they cry, and perform all the operations of their Senses? Yes, said he, it may be deny'd, and I formally do it.

Man has nothing as Man, that agrees with the Beast; all the Chymerical Conceptions where­with thou entertainest thy self are only defects of thy reasoning, which unites what cannot be joyn'd together, and disunities what is inseparable; for Example, when we say that Body in general equal­ly respects Man and Beast; we mean that the word Body may be equally applyed to both, because of some Analogy there is in Common between them, yet however there is always a most es­sential difference between them. A Beast hath perfect Conformity only with another Beast, and that because their Sexes are separate, upon which account it is necessary, that they reunite for the propagation of their kind; But this Union can never be so perfect to make two Animals one perfect Being; neither can they continue long together, without being obliged to a Separation.

[Page 70] Wherefore it is necessary for them to seek again anew for themselves, and they live in a kind of Languishment while they are distant one from a­nother. As for us, added he, we are entire Men; wherefore we live without being sensible of any of these Animal Ardours one for another, and we cannot hear them spoke of without horrour: Our Love has nothing Carnal, nor Brutall in it; we are suf­ficiently satisfyed in our selves, we have no need to seek any happiness from without, and live contented, as you see we do.

I cou'd not hear this man speak without reflect­ing on that great Principle of our Philosophy; that the more perfect a Being is, the less need it has of any Assistance from without.

I made some Reflections upon the Operations of the Sovereign Being: I concluded a Creature cou'd not better resemble him, then in acting sim­ply and alone like him, in all its Producti­ons; and that an Action which was perform'd by the concourse of two persons, cou'd not be so per­fect as that which was made by one only. My Old Man perceived by the Suspension of my mind, that I began to be pleas'd with his Reasons; wherefore laying aside the rest of his Arguments, and changing the discourse, demanded of me, that in case two persons concurr'd in the production of the same Child, to which of them it belong'd to by right. I answer'd him equally to both; and al­ledg'd the example of many Animals, who made it appear by their reciprocal cares, that their young ones belong'd inseparably to each. But he with indignation rejected the example of Animals, and told me, he would have no further Conference with me, except I wou'd omit making any farther use of it; because by that I confirmed him, he said, what he in­tended to prove to me, that our production savour'd more of Beast than man, and therefore he might with [Page 71] justice look upon us as Half-Men. He added, that this Mutual and indivisible Possession was lyable to great difficulties, because the Will of two cou'd never be so regulated, but one wou'd wish sometimes what was contrary to the other, which wou'd undoubtedly produce many Contestations. To which I answer'd, There was great subordination in this possession, and that the Mo­ther and Child were both subject to the Father; but the word Father being wholly unknown to the Austra­lians, I was obliged to express it in such terms as he might most probably understand me; he made me repeat it to him three times, and least he shou'd not apprehend me, he explain'd to me what Idea he had conceiv'd of it: After which he was entirely persuaded of the common opinion of the Australians, that we cou'd not be Men, and cryed to himself with an extraordinary severity, O where is Judgment? Where is Reason? Where is the Man? Where is the Man? which he repeated three times; I told him, The Laws of the Country deter­mined it so, and that it was not without foundation, since the Father being the Principle cause of Generation, it was to him, that the Issue that might be produced, ought prin­cipally to belong.

Let us discourse in order upon this matter, said he, Thou hast advanced that the Father and Mother act together to produce it; thou hast made me apprehend, that the Mother is the most nearly concern'd in it; from whence is it then that thou concludest the Father ought to be lookt upon as the Principle Cause? If there is a pre­cedency, why givest thou it to the Father, since the Mo­ther seems to me to have the greatest share in it? Wou'd it not be more reasonable to look upon this pretended Father as the accidental Cause, and the Mother, with­out whom it is impossible it shou'd have Being, as the natural and chief Cause? But tell me freely, Is this Mother so tyed to the Father, that she cannot unite her self with any other Man? I answered him with [Page 72] a great deal of sincerity, That it was not only pos­sible, but that it often happened. If so replied he, in­terrupting me, He that takes the Title of Father can never be certain he is effectively so; nothing is more ri­diculous therefore, than to look upon him as Principal Cause, who has concurr'd in the producing a Child, since it is always uncertain, whether it was his or no; and you cannot without Injustice take this Quality from that of the two persons that you call Mother, to speak just­ly of things as they are in themselves. I found my self shock't by the Discourse of this Old man; and al­tho I cou'd not consent to his Reason, which over­turn'd all our Laws, I cou'd not hinder my self from making a thousand Reflections, and confessing that they treated that Sex with too much severity, from whom all Mankind receiv'd so many obliga­tions: My thoughts furnished me then with an hundred reasons to maintain what my Philoso­pher had asserted; I found my self forc'd to be­lieve that this great power which man had usurped over Woman, was rather the effect of an odious Tyranny, than a Legitimate Authority.

The first part of my proposition being found void, we entred upon the second, which was in respect to the understanding of the Europeans; but my Old Man spoke of it very briefly, think­ing I had said all that I cou'd upon the first head. I doubt no longer now, said he, what you Europe­ans are, it is a point which is fully clear'd. Never­theless, added he, as it cannot be deny'd, but thou hast shewn something extraordinary both in thy Courage and Reasoning; so it is necessary that I know from whence it might proceed: I assured him, that what he had seen me do in the Combat, was rather an effect of my dispair than courage: That we had no such Fools to engage with amongst us, but that Men fought sometimes amongst themselves, till they had utterly [Page 73] destroy'd one another. They are exactly like the A kind of Barba­rians who border'd upon the Austra­lians. Fondins, said he, and as I was going to proceed: Thou hast, added he, been with us long enough to know us, and to be perswa­ded of the Wisdom of our Conduct. This word Man which carries with it so necessary a consequence of Reason and Humanity, obliges us to an Uni­on which is so perfect amongst us, that we know not what Division and Discord is; wherefore thou must confess, either that we are more than Men, or that we are less than Men, since that you are so far from our perfection. To which I answer'd it could not be deny'd but that the divers Cli­mates contributed much to the different In­clinations of their Inhabitants; that from thence it happen'd, that some were more eager, others more calm, some dull, others quick, which diver­sity of Temperaments was the ordinary cause of Divisions, Wars, and all other Dissentions, which arm Men against one another; but he laught at this Reason, maintaining, That man as man, could never cease to be man, that is, humane, reasonable, affable, without passion, &c. because 'tis in this, that the nature of man consists; and as the Sun cannot be a Sun when it does not give light; so a man cannot be a man but he must differ essentially from Beasts, in whom Madness, Gluttony, Cruelty, and other Vices and Passions are a consequence of their imperfect and defective Nature, that the who was the Subject of these Defaults, was no more than a vain and deceitful Image of a Man, or rather a true Beast.

I confess, that I could not hearken to this Dis­course without admiration! and nothing ever edi­fyed me more than this purity of Morals, inspir'd by the only light of Nature and Reason. My Phi­losopher [Page 74] having ask'd me what I thought of that way of Reasoning? I answered, That indeed my mind had been cultivated by Study, and that nothing was omitted in my Education, that might carefully inform my Judgment. Upon which he demanded, if the like care was not equally taken throughout the World, and having answered that indeed, he had more to say upon that point; he included after his common manner; this Irregularity caus'd many disorders, disputes, heats and complaints, because he that knew least (seeing others above him which knew more) esteem'd himself the more unhappy, that Birth had made all alike. As for us, added he, we make a Profession of being all Equal, Our glory consists in being all alike, and to be dignify'd with the same Care, and in the same manner; all the difference that there is, is only in the divers Exercises to which we apply our selves, so as to find out new Inventions, that the Dis­coverers may contribute them to the Publick Good. After this, he spoke to me of Habits, which he call'd Superfluities amongst the Europeans, and I assur'd him, that they had as great an horror amongst them to see a Person Naked, as the Australians had to see them in Cloaths; I al­ledg'd for Reasons of this use, Modesty, the Ri­gour of the Season and Custom.

To this, as I remember, he answered, That custom so much prevails upon your minds, that one would believe every thing necessary that you practice from your Birth, and that you can't change a Custom without as great a violence as changing your own Nature. I replyed, by insisting upon the Reason of divers Climates, and told him, That there were some Countries amongst the Europeans, where the Cold was insupportable to the Body, which was more delicate than that of the Aust­ralians, and that there were some that even dy'd upon it, and that it was impossible to subsist without Cloaths: In fine, I told him, That the weakness of the nature [Page 75] of either Sex was such, that there was no looking upon one that was Naked without Blushing, and Shame, and without being sensible of such Emotions, as Modesty oblig'd me to pass over in silence.

Is there a Consequence in all that thou hast advanc'd (said he) and from whence can this custom come? Is not this to father upon all the world what is contrary to Na­ture? We are Born Naked, and we can't be cover'd without believing that 'tis shameful to be seen as we are; but as to what thou say'st concerning the Rigour of the Seasons, I can't, nay, I ought not to give any credit to it; for if this Country is so insupportable, what is it that obliges him that knows what Reason is, to make it his Country? must not he be more silly than a Beast, that will tarry in those places where the Air is mortal at certain Seasons.

When Nature makes an Animal, it gives him the liberty of Motion to seek what is good and a­void that which is evil. How opinionative then is man to stay where he is threatned on all sides, and where he must be in a Continual Torment to preserve himself? Certainly he must have lost all his senses, if ever he had any; as for the weakness which thou calls Modesty, I have nothing to say to it, since thou confessest with so much sincerity that it is a fault, 'tis truly a great weakness which will not permit us to look upon one another with resenting the Brutal Motions which thou speakest of. Beasts continually see themselves and one another, but this sight causes no alteration in them: How then can you who believe your selves of a Superior order to them be more weak than they? or else it must be that your Sight is weaker than that of Animals, since you can't see through a single Covering what is under; for there are some of them that can even penetrate through a Wall; this is all that I can Judge of those of thy Country, because thou tellest me they have some Sparks of Reason, [Page 76] but they are so weak, that instead of enlightning them, they only serve to conduct 'em more surely in their Error. If 'tis true that their Country is inhabitable, at least that they make use of Cloath and Covering for the ends thou hast mention'd, they are just like those persons who instead of get­ting away from an Evident danger, reason finely how they may preserve themselves, by covering themselves without avoiding the occasion; but if it be true that Cloaths render you wise in the Eyes of one onother, I know not how to compare you better than to little Children who no more know an Object when once it is vail'd.

As for me I rather believe that 'tis deformity amongst you which made you first invent cloathing, and that it not only authorizes it now but also conti­nues it; for there is nothing in a Man finer than himself when he is without defects, and has all the Natural Qualities which concur to his entire per­fection.

I harkned to this man rather as an Oracle than a Philosopher; all the propositions which he advan­ced were backt with such Invincible Reasoning. He said no more on this point, but without giving me time to answer, he past to that of Covetousness.

I early perceived that he knew no more of it but the Name, for having desired him to explain what he ment by it, I understood that his Idea of it, was a weakness of mind, which consisted in heaping up fine things without any profit.

All the Australians forsake somethings that are necessary for their entertainment, but they know not what it is to heap up, nor to keep any thing against to Morrow, and their manner of living thus may pass for a Perfect Image of the State that man at first enjoyed in Paradise.

As for Ambition, he had a gross Idea of it; but he defin'd it a desire of mens being elevat­ed above others.

[Page 77] I told him that in Europe they held it for a Maxim, that the Multitude without any order begat confusion, in which there was no gust of the good things in Life, and that Order suppos'd a Head, to which all others were subject. From hence the Old Man took occasion to explain a Doctrine, of which I indeed conceiv'd the meaning; but 'tis im­possible to discover the Knowledge of it to others in so strong and powerful terms as these which he made use of to make me understand it. He said, that it was the Nature of Man to be born and live free, and that therefore he could not be Subjected with­out being dispoil'd of his Nature; and that in such a subjection Man was made to descend below Beasts, because a Beast being only made for the service of Man, Subjection was after some manner Natural to it. But one man could not be born for the service of another Man; a Constraint in this Case would be a sort of violence which would even degrade a Man after a certain manner from his proper Exist­ence; he enlarged much to prove that the Sub­jection of one Man to another was a Subjection of the humane Nature, and making a Man a sort of Slave to himself, which Slavery implyed such a Contradiction and violence as was impossible to conceive. He added that the Essence of Man con­sisting in Liberty, it could not be taken away with­out destroying him, and therefore he that would take away anothers Liberty, did tacitly bid him to subsist without his own Essence.

Our Conference lasted above four hours, and if the hour of publick Assembly had not interrupted as, we were in a disposition to have discours'd much longer. I entred the Hab with a mind full of [...]ll the reasoning which I had heard, admiring the Knowledge and great Light wherewith this People were endu'd. The strength of this Mans Reasons suspended my Senses, and I past the time of this As­sembly [Page 78] in a kind of an Astonishment; it seem'd to me that I saw things after another Fashion than before: I was for above Eight Hours, as it were forc'd to make continual Comparisons betwixt what I was, and what I saw; I could not but admire a Conduct so apposite to our defective one, that I was asham'd to re­member how far we were from the perfection of these People. I said in my self, can it be true that we are not all made Men? but, added I, If it is not so, what is the difference of these People from us? They are by the ordinary state of Life elevated to a pitch of a Vertue which we cannot attain but by the greatest efforts of our most noble Ideas. Our best Morality is not capable of better Reasoning, nor more exactness, than what they practice Naturally without Rules, and with­out Precepts; this Ʋnion which nothing can alter, this distance from Worldly Goods, this inviolable Purity; in a word, this adherence to strict Reason, which unites them amongst themselves, and carries them to what is good and just, can't but be the Fruits of a consummate Vertue, than which we can con­ceive nothing more perfect; but on the contrary, how many Vices and Imperfections are we not sub­ject to? This insatiable thirst after Riches, these con­tinual dissentions, these black Treasons, bloody Conspi­racies, and cruel Butcheries, which we are continu­ally exercising towards one another; don't these things force us to acknowledge that we are guided by Passion rather than Reason? Is it not to be wisht that in this Estate, one of these Men which we may call Barbarians would come to disabuse us, and appear in so much Vertue as they practice purely by their Natural Light, to confound the Vanity which we draw from our pretend­ed Knowledge, and by the assistance of which we only live like Beasts.

CHAP. VI.
Of the Religion of the Australians.

THere is no Subject more curious and secret among the Australians, than that of their Religion; 'tis a crime of Innovation even to speak of it, either by Dispute or a Form of Explana­tion; even the Mothers do with the first Principles of Knowledge, inspire into the Child that of the Hab, that is to say, incomprehensible. They believe that this Incomprehensible Being is every where, and they have all imaginable Veneration for him, but they recommend carefully to the young Men to Adore him always, without speaking of him, and they are perswaded that it was a very great Crime, to make his Divine Perfections the Subject of their Discourses, so that one may in a manner say, that their great Religion is not to speak of Religion. As I had been brought up in Maxims very different from theirs, I could have no gust in a Worship without Ceremonies, nor accommodate my self to a Religion where I never heard the Name of God mentioned. This caused great disquiet in me for some time, but at length I discover'd my troubles to my Old Phylosopher, who having heard me, took me by the hand, and conducting me into a Walk; he said to me with a very gave Air, Is it possible that you should be more a Man in the knowledge of the Hab than in your other Actions; open thy Heart, and I promise thee to conceal nothing from thee. I was ravisht to find such a favourable opportunity to learn the particular Faith of these People: I then told my Old Man, that we had two sorts of the Knowledge of God in Europe, the one Natural, the other supernatural. Nature instructed us that there [Page 80] was a Soveraign Being, the Author and Preser­ver of all things: I can see this Truth, added I, with my Eyes, when I behold the Earth view tbe Hea­vens, or reflect upon my self; when I see such things as are not made but by a Superiour Cause, I am obliged to acknowledge and adore a Being, which cannot be made, and which made all things else. When I consider my self, I am assured that I could not be without a beginning, therefore it follows, that a person like me would not give me to be, and by consequence this puts me upon seeking out a first Being, who having had no Beginning, must be the Original of all other things. When my Reason conducted me to this first Principle, I concluded evidently, that this Being cannot be limited, because limits suppose a necessity of pro­duction and dependance.

The Old Man interrupting my discourse in my last words, told me with many fine Remarks, that if our Europeans could form this reasoning, they were not altogether depriv'd of the most solid Knowledge; I always reasoned thus with my self, added he, as thou hast done, and altho' the way of ariving to this Truth by these kind of Reflecti­ons, be extreamly long, yet I am perswaded that 'tis feasible. I confess nevertheless that the great Revo­lutions of many thousand Ages may have caused great Alteration in what we see; but my Mind permits me not from hence either to conceive an Eternity, or apprehend a General production with­out the Conduct of a Soveraign Being, who is the Supream Governour; for this would be an Abuse upon him, and charge him with Error amongst a thousand Re­volutions, if we averr that all we see, happned by the fortuitous rancounters which have had no other princi­ples but that of local motion and the justling together of little small Bodies. This is to perplex one's self in such [Page 81] difficulties as we can never resolve, and to put us in dan­ger of committing an Execrable Blasphemy; this is to give to the Creature what belongs to the Creator, and by consequence to repay him with an insupportable in­gratitude to whom we are obliged for what we are and have, Even at what time we conceive that the Eternity of Atoms is possible; it is certain the contra­ry opinion is no less, not to say more probable. This would be as wilful a Crime as to admit that Atoms are capable of sentiment and knowledge. 'Twas these Considerations that oblig'd us about 45 Revolutions since, to suppose a first Being, and to teach it as the foundation of all our Principles, without suffering that any one should teach any Doctrine which should oppose this Truth. I hark­ned to the discourse of this Man, with all the atten­tion that I was capable of; the Grace with which he spoke, and the weight which he gave to his words, perswaded me no less than his reasons; but as I saw he was about to ask me a new Question, I prevented him, and said, That altho one shou'd grant the Eternity of these little Bodies, we have spoken of, yet they could never frame this World, and diversify it as we now see it, according to this indisputable principle; things continuing in the same State, cannot produce other things different from them. Thus these Atoms having no difference amongst themselves but Number and plu­rality, could only make formless Heaps, and of that same Quality with themselves. That which is most difficult to certain mind, (said he,) is the great Obstruc­tion of this Being of Beings, which is no more discoverable than if he was not at all; but I found this reason of little weight, because we have many others which oblige us to believe that he is too far above us to manifest himself to us otherwise than by his works; If his Condust was par­ticular, I should be at a loss to perswade my self that it was his, since an universal Being ought to act after an universal manner.

[Page 82] But if it be true, replyed I, that you cannot doubt of a first and Sovereign Origine of all things, why have you not establisht a Religion for to adore him? The Europeans who have such a knowledge of him as you have, have Set hours for his Worship, they have Prayers to call upon him, and Praises to Glorify him with, and his Commandments to keep; you speak very freely of that Hab, said he, inter­rupting me; yes without doubt answered I, tis a Subject most agreeable and entertaining to us, for we ought to find nothing more delightful, than to speak of him on whom we absolutely depend for Life and Death; nothing is more just and necessary since 'tis by this only that we can Execute our re­membrance of him, and our reverence towards him.

There is nothing more reasonable than that, re­ply'd he; but are your opinions the same touching this incomprehensible. There's a few, answered I, which think not the same, in relation to Sovereign per­fections. Tell me possitively and clearly, said he, with eagerness, what do your reasonings upon this Divine Being liken him to? I confest sincerely that our o­pinions were divided in the conclusions which e­very one often drew from the same principles: this causes many sharp contestations from whence there often arises the most envenom'd Hatreds, and some­times even bloody Wars, and at other times Con­sequences no less fatal.

This good Old Man replyed very briskly, that if I had made any other Answer, he would have had no further Conference with me, but should have had the greatest Contempt for me; for, said he, 'tis most certain that Men cannot speak of any thing thats incomprehen­sible, without having divers Opinions of it; nay even such as are even contrary one to ano­ther. [Page 83] One must be blind, added he, to be ig­norant of a first Principle, but one must be Infinite like him, to be able to speak exactly of it; for since we know it is Incomprehen­sible, it naturally follows, that we can only speak of it by conjecture; and that all that may be said on the Subject, may perhaps content the Curious, but can never satisfy the Reasonable Man. And we better approve of an absolute silence in the Matter, than to expose our selves by putting off a many false Notions concerning the Nature of a Being, which is elevated so very much above our Understand­ings. We Assemble therefore together in the Hab, only to acknowledge his Supream great­ness, and adore his Soveraign Power, and leave each Person to their liberty of thinking what they please: But we have made an Inviolable Law, never to speak of him, for fear of engaging our selves by discourse in such Errors as might offend him. I leave it to the Learned to judge of a Conduct so extraordinary as this is, never to speak in any manner of God. All that I can say of it is, it impresses on the Mind an admirable respect for Divine things, and produces amongst us such an Union, of which we meet with no Example any where else. As I perceived the hour of Hab, would soon oblige us to part, so I prest him the more earnestly to tell me what were the Opinions of the Australians concerning the Nature of the Soul; wherefore he explain'd to me their Notions upon this Subject, but he did it in so elevated a manner, that I could retain but little that he said to me of it, altho' whilst he was speaking, I after some manner or other apprehended all his Idea's.

[Page 84] The most essential of their Opinions touching Matter, as near as I can remember, runs upon the Doctrine of an Ʋniversal Genius, which com­municates it self in part to each particular per­son, and which has the Vertue when any one dies, of preserving it self, until it be communicat­ed to another. So that this Genius is extinguish­ed by the death of any person, without being de­stroy'd, since it only waits for New Organs, and the disposition of a new Machine to rekindle it self, as I shall explain more at large, when I shall speak of their Philosophy.

CHAP. VII.
Of the Opinion of the Australians touch­ing this Life.

I Have only three things to remark upon the Sentiments of the Australians concerning the present Life: The first is in respect to the beginning; the second, the continuation thereof; and the third, the end. Their manner of re­ceiving Life, preserving and ending it.

I have already declared, in what manner the Australians come into the world; but as it is one of the principal points of this History, so I be­lieve my self obliged yet to say something more of it.

[Page 85] They have so great an aversion for whatso­ever regards the first beginning of their Lives, that in a year or thereabouts after my arrival amongst them, two of the Brethren having heard me speak something of it, with-drew from me, with as many signs of horrour, as if I had com­mitted some great Crime. One day when I had discovered my self to my Old Philosopher, after having censured me a little upon this Subject, he entred into a long Discourse, and brought many Proofs to oblige me to believe, that Children grew within them like Fruits upon the Trees; but when he saw all his reasons made no im­pression on my mind, and that I cou'd not for­bear smiling, he left me without accomplishing it, reproaching me that my incredulity proceed­ed from the corruption of my manners.

It happen'd another time, about six months af­ter my arrival, that the extraordinary Caresses of the Brethren, caused some unruly mo [...]ions in me, which some of them perceiving, were so very much scandaliz'd at it, that they left me with great in­dignation: Wherefore I soon became odious to them all, as I have already said; and they had in­fallibly destroy'd me, had it not been for the par­ticular assistance of this good Old man.

Nevertheless, in about thirty two years that I have lived with them, I cou'd never learn their way of Generation; yet be it as it will, their Children have neither the Meazles nor Small Pox, nor other the like accidents, which the Europeans are subject unto.

As soon as an Australian had conceived, he quits his Apartment, and is carryed to the Hab, where he [Page 86] is received with Testimonys of an extraordinary Bounty, and is nourished without being oblig'd to work. They have a certain high place, upon which they go to bring forth their Child, which is recei­ved upon certain Balsamick Leaves; after which the Mother (or person that bore it) takes it and rubs it with these Leaves, and gives it suck, without a­ny appearance of having suffer'd any pain.

They make no use of Swadling Cloaths, or Crad­les. The Milk it receives from the Mother, gives it so good nourishment, that it suffices it without any other food for two years: And the Excrements it voids, are in so small a quantity, that it may al­most be said, it makes none. They generally speak at eight months; they walk at a years end, and at two they wean them. They begin to reason at three; and as soon as the Mother quits them, the first Master of the first Company teaches them to read, and at the same time instructs them in the first Elements of a more advanced knowledge. They usually are three years under the Conduct of the first Master, and after pass under the Discipline of the second, who teaches them to write, with whom they continue four years; and so with the others in proportion, till they are thirty years of Age, at which time they are perfect in all sorts of Sciences, without observing any difference amongst them, ei­ther for Capacity, Genius, or Learning. When they have thus accomplish'd the course of all their Studies, they may be chose for Lieutenants, that is, to supply the place of those that wou'd leave this Life.

I have in the fifth Chapter spoken of their hum­our, which is mixt with a certain sweetness full of Gravity, that forms the temperament of the most reasonable men, and such as are the fittest for So­ciety. [Page 87] They are strong, robust, and vigorous, and their Health is never interrupted by the least sick­ness. This admirable Constitution comes without doubt from their Birth and excellent Nourishment, which they always take with moderation; for our Sicknesses are always the consequences of the cor­ruption of that Blood whereof we are form'd, and the excess of the ill Food which we are nourished with. In fine, our Parents generally communicate to us all the defects that they have contracted by their irregular Lives; their Intemperance fills us with such an abundance of superfluous Humours, which destroy us how strong soever we may be, if we purge not our selves often. It is the excessive Heats that they kindle in their Blood by their De­bauches, which cause in us such Risings in the Flesh, and all those scorbutick Distempers which spread throughout the whole Body. Their Choller gives us a disposition to the same Vice, their Wanton­ness augments our Concupiscence; in a word, they make us just what we are, because they give us what they have.

The Australians are exempted from all these Passions; for their Parents never being subject to them, cannot communicate 'em; and as they have no principle of alteration, so they live in a kind of indifference which they never forsake, except it be to follow the motions that their reason impres­ses on them.

We may very near make the same consequences touching the nourishment of the Australians; for if the Europeans have the misfortune only to have such Viands for their subsistence as are unhealthful, it commonly happens, that they eat more than na­ture requires: and 'tis these excesses that cause in them such weak Stomachs, Feavers, and other the like Infirmities which are wholly unknown to the [Page 88] Australians. Their admirable Temperance, and the goodness of their Fruits, upon which they live, maintains them in such a frame of health, as is ne­ver interrupted by any Sickness: They are like­wise so far from placing any glory in Eating, or making sumptuous Feasts as we do, that they hide themselves, and only eat in secret; they sleep very little, because they are persuaded, that Sleep is too Animal an Action, from which man ought if it was possible, wholly to abstain.

They all agree, that this Life is only a motion full of trouble and agitation; they are persuaded, that what we call Death is their Happiness, and that the greatest good of Mankind is to arrive to this term, which puts an end to all his pains: from whence they are indifferent for life, and passion­ately wish for Death. The more I seem'd to ap­prehend Death, the more they were confirm'd in the thought that I cou'd be no man, since accord­ing to their Ideas, I sinned against the first Princip­les of Reason. My Old man often times spoke to me of it, and these are very near the same reasons he gave me; We differ from Beasts, said he, in that their Ʋnderstandings penetrate not into the bottom of things, they judge of them only by Appearance and Cou­lour. 'Tis from thence they fly their destruction, as the greatest evil, and endeavour to preserve themselves as the greatest Good, not considering that since 'tis an ab­solute necessity that they perish; all the pains they take to prevent it, becomes vain and useless. Even to argue, continued he, upon what regards us, it is necessary, that we should consider Life as an Estate of Misery, altho it consist in the union of a spiritual Soul with a material Body, whereof the Inclinations are perfect­ly opposite the one to the other.

[Page 97] So that to desire to live, is to desire to be always enduring the violent Shock of these oppositions; and to desire Death, is but to aspire to that Rest, which each of those parts enjoys, when they are both in their Center.

And, as we have nothing Dearer to us, than our selves, added he, nor can look upon our selves to be any thing else, but so many Compounds, whose Dissolution is certain and infallible, we more pro­perly languish than live; and the case being so with us, would it not be better for us not to be at all, than to be to no o­ther purpose, than to know, that shortly we shall be no more? The care we take to preserve our selves, is to no purpose, since after all, we must die at last. The consideration of our Rarest Talents, and most exquisite improvements in Know­ledge, gives us a second torment, since we can look upon them as no other, than Transitory Enjoyments, whose acquisiti­on has cost us a Thousand pains, and yet, whose loss it is no way in our power to prevent. In fine, all that we reflect upon, both within and without us, contributes to render our Life so much the more odious and insupportable to us.

[Page 98] I answered to all that, That in my opi­nion, these Arguments proved too much; and that to give them their full force, it weuld follow, that I must needs be sorry for knowing any thing that surpasses my Understanding, which yet is false, be­cause the goodness of Judgment consists in being able to rest content with our condition, and to put away those troublesome Thoughts that serve only to afflict us, especially when we know not how by any means to remedy them. There is some­thing of Solidity in thy answer, reply­ed he; but yet it is weak in two particu­lars: The one is, in supposing we are able to suspend our Judgment; and the other, in thinking it possible we should love our selves without detesting our Dis­solution: To be able to do the first, is to be able, with open Eyes, not to see what is continually before us; and to be able to do the second, is, to love to be something, without hating to be nothing. 'Tis a great weakness to imagine, we can possibly live, without being deeply affect­ed with the Sense of our own Destructi­on; and 'tis still a greater to torment our selves with the fear of what we know will infallibly come upon us: But it is the utmost degree of folly, to seek after pre­servatives, [Page 99] in order to avoid what we know to be absolutely inavoidable. To be able to live without the Sense of Death, is to be able to live without know­ing any thing of our selves, since Death is inseparable from our Nature; and that to consider our selves, in all our several parts, is to see we have nothing but what is mortal in us. To be capable of fearing Death, supposes us able to reconcile two Contradictions, since to fear, supposes some doubt in us, whether what we fear will happen or no, and that we certain­ly know we shall infallibly die, and it is still more absurd to go about to take any Preservatives, to prevent it, when we know that to be impossible. I replied, That we might justly fear, not Death it self, but its Approaches; and that Preser­vatives were useful, because they might at least stave it off from us for a while. Ve­ry good, replied he again, but dost thou not see, that since the necessity of dying is indispensible, and the putting it off for a while, can be of no other service to us, than to keep us the longer under conti­nual pain, grief, and anguish. I answer­ed him, that these Reasons would be of much more weight among our Europeans, than among them who know not what it [Page 100] is to suffer; whereas the Life of the Eu­ropeans was nothing else but a continued Chain of Miseries and Sufferings.

How, says he, have you any other In­firmities than those of being Mortal, and knowing your selves to be daily advan­cing towards Death? Yes, I assured him, that our People commonly died many Deaths, before they came to die for good and all, and that Death came not upon our Europeans, but by the Violence of those Diseases that knockt them down, and made them at last faint away under them. This answer was to him a Myste­ry: And as I was endeavouring to make him comprehend our Gouts, our Head­aches, and our Colicks; I found he under­stood me not, and therefore to make him apprehend my meaning, I was forced particularly to explain to him the Na­ture of some of those Diseases we suffer; which assoon as he understood, Is it possible, cried he, that any one should be in love with such a Life as that? I answered, that our People did not only love it, but used all manner of means to prolong it; from whence he took a fresh occasion to condemn us, either for insensibility, or extravagance, not being able, as he said, to conceive how a reasonable Man that [Page 101] was assured of his Death, and that saw himself daily dying, by several sorts of Sufferings, and that could not protract his Life, but in continual Languishment, could possibly forbear desiring Death, as his greatest happiness. Our opinions, in this matter, are vastly different, says he, from yours: For we, assoon as we come to understand our selves, because we think our selves obliged to love our own selves, and look upon our selves, but as so many Victims of a superiour Cause, that is able every moment to destroy us, we therefore make very small account of our Life, and esteem it but as a Happiness, which we can enjoy but as a Passenger, whilst it is fleeting and passing from us. The time in which we enjoy it, is bur­thensome to us, because it serves for no­thing but to raise in us a grief for the loss of that happiness, which it more lightly takes from us, than at first it gave it us. In fine, We are weary of living, because we durst not fix our Affection upon our selves with all that tenderness, we might other­wise have, for fear of enduring too great violences of Reluctance, when we shall be forced to part from a being we have so much doated on. To that I answer­ed him, That Reason teaches us, that it was [Page 100] [...] [Page 101] [...] [Page 102] always better to be, than not to be, and that 'twas better to live, tho' but for a day, than never to live at all: To which he reply­ed, that we were to distinguish two things in our Being; one was our general exi­stence, that perishes not, and the other our particular Existence, or Individuality that perishes. The first is indeed better than privation, and that 'tis in that sense, 'tis true; that being is preferable before not being; but that the second, viz. the being of our Individuality, or particular be­ing is oftentimes worse than not being, especially when tis accompanied with a Knowledge that renders us unhappy. I an­swered again, that if being in general were better than not being, it must needs follow, That being likewise in particular, was better than its Privation: But he sa­tisfied me, by proposing to me the very State in which I had lately been. Tell me, I prithee, says he, when thou consi­deredst thy condition in the place of which thou toldst us, environned on all sides by Death; could thou possibly esteem thy Life at that time a Happiness, and could thou value it better than nothing? Is it not true, that the Knowledge thou hadst, served then only to augment thy misery? It is then to no purpose to main­tain [Page 103] that Knowledge that afflicts me, is not only no Happiness to me, but an unhappiness so much the more sensible, as I know it the more perfectly: It is from that principle that flows our true Mi­sery, that we know what we are, and what we must be, we know that we are noble, and excellent beings: In a word, worthy of an eternal Duration, and yet we see that for all our Nobleness and Ex­cellence, we depend of a Thousand other Creatures, that are inferiour to us, which is the cause we look upon our selves, as bweings that were brought up only to be rendered so much the more unhappy, and that it is which makes us chuse ra­ther not to be at all, than to be at the same time so excellent, and so miserable.

Our Ancestors were so strongly perswa­ded of this Truth; that they sought Death with the greatest passion in the World: But because by that means our Country begun to grow desolate, and dispeopled, reasons were found out to perswade those which remained, to spare themselves for some time: for it was represented to them, that so very fine and spacious a Coun­try, ought not to be left useless; that we are an Ornament of the Universe, and therefore ought to endure Life, tho' it [Page 104] were but to please that Soveraign Master that gave it us. Upon which, some time after, in order to Re-implace those that had sought for Rest in a voluntary Death, all that remained alive, obliged them­selves to present no less than three Children to the Hebs; by which means, all the Country being well Repeopled, an order was published, that no Person should have permission to go to his Long Rest, but such a one who should present another Man to the Heb, either his own Son, or another, who was willing to be his Lieu­tenant, and to supply his place; and it was oreered, at the same time, that none should have the priviledge, neither to de­mand such a Permission, till he had liv­ed at least 100 Years, or could shew some Wound that extreamly incommoded him. Just as he had finished those words, we were joyned by two Brethren, for which I was very sorry, because I never found my Old Man in so good a humour to discover to me the Mysteries of all those things, of which I demanded of him some Ex­plication.

And now to proceed with our Narra­tion, there never is held any Assembly at the Heb, at which there is not twenty or thirty Persons that demand the Liber­ty [Page 105] to return to their rest, and they never refuse any, be they who they will, that produce just Reasons for it: And when any one has obtained Permission to go out of this Life, he presents his Lieutenant, who must be at least 36 years of age. The Company receives him with Joy, and gives him the Name of the old Man that has a Mind to die; which done, they represent to him the brave actions of his Predecessors, and tell him they are con­fident, he will not degenerate from the ver­tue of him, whose place he is going to supply. When that Ceremony is over, the old Man goes merrily to the Table, fur­nished for that effect, with the Fruit of Rest, where he eats to the number of eight of them, with a smiling and calm Countenance; when he has eaten Four of them, his Heart begins to dilate, and his Spleen to enlarge it self; so that the extraordinary joy he feels within him, makes him commit several extravagan­cies, as dancing, leaping, and talking all manner of idle foolish things, which the Brethren take no notice of, as coming from a Man that has lost his reason: then they present him two more, that quite di­stract his Brain; after which, his Lieute­nant, and another Person conduct him [Page 106] to the place, he before-hand chose for a Sepulchre, where they give him two more of the aforesaid Fruits, which plunge him into an Eternal Sleep. Then they close up his Tomb, and return back, beseeching the Soveraign Being, to advance those hap­py Moments, in which they may have the Priviledge to enjoy the like Rest with their departed Brother. In this manner are the Australians born, and thus they live and die.

CHAP. VIII.
Of the Exercises of the Australians.

THE Australians reckon their Years from the first point of the Solstice of Capricorn, to the revolution of the same Point, and they judge of it exactly by the shadow of a Point fastned to a Wall, and opposed directly to the South: And when that Shadow is come to the lowest Point in all their Appartments, then they know, the Year is finished. From that Point to the Equinox in March, they count a Sueb, or Month; from that Equinox again to the Solstice of Cancer, they count another [Page 107] Month; from that time to the other E­quinox, they count a third Month; and their fourth Month extends from that Equinox to the Solstice of Capricorn; so that they have but four Months in the Year. They call Suew what we call Weeks, and reckon them by Moons; they divide the Day (which they call Suec) into three parts: The beginning of the Day they call Mure; the middle part they call Dure, and the latter part they call Spure. They make no division of the Night, because they pass it wholly in profound Sleep, which they procure by eating some R [...]sting Fruits before they go to Sleep, which lay them so fast, that nothing is able to wake them so long as their Senses remain benummed by the vertue of those Fruits. Their Mure begins at Five in the Morning, and lasts 'till Ten; their Dure follows next, and ends at Three in the Afternoon; and then succeeds their Spure, which lasts 'till Eight at Night. The first part of the Day is employed for the Heb, and the Sciences; the second for Work; and the third for publick Exercise. They go the Heb every five Days; and this is the order they ob­serve in it: The first Quarter passes the Mure there, the second the Dure, and the third the Spure. The second day, the [Page 108] fourth Quarter spends the Mure there, the fifth the Dure, and the sixth the Spure. The third day succeeds in the said three parts of the day, the seventh, the eighth, and the ninth; and the two following days the rest of the Quarters in the same or­der; so that the sixth day the first Quar­ter begins again; not in the Mure, or Mor­ning, but in the Dure. By this means it comes to pass, That there are always 400 Persons at the Hab, besides those of the Hebs that follow their respective Quar­ters. Thus they pass one third part of the Day in the Hab, without speaking one Word, observing a steps distance between person and person, and are all the while so attentive upon what they are then think­ing upon, that nothing is able in the least to distract their thoughts. I was told, They formerly used to make some outward signs, accompanied with wry Faces, and odd postures of Body, but now they have wholly abolish'd them, as unworthy of reasonable men to do. Those days in which they go not to the Hab, they are obliged to be at the Heb, to treat of the Sciences; which they do with an order and method▪ most admirably plain, and per­fectly agreeing in all its parts. They pro­pose every one in their turn all their diffi­culties, [Page 109] which they maintain with pow­erful Reasons; after which, they answer all the objections which their Antagonists oppose against them. When the Dispute is ended, they, if any thing of Impor­tance happen to have been proposed, they write it into the publick Book, and every one carefully sets it down too in private. If any of them know any thing that displeases him, or that he thinks may be advantagious to his Country, he proposes it to the Brethren, who take such resolutions thereupon, as they judge most reasonable, without aiming at any thing but the publick Good.

They employ the next third part of their Day in their Gardens, which they cultivate with such art and skill, as is un­known in Europe. They know how to give such an agreeable sweetness to their Fruits, by watering their Trees with cer­tain Liquors, that nothing can be eaten more delicious than they. Their Flower-Pots are enamell'd with a thousand sorts of Flowers, of different beauties, that seem to vie with one another in fineness and variety of colours, and in the charms of their perfuming smells. Their Walks are longer than the Sight can reach, and so neatly ordered, that nothing of that [Page 110] nature can be more compleat. The whole is cut through in all convenient places with a thousand different sorts of Water-Works, which are made into Basons, Chanels, Cascades, and all that Art can invent for the pleasure of the Senses, that those Gardens are thereby made such really, as we fancy them to be sometimes in Idea, when we let our Imagination follow the dictates of our luxurious de­sires.

The last third part of their Day is al­lotted for three sorts of very diverting Ex­ercises; the first consists in producing what they have newly invented, or re­peating the Experiments of what they had already shewn; but there seldom passes a day but they propose some new Invention, upon which they always take care to Register the Name of the Inven­tor in their Book of publick Curiosities, which they esteem one of the greatest ho­nours can be done them; and in 32 years time, I observed above 5000 of these new Inventions Recorded, that would pass for so many Prodigies among us.

Their second Exercise consists in mana­ging two sorts of Arms, one of which is very like our Halberds, and the other re­sembles much our Organ-Pipes. They use [Page 111] the former with great agility, but yet not with altogether so much dexterity as our Europeans. Their Halberts are so massie and strong, that they will easily run through the bodies of six Men, one be­hind another. They are made of six pieces of Wood, seasoned with Sea-water, impregnated with some certain Drugs, which render them very hard, and yet very light. The other Arms which I have compared to our Organ-Pipes, are com­posed of ten or twelve Pipes, which are furnished with certain Springs at one end, which being let go, discharge Bullets with so great a force, that they pierce through the bodies of six Men, one after another, at one shot, the action of which Spring is so quick and rapid, that 'tis im­possible to fence off its blow, but men find themselves shot before they are aware they were aimed at.

As for their Halberts they exercise them in throwing thirty or forty Paces, and that so dextrously, that in fifteen throws they seldom miss twice of their mark. But their Strength is much more prodigious than their Art, for they carry, without straining themselves, to the weight of six or seven Quintals, or hundred weight; and pull up Trees by [Page 112] the Roots, which we could hardly shake; & I saw one of them, that after he had run through, with his Halbert, four half men, as they call us, carried them afterwards upon one of his Shoulders, hanging upon his Halbert, two before, and two be­hind.

Their third Exercise consists in throw­ing certain Balls, of three or four different sizes, some of which they throw up into the Air, and some at Butts, or Marks; those which they cast into the Air, to be well thrown, must hit one another in a certain point mark'd out; and those which are cast against Butts, must pass through a hole in the said Butt, which they will often do ten or twelve times together. And that which is most to be remarked in these Exercises, is, that they perform them with much briskness and gayety, which yet is tempered with a certain Air of Gravity and Majesty, without any dis­order or discomposure of mind. The Balls they throw one at another, are like our Tennis-Balls, but softer, and less dan­gerous: and the Art of him that throws them consists in hitting him against whom he plays: and his Adversary on the other side, places all his skill in avoiding the stroke aimed at him; and the pleasure of [Page 113] seeing them is so great, that there is no­thing but People will quit, to go to see such a Divertisement. For sometimes they ca­pringly leap backward, to let the Ball pass by them, and sometimes they turn and bend their bodies so many-several ways, that there is no Rope-Dancer or Tumbler among us can come near them for agility. When he that throws the Ball, lets flie 3 or 4, one after another, it is an admirable thing to see the dextrous behaviour of him against whom they are directed, who stoops to avoid the one, bends himself to escape another, receives and throws back the third and the fourth with his-hands, and sometimes with his feet; which several actions he performs almost all in the same instant; because all the Balls being always thrown very straight, it necessarily hapens, either that all of them hit, or that he at whom they are aimed must use an extra­ordinary dexterity in avoiding, or putting them by. I was counted very dextrous in Portugal, but yet I seemed very unhandy among the Australians; and had I not pre­tended an excuse, by reason of the wounds I had received, I should have made them think my Nation to be very dull and un­active People.

CHAP. IX.
Of the Australian Language, and of the Studies of the Australians.

THE Australians have three ways of expressing themselves, as we have in Europe, that is, by Voice, by Signs, and by Writing. Among these, Signs are most fa­miliar with them; and I have observed them to converse together several hours, without declaring their minds any other way than that. They never speak but when it is necessary to make continued Discourses, and to express a long Series of Propositions: All their Words are Mo­nosyllables, and they have but one Conju­gation; as for Example, Af, signifies to Love; which is thus conjugated in the Present Tense, La, Pa, Ma, i. e. I Love, thou Lovest, he Loves: Lla, Ppa, Mma; we Love, you Love, they Love. They have but one Tense for the time past, Lga, Pga, Mga, i. e. I have Loved, thou hast Loved, he has Loved, &c. The Future is, Lda, Pda, Mda, I shall, or will Love, &c. Llda, Ppda, Mmda, we shall, or will Love, &c. Uf in the Astralian Tongue sig­nifies [Page 115] to work, which they conjugate thus, Lu, Pu, Mu, I work, thou workest, &c. Lgu, Pgu, Mgu, we Work, &c. and so in the other Tenses.

They have no Declensions, nor Arti­cles, and but very few Nouns: They ex­press simple substances by one single Vow­el, and Compound Bodies, by the Vow­els that signifie the chief Elements, of which they are composed. They own but five simple Bodies or Elements, of which the first and noblest in their esteem is the Fire, which they express by the sin­gle Vowel A, the second is the Air, which they call E, the third is Salt, which they call G, the fourth is Water, which they call I, and the fifth is Earth, which they call U.

All their Adjectives and their Epithets are expressed by so many single Conso­nants, of which they have a greater number than the Europeans. Every Consonant sig­nifies a Quality that belongs to the things signified by the Vowels: Thus B signi­fies Clear, C Hot, D Disagreeable, F Dry: and by these Explications they so perfect­ly from their words, that assoon as a Man hears them pronounced, he pre­sently conceives the nature of things they signifie; as for example, they call the [Page 116] Stars AeB, a word which signifies in one Breath, the two chief Elements, or simple Bodies, of which they are composed, and withal, that they are Luminous. They call the Sun Aab, the Birds Oef, which signifies at once, that they are composed of a dry, salt and airy substance. They call a Man Vez, which signifies a substance, partly airy, and partly Earthy, tempered with some moisture; the same method they observe in the composition of other Names. The advantage of this way of speaking is, that by this means a Man be­comes a Philosopher, by learning the first words he pronounces, and that one can name nothing at the same time, which would pass for a miraculous thing with any one that knew not their Alphabet, nor the composition of their words.

And if their way of speaking be admi­rable, their method of writing is much more: they use only points to express their Vowels, which points are distin­guish'd only by their Situation. They have Five places for them, the uppermost signifying A, the second E, and so for­ward. As for example.

A, E, I, O, U.

[Page 117] And though it seems to us very difficult to distinguish them, yet use has made it very easie to them: they have 36 Conso­nants, 24 of which are remarkable; they are little strokes that are made round about the points, and signifie according to the order of their several places; as for example, E B signifies clear Air, I C Hot Water, I X Cold Water, U L Moist Earth, A F Dry fire, E S White Air, and so all the rest: they have about 18 or 19 more, which we have no Conso­nants in Europe that can express.

The more we consider that way of writing, the more secrets we shall find in it to admire. B signifies clear, or bright, C hot, X cold, L moist, F dry, S white, N black, T green, D disagreeable, P sweet, Q pleasant, R bitter, M desirable, G evil, Z high, H low, J consonant red, A join'd with 2, peaceable. Thus assoon as they hear, or pronounce a word, they appre­hend at the same time the nature of the thing signified by it; as when they write this word Ipin, they presently understand by it an Apple, both sweet and delicious, and Izd, a bad and disagreeable Fruit, &c. When they teach a Child, they explain to him all the Elements, and the nature of all things signified by the words he [Page 118] pronounces. Which is of wonderful ad­vantage, as well to the publick, as to par­ticular persons: because as soon as they know how to read, which is commonly at three years old, they apprehend at the same time the Properties of all manner of Beings. They attain to perfection in rea­ding at ten years; and are skilled in all the Secrets of their Letters at fourteen. They understand all the difficulties of Phi­losophy at twenty, and from twenty, to twenty five, they apply themselves to the contemplation of the Stars; and they di­vide that Study into three parts; the first concerns the Revolution of the Stars, the second, their distinction, and the third, their qualities, with their Reasonings thereupon, which are quite different from those of our Europeans, upon that Subject. But this being a Matter purely Philosophi­cal, it is no proper place here to enter into any particular explication of it.

From twenty five till twenty eight years of Age, they imploy themselves in studying the History of their Country; and 'tis only in that one point they shew a weakness of mind, like to that of other People, as well in respect of the great Antiquity to which they extend their Original, as of the fabulous things they [Page 119] relate of the first Men from which they pretend themselves descended. For they count above 12000 Revolutions of Sol­stices since the beginning of their Re­publick. They pretend to derive their O­riginal from HAAB, that is, a God, who, they say, produced three Men, from whom all the rest descended. They have some Records written upon old Barks of Trees, that contain 8000 Revolutions of their History, which are written in the form of Annals; the rest is comprehen­ded in 48 Volumes, of a prodigious big­ness; but all that is reported in them, has more of the appearance of Romantick Prodigies, than of real historical Events, and is more wonderful than credible. For if all they relate be true, the Stars are multiplied by two thirds more than they were at first; the Sun grown bigger by one half; and the Moon on the contrary, shrunk much less; the Sea has changed its place; and a thousand other like things have happened contrary to all appearance of probability.

As for us Europeans, and the rest of Mankind, they make our Race to begin not 'till 5000 Revolutions after them, and the Original which they give us, is alto­gether [Page 120] Ridiculous; for they Report, That a Serpent of an unmeasurable bigness, and of an amphibious nature, which they call Ams, throwing himself upon a Woman, while she was asleep, and having enjoyed her, without doing her any other mischief, the Woman waking towards the end of the action, was struck with such a horror at it, that in a fright she threw her self into the Sea; but that the Serpent leaping in after her, swam by her, and keeping her above water, carried her to a neighbouring Island, where the Woman re­covering her fright, and being moved with the strange friendship shown her by that Ani­mal, repented of her despair, and was wrought upon to use all endeavours to preserve her life, and accordingly sought about that Desart for all that might contribute to her Nourishment; and the Serpent on his side, brought her all he could find. At last this Woman was deli­vered of two Children, the one a Boy, and the other a Girl. Upon which the Serpent re­doubled bis care, and never ceased going up and down to look for Provisions to feed the Mother and the Children; and when he could not meet with the Fruits which they ordinarily fed upon, he would take Fish, and sometimes small Animals▪ and bring them to eat. But as those Children grew up, they shewed every day more and more visible marks of malice [Page 121] and brutality, which so grieved the Mother, that nothing could appease her sorrow. The Serpent thereupon taking notice of her trouble, and thinking she pined after her own Country, after he had endeavoured to comfort ber with­out any effect, he made her understand by signs, that if she had a mind to return to her own Country People, he was ready to assist her in her return, as he had done in bringing her where she was now. Upon this, the Wo­man threw her self into the Water, more out of design to try the good will of the Serpent, than out of any other motive; at the same in­stant the Serpent leapt after, and holding her fast imbraced under him, carried her back in a few hours into her own Country; after which he return [...]d back to his two young Chil­dren, who when they were grown up, coupled together, and multiplied to a great number, living only by Hunting and Fishing▪ like▪ Beasts of Pr [...]y: And when the Island, hy this means, grew over-stock'd with People, they found out a way to transport themselves into▪ other Countries, and to fill them with their Pro­ductions, together with all those disorderly qualities▪ and their pernicious effects, that are experienced in all Countries peopled by that Serpentine Race. And this is the goodly Pedigree the Australians are pleased to give us; but to return to them.

[Page 122] When they come to the Age of thirty years, they are priviledged to argue upon all sorts of Subjects, excepting that of Haab, that is, GOD: When they are thirty five years old, they are capable of being made Lieutenants in their Hebs, and to make a body of a Family with their Brethren, in a separate Apartment; af­ter twenty five years more, they may re­turn to the Heb, to assist in the instructi­on of the Youth: but in that they com­monly observe the Rank of Eldership; except some old Man that has a mind to die, be pleased voluntarily to yield them his place.

CHAP. X.
Of the living Creatures, or Animals, of the Southern World.

THere is none that are but never so little versed in the knowledge of Foreign Countries, but knows there are some peculiar Animals in them as diffe­rent from those of other Regions, as the Lands that bear them. As for Example, England breeds no Wolves; nor can any [Page 123] Serpents live in Ireland, let them be tran­sported from what other place soever. The Woods and Forests of the same Country are infested neither with Worms nor Spiders. The Isles of the Orcades have no Flies; Candia has no venemous Crea­tures; and Poison it self, when transpor­ted into the Isles of the Trinity, loses its venome, and is no longer mortal when in those Countries.

It is certain, that the biggest Animals are not always the most hurtful; and those small Vermine, which the Austra­lians can hardly tell how to conceive, though they have nothing rare in them but their life, yet do so much mischief in divers parts of Europe, that they often cause Famine, Plague, and other consi­derable Calamities, as might be proved by infinite number of experiences; for which reason I must needs reckon it to be one of the greatest happinesses of the Australians, that they are exempted from all manner of Insects. There is not to be found any venomous Beast in all their Countrey; and therefore they often lie down, and sleep on the bare ground, not only without any danger, but with great pleasure: And 'tis from thence they like­wise gather a great part of those fair and [Page 124] delicious Fruits that there abound. They used for a long time, to keep three sorts of four-footed Beasts, and they still keep so many sorts in several parts: The least of them may be compared to our Apes, but their Faces are not hairy, their Eyes are even with their Head, their Ears are pretty long, and their Mouth and Nose are like a Man's. They have longer Claws than other Apes, with five Fingers each▪ with which they hold and carry what they will, with as much ease and dexterity as Men. They are very active, and turn their bodies in­to a great many postures, that require as much dexterity as agility: The love they have to Men is so great, that they will starve themselves, and die for grief, if they be separated from them. When they are in the presence of any Man, they never cease giving him all the divertise­ment they can, by their various Motions and Postures. They are now banisht out of a great many Sezains, because they were too troublesome, and particularly in their Religious Assembly in the HAB; for as they could not keep them from go­ing thither without locking them up, and running the risk of finding them dead with pining, when they came home; so on the other side, they could not let them go thi­ther, [Page 125] without exposing themselves to be continually disturbed at their devout Con­templations, and without a visible Pro­fanation of so venerable a place. The A­nimals of the second sort, are something like our Hogs, save only that their Hair is as soft as Silk, and their Snouts are long­er by half than those of Swine. They call them Hums; they have the instinct to work, and turn up the Earth in right lines, with as much, or more dexterity than our best Husbandmen, and have no need of any Leader, to guide them in beginning, continuing, and ending their furrows; yet they have destroyed them in most of the Sezains, because of the na­stiness they fill all places with, and because they are useful but seven or eight days in a year; and that they must be kept shut up all the rest of the year, to prevent the dammages, and distastful annoyances they will otherwise cause.

The third sort of Animals are like our Dromedaries, save only that their Heads are more like those of Horses, their Back­bones are sunk inwards their whole length, and the Birds that are raised above it, form a kind of Heart, whose point is turned downwards, in the upper hollow of which, two Men may easily lie down; these [Page 126] Beasts are called Suefs, and will carry with ease eight Men of that Country, that weigh at least as much as twelve Europeans, and they are used likewise for the carriage of heavy Burdens, and of such things as are most necessary in the Commerce of Life.

Besides these Animals, there are four sorts of Birds, which well deserve our Reflection; the first are called Effs, who flutter about like tame Hens, and are a­bout their bigness; they are of a charm­ing Carnation Colour, however they be­gin now to banish them out of the Sezains, because they do a great deal of mischief in the Flower-pots and Gardens.

The second and third sorts are like our Tom-Tits, and Yellow-Hammers, but a little bigger; and so tame, that they are often fain to drive them away forcibly off from Peoples bodies; and their Voices are so sweet, that they are preferred be­fore the sweetest Consorts of Musick; they flutter about the Brethren, and fol­low them every where; they go into the very Hab, where they cause a certain chearfulness and calmness of Spirit, by their chirping, which they call Pacd, that is to say, Divertisement of Blessed­ness: They never eat but with the Bre­thren, [Page 127] nor take any rest but when they are perched somewhere upon them. And they have this property, that they smell the Birds of Prey at a great distance, and peck the Brethren to give them no­tice of it. The fourth sort of Birds are a­bout the bigness of our Oxen; they have a long-pointed Head, and a Bill of a full foot long, and sharper than a Razor; they have right Bullocks Eyes standing out of their Heads, two great Ears, Red and White Feathers, a Neck, not slender, but very large, a Body twelve Foot long, and four Foot broad, with a Tale turning up, and furnished with long Feathers, a Sto­mach under their Feathers as hard as Iron, and of proof against all blows; and last­ly, they have Feet, rather slender than thick, that are armed with five horrible Talons, strong enough to hold and carry off with ease 300 weight: These horri­ble Birds are called Urgs, and live only by Prey. And accordingly at certain set sea­sons, they make so cruel a War upon the Au­stralians, that they sometimes carry off 4 or 500 of them in a day: Assoon as they have tasted of Man's flesh, their Greedi­ness after it so mightily encreases, that they omit no Stratagem or Invention to get more of it; for sometimes they place [Page 128] themselves down from the middle Region of the Air twelve or fourteen of them to­gether, and throwing themselves cross the Arms of the Australians, seldom fail to car­ry off every one his Man. As these Ani­mals are the greatest Enemies the Austra­lians have, they have used, and still daily use incredible Endeavours to exterminate them, so far as to have destroyed whole Islands of 30, and 35 Leagues compass, and raised Mountains of a League high, to drive them away: but in spight of all they have yet done, or can do, I see no likelihood they will ever be able to se­cure themselves from them: For the Islands where they harbour are so nume­rous in that Country, and are so full of such vastly high Rocks, that it is impos­sible ever to destroy them: But we shall speak more amply of these Birds in the next Chapter.

I cannot forbear telling you here, that the Australians are so far from eating flesh, that they cannot conceive how any Man can find in his Heart to do it; the rea­sons they alledge for it, are, first, that sort of Nourishment cannot agree with Hu­manity, that ought naturally to be averse from all cruelty: secondly, because the flesh of Animals very much resembling [Page 129] that of Men, it follows, that they which can have the Stomach to eat of the flesh of the former, will easily be induced to eat without difficulty of the latter two: thirdly, because the digestion of it is dan­gerous, and we cannot eat the flesh of an Animal, without contracting some of its Inclinations: fourthly, because the flesh of a Brute is so modified for that Brute's Nature, that we cannot eat of it, without becoming proportionably more or less like that Brute, as we eat more or less of its flesh: fifthly, because a Beast is a thing so much beneath us, that it were better for a Man not to be at all, than to debase his noble nature, so far as to adulterate it with the mixture of that of a Beast, by making it his Food. The Australians likewise hate Fish, no less than Land-Creatures, and there are but very few to be seen in their Seas or Rivers, because the Birds of Prey we just now mentioned, feed upon them, and make a continual War upon them: And for my part I ne­ver eat any other Fish there but a certain sort of Eels of three or four Ells long, and some small finny-footed Creature, like our Hedge hoggs, of a Colour as black as Ebony.

CHAP. XI.
Of some rare Commodities in Australia, or the Southern World, that might be useful to Europe.

THey are in a great error that think Europe to be a Country that has no need of its Neighbours; the new Com­modities which we have received by our Commerce with Asia and America since this last hundred years, are a certain proof of it; and it is not to be doubted, but if we could have the like Traffick with the Australians▪ we should still gain more considerable advantages than by any o­ther known Commerce. I shall only men­tion four of those advantages which we should infallibly reap by such a Trade.

Among the Beasts that I have descri­bed, the Hums would render us inestima­ble Service, because they would ease our men of the extraordinary pains they are fain to take in digging and plowing up the Earth; but the Suefs would prove still much more profitable to us than they, for they are Beasts more gentle and tra­ctable than Oxen, and may be kept so [Page 131] cheap, that two pounds of Grass or Herbs will keep one of them three Days. They can endure a whole Day without eating, and in the most difficult Journies, they will travel 18 or 20 Leagues out-right, without any need of stopping to bait. It is easie to guess what profit the Merchants would get by these Creatures, for they would not need to be at the tenth part of the charge they now are at for the carriage of their Goods, two of these A­nimals being able to carry as much as a large Waggon drawn by six Horses. The Australians, that have no need of any Traffick, are excusable for making no more account of these Beasts, but the Europeans would find it worth their while to get some of them brought over, what­ever price they cost. But yet all this is no­thing to the gain the Europeans might draw from those Birds of Prey of which I have spoken; for those Birds, though they are very cruel when wild, yet may be tamed, and made as gentle as any of our most domestick Animals. When I came first in­to Australia, they had one of them which they kept in one of the Sezains, that car­ried a Man on his back with more ease than a Spanish Courser. They are to be mounted behind their Wings, and the [Page 132] Feathers on their Back supply the place of a very commodious Cushion; and in­stead of a Bridle, one need but tie a piece of Whipcord about their Bills, with which one may guide them whither and how one pleases. In this manner a man may travel forty or fifty Leagues out right, and then after about two Hours resting to bait, he may go as many more; and so he may easily travel 100 Leagues a day, without any incommodity, without fear, without danger, and without being trou­bled with the opposition of Rivers, Woods, Mountains, or any other obstacle, or ill rencounter in his way. But two Reasons, however, obliged the Australians to leave off the use of them, which would be of no force in Europe. The first, is because those Birds are extremely hot with Lust, after carnal Conjunction, which was the cause that sometimes they would carry their Australian Riders into some Island, where they smelt a Female of their kind, where they were devoured by the wild Birds. The second, was because they were persuaded, that the tame Birds of that kind were the chief occasion that en­ticed the wild ones to come in such num­bers into their Country, where they made such havock. Which considerations could [Page 133] have no place in our Northern Countries, whither none would be transported but tame ones, and where there would be no wild ones at all.

These are the most considerable Re­marks I have made upon the Animals of the Southern Countries. Next, as for the Fruits it bears, they surpass all imagina­tion in beauty and deliciousness: The Fruit▪ which they call the Fruit of Rest, or Repose, is indued with some properties that to us would appear miraculous. Its faculty in procuring Rest when we please, and the vertue of its Juice in healing, in very little time, all manner of wounds, induce me to believe there's no Ail, or Di­stemper in Europe, for which it would not prove a soveraign Remedy. I was infor­med afterward, that it was with that all my wounds were cured, I had received at my coming; and though I afterward received in several Fights many sore blows more, some whereof made great wounds in my body and some broke and shattered my bones, yet by vertue of that only Juice, I was always cured in three days▪ which if known, and used in Europe, would cut short that numherless number of Drugs and Remedies, that cost so dear among us, [Page 134] and which yet after all, kill more Patients than they cure.

While I lived in Portugal, I was subject to several Infirmities, and the terrible shocks I had suffered by my disasters up­on the Sea, had very much weakned me; and yet when I came into Australia, and began to live upon the Fruits of the Earth, that are the only Food there, I can boldly affirm, That I felt not the least Indisposition, nor Infirmity; and tho' my absence at such a dreadful distance from my own Country, and the extra­ordinary odd and strange Customs of the People I conversed with, and which I was obliged to conform to, gave me no small cause to be Melancholick, and tor­mented me with many a bitter reflection, yet as soon as I tasted but one of the Fruits of Repose, all my Resentments were calm­ed, and my Courage and usual briskness came to me again, my Blood danced in my Veins, and I found my self in such a disposition both of body and mind, that there was nothing I could desire to ren­der my Contentment more compleat than it was. Of what inestimable price would such Fruits be in Europe, where grief and vexation kill the greatest part of mankind, [Page 135] and troubles cause languishments far worse, and far more formidable than Death.

But can there be any thing imagined more desirable, than to live splendidly and fare very delicately, without being at any charge, since for that end, one need not have any greater Provision than three or four of those Fruits, which are incomparably more delicate, and of a much richer Relish and Nourishment, than our most succulent Meats, and most artfully seasoned Dishes, nor any o­ther Drink, than a sort of natural Nectar, that is found running in streams in that Country, where every one may eat and drink his fill, with the greatest Pleasure in the World, without being obliged, ei­ther to Till the Earth, or cultivate any Trees.

I have admired an hundred times how Nature comes to be so partially liberal to that Country, to give away as 'twere in sporting, and with a careless prodigality those things she is so nigardly of in our Regions. But among other things, I cannot pass in silence, that abundance of fine Crystal that is there to be found, and which the Australians know how, with such admirable Skill and Symmetry [Page 136] to cut, and put together, that it is very hard to find where the Stones joyn, so exactly they seem to be all of a piece. This Crystal is so transparent, that 'twere impossible to distinguish any Po [...]es in it, if the rich Figures Nature forms in it of di­vers colours, did not convince us it had some.

But that, which in my Opinion surpas­ses all the most prodigious Rarities in the World, is a Hab, which is to be seen in the Seizain, or district of Haf▪ which is made all out of one entire piece of Cry­stal, which could not be done, but by cutting it out of a great Rock of the same matter. This wonderful Hab▪ or Temple, surpasses all the rest in height and breadth; for it is 200 Foot high, and 150 Foot wide; the Figures with which this Crystal is interspersed, are bigger than those observed in the other, and it is vi­sible that they are all entire, without be­ing patched up with any inlaid pieces: They assured me, that it had been oftentimes debated among them, whether it would not be better to destroy it, than to keep it standing, because it tempts the curiosity of those that dwell afar off, and causes distraction of Thoughts in them that assemble in it: However it is yet [Page 137] standing, and I can hardly believe that ever they can find in their Hearts' to vote the demolition of so rich and rare a piece as that.

The greatest difficulty I find in procu­ring a Traffick in these Commodities be­tween Europe and Australia, consists in finding out some way, either to force, or otherwise to dispose of such a Communi­cation; for after having well considered the whole matter, there appear to me unsurmountable difficulties in such an en­terprise; for the Australians being a Peo­ple that neither cover any thing; there is no likelihood of bringing them to a Com­pliance, by the allurements of Gain, of Rewards, or of Pleasure, nor any practi­cable means left for us to overcome that strange aversion they have for us, which is so great, that they cannot endure to hear us mentioned▪ without declaring the passion they have to destroy us. And then besides all those things that we usual­ly carry into the new discovered Coun­tries, and which procures us access to their Inhabitants, pass in the esteem of the Au­stralians, for Childrens Play-things, and meer trifles, and bawbles; they look up­on our Gawdy Stuffs, and richest Silks, as Spiders Webs, they know not so much [Page 138] as what the names of Gold or Silver signi­fie; and in a word, all that we count precious appear in their esteem to be but ridiculous; and therefore there remains no other way to introduce our selves a­mong them, but by open force; and in that matter they have a great advantage over us, which would frustrate all our attempts that way; for the Sea in those parts is so very shallow, that it will hard­ly carry a Boat, at two or three Leagues distance from their Shoars, unless it be in certain particular Creeks, where there are some Veins of Water which cannot be known, but by long experience. Besides all which obstacles, they keep so exact a Guard upon all their Coasts, that it is im­possible to surprise them, nor yet to attack them with any hopes of Success, as will appear by the following Relation of some of their Wars.

CHAP. XII.
Of the ordinary Wars of the Austra­lians.

IT is by a constant Decree establish'd in the World, that we should possess no happiness without some pains, nor be able to keep it without some difficulty; and therefore it is no wonder if the Australi­ans be forced sometimes to maintain great Wars to defend a Country against the In­vasions of those Foreign Nations, that be­ing sensible of the advantages wherewith it is blessed, make all possible efforts to open themselves a way into it. The most formidable of all those Neighbouring Na­tions are the Fondins, a fierce and warlike People, who are always ready to make an Irruption upon them, in those parts where they are least expected. Which obliges the Australians to keep several Thousand Men continually in Arms, to guard the Shoars, and the Avenues of the Mountains next the Sea, where they have constantly upon Guard 20000 Men in [Page 140] the Compass of about sixty Leagues of Country.

The first of those Guards that discovers an Enemy approaching▪ immediately gives the signal agreed upon; which signal consists in throwing up a kind of flying Squib or Serpent, that flies very high, and makes a noise to be heard two Leagues; upon which, all the rest to the right and left hand, give the same Signals, so that in 24▪ Hours, all the Coast takes the A­larm, and the half of the Guards run to the place where the Alarm began, with such celerity, that in less than six Hours time, there will assemble between 30. and 40000 Men; and when they find them­selves strong enough to repulse the Ene­my, they take away the first Signal, upon which, all the rest cease, and no more Succours march up to them.

But that which seems to me most ad­mirable in them, is to see them without any Commanders to lead them, and with­out having any previous Discourse or Communication one with another, or receiving any Direction or Instruction; they know how to post themselves with so much Order and Discipline, that one would think they were all so many admi­rable experienced Captains, that were [Page 141] all inspired with the same design, and a­greed upon the means how to execute it.

I assisted against two Irruptions, made by the Fondins into the Country. The first was made about 17 Years after my Arrival in the Country, and the other was made the last year of my stay there. The Fondins assembled an Army of about 100000 Men, and attempted to break through a Passage that was not so watch­fully guarded as the rest, 30000 of them were already passing by favour of the Night; and had it not been for the indis­cretion of some hot-headed Fools among them that made a great noise, they had all entred into the Country, before the Au­stralians could have perceived them; but that noise having betrayed them, the Au­stralians seeing the extream danger, which they were in, doubled their signals, in which case all the Sezains are bound to take Arms, and march with all Expediti­on on to their Assistance; yet the Fondins, who poared in in throngs, met with but 300 Australians, that firmly opposed them; but they did it so vigorously, that they put a sto [...] for a considerable while to a Party of the [...] Enemies; but at last, being sur­rounded on every side by the rest of them that were gotten further into the Country, [Page 142] they were all cut in pieces: But howe­ver, by selling their Lives so dear, and keeping the Enemy in play for above Two Hours, they gave the two Sezains time to come up with them; so that while the rest were just defeated, another fresh Bo­dy of about 1500 Men was drawn toge­ther to dispute their passage any further; the Fondins having passed over the Bellies of the first Party, threw themselves into the Country, to the number of above 60000, crying out, Ham, Ham, which in their Tongue, is Victory, Victory. Notwith­standing which, the 1500 Australians kept themselves in a Body as firm as a Rock, forming a front on all sides of them; but the Fondins surrounding them at last, made a most horrible slaughter of them.

In the mean while the day began to break, and a Party of the Fondins, being obstinately set upon, defeating the said 1500 Australians, kindled Fires round a­bout them, either to burn them, or hin­der them at least from escaping: But the rest of the Australians which cam [...] run­ning thither from all parts, formed at last a Body of 25000 Men, among whom I was; and dividing themselves into three parts, and least of them, which consisted of between 5 and 6000 Men, endeavoured [Page 143] to seize the passage, by which the Fondins made their Irruption; the Fondins appre­hensive of such a Design, had left 20000 Men to guard it, who charged the Au­stralians with so much fury for five Hours together, that they would have totally defeated them, if it had not been for a Re-inforcement of 3000 Men, who came in, and maintained the Fight five Hours longer, with a horrible Slaughter on both sides: During which time, the two other Bodies fought with the same Vigour a­gainst the rest of the Fondins, and the But­chery was so great in that place, that the Field of Battle was become like a Mash of Mortar, composed of Earth and Blood, in which the Combatants sunk up to the Knees; and the Fondins, however, began already to grow weary, when a new Reinforcement of 20000 Australians arrived; who having forced their way without much opposition through the Fondins, joyned our Troops: And now, finding our selves much stronger than our Enemies, we detached away 10000 Men to the assistance of our Bre­thren at the passage, a great many of which were already knockt on the Head by the Fondins, with great Stones, which they threw down at them from the tops of the Mountains, where they lay im Ambu­scade. [Page 144] On our side, we having fresh Troops, renewed a fierce Fight against Men that were already almost spent, which quickly forced them to give way, and betake themselves to flight; but when they saw the passage shut up against them, and that they were inevitably lost, they turned back upon us that were pursuing their Rear, and fighting like desperate Men, opened themselves a passage thro' our Troops, which were weary of killing them.

And having thus forced their way thro' us, they began to fly in disorder cross the Country, dispersing themselves on this side, and that side, in the wide Fields. The Fight lasted till the middle of the next Night; and as the Australians that still were marching with fresh Reinforce­ments from all parts, met every where in their passage some flying Fondins, still de­fending themselves with a great deal of Bravery; but as soon as they perceived the approach of this new Reinforcement▪ they turned their backs, and fled. When the Fight was over, the Australians that had fought, refresht and rested themselves, and the rest took care to perform the last Duties to the Brethren, who were killed in the Battle: They found above 19000 [Page 145] Australians killed upon the place, and a­bout 12000 were wounded, in the num­ber of which, I may reckon my self, since I had an Arm broke, and one of my Thighs run through: Each one knew the Dead that belonged to him, and had them carried back to their respective Quarters. The necessary orders were like­wise given to convey all the Bodies of the Fondins, to the place where they had made their Irruption; and they found of them above 90000, which they piled up one upon another.

Thus passed the first Battle of the Au­stralians against the Fondins, at which I was present, and which I accordingly describe, as an Eye-witness: I could not perceive they observed any other Rule on our side in their fighting, except it were to resolve to let themselves be killed, than to suffer their Ranks to be broken: As for their defensive Armour, they wear a sort of light Back and Breast Plate, as thin as Paper, but yet so hard, that no blows that are not struck at them with an extraordinary vigour, are able to pierce them. As for their Provisions for the Mouth, on such occasions, they are sup­plied every one in particular, from the respective Quarter, or district, to which [Page 146] he belonged, the Brethren carrying them to their Hab in the Morning, and the Bre­thren of the next Hab carrying them to theirs, and then those of the next to theirs, and so on, till they be conveyed to the place where the Men are, for whose use the Fruit is designed.

The second Australian Battle, in which I was, happened 17 years after that, upon the following occasion. The Fondins had seized upon a very considerable Island, a­bout 10 Leagues from the Sezain, or Di­strict of Grief; it was about 18 Leagues in length, and 14 in breadth, the Ground there being very good, they had fortified themselves there, and were grown very po­pulous. The mildness of the Air joyned with the plenty and fruitfulness of the place, drawing thither daily a confluence of new Colonies, from whence they made hold afterwards to make incursions into the Continent of the Australians; upon which, those People having taken a Reso­lution to drive them out of that Island, they wrote only to the 500 next Sezains, who detached for that purpose each of them 400 Men, so that in a trice they raised an Army of 200000 Men; they immediate-prepared a kind of great flat Ferry-boat, and built like a Platform, which contained [Page 147] 300 Men in Front, and 400 on each side, so that it was capable of wafting over 12000 Men, ready ranged, in order of Battel, which they made to be advanced in that manner towards the Island. Be­sides which, they equipped 600 other small Vessels, that carried each 100 Men, and 400 others, laden with Ammunition and Provisions. Amongst all the Engines of War, I saw there, I took notice of one, which consisted of several Ladders, which stuck certain pointed Irons into the Walls of any Town they were applied against, which by the help of a Spring, enlarged themselves like a hook, as soon as they had made their passage into the Wall, and then afterwards being turned about with a Wheel, these Engines would shake down, and overthrow the strongest Walls. I was upon the Ferry-boat, or Platform, when they began to advance against the Fondins, which had been preparing themselves for three Months before, for a vigorous De­fence: They were provided with all sorts of Provisions, and their Army was composed of 300000 fighting Men, all re­solved to overcome, or die. In the mean time, the Australiaas being come within view of the Island of the Fondins, made a stop to consult which way they might be [...]t [Page 148] assault their Enemies: And it was conclu­ded in Council, that they should Land 20000 Men in the Night out of their smaller Vessels, to surround the Island, and to engage the Fondins to fight, whilst 10000 more should throw themselves into the Water, and swim over into the Island with the Instruments, necessary to beat down their Walls: which Resolution was executed with so much Order and Celeri­ty, that the Fondins had no time to be­think themselves how to prevent the blow. The 10000 attackt the first Wall; and ha­ving beaten it down, 2000 of them swam over, and attacked the second Wall; in which, when they had made some Breach­es, the Sentinels hearing the noise, went, and immediately alarmed the next Court of Guard: But the Ardour of the Austra­lian was so great, that before their Enemies could have notice of their Approach, they had already passed to the number of 500 beyond the Wall, who kept firm in a Bo­dy to cover the ascent of the others, who mounted with such a surprizing Expediti­on, that in an hours time, 20000 of them passed over the Wall in spite of all the op­position of the Fondins. In the mean while, their King being informed that the Australians were in earnest entring his I­sland, [Page 149] took with him 6000 chosen Men out of a Body of Reserve, and advanced at the head of them, to view the Enemy. The Australians on their side gave mighty Shouts to give notice to the rest of their party behind, that they had passed the Wall, so that when the Fondins had be­gun an obstinate fight, the Australians that were not yet passed the Wall, climbed upon all sides, and in spite of all the Re­sistance the Fondins could make, scaled, and passed it, to the number of 50000, who made themselves Masters of a part of the Wall, as the day began to appear, up­on which the Vessels advanced to the Shoar, and Landed 20000 more, who like­wise passed after their Companions over the Walls; so that the Fondins, who by that time had got together above 100000 Men, seeing the evident danger that threatned them, drew themselves all close up into one united Body, with a Resolu­tion to venture all for all, and fell so fiercely upon a Body of the Enemies that made head against them, that they would have entirely defeated them, if another Body of Australians that had beaten down above 200 Fathoms, or 400 Yards of Wall, had not come up timely to their Assistance, which was a [Page 150] Detachment of 6000 Soldiers from the Platform; who being all fresh, and in a good condition, charged the Fondins in the Rear, and made such a dreadful slaugh­ter of them, that there hardly escaped 2000, who fled, and saved themselves in a small adjoyning Fortress, and so the Australians became Masters of the Field: But however, before they would attack the Fortresses that stood further within the Island, they first made sure of all the Passages and Outworks of it, that they cut off all possibility from the Fondins, of escaping their Hands: They spent two days in that work, and two more in look­ing for the Bodies of the Brethren that were slain in the Fight, of which they reckoned 42000, to whom they paid the usual Honour of Burial; after which, they likewise took the number of the Fondins that were killed, which amounted to 12000.

When they had so done, they marched about to all the Towns in the Island, and took Five of them by Assault in one day, most unmercifully killing all they met. And here I cannot but with Regret, take notice to you, that I do not believe any Country in the World can produce more lovely and beautiful Women than there were to be seen in this, which made me [Page 151] in spight of all the Violence I used to my natural Inclination, in order to conform my self to the cruel and pittiless Customs and Proceedings of the Australians, not able to forbear shewing some Marks of Compassion, when I saw the Throats of so many fair and charming Creatures, so miserably, and unmercilesly cut, which much scandalized those Brethren that ob­served my tenderness: but the matter was much aggravated, when breaking into a House that seemed more considerable than the rest, I found in it a venerable Matron, with two Daughters, of between 25 or 26 Years of Age, of a most Accom­plish'd Beauty, that threw themselves down at my Feet; for their Charms so strongly Transported me, that being almost bereft of my Reason, and my Judgment, I incon­siderately advanced towards one of those young Ladies, whom I grasped Affecti­onately in my Arms, to lift her up, when two Australians came in, just at that mo­ment, and surprized me in the Action.

I saw by the Fire, that flasht in their Eyes, and by the Indignation which ap­peared in their Faces, that I was a lost Man; nevertheless they contented them­selves only with cutting the Throats of those Ladies in my Presence, I knew not [Page 152] afterwards, neither what to resolve up­on, nor what would become of me, nor durst I look an Australian in the Face; and as soon as any one came near me, I held down my Eyes, and Confusion shew­ed it self in my Face. In this Perplexity, I returned on Board to the Vessel, where I feined my self wounded, that they might not take it ill, that I had quitted the Ar­my, and I remained, with a Spirit so de­jected and sad, that I could scarce sup­port my self. In the mean time, the plain Country, and all the Towns being scat­tered, they resolved to Attack the strong places, of which they invested three at once, and all the works of a Siege among these People, being to dig the Earth round about the place which they Attack, 300 Men were employed in that Work for three days; at the end of which they came to the Walls, notwithstanding the Sallies of the Fondins; then they under­mined them, and dismantled those Cities in a trice, to the great Astonishment of all the Inhabitants; they gave at the same time a general Assault, and all the valour of the Fondins, who defended themselves very Couragiously, did not hinder them from taking the strong places in four days time: The slaughter was there [Page 153] general, and they spared neither Women, old People, nor Children, all were en­veloped in one common Massacre; those that were in the other Fortresses, did not stay to be Besieged, they went out the Night before they were to be in­vested, and the next day, were to be seen on the Banks of the Sea, more than 200000 People, of all Ages and Sexes, some of which threw themselves head-long into the Water, others cast themselves upon the Mercy of their E­nemies, others with Hands lifted up to Heaven, expected Death, which they saw inevitable.

Thus this fine Island was dispeopled, the Australians, collected into many heaps the Bodies of the Fondins, and left them upon the Banks of the Sea, without bury­ing, exposing them to the Birds, who devoured them. Besides these Austra­lians, who were killed at the first As­sault of the Isle (of which we have spoken) there was found 18000 more, which were transported out of the Coun­try upon many Vessels: they carried back the Wounded in the same man­ner, which were to the number of 30000 Men.

[Page 154] As the Australians are very dilligent at the Assemblies of Hab, and of Heb, as well at home, as abroad, so soon as the Isle was taken, they met together, to praise God, and to consider of several other Af­fairs, of which the principal were how to dispose of me, and how to destroy the Island. I was accused upon Five Arti­cles, every one of which deserved death; and having had my hearing, I was sent back into my Sezain. After that, they came to a resolution to demolish the Island, with two Armies of fifty Thou­sand Men each: and this prodigious masse of Earth was destroyed, and co­vered with Water, in ten of their Months. A Work which the Europeans could never have finished in ten Years, and which is more, would never have dared to under­taken. This is what I have seen of the War between the Australians and the Fondins.

Besides these Enemies, the Australians have those to fight withal, which they call Sea-Monsters; this is the Name they give the Europeans, because they are ig­norant of their Country, and they never see them come but by Sea in Ships. They [Page 155] never call them any thing else but Sea-Monsters, or Half-men. The old Philo­sopher, who was so much my Friend, and who took such delight, a little be­fore he died, to hear me talk of my Country, told me, That he had seen some People approach their Coasts, who were made just after the proportion that I spoke of; that he admired the Fabrick of their Ships, and that he was always desirous to know more of the Country of these Half-men, and that he found a great deal of pleasure in what I had told him, and what he believed before.

He told me, among other Disputes which they had had with these Half-men, they had at one time met with so resolute Men, that they were three whole Days before they could take Seven of their Ships: I saw these Vessels upon the Shoar; for the Australians keep all their Prizes, as Trophies of their Glory and Va­lour.

When I came thither, about six Months before, they had defeated a whole Fleet of them; and I saw a great many Bo­dies hung upon the Masts, whom by their Cloaths, I know to be French, Spa­niards, and Portuguese. My old Man, who saw the Battle, told me, he never [Page 156] saw the like of it, except what I did a­gainst the wild Birds. The Pilot having observed some little Rivolets of Water deep enough, came up within half a Mile of the Shoar, but not finding there but two Foot of Water, he was forced to stop; he immediately caused a Thousand Men to Land, to view the Country. They came with a great deal of bravery, and easily forced the Sea-Guards, who pre­sently gave the Signal, the Enemy were come. But the Enemy having boarded a Sezain which they met, and falling a plundering, the Sea-Guards did so re­double their Signals, that before the Eu­ropeans could have done plundering, there appeared eight Thousand Australians upon the Shoar. The Europeans fired a great many pieces of Cannon, but few did Execution. In the mean time the Australians surrounded those-few that had landed, in a little House, which they had before forced open, and in which they defended themselves for some time, but at last they were forced to submit to Number, and not one Man escaped to carry the News to the Fleet. After that the Australians made a considerable turn to secure the passage of the River, in which they are admirable, by filling dex­trously [Page 157] the Mouth of the River with such heaps of Earth, as it was impossible for the Enemy of pass. After this, they en­deavoured to board them, but the Eu­ropeans made so good use of their Cannon and small Arms, that of eight Thousand Australians, there was six Thousand kil­led before one Man could board them. And my old Man assured me, that he ne­ver had seen so much bravery in any of their Enemies. Notwithstanding all this, the Australians being constantly supplied with fresh Men, they began a new At­tack with twelve Thousand Men, who were very bravely received, but not with such a loss as the former; they boarded the Ships with a wonderful courage; yet the Europeans firing from all parts upon them, they had killed above four Thou­sand, when on a suddain the Australians were reinforced with two Thousand fresh Men, who finding the Enemy al­ready quite fatigued, immediately de­feated them. There was in all, three Thousand Seamen, and as many Soldiers, who had all their Throats cut, in less than an Hour.

But the ordinary Fights which the Au­stralians have against the Birds, of which we have spoken, are much more trou­blesome; [Page 158] because coming, and going by the Air, there is no means neither to stop, nor destroy them. They fight a­gainst these terrible Beasts three several ways; because they are attacked by them in as many; for sometimes they hide themselves in the Trees, sometimes they fly out of sight, to throw themselves upon their Prey in a Minute. The little Birds, of which I have spoke before, will per­ceive them a great way off, and strike their Bills with several doleful cries, to give notice to the Australians, to put themselves upon their Guard. Yet these Beasts, notwithstanding all their precau­tions, seldom miss their blow. I remem­ber once, as I was going to Heb, in the company of my Philosopher, armed ac­cording to our custom, with Halberts, Casques, and Cuirasses, after our mode, we had scarce gone half our way, when the little Birds began to cry, and fly a­bout us, in a frightful manner, to give us notice of our danger. In short, we immediately perceived some of these great Birds, who came to attack us. We then crowded one upon the other, cove­ring our selves with our Arms, and ma­king our selves ready for defence. One of these dreadful Beasts snatched my Hal­bert [Page 159] out of my hand, with a force no man alive was able to resist. The other five fell so furiously upon my Compani­ons, that they had an incredible difficul­ty to save themselves; and just as I tur­ned my Head, to see how I might come to their help, I my self was carried off; and I had been infallibly lost, if five of my other brethren had not come to my assistance, and cleared me from the claws of the Beast that held me. But then many more of our brethren coming in, the Birds flew away.

But that which is most terrible is, that these horrible Beasts assemble themselves sometimes to the number of four, or five hundred, forming a body of an Army; where it seems they observe a sort of a Discipline, in their Combats with the Australians. They Camp in all places in­differently where they find Food. The Australians canton themselves into their Houses, none dare stir out; they put up the Signal to give notice, that the Ene­my is there, and every one to take care of themselves.

[Page 160] The Regularity, which they observe to fight with these Birds, is greater than that which they observe to fight the Fondins; they stand close togehter, and so order it, that they have a Front on every side. They have their Sarbecans, of which I spoke before; in short, they are made of Halberts and Cutlaces: So soon as the Birds perceive them co­ming against them, they seperate them­selves, some flying on one side, and some on the other, the greatest part of them out of sight; but this is only to joyn themselves the closer, to fall together upon the Australians; who, notwith­standing all their Precautions, always lose some Men in their first Attacks. I was present at three Fights with them, we lost at the first 6 Men, at the se­cond eight, at the third three; and in the three Fights altogether we killed but seven of the Birds. It is impossible to tell you with what force they fall upon Men, and what furious strokes they will give with their Bills; I saw an Action in the last Combat, that's worth relating, An Urg took away the Halbert of one of my Companions, and another seized his Person; I would have defended him with my Halbert, but a third Urg car­ried [Page 161] him off: my Neighbour stuck to him, and the same Bird carried away both: Another took hold of one of them, but another Urg threw himself furiously at him; and as he was carry­ing him of, I joyned my self to him to stop him, but we had all four been carried off, if we had not knocked down one of the Birds, for the others immediately quitted us after that, and we found one of the Australians, which they let fall dead and strangled, by being pinched too hard by them; they observe that when the Sea hath been Tempestuous for four or five days, these Birds are in a sort of a rage, because they cannot take the Fish, which they do at other times for their usual Nourishment. I have told you before, that the Australi­ans have, and do yet continue to make extraordinary Efforts to destroy these terrible Enemies. They demolished 30 Years ago three considerable Islands, where these Birds harbour, of two Leagues in length, and at present they are about destroying another that is six Leagues from their Country. The most proper season for this is the Tropick of Capri­corn, and they continue to the Aequinox of March, at which time Birds beginning [Page 162] to grow warm, begin their threatning, but without effect, till the Sun enters into the Sign of Taurus. 'Tis then that they come to Attack the Australians in Troops, with so much fury, that what­ever they are able to do, cannot hinder them from losing several Men; the heat of these Engagements will sometimes continue for six Hours together, with­out intermission for thirty Days, and after that, they go away by small Par­cels, till the Month of October, where they return again with the same fury.

CHAP. XIII.
Of the return of Sadeur, to the Island of Madagascar.

I Write that which follows of the Isle of Madagascar, and I begin to flat­ter my self, that this History may go home with me, even to mine own Country.

It is easie to judge by all that I have said of the Incomparability of the hu­mours and Interests of the Australians, with the People of Europe; that I owed the Preservation of my Life to nothing but the desperate Action which I did when first I came into the Australian Coun­try, and to the continual violence I did my self, to conform to their manner of litving, and to the Care the good old Man took of me, who was always my Prote­ctor; notwithstanding this, as our nature will shew it self, what-ever Disguises we put [...] there often fell from me some Words or Actions, which shewed what I really was. The good old Philosopher made an hundred Harangues in my De­fence, [Page 164] while he was alive, and to stop the Designs that their Brothers had form­ed against me; he set out my fighting as an unheard of Prodigy, and which alone rendered me worthy of their Protection, notwithstanding all my faults. He main­tained that since they had taken me into their Protection, though I was a Stranger, they could not now take a­way my Life without manifest Injustice, since what I did amiss proceeded from my Nature; he added after all, that since I was a Stranger, they ought not to condemn me till they could hear what I could say in my own defence. When he died, he redoubled his En­treaties, and Reasons, to oblidge them to preserve me, and named me to be his Lieutenant, after an Exhortation, truly paternal, which he made to me, and all the Brothers accepted it, with their common Consent. In fine, he supported me till the War of the Fon­dins, of which I have spoke, where my ruin was fixed, and resolved on.

The Accusation that was formed a­gainst me, may be reduced to five principal heads: The first was, that I had not fought with the others, since I [Page 165] could not produce an Ear of the Fon­dins: Secondly, That I had testified a great Grief, in seeing the Destruction of their Enemies: Thirdly, That I had embraced a Fundine: Fourthly, That I had eaten the Meat of the Fundines: and lastly, That I had made Questions full of Malice to the Brothers. To understand these Accusations, you must know, that it is a Custom of the Austra­lians to cut off the Ears of those that they kill in fight, and make a Girdle of them; he that brings most is esteemed most Couragious; and there was some that in the taking of the Island, that brought off 200.

As for my part, I was so far from ha­ving killed any of them, that I testified an extream regret, to see the bloody Butchery of those unhappy People; I have told you already of the tenderness which I shewed to a pretty Fondin Lady, whom I found in an House with her Mother. The Australi­ans, looked upon this as the greatest crime I could commit, and there was none of them afterwards but abhorred me.

They charged me besides, that I had the boldness ro propose the Preservation of some of the Fundines Women, to be [Page 166] made use of as Slaves, and that I had openly declared, that I preferred the Life of one Fondin Woman, before all the Booty I could pretend to in the Island.

So soon as they had heard these Ac­cusations against me, they proposed to Death to me, but with so imperious an Air, that I had nothing else to do but to accept of it: And for as much as they kept a great silence, when I came to the Table to eat, according to the Custom▪ I began to speak, and told the Brothers assembled, that I had such essential Obli­gations to them, that I could not leave them without communicating to them a grand Secret, which I had for the easie Destruction of the Urges I added, that I was really guilty of the Crimes of which I was accused; but since all those crimes came from my nature, which all Peo­ple knew to be like that of the Fundins; I appeal to their Consciences, if being resolved to suffer me to live among them, knowing me for a Fundine; they ought not also to pardon those faults, which were inseparable from those of my Species: Its true, said I, that I have te­stified a great deal of kindness to those Peo­ple that were like me; it is true, that I could [Page 167] cut their Throats; 'tis true, that I shew'd a compassion for those who are even as my self: And if I had not done this, I must have renounced my nature, and their own Reason, which Judges so well of things, would have justly condemned me of cruelty.

If an Australian should happen to be a­mongst the Fundines, would not he be in­excusable, if in a War against his own Nation, he shew'd not some kindness to them. But after all, do not believe that I am so desirous to preserve my life, I am glad to retire, I only demand a delay of a few days, to have time to shew you, that this poor Stranger, whom you have protected, is not ungrateful for the bene­fits received of you.

They went out of the Hab, according to the accustomed manner, without gi­ving any Answer, so that I saw I had no other way left, but industriously to study out some way of returning into my own Country. In this cogitation, all the Ad­ventures of my former Voyage, which brought me to the place where I now was, ran in my mind. I had always be­fore my Eyes the opportunity which was so favourable to me; and I imagined, that [Page 168] if I could, after any fashion, shift away from the sight of these Australians, my re­turn would be secured; and after I had revovled in my mind, a great many se­veral methods and designs, this was the Resolution which I took and executed. I made a Cord of the bark of a Tree, which is named S chuch; I rubbed it with the juice of the Fruit Repose, mingled with a little Sea-Water, which render'd it as hard as Iron; I afterward rubbed it with another Juice, which made it flexible, and at last made a kind of Rope, which I tied fast to a Tree, where the Urgs used to perch; I never ceased to go and come, expecting with impatience the success which I had promised my self from this design. At last my little Birds having ad­vertised me to retire, I saw two Urgs ve­ry high in the Air, which lighted exactly upon the Tree where I had stretched my Cord, and one of them was taken by the end of the Foot.

The Brothers, who saw that he was ta­ken, ran presently to knock him down; but I entreated them to let me alone with him, assuring them, that they should in a little while see something more surpri­sing than what they now beheld.

[Page 169] My Beast seeing himself taken, con­tinued two days in a very ill humour when I approached him, but at last, when he saw no appearance of escaping, and that hunger and famine pressed him, he begun to be more gentle, and to suffer me to approach to give him meat; I fed him all alone, and he began to know me; I made much of him, and he suffer­ed it; I lift up his huge Feet, I looked upon his Talons, I opened his Beak, and mounted upon his Back: In fine, I did whatsoever I would with him: I said then to my self, since I was first driven into this Countrey by the persecution of these Beasts, why may I not depart hence too by their Assistance? I had great hope of my Bird, and my hope in­creased as his kindness increased to­wards me.

In the mean time they spoke of my Conduct at the HAB with praise, and seeing that they admired it, I made a speech and told them, that I begun now to look upon my self as one whose being was in a manner ceas'd; that since it was the Custom of our Nation, that when any one was at the point of Death, to live with great Reservedness, and that my spirit would not permit me to be the [Page 170] same that I had been, and that knowing that I should cease to be in a little time, I would employ the Moments that re­mained to study out some last action which should edifie them much more than my first. These Reasons did very much satisfie the Assembly, and they were resolved to let me finish my Life as I pleased, without speaking any more either of my words or actions. And since I ought to be reckoned in the number of the dead, they themselves named me Lieutenant, and regarded me no more but as a dying person, who was at Liber­ty to finish his Life as himself thought fit. This Order gave me so much consolation, that I then looked upon my deliverance for most assured.

I passed almost the whole day with my Bird, and I omitted no way to shew him all the kindness I possibly could. I per­ceived one day that he had a great pain, and I found that the Cord which set­ter'd him had cut the skin of his Foot, and was entred a good way into his flesh; the wound was very considerable, and I used all means possible to cure him; I poured in the Juice of a Fruit to consoli­date the wound, I bound it up handsomly, and in eight days he became perfectly [Page 171] well. His kindness upon this augmented so much towards me, that he would not suffer me to go from him: And I on the other side was never content but when I was with him: I let him by little and little go loose alone, and he was so far from flying away, that he made conti­nual Efforts to follow me every where: I was desirous to try whether he could carry me flying, and I found that he did it with pleasure, and a surprizing swift­ness. After this I made a Girdle of many Leaves, which I rubbed with the Juice of the Fruit of Repose, to make it of proof against Water; I made afterward a kind of Bag, and having filled it with the most nourishing Fruits of the Coun­trey, and some Bottles of the Liquor which they drink there, with which I put also the Manuscript of this History, I put them all up very neatly, and girded them round about me.

Besides this, I made a little Wallet which I filled with Fruit for the nourish­ment of my Beast, and have tied it neat­ly upon his back, I resolved to depart the night following, which was the 15th of the Solstice of Capricorn 35 years and some months after my first arrival into the Australian Countrey, and in the [Page 172] Fifty seventh year of mine Age.

That my Bird then might the more easily take his flight, I made him get up upon a Tree, and seating my self under his wings, I made him begin his flight very high in the Air, for fear of being perceived by those that guarded the Sea, but the great Cold of the middle Re­gion of the Air quickly obliged me to de­scend a little lower.

In the mean time we had been above six mile already on our way, whether my Beast became again sensible of his wound, or whether too long a rest had rendred him more heavy, I perceived he was extreamly fatigued, and could hold out no longer: I then so ordered him to light down upon the Water, and as he sunk a little too deep, I leaped off to ease him, well knowing that my Girdle would support me, and keep me out of danger. This poor Animal fearing then that I would be lost, or would quit him, began to cry and turn towards me with an agitation that shewed his pain and un­easiness; but being my self more weary than he, I leaned my head upon his Feathers, and having given him some of the Fruits in the Wallet, I fell into a sound sleep. I found the day very fine [Page 173] and clear at my awaking, and made my Bird eat again, and took a Repast my self; I mounted again upon him nimbly enough, with design to advance the more swiftly on our way: But whatsoever Efforts he made, he was never able to take his flight, because the strange hea­viness of my body made him sink too low in the Water; we were forced then, whether we would or no, to remain in the place where we now were, and any one may judge what pain and trouble I was then in: Nevertheless, having con­sidered that my Beast went very well, and swiftly in the Water, I tied my self to his Tail, and he drew me far enough to discover a little Island which appeared almost out of sight. As the night approached, and my Bird being ve­ry weary, I staid to feed him, and eat my self also with him; but I was very much astonished to see him stop short; for whether it was that he regretted his former condition, or whether he could not live in a different Air from that of his own Climate, or whether he was only concerned at the trouble he saw me in, he would not stir a bit further. Night came upon us a little after, and he slept soundly, but I could not so much as shut [Page 174] mine Eyes: I deliberated a long time upon what I should do, and after a great many thoughts, I judged it most conve­nient to slip the Wallet from off his back, and to separate my self entirely from him, though with a great deal of regret.

After I had done this, seeing my Girdle and my Bag supported me per­fectly well, I began to go away from my Beast, and to go forward by the favour of a South-wind which assisted me; inso­much that at Day-break I found my self arrived without any inconvenience in the Island which I discovered the night before.

Then I went out of the Water, and sat me down upon the Land, and I eat some of my fruit, with such a sensible pleasure tempered with that consolation that I never yet enjoy'd the like. Sleep seized me afterwards, and I slept about six hours, and waking I resolved to con­tinue my Voyage, and to advance, al­ways bearing towards the North, for fear of being in danger to be lost in the Great Sea which separates the Old World from the New. But I was scarce got in­to the Water when I heard the noise of the flying of the Great Birds which I have [Page 175] spoken of. My very Heart trembled at this noise, and I thought my self lost at first, but my fear was presently turned into joy, when I found that it was my own Beast that was looking for me, and who came to cast himself at my Feet with so many caresses and so many marks of sorrow because I had left him: I was touched with the most tender compassion that ever I had in my life, and because I knew he had tired himself very much in seeking me, I staid in the Island a Day and a Night, to rest, and gave him some fruits out of my Wallet; he had scarce begun to Eat when ten great Beasts, al­most of the colour of our Wolves came up towards us▪ My Bird who perceived them before me, set upon them with great impetuosity and fury, and taking up one and carrying it up into the Air, he let it fall upon another and knockt it on the Head, upon which all the rest imme­diately fled, but before they could get to their Holes, he catched a third, of which he eat half and brought the rest to me. The night following I slept with him six or seven hours, but my Bird did not sleep till after me, and awaked very near as soon as I; He no sooner had his Eyes open, but he fell upon one of the Beasts [Page 176] that he had slain and made his breakfast of it: I eat also some of my fruits, and presently got upon a little Rock and mounted his Back as before, we advanced with a surprizing swiftness, and had made a great deal of way, when two Birds of the same bigness came to encounter us, and launching themselves against us, be­gan to attack us with great blows, of their Beaks and Talons. It was impossi­ble for this poor Creature to make his part good, as well because his burden put him out of a state of defence as that the two Birds were each of them as strong as himself; I had received already some blows which made me all bloody, and also seeing that we were both of us in equal danger, and that in hindering him to save his life, I could not secure mine own, I leaped off from his back, and cast my self into the Water, where I lay some time to look upon the Combat; My Bird held himself upon the defensive, and contented himself to present his Talons and his Beak to guard off the blows as much as he could. But at last a mist which begun to spread it self insensibly quite deprived me of the sight of this spectacle. I fell then into a deep grief, and made many reflections upon my un­happy [Page 177] Estate, and I was reduced to it by mine own fault.

Australia represented it self to me with all its advantages, and the Island which I had newly left, seemed to me extremely Commodious, and I thought I might have past the rest of my Days there without fear or danger, because my Bird would have guarded me against all that durst attacque me. I then re­membred that I was the cause of mine own unhappiness.

That which compleated my misfortune was, that I knew not what to do, not be­ing able to see thirty yards before me. These sad thoughts perplexed my mind, when I heard a great noise like a Ship that spread all its Sails, I begun to cry out, when I was perceived by the Marriners who shot at me, and I was wounded in many places, but slightly.

In the mean time the Vessel approach­ing, they knew by my voice and my actions, that I was a man▪ they took me on board, and used me with great com­passion, they looked upon my wounds, and washed them with Oil and Wine and having poured upon them a precious Balm they bound them up very neatly.

Because they appeared to be Europe­ans [Page 178] I spoke Latine to them, I understood that they were French, and that their Vessel parted a little while ago from the Isle of Madagascar with design to cruise for a booty.

The Captain who was a man of quali­ty having understood that I was an Eu­ropean came to see me, and spoke to me with a great deal of kindness, gave me a suit of his apparel, took me into his Company, and made me eat at his Table. The first entertainment I had with him lasted for three hours. I recounted to him the History of my Birth, of my Education, of my Shipwracks, and of my Arrival in Australia. He heard me with a great deal of attention, & was astonish'd that I could survive so many evils that I had suffered. I heard that he spoke in French to the Company all that I had said in Latin, and all of them admired that I should escape so many dangers. He had afterwards the discretion to let me eat without ask­ing me any more questions; But since I had lost the use of the European meats, I found no taste in them, and my stomach would scarce endure them. I took then of my Fruits which begun to wax old, and my little Bottles which began to dry, I offered one to the Captain who tasted it, [Page 179] and protested that he had never drank any thing so delicious. He desired a second of me, and drank to the Mr. Pilot, he would have a third, and afterwards a fourth, and never ceased, till my Girdle was quite empty. There was no body but admired both the colour and delica­cy of the Fruits, and they could scarce believe they were natural.

Our Repast being over, I was obliged to begin my History again, and recount as well as I could possibly, the particu­lars of the Australian Countrey, the Man­ners and Customs of the Inhabitants, and the rest. The Captain was at a great loss to believe me, but I reported so many circumstances of the things which I advanced, that he could no lon­ger doubt of it. He oftentimes protest­ed that he would willingly run the dan­ger of his Life to see those things which I had seen. And upon what I said to him concerning the Situation and Bounds of the Countrey, he declared that he saw plainly that his Friends who were gone thither would infal­libly perish.

In the mean time having resolved to return to Madagascar, we set Sail, and after eight days sailing, we arrived at [Page 180] the Port of Tombolo, which is some­thing Southerly to the Isle of Madagas­car, that is to say, South-west. The Captain had a great kindness for me, and would have let me leave him, to gratifie the Governour of Tombolo, who had a mind to see me.

CHAP. XIV.
Of Sadeurs Stay in the Isle of Madagascar.

TOmbolo is a Port that hath a little City indifferently strong, in which there is about five or six thousand Inha­bitants, of which the greater part are French, some Portugals, others English, and a very few Hollanders; the rest are the Natives of the Countrey, who are very hard to be civiliz'd. It is under the Tropick of Capricorn, in the 65th Me­ridian, according to Ptolomy. This Coun­trey is not only barren, but unhealthful, so far as I am able to judge. They have no provision but what is brought from other places, and the natural Inhabitants of the Countrey are not yet subjected, [Page 181] nor have any fixed abode. Here again I recounted my History at length to the Governour, and had many Conferences with him, yet being tired with staying so long for a Ship to return into Europe, I prayed the Governour to give me some Men to conduct me up the River which they call Sildem, to enter higher into the Countrey to make some discoveries. The Governour assured me that he had had the same curiosity formerly himself, but that he was diverted from it by the certain information he had that the In­habitants of the Countrey were such Salvages, that they spared no person; and he added, that about three months before they entrapped two Souldiers, and that he had heard by a Salvage, that they had tied them by the Feet, and hanged them in Trees at five or six paces distance, then knocked them one against the other, that by hurting and beating one against another, they might be bruised to death; and that round about them there was a great number of Children who expected when the blood and brains of those miserable people should fall to the ground, on purpose to gather them up, and eat them. And that these barbarous people having seen them [Page 182] render up their last gasp in these cruel Torments, had taken down their bruised Bodies beaten all black, and devoured them without any other dressing.

These cruelties hindred me from de­siring to know more particularly either the Countrey or the Inhabitants. I began then to be extreamly troubled, when there arrived at the Port a French Vessel, which brought a kind of a Chaloop along with him, which they had seized upon in a Ferry-place as it was passing into an Island of the Sou­thern Countrey. There was no body on Board but a Venerable old man ac­compained with the six Rowers which served him in the room of Valetts. This man looked very much like an Australian; his Forehead and Chin were squarer than they were long, his Hair and all his Beard black, and his Body of a brown Colour. As soon as I saw him I was touched with com­passion for him, and had an extream de­sire to know who he was. The Go­vernour made no difficulty to give me leave to see him, being desirous that I should draw out by his means some knowledge of the Countrey, which yet he hardly believed could be done. I [Page 183] came then to the old man, and having testified to him by many signs that I was in the same Captivity with himself, he began to shew some signs of comfort. After three or four Enterviews, I found a way to make my mind known to him after this manner. We agreed by signs to frame certain words to explain our thoughts. I formed two hundred in one night which he comprehended easi­ly; Having formed in two months time a kind of Language sufficiently capable to make us understand one another. I told him all my History, my Ship­wracks, my Arrival in Australia, the stay I had made there, and the manner of my escape. Having engaged him by all this freedom and openness to put confidence in me; he made no difficulty to discover several consider­able circumstances of his Countrey to me. He told me that he lived in the middle of an Island, that the Climate was very Healthful, the Land very Fertile, and the People well Accom­plished. That they had two strong Bar­ricadoes that separated them on the East and West from two barbarous People; to wit, two prodigious Mountains; that of the East was called Harnor, [Page 184] that of the West Canor: And that on the Sea-side, Nature had walled them in with such banks of Sand, that they could not get over them without the experience of many years, he added that their Countrey was about six thousand Miles about, that the Government was Aristocratical, and that they chose eve­ry three years six Governours; the first for the North-Sea, the second for the South-Sea, the third for Mount Harnor, the fourth for Mount Canor, and two others for the rest of the Countrey; that these Governours had power of Life and Death over all People within their district of what condition soever they were. For the rest, that they cultivated the Earth, and sowed and reaped as they did in Europe; that the beasts which served them for Labour were of the bigness of Elephants. That in General the People of this Countrey loved their Liberties more than their Lives, that he was one of the Gover­nours of which he had told me, whose unhappy loss was caused by a Tempest that rose against all appearance as he was going to visit some banks of Sand which encreased extraordinarily, that the Tempest having carried him a great [Page 185] way off he fell into the hands of Pirates, who delivered him to the Governour of Tombolo.

We passed whole days in this agree­able conversation, when there arrived two Ships from the Mogul that were to depart in a few days for Leghorn. I was a little troubled to be deprived of the conversation of a man so agreeable and reasonable, nevertheless not being wil­ling to lose so fair an occasion, I told him that I was resolved to take this opportunity to return into my own Countrey.

This news did sensibly afflict him, yet he declared that my design was too rea­sonable to be opposed, and some days after going to take my leave of him, he answered me coldly, that he should leave me first, and prayed me that I would preserve that Friendship for him in my heart, of which I had given him so many testimonies of since our ac­quaintance.

A little while after, he cast himself at my feet, to signifie the esteem which he had for me, and having cryed out five or six times in his Language, two of his Valletts ran to him and strangled him; and afterwards ran with their heads so [Page 186] forcibly one against the other, that they beat out their brains and both fell dead upon the place.

The four others, though they were at a distance, did the same in a moment, so that they were all found dead toge­ther, which extreamly surprized the Governour and all that were with him.

These are the contents of Sadeurs Memoirs written with his own hand. His History ends here, and in all appear­ance being Embarqued presently after the Death of the old man of which we have spoken, he had no leisure to write the Adventures of his return in Eu­rope.