SECT. I.

THE Writer of these Papers stands in a manner engag'd to say something upon this Sub­ject, having in his Discourses, publish'd last Year, promis'd to handle several [Page 2] Points concerning the Ballance of Trade; to which Design he was principally in­duc'd by the perusal of some Calculations then communicated to him by Gregory King Esq Lancaster Herald.

The Essay upon Ways and Means, and the Discourses lately set forth On the Revenues, and On the Trade of England, did meet with so good a Reception from the best sort of Men, that he finds himself en­courag'd once more to offer to the Pub­lick his Observations of the like Nature; from which, if any thing can be gather'd that may promote, or that will hereafter tend to the Welfare and Prosperity of his Country, he shall think his Labours well rewarded.

'Tis true, his Computations were at­tacked, sometime after they were pub­lish'd, by two Pamphlets; but so impo­tently, that he thinks he cannot do him­self greater Right, than to desire that all People who give themselves the trouble to read his Writings, would likewise be pleas'd to peruse Mr. P. R.—y's Ob­servations, and Mr. T. E.—d's Re­marks upon the said Books. And he doubts not, but that any Impartial Rea­der, by comparing the Schemes together, and by duly weighing the Arguments of both sides, will think these Answerers [Page 3] have rather strengthen'd and confirm'd, than shaken his Foundations.

'Tis an easie matter to pick out of any Book, here and there, something to Ca­vil at; which is the common Method taken by the little Scriblers of the Town of Answering, as they call it, a Writer; but all Judicious Men know that an able Author proceeds quite another way; and if his Adversary has advanc'd a wrong Proposition, or a false Hypothesis, he sets up something in the room of what he would pull down, he offers another Pro­position or Hypothesis, which shall vi­sibly be truer, wiser and better founded: All other arguing (especially where any new Matter has been advanc'd) being but wretched Sophistry, that carries with it no Conviction. What has been here said, is all the Reply the Writer of these Papers designs to make to the two foremention'd Pamphlets and their Au­thors, who (whatever they may be good for else) have shown by their Works, that Figures and Calculations, about the King's Revenue, are very little their Pro­vince.

He thought it might be of use (in the heat of a War that had then the ap­pearance of lasting a great while) to pro­pose Ways and Means by which Taxes [Page 4] might be laid more equally, and by con­sequence more lightly upon the People: And when the Peace was concluded, he believ'd he might do his Country Ser­vice to treat of the Publick Revenues and of the Trade of England, the quiet Times which the King's Valour and Wisdom had newly procur'd, seeming most sea­sonable to propose some kind of Remedy for those Disorders in the Administration, which a War of such length had undoubt­edly occasion'd. In the Tracts therefore which he publish'd last Year, he handled Credit, The King's Revenues, The Publick Debts and Engagements; and in the second Volume several Points relating to Trade, thereby to give some View, what Im­provements this Nation was capable of, under a careful and steady Manage­ment.

And having deeply imprinted in his Mind, the Notion that all our Thoughts, Endeavours and Designments should tend to the Good and Welfare of our Country; and being convinc'd, that even where Abilities are wanting, the very Intentions are commendable and virtuous, he is resolv'd to continue his Studies upon the same Subject, and to look yet farther into the Condition and Posture of this Kingdom.

[Page 5] He is now indeed call'd up to a Sta­tion, wherein he has the opportunity of delivering his Thoughts concerning the Business of England another way than by his Pen; but 'tis many Years since he had the Honour to sit in Parliament; and he doubts very much, whether he shall be able to arrive at any degree of expressing himself readily and well; without which, the best and most use­full Matter loses all its Energy and Ef­fect, before a great Assembly. Writing and Speaking are Talents very different; a tolerable Stile may be attain'd to by great Application and Diligence, but Elocution is a Gift (and if employ'd to honest Uses) one of the greatest Bounties Nature can bestow upon a Man: He who has not the Seeds of it within him, shall never come at it by Art or La­bour; and (which perhaps is not vul­garly observ'd) Writing much extin­guishes the Faculty of Talking well off hand, in some Persons who would other­wise have a competent Share thereof; for if the Writer be of any Form, he accustoms himself to a Correctness and a Choice of Words: And this Nicety and Care beget a diffidency in him which is altogether inconsistent with the Hap­piness of Speaking well in Publick. Such [Page 6] therefore, as fear they cannot deliver their Thoughts well and clearly another way, must commit them to Writing, in order to make whatever Qualities they have, of Service to their Country.

The Matters we have hitherto handled, have been in a manner intirely new, and such wherein very little Help could be had from Books; and (it being the In­terest of some Persons of no small Power in the Management of Affairs, that many Truths, important for England to be known, should rather be conceal'd, if possible, in the Center of the Earth, than laid open) the Aids and Lights which might be gather'd from the publick Ac­compts and Offices, have been industri­ously with-held from all who are not servile Applauders of their wild and distructive Conduct; however, he will proceed on with his Work, notwith­standing the potent Malice of such Men, utterly indifferent how much his Inquiries offend them, provided they yield any Benefit to the King and Kingdom.

His Aim always has been and ever shall be, to shew how the Wealth and Strength of England is to be secur'd and improv'd; to set the Matters thereunto conducing in a true Light; to instill into the Minds of young Gentlemen a desire of looking [Page 7] into the Revenues and Trade of the Na­tion; that having therein an insight themselves, they may not be, in some fu­ture Reign, insnar'd by the wicked Arts of false and rapacious Ministers, who will be ever craving for large Supplies, but careless how they wast the publick Treasure; who will be always coveting new Fonds, which they will lay by as so much Lumber of the State, when they have borrow'd all they can upon 'em, not minding how any new Branch is manag'd; who will be for shearing the Sheep as many times as they can, every Year, without any care of the Flock, or how the Fleece shall grow again; and who will be for pulling down the Com­mon-wealth, so they may build up their own Fortunes.

It shall not be here argu'd, whi­ther the Skill of Phisick be now brought to Perfection, or whether it is yet capa­ble of further Improvements; but this may be safely pronounc'd, That the Knowledge of the Sinews, Muscles, Ar­teries and Veins, with the late discovery of the Circulation of the Blood and all the Parts of Anatomy, conduce very much to render this dark Science more plain and certain.

[Page 8] In the same manner, such as would understand the Body-Politick, its true Constitution, its State of Health, its Growth or Decay, its Strength or Weak­ness, and how to apply Remedies to the various Distempers to which it is inci­dent, must study and look narrowly in­to all the distinct parts of the Common­wealth, its Trade, the Current Mony, (which is its flowing Blood) the Arts, Labour and Manufactures, and the num­ber of its People; with many other things which altogether are the Mem­bers of which the great Body is com­pos'd.

From these Topicks, to reason upon Matters of Government, has been the Method we have hitherto taken, and which we shall persue in the following Tract; and the way we go of arguing and concluding upon things by Figures, being in a manner new, and made use of but by two or three before us, and that too but very superficially, 'tis hop'd Grains of Allowance will be made, and that we shall be look'd npon as Beginners of an Art not yet Polish'd, and which Time may bring to more Perfection.

In all Arts and Sciences, the first In­ventions have been rude and unskilfull: Very antiently, the Aegyptains knew [Page 9] something of Geometry, and the Assyri­ans of Astronomy; but as well these, as all other parts of Knowledge, were but a shapeless Body, till brought into some Form by the artfull Hands of Pherecides, Thales, Anaximander and Pythagoras; and yet Philosophy had neither Strength nor Beauty, till it was further improv'd in the three successive Schools of Socrates, Plato and Aristotle.

What has been here said of sublimer Things, holds as well in Speculations of an inferiour Nature, and in Arts meerly Mechanical, whose first Principles and Rudiments must be imperfect. But if this our manner of Inquiring into Mat­ters that relate to Polity and Government, be found any ways Instructive and Be­neficial to the Publick, we hope hereaf­ter to be follow'd by abler Hands, who shall finish what we are but beginning.

We have formerly said, Discour­ses on the Publick Re­venues and Trade, part 2 d p. 331. That to find out the true Ballance of Trade, in order to adapt thereunto our Laws and Form of Li­ving, would bring as much Wealth to this Country, as is requisite to render a Nation safe and happy. That an exact Ballance between Ʋs and every distinct Place, perhaps cannot by any humane Skill be attain'd to; and that it is not certain whether a Scrutiny so very Nice, would be of any Ʋse. But that with­out [Page 10] doubt, a general State of this Matter, form'd upon strict Enquiry, with Delibera­tion and Skill; and such a one as would carry with it a Demonstration of being somewhat near the Truth, must be a great Help to the Rulers and Ministers of a Country, and a good Guide in many important Councils.

That we have been heretofore large Gainers by Trade, is manifest from the expensive War we were able to carry on for so many Years; and tho' to find out in what Particulars we got or lost, may be very difficult; yet to give some general View of the matter may not be impossible: And we shall endeavour to shew from whence such may take their Rise, who would have some Prospect of a thing so vast and that seems at such a distance.

And albeit to know the Quantum of our yearly Gains, may not perhaps so much import the State; yet to be watch­ful that we do not lose, wast and im­pair from time to time, must certainly be the concern of every one who loves his Country; and as it behoves private Men frequently to Ballance their Ac­compts, and to see how their Condition stands; so without doubt, it is a Duty incumbent upon those who are in Power, very often to contemplate the Posture of the Nation, in order to this, that [Page 11] growing Mischiefs may have a sudden Cure.

As the Wealth of all kinds stor'd up in this Kingdom was of late our chief Sup­port, so what we are hereafter to get, must defend us against the Accidents at home and abroad, to which all Govern­ments are liable; and upon this Account the Motions of Trade ought to be ob­serv'd with a strict and careful Eye.

And we owe it to our Country to communicate what we think may con­duce to make it flourish; and the Men in Power should encourage such At­tempts, at least they should not oppress nor contrive their Ruin, who employ their whole time, and impair their own Health, in studying to promote the Com­mon Good.

But they who Act upon a Principle are not easily dishearten'd. In this Essay we shall set forth some probable Methods of making a Nation Gainers in the Ballance of Trade: And we shall close the Dis­course with endeavouring to show, That this Ballance is not to be put of our Side, (by which we mean that a Country can­not increase in Wealth and Power) but by private Men doing their Duty to the Publick, and but by a steady Course of Honesty, Care and Wisdom, in [Page 12] such as are trusted with the Administra­tion.

The Wounds of the late War have drein'd us of so much Blood, and our Foreign Commerce has met with such a Ruffle and Interruption in all Parts of the World, and our Neighbours grow so fast upon us, some in Wealth, and others in Shipping and the Skill of Trade, that Poverty must grow upon us apace, our Naval Strength must decrease, and we must utterly lose the Dominion of the Sea, unless the Legislative Authority exert it self with Vigor, and inter­pose betimes to prevent our impending Ruin.

We have said formerly, Discour­ses on the Publick Re­venues and on Trade, Part 2 d, p. 15. That Gold and Silver are indeed the Measure of Trade, but that the Spring and Original of it, in all Nations, is the Natural or Artificial Pro­duct of the Country; that is to say, what their Land, or what their Labour and In­dustry produces.

There is no Man that can reasonably dispute this Position; and if granted, it follows from thence, That to know rightly how the Ballance of Trade stands with any Nation, a due Inspection must be made into their Natural or Artificial Product.

[Page 13] But this Natural or Artificial Product being most of it the Result of the Peo­ples Labour and Industry, we shall be still in the dark as to all Inquiries of this kind, without maturely considering the Numbers of the People.

In these sort of Speculations not only the Quantity but Quality of the Inhabi­tants must be duly ponder'd, they must be divided into their several Ranks and Classes: It must be distinguish'd who by their Arts, Labour or Industry are in­creasing, and who by their Expence, Po­verty, or Sloth, are decreasing the King­dom's Wealth. Of these Sub-divisions are likewise to be made, of what Num­bers are employ'd in the Church, in War, in the Fleets Mercantile and War­like, in the Law, in Offices, in Mer­chandize, in Shop-keeping and Trades, in Handicrafts; and who both of the higher and lower Degree are Persons living upon their Estates; who are Free­holders, Farmers, Labouring People, Servants, Cottagers, Alms-People, and Vagrants.

The People being thus distributed into their proper Ranks, we are likewise to inquire into the Quality of the Land they are to cultivate and improve, in order to that Natural or Artificial Product which [Page 12] [...] [Page 13] [...] [Page 14] is the Medium whereby a Superlucration of Wealth is to be gotten. We should examin what Proportion of it is Arable, Pasture and Meadow, Woods and Cop­pices, Forests, Parks and Common, Heaths, Moors, Mountains, and barren Land, Houses and Homesteads, &c. Ri­vers, Lakes, Meers, Roads, Ways, and wast Land.

The Land is to yield the Product, which Product is to yield the Wealth, so that we should inquire how this Pro­duct stands in every particular, but more especially in the principal constituent Parts of England's Strength, namely Wooll, Corn, and our Mines; for 'tis by the well ordering and wise disposition of these Branches of our Wealth, that we are to be Gainers in the Ballance of Trade.

We shall therefore handle distinctly these Heads, viz. the People, the Land and its Product, and shall endeavour to lay down several Matters, from whence (peradventure with good Grounds of Pro­bability) some Conclusions may be made in relation to our present Subject; and because Taxes influence very much in the Ballance of Trade, as will be shown hereafter, we shall likewise say something concerning our Payments to the Publick.

SECT. II.
OF THE People of England.

THE Writer of these Papers has seen the before-mentioned Mr. King's Natural and Political Observa­tions and Conclusions upon the State and Condition of England in Manuscript. The Calculations therein contain'd are very accurate, and more perhaps to be rely'd upon than any thing that has been ever done of the like kind. This Skilful and Laborious Gentleman has taken the right Course to form his several Schemes about the Numbers of the People; for besides many different Ways of working, he has very carefully inspected the Poll-Books, and the Distinctions made by those Acts, and the Produce in Mony of the respective Polls, going every where by reasonable and discreet Mediums: Besides which Pains, he has made Obser­vations [Page 16] of the very Facts in particular Towns and Places, from which he has been able to judge and conclude more safely of others; so that he seems to have look'd further into this Mystery than any other Person.

With his Permission, we shall offer to the Publick such of his Computations as may be of use, and enlighten in the Mat­ter before us.

He lays down, That if the first Peo­pling of England was by a Colony or Colonies, consisting of a Number be­tween a Hundred and a Thousand Peo­ple, (which seems probable) such Colo­ny or Colonies might be brought over be­tween the Year of the World 2400 and 2600, viz. about eight or nine Hundred Years after the Flood, and fourteen or fifteen Hundred Years before the Birth of Christ; at which time the World might have about a Million of Families, and four or five Millions of People.

From which Hypothesis, it will follow by an orderly Series of Increase,

That when the Romans invaded Eng­land fifty three Years before Christ's time, the Kingdom might have about 360,000 People, and at Christ's Birth about four hundred Thousand.

[Page 17] That at the Norman Conquest, Ann. Christ. 1066. the Kingdom might contain somewhat above 2,000,000.

That Anno 1260. or about 200 Years after the Norman Conquest, it might con­tain about 2,750,000 People, or half the present Number: So that the People of England may have doubled in about 435 Years last past.

That in probability the next doubling will be in about 600 Years to come, viz. by the Year 2300, at which time it may have about 11,000,000 of People, and the Kingdom containing about 39 Milli­ons of Acres, there will be then about three Acres and a half per Head.

That the Increase of the Kingdom for every hundred Years of the last preceding Term of doubling, and the subsequent Term of doubling, may have been and in probability may be, according to the fol­lowing Scheme.

[Page 18]

Whereby it may appear, That the In­crease of the Kingdom being 880,000 People in the last hundred Years, and 920000 in the next succeeding hundred Years, the Annual Increase at this time may be about 9000 Souls per Annum.

[Page 19]

It is to be noted,

[Page 20] That of these 20,000 Souls which would be the Annual Increase of the Kingdom by Procreation, were it not for the formention'd Abatements.

So that London requires a Supply of 2000 Souls per An. to keep it from de­creasing, besides a further Supply of a­bout 3000 per Annum for its Increase at this time. In all 5000, or above a half of the Kingdoms neat Increase.

Mr. King further observes, That by the Assessments on Marriages Births and Burials, and the Collectors Returns there­upon, and by the Parish Registers, it ap­pears, That the Proportions of Marriages, Births and Burials, are according to the following Scheme.

Vide Scheme A.

Whence it may be observ'd, That in 10,000 Co-existing Persons,

[Page 21] There are 71 or 72 Marriages in the Country producing 343 Children.

78 Marriages in Towns producing 351 Children.

94 Marriages in London producing 376 Children.

Whereby it follows,

First, That tho' each Marriage in London produces fewer People than in the Country, yet London in general having a greater Proportion of Breeders, is more prolifick than the other great Towns, and the great Towns are more prolifick than the Country.

Secondly, That if the People of Lon­don of all Ages were as long liv'd, as those in the Country, London would in­crease in People much faster pro rato than the Country.

Thirdly, That the Reasons why each Marriage in London produces fewer Chil­dren than the Country Marriages, seem to be

First, From the more frequent Forni­cations and Adulteries.

Secondly, From a greater Luxury and Intemperance.

Thirdly, From a greater Intensness on Business.

[Page 22] Fourthly, From the unhealthfulness of the Coal Smoak.

Fifthly, From a greater Inequality of Age between the Husbands and Wives.

Sixthly, From the Husbands and Wives not living so long as in the Coun­try.

He farther observes, Accompting the People to be 5,500,000, That the said five Millions and a half (including the Transitory People and Vagrants) appear by the Assessments on Marriages Births and Burials, to bear the following Pro­portions in relation to Males and Females, and other Distinctions of the People, viz.

Vide Scheme B.

So that the Number of Communicants is in all 3,260,000 Souls.

And the Number of Fighting Men be­tween 16 and 60 is 1,308,000.

That the Batchelors are about 28 per Cent. of the whole,

Whereof those under 25 Years are 25 ½ per Cent.

And those above 25 Years are 2 ½ per Cent.

That the Maidens are about 28 ½ per Cent. of the whole,

[Page 23] Whereof those under 25 Years are 26 ½ per Cent.

And those above 25 Years are 2 per Cent.

That the Males and Females in the Kingdom in General, are aged one with another 27 Years and a half.

That in the Kingdom in General, there is near as many People living under 20 Years of Age, as there is above twenty, whereof half of the Males is under 19, and one half of the Females is under 21 Years.

That the Ages of the People, according to their several Distinctions, are as fol­lows, viz.

Vide Scheme C.

Having thus stated the Numbers of the People, he gives a Scheme of the In­come and Expence of the several Fami­lies of England, Calculated for the Year, 1688.

Vide Scheme D.

Mr. King's Modesty has been so far over-rul'd, as to suffer us to Communi­cate these his Excellent Computations, which we can the more safely commend, [Page 24] having examin'd them very carefully, try'd them by some little Operations of our own upon the same Subject, and compar'd them with the Schemes of other Persons, who take Pleasure in the like Studies.

What he says concerning the Number of the People to be 5,500,000 is no posi­tive Assertion, nor shall we pretend any where to determin in that Matter; what he lays down is by way of Hypothesis, That supposing the Inhabitants of Eng­land to have been, Anno 1300, Two Mil­lions 860,000 Heads, by the orderly Se­ries of Increase allow'd of by all Wri­ters, they may probably be about Anno 1700 Five Millions 500,000 Heads; but if they were An. 1300 either less or more, the Case must proportionably alter; for as to his Allowances for Plagues, great Mortalities, Civil Wars, the Sea and the Plantations, they seem very reasonable, and not well to be contraverted.

Upon these Schemes of Mr. King, we shall make several Remarks, tho' the Text deserves much a better Comment.

The People being the first Matter of Power and Wealth, by whose Labour and Industry a Nation must be Gainers in the Ballance, their Increase or De­crease must be carefully observ'd by any [Page 25] Government that designs to thrive; that is, their Increase must be promoted by good Conduct and wholesome Laws, and if they have been Decreas'd by War, or any other Accident, the Breach is to be made up as soon as possible, for it is a Maim in the Body Politick affecting all its Parts.

Almost all Countries in the World have been more or less Populous, as Li­berty and Property have been there well or ill secur'd. The first Constitution of Rome was no ill founded Government, a Kingly Power limited by Laws; and the People increas'd so fast, that from a small beginning, in the Reign of their Sixth King, they were able to send out an Army of 80000 Men. And in the time of the Common-wealth, in that In­vasion which the Gauls made upon Italy, not long before Hannibal came thither, they were grown so numerous, as that their Troops consisted of 700,000 Foot and 70,000 Horse; 'tis true, their Allies were comprehended in this Number, but the ordinary People fit to bear Arms, be­ing Muster'd in Rome and Campania, a­mounted to 250,000 Foot and 23,000 Horse.

Nothing therefore can more contribute to the rendering England Populous and [Page 26] Strong, than to have Liberty upon a right Foot, and our legal Constitution firmly preserv'd. A Nation may be as well call'd free under a limited Kingship as in a Common-wealth, and 'tis to this good Form of our Government; that we partly owe that doubling of the People, which has probably happen'd here in the 435 Years last past. And if the Ambi­tion of some, and the Mercenary Tem­per of others, should bring us at any time to alter our Constitution, and to give up our ancient Rights, we shall find our Numbers diminish visibly and fast. For Liberty encourages Procreation, and not only keeps our own Inhabitants among us, but invites Strangers to come and live under the shelter of our Laws.

The Romans indeed made use of an Adventitious Help to enlarge their City, which was by incorporating Foreign Ci­ties and Nations into their Common­wealth; but this way is not without its Mischiefs. Machia­vel' s Dis­courses on Livy. For the Strangers in Rome by degrees had grown so numerous, and to have so great a Vote in the Councils, that the whole Government began to tot­ter, and decline from its old, to its new Inhabitants: Which Fabius the Censor observing, he apply'd a Remedy in time by reducing all the new Citizens into [Page 27] four Tribes, that being contracted into so narrow a space, they might not have so malignant an influence upon the City.

An Act of General Naturalization, would likewise probably Increase our Numbers very fast, and repair what Loss we may have suffer'd in our People by the late War: 'Tis a Matter that has been very warmly contended for by many good Patriots; but peradventure it car­ries also its Danger with it, which per­haps would have the less Influence by this Expedient, namely, If an Act of Parlia­ment were made, That no Heads of Fa­milies, hereafter to be naturaliz'd for the first Generation, should have Votes in any of our Elections. But as the Case stands, it seems against the Nature of right Government, that Strangers (who may be Spies, and who may have an In­terest opposite to that of England, and who at best ever join in one Link of Ob­sequiousness to the Ministers) should be suffer'd to intermeddle in that important Business of sending Members to Parlia­ment. From their Sons indeed there is less to fear, who by Birth and Nature may come to have the same Interest and Inclinations as the Natives.

And tho' the Expedient of Fabius Ma­ximus, to contract the Strangers into four [Page 28] Tribes, might be reasonable where the Affairs of a whole Empire were trans­acted by Magistrates chosen in one City, yet the same Policy may not hold good in England; Foreigners cannot influence Elections here by being dispers'd about in the several Counties of the Kingdom, where they can never come to have any considerable strength. But some time or other, they may endanger the Govern­ment by being suffer'd to remain, such vast Numbers of 'em, here in London, where they inhabit all together, at least 30000 Persons in two Quarters of the Town, without inter-marrying with the English, or learning our Language, by which Means for several Years to come, they are in a way still to continue Fo­reigners, and perhaps may have a Fo­reign Interest and Foreign Inclinations: To permit this, cannot be adviseable or safe. It may therefore be proper to limit any new Acts of Naturalization, with such Restrictions as may make the Ac­cession of Strangers not dangerous to the Publick.

An Accession of Strangers well regu­lated, may add to our Strength and Numbers; but then it must be compos'd of Labouring Men, Artificers, Mer­chants and other rich Men, and not of [Page 29] Foreign Soldiers, since such fright and drive away from a Nation more People than their Troops can well consist of: For if it has been ever seen, that Men abound most where there is most Free­dom ( China excepted, whose Climate ex­cells all others, and where the exercise of the Tyranny is mild and easie) it must follow, that People will in time desert those Countries whose best Flower is their Liberties, if those Liberties are thought Precarious or in Danger. That Foreign Souldiers are dangerous to Li­berty, we may produce Examples from all Countries and all Ages; but we shall instance only one, because it is eminent above all the rest.

Polybius, Lib. 1.The Carthaginians, in their Wars, did very much use Mercenary and Foreign Troops; and when the Peace was made between them and the Romans, after a long Dis­pute for the Dominion of Sicily, they brought their Army home to be Paid and Disbanded, which Gesco their General had the Charge of Embarking, who did order all his Part with great Dexterity and Wisdom. But the State of Carthage wanting Mony to clear Arrears, and sa­tisfie the Troops, was forc'd to keep them up longer than was design'd. The Army consisted of Gauls, Ligurians, Ba­leareans [Page 30] leareans and Greeks. At first they were insolent in their Quarters in Carthage, and were prevail'd upon to remove to Sicca, where they were to remain and expect their Pay. There they grew pre­sently corrupted with Ease and Pleasure, and fell into Mutinies and Disorder, and to making extravagant demands of Pay and Gratuities; and in a Rage, with their Arms in their Hands, they march'd Twenty Thousand of them towards Carthage, incamping within 15 Miles of the City; and chose Spendius and Matho, two profligate Wretches for their Lea­ders, and imprison'd Gesco who was de­puted to 'em from the Common-wealth. Afterwards they caus'd almost all the Affricans, their Tributaries, to revolt; They grew in a short time to be 70,000 strong; They fought several Battles with Hanno and Hamilcar Barcas. Dur­ing these Transactions, the Mercenaries that were in Garrison in Sardinia muti­nied likewise, murdering their Com­mander and all the Carthaginians; while Spendius and Matho, to render their Ac­complices more desperate, put Gesco to a cruel Death, presuming afterwards to lay Siege to Carthage it self. They met with a Shock indeed at Prion, where 40,000 of them were slaughter'd; but soon af­ter [Page 31] this Battle, in another, they took one of the Carthaginian Generals Prisoner, whom they fix'd to a Cross, crucifying thirty of the principal Senators round about him. Spendius and Matho were at last taken, the one crucified and the other tormented to death: But the War lasted three Years and near four Months with excessive Cruelty; in which the State of Carthage lost several Battles, and was often brought within a Hairs breadth of utter Ruin.

If so great a Common-wealth as Car­thage, though assisted at that time by Hiero King of Syracuse, and by the Ro­mans, ran the hazard of losing their Empire, City and Liberties, by the In­surrection of a handful of Mercenaries, whose first Strength was but 20,000 Men; it should be a warning to all Free Nations, how they suffer Armies so com­pos'd to be among them; and it should frighten a Wise State from desiring such an Increase of People, as may be had by the bringing over-Foreign Souldiers.

Indeed, all Armies whatsoever, if they are over large, tend to the dispeop­ling of a Country, of which our Neigh­bour Nation is a sufficient Proof; where in one of the best Climates in Europe, Men are wanting to Till the Ground. [Page 32] For Children do not proceed from the intemperate Pleasures taken loosly and at random, but from a regular way of Li­ving, where the Father of the Family desires to rear up and provide for the Off-spring he shall beget.

Securing the Liberties of a Nation, may be laid down as a Fundamental for increasing the Numbers of its People; but there are other Polities thereunto con­ducing, which no Wise State has ever neglected.

No Race of Men did multiply so fast as the Jews, which may be attributed chiefly to the Wisdom of Moses their Lawgiver, in contriving to promote the State of Marriage.

The Romans had the same Care, pay­ing no Respect to a Man Childless by his own Fault, and giving great Immu­nities and Priviledges, both in the City and Provinces, to those who had such and such a number of Children. Encourage­ments of the like kind are also given in France to such as inrich the Common-wealth by a large Issue.

But we in England have taken ano­ther Course, laying a Fine upon the Marriage-Bed, which seems small to those who only contemplate the Pomp and Wealth round about 'em, and in [Page 33] their View; but they who look into all the different Ranks of Men, are well satisfied that this Duty on Marriages and Births, is a very grevious Burthen upon the poorer Sort, whose Numbers com­pose the Strength and Wealth of any Nation. This Tax was introduc'd by the Necessity of Affairs. 'Tis difficult to say what may be the Event of a new thing; but if we are to take Measures from past Wisdom, which exempted Pro­lifick Families from Publick Duties, we should not lay Impositions upon those who find it hard enough to maintain themselves. If this Tax be such a Weight upon the Poor, as to discourage Marriage and hinder Propagation, which seems the Truth, no doubt it ought to be abolish'd; and at a convenient time we ought to change it for some other Duty, if there were only this single Reason, That 'tis so directly opposite to the Po­lity of all Ages and all Countries.

In order to have Hands to carry on La­bour and Manufactnres, which must make us Gainers in the Ballance of Trade, we ought not to deterr but rather invite Men to marry, which is to be done by Priviledges and Exemptions, for such a Number of Children, and by denying certain Offices of Trust and Dignities to [Page 34] all unmarried Persons; and where 'tis once made a Fashion among those of the better. Sort, 'twill quickly obtain with the lower Degree.

See Scheme A.Mr. King in his Scheme (for which he has as Authentick Grounds, as perhaps the Matter is capable of) lays down, That the Annual Marriages of England are a­bout 41,000, which is one Marriage out of every 134 Persons: Upon which we observe, that this is not a due Proportion, considering how few of our Adult Males (in comparison with other Countries) perish by War or any other Accident; from whence may be infer'd, that our Po­lity is some way or other Defective, or the Marriages would bear a nearer pro­portion with the gross Number of our People; for which Defect, if a Remedy can be found, there will be so much more Strength added to the Kingdom.

From the Books of Assessment on Births, Marriages, &c. by the nearest View he can make, he divides the 5,500,000 Peo­ple into 2,700,000 Males and 2,800,000 Females; from whence (considering the Females exceed the Males in Number, and considering that the Men marry later than Women, and that many of the Males are of Necessity absent in the Wars, at Sea and upon other Business) it follows, that [Page 35] a large Proportion of the Females remain unmarried, tho' at an Adult Age, which is a dead Loss to the Nation, every Birth being as so much certain Treasure; upon which Accompt, such Laws must be for the Publick Good, as induce all Men to marry whose Circumstances permit it.

From his Division of the People, it may be likewise observ'd, That the near Proportion there is between the Males and Females (which is said to hold also in other Places) is an Argument (and the strongest that can be produc'd) against Poligamy, and the Increase of Mankind, which some think might be from thence expected; for if Nature had intended to one Man a Plurality of Wives, She would have order'd a great many more Female Births than Male, her Designments being always Right and Wise.

The securing the Parish for Bastard-Children, is become so small a Punishment and so easily Compounded, that it very much hinders Marriage. The Dutch compel Men of all Ranks, to marry the Woman whom they have got with Child; and perhaps it would tend to the farther Peopling of England, if the Common Peo­ple here, under such a certain Degree, were condemn'd by some new Law to suffer the same Penalty.

[Page 36] A Country that makes Provision to in­crease in Inhabitants, whose Situation is good, and whose People have a Genius adapted to Trade, will never fail to be Gainers in the Ballance, provided the La­bour and Industry of their People be well manag'd and carefully directed.

The more any Man contemplates these Matters, the more he will come to be of Opinion, That England is capable of be­ing render'd one of the strongest Nations, and the richest Spot of Ground in Eu­rope.

'Tis not extent of Territory that makes a Country Powerful, but Numbers of Men well employ'd, convenient Ports, a good Navy, and a Soil producing all sort of Commodities. The Materials for all this we have, and so improveable, that if we did but second the Gifts of Nature, with our own Industry, we should soon arrive to a pitch of Greatness, that would put us at least upon an equal Foot with any of our Neighbours.

If we had the Complement of Men, our Land can maintain and nourish; If we had as much Trade as our Stock and Knowledge in Sea Affairs is capable of embracing; If we had such a Naval Strength as a Trade so extended would ea­sily produce; and, if we had those Stores [Page 37] and that Wealth which is the certain Re­sult of a large and well govern'd Traffick, what humane Strength could hurt or in­vade us? On the contrary, should we not be in a posture not only to resist, but to give the Law to others?

Our Neighbouring Common-wealth has not in Territory above Eight Mil­lions of Acres, and perhaps not much above two Millions two Hundred Thou­sand People; and yet what a Figure have they made in Europe for these last hundred Years? What Wars have they main­tain'd? What Forces have they resisted? and to what a hight of Power are they now come, and all by good Order and wise Government?

They are liable to frequent Invasions; They labour under the Inconvenience and danger of bad Ports; They consume im­mense Sums every Year to defend their Land against the Sea; all which Diffi­culties they have subdu'd by an unweary'd Industry.

We are fenc'd by Nature against Foreign Enemies; Our Ports are safe; We fear no Irruptions of the Sea; Our Land Territory at home is at least 39 Millions of Acres; We have in all likelihood not less than Five Millions and a half of People; what a Nation might we then become, if all [Page 38] these Advantages were throughly im­prov'd, and if a right Application were made of all this Strength, and of these Numbers?

They who apprehend the immoderate growth of any Prince or State, may per­haps succeed by beginning first, and by attempting to pull down such a dangerous Neighbour, but very often their good Designs are disappointed. In all appear­ance they proceed more safely, who un­der such a fear make themselves strong and powerful at home. And this was the Course which Philip, King of Macedon, the Father of Perseus, took, when he thought to be invaded by the Romans.

The Greatness of Rome gave Carthage very anxious Thoughts, and it rather seems that they enter'd into the second Punick War, more for fear the Romans should have the Universal Empire, than out of any Ambition to Lord it themselves over the whole World. Their Design was virtuous, and peradventure wise to endeavour at some early Interruption to a Rival that grew so fast: However we see they miscarry'd, tho' their Armies were led by Hannibal. But Fortune which had determin'd the Dominion of the Earth for Rome, did perhaps lead them into the fatal Council of passing the Eber, con­trary [Page 39] to the Articles of Peace concluded with Asdrubal, and of Attacking Sagun­tum, before they had sufficiently recover'd of the Wounds they had suffer'd in the Wars about Sicily, Sardinia, and with their own Rebels. If the high Courage of Hannibal had not driven the Common-wealth into a new War, while it was yet faint and weak, and if they had been suffer'd to pursue their Victories in Spain, and to get firm footing in that Rich War­like and then Populous Country, very probably in a few Years they might have been a more equal Match for the Roman People. 'Tis true, if the Romans had en­deavour'd at the Conquest of Spain, and if they had disturb'd the Carthaginians in that Country, the War must have been unavoidable, because it was evident in that Age, and will be apparent in the Times we live in, that whatever Foreign Power already grown great, can add to its dominion the Possession of Spain, will stand fair for Universal Empire.

But unless some such Cogent Reason of State, as is here instanc'd, intervene, in all appearance the best way for a Nation that apprehends the growing Power of any Neighbour, is to fortifie it self with­in; we do not mean by Land Armies, which rather debilitate than strengthen a [Page 40] Country, but by Potent Navies, by Thrift in the Publick Treasure, Care of the Peo­ples Trade, and all the other honest and useful Arts of Peace.

By such an Improvement of our Na­tive Strength, agreeable to the Laws and to the Temper of a Free Nation, England without doubt may be brought to so good a Posture and Condition of defending it self, as not to apprehend any Neighbour jealous of its Strength, or envious of its Greatness.

And to this end we open these Schemes, That a Wise Government under which we live, not having any Designs to be­come Arbitrary, may see what Materials they have to work upon, and how far our Native Wealth is able to second their good Intentions of preserving us a rich and a free People.

Having said something of the Number of our Inhabitants, we shall proceed to discourse of their different Degrees and Ranks, and to examin who are a Burthen and who a Profit to the Publick; for by how much every Part and Member of the Common-wealth can be made useful to the whole, by so much a Nation will be more and more a Gainer in this Ballance of Trade which we are to treat of.

[Page 41] See Scheme D.Mr. King, from the Assessments on Births and Marriages, and from the Polls, has form'd the Scheme here incerted, of the Ranks, Degrees, Titles and Qualifica­tions of the People. He has done it so Judiciously, and upon such Grounds, that 'tis well worth the careful Perusal of any Curious Person; from thence we shall make some Observations in order to put our present Matter in a clearer Light.

First, This Scheme detects their Error, who in the Calculations they frame, con­template nothing but the Wealth and Plenty they see in rich Cities and great Towns, and from thence make a Judg­ment of the Kingdoms remaining Part; and from this View conclude, That Taxes and Payments to the Publick do mostly arise from the Gentry and better sort, by which Measures they neither contrive their Imposition aright, nor are they able to give a true Estimate what it shall produce; but when we have divided the Inhabitants of England into their proper Classes, it will appear that the Nobility and Gentry are but a small Part of the whole Body of the People.

Believing that Taxes fall chiefly upon the better Sort, they care not what they lay, as thinking they will not be felt; but when they come to be levy'd, they [Page 42] either fall short, and so run the Publick into an immense Debt, or they light so heavily upon the Poorer Sort, as to oc­casion insufferable Clamours; and they whose proper Business it was to contrive these Matters better, have been so unskil­ful, that the Legislative Power has been more than once compell'd for the Peoples ease to give new Fonds, instead of others that had been ill projected.

This may be generally said, That all Duties whatsoever upon the Consumpti­on, of a large Produce, fall with the greatest weight upon the Common Sort: So that such as think in new Duties that they chiefly tax the Rich, will find them­selves quite mistaken; for either their Fond must yield little, or it must arise from the whole Body of the People, of which the Richer Sort are but a small Proportion.

And tho' War, and National Debts and Engagements, might heretofore very rationally plead for Excises upon our Home-Consumption; yet now there is a Peace, it is the concern of every Man that loves his Country, to proceed warily in laying new ones, and to get off those which are already laid as fast as ever he can. High Customs and high Excises both together are incompatible, either of [Page 43] them alone are to be endur'd, but to have them co-exist is suffer'd in no well go­vern'd Nation. If Materials of Foreign growth were at an easie rate, a high Price might be the better born in things of our own Product, but to have both dear at once (and by reason of the Duties laid upon them) is ruinous to the inferior Rank of Men; and this ought to weigh more with us, when we consider that e­ven of the Common People, a Sub-divi­sion is to be made, of which one part subsist from their own Havings, Arts, Labour and Industry; and the other Part subsist a little from their own Labour, but chiefly from the Help and Charity of the Rank that is above them. For according to to Mr. King's Scheme,

See Scheme D.The Nobility and Gentry, with their Families and Retainers, the Persons in Offices, Merchants, Persons in the Law, the Clergy, Free-holders, Farmers, Per­sons in Sciences and Liberal Arts, Shop­keepers and Tradesmen, Handicrafts Men, Naval Officers, with the Families and De­pendants upon all these altogether, make up the Number of—2,675,520 Heads.

• [Page 44]Brought over 2,675,520 Heads.
• The Common Sea­men, Comon Soldiers, Labouring People and Out-Servants, Cotta­gers, Paupers, and their Families, with the Vagrants, make up the number of—2,825,000 Heads.
• In all, 5,500,520 Heads.

So that here seems a Majority of the People, whose chief dependance and sub­sistance is from the other Part, which Ma­jority is much greater, in respect of the Number of Families, because 500,000 Families contribute to the support of 850,000 Families. In Contemplation of which, great Care should be taken not to lay new Duties upon the Home-Com­sumption, unless upon the extreamest Ne­cessities of the State; for tho' such Impo­sitions cannot be said to fall directly upon the lower Rank, whose Poverty hinders them from consuming such Materials (tho' there are few Excises, to which the mean­est Person does not pay something) yet indirectly, and by unavoidable Conse­quences, they are rather more affected by high Duties upon our Home-Consumpti­on, than the Wealthier Degree of People, [Page 45] and so we shall find the Case to be, if we look carefully into all the distinct Ranks of Men there enumerated.

First, As to the Nobility and Gentry, they must of necessity retrench their Fa­milies and Expences, if excessive Imposi­tions are laid upon all sorts of Materials for Consumption; from whence follows, That the Degree below them of Mer­chants, Shop-keepers, Tradesmen and Ar­tizans, must want Employment.

Secondly, As to the Manufactures, high Excises in time of Peace, are utterly de­structive to that principal Part of Eng­land's Wealth; for if Malt, Coals, Salt, Leather, and other things bear a great Price, the Wages of Servants, Workmen and Artificers, will consequently rise, for the Income must bear some proportion with the Expence; and if such as set the Poor to work, find Wages for Labour, or Manufacture advance upon them, they must rise in the Price of their Commodity, or they cannot live; all which would sig­nifie little, if nothing but our own Deal­ings among one another were thereby af­fected; but it has a Consequence far more pernicious in relation to our Foreign Trade, for 'tis the Exportation of our own Product that must make England rich; to be Gainers in the Ballance of [Page 46] Trade, we must carry out of our own Product, what will purchase the Things of Foreign Growth that are needful for our own Consumption, with some Overplus either in Bullion or Goods to to be sold in other Countries; which Overplus is the Profit a Nation makes by Trade, and it its more or less according to the natural Frugality of the People that Export, or as from the low Price of La­bour and Manufacture they can afford the the Commodity cheap, and at a rate not to be under-sold in Foreign Markets. The Dutch, whose Labour and Manufactures are dear, by reason of Home-Excises, can notwithstanding sell cheap abroad, be­cause this disadvantage they labour under is ballanc'd by the Parsimonious Temper of their People: But in England, where this Frugality is hardly to be introduc'd, if the Duties upon our Home-Consump­tion are so large as to raise conside­rably the price of Labour and Manufa­cture, all our Commodities for Exporta­tion must by degrees so advance in the prime Value, that they cannot be sold at a rate which will give 'em Vent in Fo­reign Markets; and we must be every where under-sold by our wiser Neigh­bours. But the Consequence of such Du­ties in times of Peace, will fall most hea­vily [Page 47] upon our Woollen Manufactures, of which most have more Value from the Workmanship than the Material; and if the Price of this Workmanship be in­hanc'd, it will in a short Course of time put a Necessity upon those we deal with of setting up Manufactures of their own, such as they can, or of buying Goods of the like Kind and Use from Nations that can afford them cheaper. And in this Point we are to consider, that the Bulk of our Woollen Exports does not consist in Draperies made of the fine Wool, pecu­liar to our Soil, but is compos'd of course broad Cloaths, such as Yorkshire Cloaths, Kersies, which make a great part of our Exports; and may be, and are made of a courser Wool, which is to be had in other Countries: So that we are not singly to value our selves upon the Material, but also upon the Manufacture, which we should make as easie as we can, by not laying over heavy Burthens upon the Manufacturer: And our Woollen Goods being two thirds of our Foreign Exports, it ought to be chief Object of the Publick Care, if we expect to be Gainers in the Ballance of Trade, which is what we hunt after in these Inquiries.

[Page 48] Thirdly, As to the lower Rank of all, which we compute at 2,825,000 Heads, a Majority of the whole People, their principal Subsistance is upon the Degrees above them; and if those are render'd uneasie, these must share in the Calamity, but even of this inferiour Sort, no small Proportion contribute largely to Excises, as Labourers and Out-Servants, which likewise affect the Common Seamen, who must thereupon raise their Wages, or they will not have wherewithal to keep their Families left at Home; and the high Wa­ges of Seamen is another Burthen upon our Foreign Traffick. As to the Cotta­gers, who are above a fifth Part of the whole People, some Duties reach even them, as those upon Malt, Leather and Salt, but not much because of their slen­der Consumption; but if the Gentry, up­on whose Woods and Gleanings they live, and who employ 'em in Day Labour; and if the Manufacturers, for whom they Card and Spin, are over-burthen'd with Duties, they cannot afford to give them so much for their Labour and Handy-work; nor to yield them those other Reliefs which are their principal Subsistence, for want of which, these mi­serable Wretches must perish with Cold and Hunger.

[Page 49] Thus we see Excises either directly or in­directly, fall upon the whole Body of the People; but we do not take notice of these Matters, as receeding from our for­mer Opinion: On the contrary, we still think them the most easie and equal way of Taxing a Nation; and perhaps it is demonstrable, that if we had fallen into this Method at the beginning of the War, of raising the Year's Expence within the Year, by Excises, England had not been now indebted so many Millions; but what was adviseable, under such a Necessity and Danger, is not to be persued in times of Peace, especially in a Country depend­ing so much upon Trade and Manufa­ctures.

Our Study now ought to be how those Debts may be speedily clear'd off, for which these new Revenues are the Fonds, that Trade may again move freely as it did heretofore, without such a heavy Clogg; but this Point we shall more am­ply handle, when we come to speak of our Payments to the Publick.

Mr. King divides the whole Body of the People, into two Principal Classes, viz.

• [Page 50]
  See Scheme D.
  Increasing the Wealth of the Kingdom,—2,675,520 Heads.
• Decreasing the Wealth of the Kingdom,—2,825,000 Heads.

By which he means, That the First Class of the People, from Land, Arts and Industry, maintain themselves, and add every Year something to the Nation's Ge­neral Stock; and besides this, out of their Superfluity, contribute every Year so much to the maintainance of Others.

That of the Second Class, some partly maintain themselves by Labour (as the Heads of the Cottage Families) but that the rest, as most of the Wives and Chil­dren of these, sick and impotent People, idle Beggars and Vagrants, are nourish'd at the Cost of Others; and are a Yearly Burthen to the Publick, consuming An­nully so much as would be otherwise ad­ded to the Nation's general Stock.

The Bodies of Men are without doubt the most valuable Treasure of a Country; and in their Sphere, the ordinary People are as serviceable to the Common-wealth as the rich, if they are employ'd in honest [Page 51] Labour and useful Arts: And such being more in Number, do more contribute to increase the Nation's Wealth, than the higher Rank.

But a Country may be Populous and yet Poor (as were the ancient Gauls and Scythians) so that Numbers, unless they are well employ'd, make the Body Politick big, but unweildy, strong but unactive, as to any Uses of good Govern­ment.

Their's is a wrong Opinion, who think all Mouths profit a Country that consume its Product: And it may be more truly affirm'd, That he who does not some way serve the Common-wealth, either by be­ing employ'd, or by employing Others, is not only a useless, but a hurtful Member to it.

As it is Charity, and what we indeed owe to Humane Kind, to make Provi­sion for the Aged, the Lame, the Sick, Blind and Impotent: So 'tis a Justice we owe to the Common-wealth, not to suf­fer such as have Health, and who might maintain themselves, to be Drones, and live upon the Labour of Others.

The Bulk of such as are a Burthen to the Publick, consists in the Cottagers and Paupers, Beggars in great Cities and Towns, and Vagrants.

[Page 52] Upon a Survey of the Hearth Books, made in Michaelmas, 1685. it was found that of the 1,300,000 Houses in the whole Kingdom, those of one Chimney amount­ed to 554,631; but some of these having Land about them, in all our Calculations, we have computed the Cottagers but at 500,000 Families. But of these, a large Number, may get their own Livelihood, and are no Charge to the Parish, for which Reason Mr. King very judiciously computes his Cottagers and Paupers, decreasing the Wealth of the Nation, but at 400,000 Fa­milies; in which Accompt, he includes the poor Houses in Cities, Towns and Villages, besides which he reckons 30,000 Vagrants; and all these together, to make up 1,330,000 Heads.

This is a very great Proportion of the People to be a Burthen upon the other Part, and is a Weight upon the Land-Interest; of which the Landed Gentle­men must certainly be very sensible.

If this vast Body of Men, instead of being Expensive, could be render'd Bene­ficial to the Common-wealth, it were a Work no doubt highly to be promoted by all who love their Country.

It seems evident to such as have consi­der'd these Matters, and who have ob­serv'd how they are order'd in Nations [Page 53] under a good Polity, that the Number of such who through Age or Impotence stand in real need of Relief, is but small and might be maintain'd for very little; and that the Poor Rates are swell'd to the extravigant degree we now see 'em at, by two sorts of People, One of which, by Reason of our slack Administration, is suffer'd to remain in Sloth; and the Other, through a Defect in our Consti­tution, continue in wretched Poverty for want of Emplyment, tho' willing enough to undertake it.

All this seems capable of a Remedy, the Laws may be arm'd against volunta­ry Idleness, so as to prevent it; and a way may probably be found out to set those to Work who are desirous to sup­port themselves by their own Labour: And if this could be brought about, it would not only put a stop to the Course of that Vice which is the Consequence of an idle Life, but it would greatly tend to inrich the Common-wealth; for if the Industry of not half the People maintains in some degree the other part; and be­sides, in times of Peace did add every Year near two Millions and a half to the general Stock of England; to what pitch of Wealth and Greatness might we not be brought, if one Limb were not suffer'd [Page 54] to draw away the Nourishment of the other; and if all the Members of the Bo­dy Politick were render'd useful to it.

Nature, in her Contrivances, has made every part of a living Creature either for Ornament or Use; the same should be in a Politick Institution rightly Govern'd.

It may be laid down for an undenia­ble Truth, That where all work no bo­dy will want; and to promote this, would be a greater Charity and more Meritorious, than to build Hospitals, which very often are but so many Monu­ments of ill-gotten Riches, attended with late Repentance.

To make as many as possible of these 1,330,000 Persons (whereof not above 330,000 are Children too young to work) who now live chiefly upon others, get themselves a large share of their Mainte­nance, would be the opening a new Vein of Treasure of some Millions Sterling per Annum; it would be a present Ease to every particular Man of Substance, and a lasting Benefit to the whole Body of the Kingdom: For it would not only nourish but increase the Numbers of the People, of which many Thousands perish every Year, by those Diseases contracted under a slothful Poverty.

[Page 55] Our Laws relating to the Poor are very numerous, and this Matter has employ'd the Care of every Age for a long time, tho' but with little success, partly through the ill Execution, and partly through some defect in the very Laws.

The Corruptions of Mankind are grown so great, that, now a-days, Laws are not much observ'd, which do not in a manner execute themselves; of this Nature are those Laws which relate to bringing in the Prince's Revenue, which never fail to be put in Execution, because the People must pay, and the Prince will be paid; but where only one part of the Constitu­tion, the People, are immediately con­cern'd, as in Laws relating to the Poor, the High-ways, Assizes, and other Civil Oeconomy, and good Order in the State, those are but slenderly regarded.

The Publick Good being therefore, very often, not a Motive strong enough to engage the Magistrate to perform his Duty, Law-givers have many times for­tify'd their Laws with Penalties, wherein private Persons may have a Profit, there­by to stir up the People to put the Laws in Execution.

In Countries deprav'd, nothing pro­ceeds well, wherein particular Men do not one way or other find their Accompt, [Page 56] and rather than a Publick Good should not go on at all; without doubt, 'tis bet­ter to give Private Men some Interest to set it forward.

For which Reason, it may be worth the Consideration of such as study the Prosperity and Welfare of England, whi­ther this great Engine of maintaining the Poor, and finding them Work and Em­ployment, may not be put in Motion by giving some Body of Undertakers a rea­sonable Gain to put the Machine upon its Wheels.

In Order to which, we shall here incert a Proposal deliver'd to the House of Com­mons last Session of Parliament, for the better maintaining the Impotent, and em­ploying and setting to Work the other Poor of this Kingdom.

In Matters of this Nature, 'tis always good to have some Model or Plan laid down, which thinking Men may contem­plate, alter and correct, as they see occasion; And the Writer of these Papers does ra­ther chuse to offer this Scheme, because he is satisfy'd it was compos'd by a Gen­tleman of great Abilities, and who has made both the Poor Rates, and their Num­ber, more his study than any other Person in the Nation. The Proposal is as fol­lows.

THis Proposal, which in most parts of it seems to be very maturely weigh'd, may be a Foundation for those to build upon, who have a publick Spirit large enough to embrace such a noble Undertak­ing.

But the common Obstruction to any thing of this Nature, is a malignant Tem­per in some who will not let a publick Work go on, if private Persons are to be Gainers by it: When they are to get them­selves, they abandon all Sense of Virtue, but are cloath'd in her whitest Robe; when they smell Profit coming to ano­ther, masking themselves with a false Zeal to the Common-wealth, where their own Turn is not to be serv'd. It were better indeed, that Men would serve their Country for the Praise and Honour that follow good Actions; but this is not to [Page 68] be expected in a Nation, at least leaning towards Corruption; and in such an Age 'tis as much as we can hope for, if the Prospect of some honest Gain invites Peo­ple to do the Publick faithful Service. For which Reason, in any Undertaking where it can be made apparent that a great Be­nefit will accrue to the Common-wealth in general, we ought not to have an evil Eye upon what fair Advantages particu­lar Men may thereby expect to Reap, still taking care to keep their Appetite of get­ting within moderate Bounds, laying all just and reasonable Restraints upon it, and making due Provision that they may not wrong or oppress their Fellow Sub­jects.

'Tis not to be deny'd, but that if fewer Hands were suffer'd to remain idle, and if the Poor had full Employment, it would greatly tend to the Common Wel­fare, and contribute much towards add­ing every Year to the general Stock of England.

Among the Methods that we have here propos'd of Employing the Poor, and making the whole Body of the People use­ful to the Publick: We think it our Duty to mind those who consider the Common Welfare of looking with a compassionate Eye into the Prisons of this Kingdom, [Page 69] where many Thousands consume their Time in Vice and Idleness wasting the Remainder of their Fortunes, or lavishing the Substance of their Creditors, eating Bread and doing no Work, which is con­trary to good Order, and pernicious to the Common-wealth.

We cannot therefore but recommend the Thoughts of some good Bill that may effectually put an end to this Mischief so scandalous in a Trading Country, which should let no Hands remain useless.

'Tis not all difficult to contrive such a Bill as may Relieve and Release the Deb­tor, and yet preserve to his Creditors all their fair, just and honest Rights and In­terest.

And having in this Matter endeavour'd to show that to preserve and increase the People, and to make their Numbers use­ful, are Methods conducing to make us Gainers in the Ballance of Trade, we shall proceed to handle the second Head.

SECT. III.
Of the Land of Eng­land, and its Pro­duct.

IN treating of this Matter, we shall again produce one of Mr. King's Schemes, which are all of them so accu­rately done, that we may venture to say they are not to be contraverted in any Point so material as to destroy the Foun­dation of those Reasonings, which the Writer of these Papers, or any other Per­son shall form upon them.

He computes that England and Wales contain 39 Millions of Acres, according to the following Scheme.

Vide Scheme E.

[Page 72] This is only the Neat Produce, exclu­sive of the Seed, Corn, which in some sorts of Grain being near 1/5 of the Pro­duce, and in others 1/8 may in general be reckon'd about 11 Millions of Bushels more, which makes the whole Produce to be 90 Millions of Bushels, which at 2 s. 3 4/7 5/9 d. per Bushel in Common, is a­bout 10,338,600 l.

Note, That this Value is what the same is worth upon the Spot where the Corn grew; but this Value is increas'd by the Carriage to the Place where it is at last spent, at least ¼ part more.

These 79 Millions of Bushels of Grain are the Product of 8 of the 9 Millions of Acres of Arable Land; the other Mil­lion of Acres producing Hemp, Flax, Woad, Saffron, Rape, Hops, dying Weeds, &c. the Value of the Product thereof may be about One Million Ster­ling.

So that the Rent of the Corn-Land be­ing about 2,200,000 l. per Annum, and the Neat Produce thereof above 9,000,000 l. the Produce is full four Rents.

But deducting 1/13 part of the Neat Produce, or 700,000 l. in lieu of Tyths, there remains 8,375,000 l. or three Rents, and near 8/10.

[Page 73] Now the Rents or yearly Value of the Pasture and Meadows, Woods, Coppices, Forrests, Parks, Commons, Heaths, Moors, Mountains and Barren Land, be­ing about 7,000,000 l.

The Produce being but 12,000,000 l. does not make fully two Rents, there be­ing little Charge either in cultivating the Land, or gathering the Product thereof comparatively to what there is in the Arable Land.

[Page 74]

[Page 74] [...] [Page 75] [...] [Page 76]

From these Schemes we shall make such Observations as we think may relate to our present Subject.

Of the 39 Millions of Acres in Terri­tory belonging to England he lays down, that there may be above a fourth part, viz. ten Millions of Acres in Heaths, Moors, [Page 77] Mountains and Barren Land; three Mil­lions of Acres in Woods and Coppices, and three Millions in Forests, Parks and Commons. This Division of the Land seems to be made with great Judgment; First, Because it agrees very well with the Consumption of several Commodities, of which we can come at a near knowledge by the Excises now in being. Secondly, It corresponds exactly with that Increase in the Kingdoms General Rental, which for these last hundred Years may have been observ'd from the Produce of divers Land-Taxes, and from several other Par­ticulars.

And there are undeniably Reasons to be given, That this General Rental, Anno 1600. did not exceed six Millions per Annum, but through the help of that Wealth which has flow'd in to us by our Foreign Trade, it has advanc'd in several Periods of time from 6 to 8, from 8 to 10, and from 10 to 14 Millions per An­num. When the General Rental was but six Million per Annum, there was a great deal more barren Land, of that which was cultivated very much was capable of Melioration; and there were more Forests, Woods, Coppices, Commons, and wast Ground than there is now, which our Wealth did enable us from [Page 78] time to time to inclose, cultivate and im­prove.

And for the future, as we grow in Riches, and as our People increase, those many Millions of Acres which now are Barren, will by degrees most of them be improv'd and cultivated; for there is hard­ly any sort of Ground, which Numbers of Men will not render fertile; but then it must be suppos'd, that we do not go backward in our Trade, for if that should happen, instead of improving what is wast, that which is improv'd and culti­vated will rather return to the Wildness and Desolation of former Times; for as we have said in our former Discourses, Land and Trade rise and fall together. Trade brings in the Stock, this Stock well and industriously manag'd betters Land, and brings more Product of all kind for Ex­portation; the Returns of which Growth and Product are to make a Country Gainers in the Ballance.

As to our quantity of Land, in Rela­tion to its Inhabitants, as the Case stands, we seem now to have about 7 ¼ Acres per Head; but there are many Reasons to think, that England is capable of nourish­ing double its present Number of Peo­ple, which supposing them now to be 5,500,000 would be eleven Millions, and [Page 79] even then there will be as many Acres per Head as they have in Holland. And when we have this Complement of Men, either in the natural Course of time, or sooner by the help of good Conduct, we shall be in a State of Power to deal with any Strength in Europe. In the natural Course of time this cannot happen in a great while, but the common Progression of things may be hasten'd by Art, so that if we are studious to preserve and increase our People, peradventure in not many Years, we may have Hands enow, not only to make us safe from the Insults of others, but to render us formidable to all our Neighbours: And Men being the truest Strength and Riches of a Country, the Councils of all Wise States should tend to obtaining and keeping together as many as the Land will Nourish. There are indeed Countries, to whom their full Complement of Inhabitants would be dan­gerous, and subject them to frequent Fa­mines in bad and unseasonable Years for Corn. As for Example, if France had had as many People as the Land will feed in times of common Plenty, half of 'em must have perish'd during their late Dearths for want of Bread, because they have a vast Inland Country, and only the Out Parts upon such an Emergency can [Page 80] be reliev'd by the Assistance of other Pla­ces. And we see that anciently before there was much Trade, there were fre­quent Famines in the World, because one Part could not then help another; for which Reason, the Northern Nations here­tofore, when their People multiply'd too fast, did disburthen themselves by send­ing out numerous Colonies to seek out new Dwellings, in apprehension that by a scarce Year they might be distroy'd at home; but England (with any moderate Care) is not liable to such a Fear, tho' its present Numbers should even be doub­led, because we have every where the Sea to Friend, and in such an Extremity our Wants may be supply'd from other Na­tions.

And our Matter leading us into it, it may not be unnecessary here to take No­tice, That Countries not over-stock'd with Men, and tho' Situate, so as to be reliev'd by the Sea, may suffer greatly, and be reduc'd very low for want of Corn, un­less they make some due Provision against such a Calamity.

The value of the Wheat, Barly and Rye, necessary for the Sustenance of Eng­land, amounts at least to six Millions of Pounds per Annum at the common Rate; from whence 'tis apparent, That if a long [Page 81] Dearth should happen here, such as they lately had in France, tho' we may be supply'd upon more easie Terms than France was, and tho' we might still keep our People alive, yet that a Disaster of this kind would exhaust more of our Mony than a War of ten Years continu­ance. Suppose (which God forbid) that for two or three Years successively the Season should prove so bad as to deprive us of half our usual Crop; to supply such a Want, what immense Summs must be carry'd out of the Kingdom? And it may be made evident, that such a Scarcity did very much drein the French.

To provide against a Calamity of the like Nature, is no doubt of the highest Consequence. That we have been defi­cient in this point of Polity is too Notori­ous, tho' Providence has taken more Care of us than a Negligent People deserve. However, we have had outragious Fa­mines in England, and in Edward the 3ds Reign, Corn did once rise to 13 times the common value; this indeed can hardly happen again, because there are more dif­ferent sorts of Soils improv'd and manur'd now than in that Age; but at several times we have suffer'd Wants of this kind very afflicting, and sometime or other our Negligence in a Matter of such concern [Page 82] to the People's Welfare, may come to be more severely punish'd.

By the best Accompts we are able to procure from such as have look'd into these things, we find that in England, in a plentiful Year, there is not above five Months stock of Grain at the time of the succeeding Harvest, and not above four Months Stock in an indifferent Year, which is but a slender Provision against a­ny Evil Accident. We enjoy the benefit of such different Soils, viz. High Lands and Low Lands, where one hits when the other fails, that now a-days we sel­dom see Corn above treble its common Rate, which however would be fatal, if it should at any time continue so long as to make large Supplies from abroad neces­sary to us. 'Tis observ'd, That but 1/10 defect in the Harvest may raise the Price 3/10, and when we have but half our Crop of Wheat, which now and then happens, the remainder is spun out by Thrift and good Management, and eked out by the use of other Grain; but this will not do for above one Year, and would be a small help in the succession of two or three un­seasonable Harvests: For the scarcity even of one Year is very destructive, in which many of the poorest Sort perish, either for want of sufficient Food, or by unwholsome Diet.

[Page 83] We take it, That a Defect in the Har­vest may raise the Price of Corn in the following Proportions.

So that when Corn rises to treble the Common Rate, it may be presum'd, that we want above a third of the Common Produce; and if we should want 5 Tenths, or half the Common Produce, the Price would rise to near five times the Com­mon Rate.

We dwell the longer upon this Subject, being convinc'd in Judgment, that no­thing in the World can more impoverish a Country, nor tend more to set it back with other People in the Ballance of Trade for a long while, than such a Calamity; 'tis indeed the Scourge of God, but im­provident States are more liable to it than wiser Nations.

The Hollanders cannot nourish their People from their Territory, and must al­ways seek for Assistance from abroad; but in Prospect that the Harvest may be [Page 84] bad now and then, in some and even in all those Places from whence they fetch their Corn, whereby in scarce times they would be impos'd upon. They take care to have Granaries and Store-houses, where in plentiful Years they lay up vast Quan­tities of all sort of Grain against a dearer Season; by which good and prudent Oe­conomy, those Dearths which in their turn have afflicted most other Countries, fall but lightly upon their Common Peo­ple.

On the contrary, when such a Cala­mity happens, they are able from their Stores to assist other Nations; and tho' we cannot go so high as Vid. Sir Walter Ra­leigh' s Re­mains, p. 173. Sir Walter Ra­leigh, who is over large in his Compu­tations of this Nature, and reckons the Dutch to get an Immense Sum by this sort of Trade; yet 'tis apparent, That they are very great Gainers from time to time, by selling us our own Corn dear, which they had bought cheap, and that they make us pay very largely for its Store­room.

A Nation that will get by Foreign Traf­fick, must carefully watch all these things; and the Instance we have here given, is a great pull-back in the general Ballance of Trade, and what the Dutch in this manner Gain, is a dead Loss to England.

[Page 85] But this Evil is without doubt capable of a Remedy. If they can afford to let their Mony lie dead for a time, pay Freight backward and forward, and Store­room, and yet be Gainers by selling us our own Commodity in a dearer Mar­ket, why should not we think it worth our while to build Granaries and pub­lick Store-houses, within our own Domi­nions?

We take it, That Freight backward and forward in such a bulky Ware as Corn is, does over Ballance the difference in the Interest of Mony here and there: So that we seem to be impos'd upon in this important Matter, meerly through that Negligence of which Wealthy Nati­ons are but too Guilty.

It may therefore be worth the Consi­deration of such as study the good of Eng­land, whither it would not be adviseable, and for the publick Welfare, to settle a Fond for the erecting in every County Granaries capable of containing such a quantity of Corn as may nourish the Peo­ple for a certain time, upon any emer­gent occasion, and as may hinder us at all times from purchasing at a dear Rate our own Product from our more wary Neigh­bours.

[Page 86] This first Step would be the most chargeable, but in the Course of a few Years, the Expence would be over-paid to the Body of the Kingdom; as to filling these Stores with Corn, sufficient to an­swer the People's Occasions, we are in­clin'd to think it would be best manag'd by private Undertakers, whom the hopes of Advantage will easily invite into such a Business. But here again will come the common Objection made to publick Things, That some private Men will be thereby Gainers; and so, in the name of God, let 'em, provided they do the Pub­lick Service.

However, there are many Reasons to think, That such a Business, from the ve­ry Nature of it, would be more uncor­ruptly manag'd, than most other publick Matters. First, Some Persons would look after it as a Work of more meritorious Charity than any that can be thought on. Secondly, In case of Male Administration, the Clamors of the common People would be irresistable. Thirdly, A great many different sorts of Men would find them­selves concern'd in point of Interest, to see it well and justly administer'd.

'Tis not here pretended, to give any regular Scheme of this whole Matter, which would take up more time than [Page 87] consists with the brevity design'd in these Discourses; but 'tis hop'd, the Hints now given, will suffice to make some good Patriots in due season lay to heart a busi­ness of such high Importance to their Land, to its Product, and to the entire Body of the People.

That Corporation for setting the Poor to Work, of which a Scheme has been here propos'd, may very properly provide Granaries round the Kingdom.

It would likewise be very adviseable to review the Ancient Laws concerning Corn, for they no ways square with the present Numbers of our People, nor with the Growth of London, and indeed ought to be more adapted to many other Cir­cumstances of the Times we now live in.

All Countries thrive or decline by Trade, as they well or ill manage their Product and Manufactures; and wise Na­tions observe carefully every part, where they think to have any probable Advan­tage. If they excel in Product and Ma­nufacture, as in France, the Government bends it self to encourage the People in the pursuit of what is judg'd profitable to the Publick. If they have little Product of their own, as in Holland, they fall to be Carriers of the World, and to buy [Page 88] Goods in one place to vend in another, whereby the Bulk of their Riches has been gain'd.

England has an Excellent Product of its own, wherewith to sustain its Inhabi­tants: The Woollen Manufacture is a Wealth in a manner peculiar to us. We have besides the Product of other Coun­tries subject to our Dominion the West-Indies. The East-Indies are an inexhau­stible Mine of Vanities, to barter for the Vanities of other Countries, which a rich Nation will always covet. We have Ports and Situation, and every thing that can contribute to make us the foremost People of the whole Commercial World, only a little Industry may be wanting, which to stir up is the Drift of these In­quiries.

We have look'd into Mr. King's Com­putation of the Corn, because it should be the Fundamental Care of a good Go­vernment, to provide that the People ne­ver want it, for two or three Years defect there pulls down whatever the Merchant has been doing for a long time.

As to his Estimate of our live Stock in Cattle, many Conclusions perhaps use­ful may be form'd from it, which we omit, as fearing to be too Voluminous: We shall only observe, That it seems [Page 89] more the National Interest of England, to employ its Land to the Breeding and Feeding of Cattle, than to the Produce of Corn; For, as Mr. Fortrey has well noted, Eng­land's In­terest and Improve­ment, p. 15. The profit of one Acre of Pasture in the Flesh, Hide and Tallow of an Ox, or in the Flesh, Wool and Tallow of a Sheep, or in the Carcase of a Horse, is of so much grea­ter value abroad, than the like Yield of the Earth would be in Corn; that the Exporta­tion of this Nation might be at least double to what it is, if rightly dispos'd.

'Tis true, in these Matters Men are apt to follow what they think their par­ticular Profit, but the Influence of good Laws would go a great way towards inclining them more to pursue what is for the general Advantage; and indeed the private Concerns of Men should be always made subservient to the Publick Interest.

Nor is force at all needful to bring this about, for Men in most of their Mea­sures, where the Administration is wise and steady, may be induc'd to pursue the common Welfare by directive Laws, by Examples from the Prince and great Ones, and by some few not very expensive En­couragements. As for Example, 'tis in the Power of a King of England, not on­ly to have as many Horses bred, but of [Page 90] what Shape and Size He pleases; His Encouragement will at any time increase the Studds, and when He countenances the Shape and Size that He thinks will profit His Country most that way, the Breeders will forthwith turn all their Care and Industry.

Our Ancestors have not been unmindful to promote the breed of Horses, as we may see by 27 H. 8. 6. 32 H. 8. 13. fore­seeing what an Advantage might accrue thereby to England; but those old Laws want revising, and to be more adapted to present use.

Our Fore-fathers indeed were against transporting Horses and Mares above such a value, 11 H. 7. 13. 1 Ed. 6. 5. but when those Prohibitions were enacted, the bu­siness of Trade was not so well under­stood, as it is at present. However, in practice we have of late Years consulted our National Interest, which in all ap­pearance is to let this Commodity be tra­ded for, as well as any other.

It may be convenient to restrain the carrying out of Mares, but as to Gueld­ings and Stone-horses we can see no dan­ger in it. On the contrary, if such Num­bers were call'd for, as would invite us to increase our Breeds, it would no doubt bring a great Profit to the Kingdom. [Page 91] Stone-Horses yield most abroad, and cost no more rearing than Gueldings: Against this is objected, That we may thereby strengthen our Enemies, by mending the Breed of other Countries; but there is lit­tle Strength added to that Enemy, whose Mony we take for a perishable Commo­dity: Besides, the Nation we have most Reason to distrust, labour under a Natu­ral Impediment of not excelling in the Breed of Horses, their Ground is not pro­per for it. They do not want Stallions, of which they may have as good, if not better than Ours from other Parts, but they have neither Mares nor fit Pasture; and if they had Mares, they would be yet to seek; for 'tis Notorious that the Shape, Strength and Beauty of Horses proceed from the Soil; and when that is chang'd, in the next Race they degene­rate.

This Matter has been taken notice of, because it has been frequently desir'd that the ancient Prohibitions here mention'd might be reinforc'd by some new Law; but whether or no such a Measure would be right for England, is humbly submitted to better Judgments.

Mr. King computes the Value of the Horses yearly bred to be about 250,000 l.

[Page 92] This Estimate seems not to be out of the way, and from it we shall observe that by good Laws and a due Care in their Execution, and by Encouragement from the great Ones above, it might peradven­ture be brought about to double our year­ly Breed; and if this could be compass'd, and if great Numbers of them should be sold in Foreign Markets (provided it be deem'd safe for the State) 'twould be a new Addition to our National Stock, and be just so much put into the Scale, yet more to incline of our side the general Bal­lance.

Our Mines are another Product of the Earth, and undoubtedly capable of great Improvements; we ought to respect them as the Parents of all our Trade, and which made us known to the first Mer­chants of the World, the Phoenicians. We have Tin, Lead, Copper, Calamy, Iron, Coal, Culm, Allom, Copperas, with other sort of Minerals; and what is in this manner dug out of the Earth, cannot be a less Article than about 7 or 800,000 l. per Annum in the whole Ren­tal of the Kingdom.

They who work these Mines and deal in these Materials, know best what Laws and Constitutions they want to make their Business more easie at Home, and [Page 93] to give their Commodities a freer Vent Abroad; but if they need any Help from the Legislative Power, most certainly they ought to have it, since their Stock and Labour turn so much to the Common Good; for whatever their Product yields in Foreign Markets, is clear National Profit.

There are lately publish'd some extra­ordinary Accompts of the Mines in Car­diganshire, where 'tis said there are Eight large Veins of Silver, Lead and Copper Oar, lying near together in one Moun­tain, nigh a Navigable River and a good Port. Mine Ad­venture and Expedient, p. 7. 'Tis alledg'd, That these Mines with a large Stock, in a few Years, may be advanc'd to a clear Profit of 170,000 l. per Annum. This Computation does not seem at all extravagant, to those who have look'd into the Accompts of what Mines produce in other Countries, pro­vided the Oar be good, the Vein like to last (and large ones seldom fail) and pro­vided there be no invincible Impediment from Nature to their Working; they have stood still several Years for want of a good Agreement among the Adventurers.

'Tis said Sir H. M. has put 'em in a way of being wrought; but if his Expe­dient should not succeed, and if new Dif­ferences should arise, the Legislative Au­thority [Page 94] may very well and justly inter­pose, even to compel the Partners to some Agreement, whereby the Work may be carry'd on; for 'tis a Justice due to the Publick at no time to suffer a few Stock-Jobbing Citizens to stand in the way of any National Advantage, the Fraud and Corruption of which sort of Men have hurt England in more than one Particu­lar.

If these Mines come but any thing near the Value Mr. Vide Essay on the Va­lue of the Mines, &c. William Waller has put up­on them, and with Reasons very proba­ble, they are a fit Object of the States Care; and upon Inspection into their true Worth, if private Purses cannot raise a Stock sufficient to set 'em going, it were better done upon some publick Fond, to be repaid out of the Profits, than to lose what is represented as so immense a Treasure. But should it prove less 'tis not to be neglected, for Nations (like pri­vate Men) who will thrive must look into small Things as well as great; and for this we have the Examples of France and Holland, whose Ministers examine in­to the minutest Matters, where the Pub­lick may possibly Reap any Advantage; and 'tis a very commendable piece of Wisdom, were it but for this single Rea­son, That to do so constantly begets a [Page 95] Habit of Care and Diligence in things of higher Importance.

The Fishery should be here treated of as being the Product of the Peoples La­bour, Vide Dis­courses on the Publick Revenues and Trade, Part II. p. 135. but this Point we have elsewhere handled. However, it falls naturally in­to our present Subject to observe, That to recover the Fishery, and to bring us to the Height and Perfection our Coast and Situation are capable of, would in­crease the Numbers of our People (for Men always multiply where they have Conveniences of Living); It would find Employment for the Poor; It would raise Rents, and give a higher Value to all that Land produces; It would set us right in several Nations where we are believ'd to deal at Loss, and particularly in those Places where our Exportations bear no Proportion, at least in Bulk, with our Im­portations, which might be supply'd by Fish. We cannot therefore but earnest­ly recommend the serious Thoughts of this Matter, and by what Methods it may be retriev'd, to all such as love their Country, and who wish to see us every Year more and more Gainers in the Bal­lance of Trade.

Having touch'd upon these Heads, we shall proceed to say something of Wooll, [Page 96] which is a main Article in the Produce of Land.

Mr. King computes the Value of the Wooll shorn, to be about 2,000,000 l. per Annum.

And in the Discourses upon the Re­venue and Trade, Part II. p. 414. we compute, by a Ge­neral Medium, That the Material is im­prov'd one with another, four-fold in the Workmanship; so that the Value of the Woollen Manufacture made here, may amount to 8,000,000 l. per Annum.

Perhaps neither of us are much out of the way in these two Calculations, but suppose us a little under or over the Mark, all People will agree with us, That this Branch of our Product is very large, and of the highest Importance.

The Writer of these Papers has an Ac­compt from a Person, upon whose Judg­ment and Experience in these Matters there is great Reason to rely, That our Exports of all kinds, in the Woollen Ma­nufacture, amount to above two Mil­lions per Annum; which is so large a Part of our General Exportation, that it must maim the whole Body of our Trade, to receive any Hurt in so principal a Mem­ber.

Whatever Goods we make up of Fo­reign Materials, and sell in the Markets [Page 97] abroad all above the Cost of the Materi­als is clear Gain to England; in the same manner all our clear Returns from the Plantations which we Export are Neat Profit.

But where the Materials and Manufa­ctures too are both our own, as in this instance of the Woollen Goods, two Mil­lions carry'd out when the general Bal­lance of Trade is consider'd, must be esteem'd as two Millions gain'd to the Kingdom; for the Return of this Expor­tation supplies our Consumption of Fo­reign Goods (which would otherwise be bought with Mony) with some Overplus, which Overplus is what must incline the Scale to turn of our side.

Some People have been apt to fear that we sink in the Woollen Manufacture, be­cause the Accompts of the fine Draparies exported, have been heretofore larger than of late Years; but such do not contem­plate, that tho' the Old may have lessen'd, what is commonly call'd the New Dra­paries have increas'd, consisting in Bays, Serges and Stuffs: So that upon the whole, infinitely more of the Material of Wooll has of late Years been wrought up for Fo­reign use than in former Times; and herein our Merchants have been only forc'd to follow the Modes and Humor [Page 98] of those People with whom they deal, and the Course they have persued has hi­therto not been detrimental to the Pub­lick.

Nor is there any Cause to apprehend, but that we may increase from time to time in the general Manufacture of Wooll, tho' the Exportation of particular Com­modities may now and then vary: For upon the whole, our Material is better and fitter for all uses than that of most Coun­tries.

'Twere better indeed that the Call from abroad were only for the fine Draparies, because then we should be in a manner without a Rival; no Country but Eng­land and Ireland, having a Soard or Turf, that will rear Sheep, producing the Wooll of which most of our Draparies are made. 'Tis true, the Wooll of Spain is fine a­bove all others, but 'tis the wear only of the Richer Sort; and of Spanish Cloaths not above 9000 Pieces are sent abroad Communibus Annis. And even in the working up of this Wooll, perhaps it may be made out, that our very Climate gives us an Advantage over other Coun­tries.

The Learned Prelate, who has oblig'd England with that Noble Work, his History of the Reformation, Discoursing [Page 99] once upon these Matters, with the Writer of this Essay, did urge a thing of which the Philosophy seem'd very sound and right, and upon which we have since re­flected often; He said, That Nature had adapted different Countries for different Manufactures; that cold and moister Climates are fitter for the working up of Wool, because there the Sun does not exhaust its natural Moisture, nor make it brittle, which would render it ill to work, and bad to wear; That hot Cli­mates are best for the working up of Silk, because the Matter is there more dispos'd to imbibe the Dye, and to take a more durable impression of it, the Sun helping, at the same time, both to preserve and to give it Lustre.

That we have many natural Advan­tages over all Foreign Nations, who shall pretend to set up Looms, is beyond all dispute; but 'tis a very great Question, whither there are not weighty Reasons to apprehend Neighbours of another sort, we mean the People of Ireland.

The Country is very large, it abounds in convenient Ports; 'tis excellently Si­tuate for Trade, capable of great Im­provements of all kinds, and able to nou­rish more than treble its present Number of Inhabitants.

[Page 100] Its Soil, Soard and Turf, are in a man­ner the same with ours, and proper to rear Sheep: All which Considerations be­get a reasonable fear, that in time they may come to rival us in our Darling and most Important Manufacture.

That they should increase in People, that their Land should be drein'd and meliorated, that they should have Trade, and grow Wealthy by it, may not per­adventure be dangerous to England: For 'tis granted, their Riches will center at last here in their Mother-Kingdom.

And Colonies that enjoy not only Pro­tection, but who are at their Ease, and Flourish, will in all likelyhood be less in­clinable to inovate, or to receive a Foreign Yoke, than if they are harrass'd and com­pell'd to Poverty, through the hard Usage of the People from whom they are de­riv'd. For tho' there are now and then Instances of Countries that rebel wanton­ly, yet most commonly great Defections proceed from great Oppression.

It seems therefore a Point of the high­est Wisdom to give the Planters of Ireland all Encouragements that can possibly con­sist with the Welfare of England: For 'tis an Out-work to the Seat of Empire here, if it should be gain'd by any Neighbouring Power, the Sum of Affairs would be put [Page 101] in danger. 'Tis to be preserv'd but by a Numerous Army, or by its own pro­per Strength. How far the first way may affect our Liberties is not difficult to determin, it follows then that the safest Course must be to let them thrive by Husbandry, and some Trade, whereby the Natives and Inhabitants will not only have the Means, but an Interest to defend themselves.

If through a mistaken fear and jealousy of their future Strength and Greatness, we should either permit or contrive to let them be dispeopled, poor, weak and dis­pirited, or if we should render them so uneasie as to incline the People to a desire of Change, it may invite Strangers to look that way; and if brought to be naked and defenceless, they must be a Prey to the first Invader.

This will be avoided, if they are suffer'd to prosper, and not only so, but Strength thus added to one Member will make the Body-Politick much the stronger.

For as all the Blood with a swift Mo­tion passes frequently through the Heart, so whatever Wealth out Countries ac­quire, circulates about, coming into the chief Seat of Empire, from whence 'tis dispers'd into all its Parts; and ever since Ireland did improve, it can be made ap­pear [Page 102] England has had no small Proportion of its Gains.

What made Rome so immensly rich? Her Citizens but little minded Arts or Handicraft, War was their chief Employ­ment. 'Twas counted Ignoble in a Sena­tor to exercise Merchandize, nor indeed was the Genius of the People adicted to it, but being the Head of that large Do­minion, the Fountain of Law, and the Spring from whence all Power, Honors, and Magistracies were deriv'd, thither all Men resorted; some for Pleasure, others upon Business: So that what was got by the Sicilians, Rhodians, Cretans, and by the Trading Cities, not only of Greece but Asia, came at last to center there.

But this holds more strongly, where the Seat of Dominion is in a great Empo­rium, for such a City will not only be the Head of Power but of Trade, go­verning all its Branches, and giving the Rules and Price; so that all Parts there­on depending, can deal but subordinate­ly to it, till at last 'tis found that Pro­vinces work but to enrich the Superior Kingdom.

That what has been here said is true, in our present Case, appears manifestly from this, That all People agree, there is not in Ireland above 500,000 l. in current [Page 103] Cash, notwithstanding their large Expor­tations for many Years, which could not be, if they had not some constant Drein, whereby they are exhausted. 'Tis true, improving Countries lay out a great Stock in Foreign Materials for Building, &c. so that they seldom abound much at first in the Species of Mony, but allowing for this; yet in the natural Course of Things they ought to have more Species, if what they got elsewhere had not been spent here, and return'd hither by Bills of Ex­change from Holland, France, Spain, the West-Indies, and other Places.

But tho' we are ready to agree, That hitherto their Gains both at home and abroad have chiefly center'd here; yet in process of time, 'tis possible that in the Management of their Product and Fo­reign Traffick, they may come to inter­fere with, and bring Prejudice to their Mother-Nation. And remote Fears be­ing allowable where the whole Safety of a State is concern'd, they should not won­der to see England so much alarm'd at the Progress they make in the Woollen Ma­nufacture.

As has been said before, 'Tis so great a Part of our Exportation, that any con­siderable Failure and Interruption therein must set the Ballance of Trade against us [Page 104] with a Witness; it falls therefore natu­rally into our present Subject to say some­thing of this Matter.

Last Session of Parliament, a Bill pass'd the House of Commons, and was com­mitted in the House of Lords, For Pro­hibiting the Exportation of the Wool­len Manufactures of Ireland to Foreign Parts.

This Point has of late been much de­bated, and the general Subject of Men's Discourses; The Writer of these Papers was then inclin'd to the milder Side, be­ing indeed in his Judgment against Pro­hibitions, because most of such as are come within his Observation, seem to have been push'd on (without Doors) ra­ther for private Ends, and to serve some particular Turn, than calculated to pro­duce any publick Benefit.

But having now more maturely con­sider'd this nice Controversie, he begins to lean to their Opinion, who think such a Bill necessary; and more especially if the Promoters of it can make out the Sugge­stions upon which it was founded.

Where the Common-wealth is truly concern'd, and where her Safety is in Question, they have very narrow Minds, who let their Compassion be too much extended to private Objects: Our chief [Page 105] Tenderness should be towards her, and rough Examples in the infancy of a Mis­chief are rather merciful than cruel, be­cause fewer People suffer then, than would otherwise do, if the Evil were permitted to take deeper Root.

If their Manufactures interfere with ours, so as to hurt England, it must be undoubtedly adviseable to intercept their Growth by some effectual Law betimes, before such an Error in Government grow too big for our Correction; before too many Families have turn'd their Stock that way; before they have increas'd their Stock of Sheep, or bred up too great a number of Artists (all which Circumstan­ces would make their Case yet harder); for we should preserve our selves with as little Hurt to them as possible.

But it seems, some People make a doubt, whither or no we have Power thus to intermeddle in their Matters; questioning whether Laws made here are binding upon them, till they have re­ceiv'd a Sanction in their own Parliament. And Mr. Molyneux counts it a very ex­travagant Notion, that has not the least Colour from Reason or Record, to term them a Colony from England. But we must beg leave to differ with him in Opi­nion. For we take them so far to be a [Page 106] Colony in the Sense (by the Interpreta­tion both of Law and Reason) as renders them still dependant upon their Mother-Kingdom.

Nor is this at all impugn'd by the Con­cessions made to the ancient Irish by Hen­ry the 2d, King John, and Henry the 3d; but to set this in a better Light, the Po­sture of Ireland in those Times must be consider'd.

The first Adventurers that went over thither, namely, Richard the Son of Strongbow, and Robert Fitz-Stephen, who stipulated under certain Conditions to assist Dermot Fitz-Murchard, had not a strength sufficient to reduce the Country, and little was done towards it of any Conse­quence, till the Expedition of Henry the 2d, Anno 1172. with a Royal Army, to whom the Clergy, Nobility, Gentry and People, made an absolute Surrender of the Kingdom; and, by the description Histo­rians give of it, it seems to have been that sort of Yielding which the Romans call'd Deditio, which was se dare in Ma­nus Potestatem & Arbitrium. And their giving themselves up to Henry the 2d, without a Battel or Blood-shed, gave him yet a stronger Title, because the Act was less constrain'd, and more flowing from the Will. 'Tis true, so wild and nume­rous [Page 107] a People were not to be kept in Or­der by a handful of new Inhabitants; the King therefore gave them a Constitution, by which they were to govern themselves, as a free Country under him their Lord. After this, the Dominion thereof was set­tled upon John his Youngest Son, and two and twenty Years after in him re-united to the Crown of England. From King John, Henry the 3d, and their Suc­cessors, the ancient Irish and the first Ad­venturers (of whom many as Edmund Spencer's View of the State of Ireland, p. 222. Mr. Spen­cer has observ'd, have taken the Names, Manners and Humours of the Natives) derive several Franchises and Immunities, and among the rest to hold a Parliament. The Story of those Times is it self dark, but the Reason of their Councils is yet darker. From Mathew Paris, and Giral­dus Cambrensis it appears, That these Con­cessions were made to the Body of the Old Irish, tho' but few, in Practice, submit­ted to them; for to use Mr. Spencer's own Words, To whom did King Henry the 2 d impose those Laws? Not to the Irish, for the most of them fled from his Power into Desarts and Mountains, leaving the wide Country to the Conquerour, who in their stead eftsoons plac'd English Men, who possess'd all their Lands, and did quite shut out the Irish, or the most part of them. And to those new [Page 108] Inhabitants and Colonies he gave his Laws, to wit, the same Laws under which they were born and bred, the which it was no difficulty to place among them, being formerly well in­ur'd thereunto; unto whom afterwards there repair'd divers of the Poor distress'd People of the Irish, for Succour and Relief of whom, such as they thought fit for Labour, and in­dustriously dispos'd, as the most part of their baser sort are, they receiv'd unto them as their Vassals, but scarcely vouchsaf'd to im­part unto them the benefit of those Laws, un­der which themselves liv'd, but every One made his Will and Commandment a Law un­to his own Vassal: Thus was not the Law of England ever properly apply'd unto the Irish Nation, as by a purpos'd Plot of Go­vernment, but as they could insinuate and steal themselves under the same, by their hum­ble Carriage and Submission.

But after this, during the Wars be­tween the House of York and Lancaster, they shook off both the Rule and Laws of England, repossessing their ancient Seats, driving us by degrees to that which was properly call'd the English Pale.

In truth it does not appear, That they embrac'd our Form of Government for a great while: So that the Models of it given heretofore, from hence seem chiefly to have been intended for the better Rule of [Page 109] our own People, not but they were like­wise meant as a Benefit to the Irish, if they would be contented to become a more civiliz'd Nation.

If their ancient Parliament Rolls were extant, it would more plainly appear what use they made of their Constitution, and thereby it would be seen whither or no both their House of Lords and Commons did not chiefly consist of the English Plan­ters.

If, as Mr. Molyneux asserts, Ireland, tho' annext to the Crown of Fngland, has always been look'd upon to be a Kingdom com­pleat within it self, and to have all Juris­diction to an Absolute Kingdom belonging, and Subordinate to no Legislative Authority on Earth; these Immunities must be de­riv'd from the Concessions granted at Cashal by Henry the 2d. But with whom was this Compact made? With the Na­tive Irish; and their Claim to it would be very just, if they had perform'd the Conditions of the Stipulation, but their Title seems weaken'd by 52 Rebellions which they have made against the Go­vernment of England. We would not be thought here to insinuate, that a People may lose their Natural Rights by an In­surrection against their Prince, but cer­tain Priviledges not Fundamental, they [Page 110] may forfeit by non-usure or mis-usure. Besides, the Case between a Prince and his Native Subjects, and between a Go­vernment and the People of a Conquer'd Country, is quite different. In the first Instance the Relation is the same, as be­twixt a Father and a Son, the Child may Err, and the Parent will forgive; but in the other Case the Tie is not the same, they are not so near a-Kin. 'Tis true, the Prince is Father of the People, in one place as well as in the other, but in his Politick-Capacity he is at the Head of another Common-wealth, with whose Blood and Treasure the stranger Country was perhaps conquer'd. And if a Fo­reign People, thus subdu'd, Rebel, they may without doubt forfeit certain Pri­viledges, which were not any Natural Rights of their own, but Forms of liv­ing prescrib'd, and Concessions granted by the Conquerors. And the Romans in the best and purest Times of the Com­mon-wealth, did frequently deprive Sub­ject Cities and Countries, rebelling, of their Land, and of their Immunities: To be a State not Subordinate to any Legi­slative Authority on Earth, is a Privi­ledge that may be forfeited by a Subject-Country, and yet leave to the People their Natural Rights unhurt: That the Irish [Page 111] were once a Subject-Country, appears from the intire Resignation of themselves to Henry the 2d, as Head of the Com­mon-wealth of England. To reduce a wild Nation, it was expedient to put their Liberties upon a good Foot. He restor'd them therefore to be a free People, and so they and their Descendants might have been. They might have continu'd an Independant Kingdom, and the Old Irish might have preserv'd both their Land, and the Immunities thereon depending, if they had not themselves alter'd their own Con­stitution.

But by Rebelling frequently, and by being as often Vanquish'd, they chang'd their own Form of Government. They were heretofore Proprietors of the Land, and therefore had Right to be the two Estates in Parliament of Lords and Com­mons, but this was by degrees lost, and became vested in the new Inhabitants: Insomuch that, to use Mr. Molyneux's own Words, Now 'tis manifest, That the great Body of the present People of Ireland, are the Progeny of the English and Britains, that from time to time have come over into this Kingdom; and there remains but a meer handful of the ancient Irish at this Day, I may say not One in a Thousand.

[Page 112] Are the Concessions granted by King Henry now vested in this Thousandth Part? And are they the Body-Politick of Ireland, of which not One in a Thousand sits in Parliament; and of which very few have Voices in choosing those who are to sit there? If any, these certainly are to be the distinct State, and To have all Jurisdiction to an Absolute Kingdom be­longing, for with their Ancestors those Stipulations were made, under which Mr. Molyneux pretends to claim.

But the Old Inhabitants having lost the greatest part of their Property, have lost so much of their share in the Con­stitution, which is now devolv'd upon those Colonies which England has from time to time sent to conquer and possess the Land, who are now properly the Body-Politick of that Kingdom.

These we allow have forfeited nothing by any Rebellion the Natives have made, they are Purchasers, and at a dear Rate with the frequent hazard of their Lives and Fortunes: We must therefore see how far the ancient Rights of the Irish are de­volv'd upon them, and whither under that Claim the New Inhabitants may justly term themselves an Independant Nation.

[Page 113] Whoever Conquers, Conquers in the Right of that Country at whose Expence the War was made; and tho' the Proper­ty of the Land be often granted to the Ad­venturers, the Dominion thereof is always reserv'd to the Nation that sends her Peo­ple out. 'Tis true, where a part of the People divides its self from the rest to seek new Seats at their own Cost, as they did among the Scythians, Goths and Vandals, there the Case was otherwise, for they rambled so far as no more to communicate with their Mother-Country.

But it does not appear, That Fitz-Ste­phen or Richard Strongbow, went out upon such Terms as those Northern Nations did. On the contrary, their Endeavours had little Success till seconded by the Power of England, at whose Expence all the succeeding Conquests of Ireland have been either made or secur'd; so that if the ancient Irish had any Rights of Domi­nion, and if those Rights are forfeited, the Forfeiture devolves upon England, and not upon the Adventurers, nor their Suc­cessors.

Nor is it indeed consistant with the Principles of Government that a part of the People should separate from the rest, and be (especially so near at hand) an In­dependant Dominion, for that were to [Page 114] have Protection where they owe no Duty, which is an Absurdity in Politicks.

When a part of the People divides from the rest to seek more Territory, if they are at their own Cost, and strong enough to eradicate or keep under the Natives, they become a New Empire, and may be justly term'd a distinct Na­tion: But if not at their own Expence, and if they are weak and always stand in need of being protected by their Mother-Country, they are in all appearance to be accounted but as a Colony.

Nor are Names to alter the Nature of Things. 'Tis granted Ireland has been very anciently call'd a Kingdom, though our Princes did not take the Stile of Kings thereof till the Reign of Henry the 8th. 'Tis likewise apparent, That they have many distinct Jurisdictions; That they are a State within themselves; That they have an undoubted Right to hold Parliaments; but all this does not hinder them from being still a Colony, nor can it make them an Independant Peo­ple.

Almost every Colony that the Romans planted was a Model of their own Re­publick, Sigonii Commen­taria. and fram'd according to it, by those whom the Senate had deputed for its Settlement. They had an Annual Duum­viratus, [Page 115] in Imitation of the Consular Au­thority. They had likewise Censors, Aediles and Quoestors; and which comes strongest to our present Case, every Co­lony had its particular Senate: But will any one pretend to argue from thence, That all these were Distinct and Inde­pendant Common-wealths?

These Branches and Scions from the great Trunk of the Republick, had all of 'em the Face of Formal Governments; they had Magistracies and Councils, Pow­er of Life and Death, and to raise Mony for their Common Safety, and to make Laws for their better Rule; but this is no Argument that they had all the Parts of Sovereign Empire.

'Tis true the Inhabitants of Ireland, from ancient Concessions, have a Privi­viledge perhaps above the Roman Colo­nies, namely, to Tax themselves by their own Suffrages, within their own Limits; but this is no more than what is claim'd by several Provinces of France, which ne­vertheless account themselves subordinate to the Sovereign Power of the whole State.

There is a part of Empire not commu­nicable, and which must reside Sovereign­ly somewhere; for there would be such a perpetual clashing of Power and Juris­dictions, [Page 116] as were inconsistant with the very Being of Communities, unless this last Resort were somewhere lodg'd. Now this Incommunicable Power we take to be the Supream Judgment of what is best and most expedient for the whole; and in all Reason of Government this ought to be there trusted and lodged, from whence Protection is expected.

That Ireland should judge of what is best for it self, is just and fair; but in Determinations that are to reach the whole, as namely, what is most expedient for England and Ireland both, there, with­out all doubt, the Supream Judgment ought to rest in the King, Lords, and Commons of England, by whose Arms and Treasure Ireland ever was, and must always be defended.

Nor is this any claiming the same Em­pire over Scotland, Case of Ireland, p. 84. as Mr. Molyneux would suggest, for there is no Parity of Reason in the Cases: Scotland to England (as Ara­gon to Spain) is a distinct State, govern­ing it self by different Laws, tho' under the same Prince, and is truly but a King­dom Confederated with the Realm of England, tho' subject to our King. The Land thereof was not acquir'd to the pre­sent Inhabitants by the Arms of England; protect them we do, as the Strongest Al­lies [Page 117] always are to defend the Weaker, but this puts 'em not in the Degree of Subor­dination we are treating of. They are not our Discendants, and they are but Po­litically our Brethren; whereas the Eng­lish-Irish, who are now chief Lords of that Soil, are naturally our Offspring.

Their Inferior Rule and Jurisdictions are not disputed, but that Super-eminent Dominion and supream and uncontrol­lable Regiment over themselves, which they pretend to, is neither safe for England to grant, nor for them to ask.

Such a Power would be dangerous, be­cause by some Accident it may come to be so exercis'd, as to be their and our Ruin.

We have had bad Kings, and those Kings have had evil Counsellors: Suppose us then, in some future Age, under such Circumstances, as to have a Prince and his Council so angry with the People, as to desire their Destruction, which was our Case once with King John, Mat. Paris. who would have sold us to the Moors to wreak his own Discontents. And suppose this Prince willing to set up Ireland in opposi­tion to this Kingdom, may not a Prince, so dispos'd, give the Royal Assent to Laws in Ireland, that would utterly destroy England? And what Remedy would [Page 118] Poining's Act be in such a Juncture? In a Case like this, what way have the Peo­ple of England to preserve themselves, but to represent their Grievance to the Prince? Who, when he sees the Error of his Council, may be induc'd to join in some Supream Exercise of the Legislature here, coercive, and such as may keep Ireland in the degree of Subordination, that seems requisite to the well-being of both Na­tions.

Suppose a Prince bent to hurt England, should give his Assent to a Law there, That the Irish may transport all their Wool to Foreign Countries; would not this, as they say, cut the Turf from un­der our Feet, and at one blow, in a man­ner, ruin all our Woollen Manufactures? There are many other Instances, in which, if they were indulg'd, the greatest part of our Traffick would be carry'd to their Ports.

In Matters of Trade, even the best of Kings may be surpris'd, of which we have a late Example; and the ill Consequences the Scotch Act will probably have, ought to make us very watchful over what our Neighbours do, especially where they de­pend upon us.

That the greatest part of the present Inhabitants of Ireland, chiefly those who [Page 119] claim the Land-Property, are a Colony from England, has been here peradventure sufficiently made out; and we take it to be their best Hold, to be always so ac­compted, because it gives them a lasting Title to be protected and defended by us. And if they are a Colony, it would be a strange Defect in our Constitution, if we wanted any of the Powers requisite to pursue the Ends of Government, of which the Principal is to take care, that no one part of the People be permitted to hurt the other; but if the Legislature of Eng­land cannot, in Important Matters, re­strain that of Ireland, Ireland is at least in a Capacity to ruin England, which would make our Form of Government at one and the same time Ridiculous and Dan­gerous.

But to be thus out of our Jurisdiction, would in the Conclusion be as fatal to them as to us; for tho' they should grow Rich at our Expence, and tho' a large part of our Trade were diverted thither, they would not yet be able to subsist a­lone, and by themselves. And if we by Loss of our Trade become weaken'd, how can we give them that Assistance which from time to time they have always want­ed? So that this division of Strength would be destructive to both Countries. [Page 120] It must therefore be their Interest as well as Ours, That the Supream Power, and the chief Wealth, should be ever preserv'd to Center here in the Seat of Empire.

Upon the whole Matter, it seems the Right of England, and as well for the Benefit of Ireland its best and noblest Colony, that the Legislative Authority here should upon all Emergencies, make such Regulations and Restrictions, relating to Trade especially, as shall be thought for the Weal-Publick of both Countries.

And having premis'd these Things, we shall proceed to handle more closely the Subject of our Question; namely, Whither it is necessary to Prohibit by Law, the Ex­portation of Woollen Manufacture from Ireland to Foreign Parts?

To put an early Stop to their turning their Stock and Industry this way, appears requisite for many Reasons.

First, Ireland contains near a half as much Territory as England, and the Soil being of the same Nature, may be brought to produce near a half as much Wool as England yields; and this Material being the Basis upon which our Trade is built, they who can come near us in it, will come just so near us in our Trade a­broad.

[Page 121] Secondly, Countries thinly Peopled, can sooner improve in the Breed of Cattle, than any other way, because 'tis a Work which a few Hands may manage.

Thirdly, Where there is Plenty of a Material, which, Manufactur'd, yields a good Price, Hands will soon be invited over to work it up.

Fourthly, But this holds more strongly, where not only the Material, but all sort of Provisions are cheap; and in Countries which have not been yet improv'd, where every new Commer hopes to make a sud­den Fortune.

From which Positions it follows, If Ireland be permitted to proceed in the Ex­portation of Woollen Goods,

First, That in no long Course of time they may come to carry out to the value of a Million per Annum.

Secondly, That the cheapness of Provi­sions will enable them to afford their Commodities cheaper than England can do in Foreign Markets.

All that have either writ or spoke upon this Subject, agree, That the whole Controversie turns upon this sin­gle Point, whither they can make the same Woollen Goods cheaper there than here.

[Page 122] To set this in a true Light, we must consider the first Material, and those who work it up.

As to the first Material, beyond all doubt Wooll is a third cheaper there than in England.

As to the Workmanship, the Clothiers affirm Spinning to be one half of it, and that of all Hands is agreed to be cheaper there than here. And for the Combing and Weaving, the Price of course must abate, as Work-men increase; for Handy­craft in Countries, where Living is cheap, can be dear no longer than till Artists are bred up. And a great many Artists will be instructed before the Multitude of Inhabitants can render Provisions dear in such a Place as Ireland. But to judge rightly of these Matters, we must con­template the Body of the People in each Country.

Political Anatomy of Ireland, p. 76. Sir William Petty affirms, That the Inferior Rank of People in Ireland (thro' whose Hands Spinning must pass) do not expend one with another above 52 Shil­lings per Head. The Expence of the same Rank cannot be less here than 5 l. per Head.

'Tis an undeniable Truth, That the Common Provisions for Life are one half cheaper there than here: 'Tis likewise [Page 123] as plain, That Meat and Drink are one half of Mankind's Expence reckon'd in a Mass together. And these Advantages of Living, must enable them to afford the same Commodity cheaper than we can do, where not only our Numbers make Pro­visions dear, but where new Excises give all things of our Home-Consumption yet a higher Price.

Mr. Clement's (for we take him to be the Author of Interest of England, with Rela­tion to the Trade of Ireland. that Fine Discourse upon this Subject, inscrib'd to the Marquiss of Normanby) makes this Judicious Observa­tion, That if any one offers his Goods cheaper than the usual Price, that will then become the Market Price; and every one else must sell at the same, or keep his Goods.

The Cheapness of Living, and all other Circumstances consider'd, it seems very probable, That if they should come to have the necessary Complement of Work­men, and to flourish in this Manufacture, they will be able to sell it one third cheaper than we can do.

If they can make for a Million, and afford it by one third cheaper than we, it follows, That at least one half of our Exportations in that Commodity must im­mediately determin.

And the Consequence of this would be, That Rents must every where fall. [Page 124] The Purchase of Land must sink. The Poor must want Employment, and grow upon us; half our Foreign Trade must forthwith cease, and in the other half, we must be Losers in the Ballance, which is chiefly kept of our Side by the Woollen Manufactures.

Not only a third, but an Abatement of ten per Cent. forc'd upon us, by the Rivalship in Trade of another Country, would throw us into more Disorders, than the most knowing Man in England can readily describe.

And to ask where will be the Stocks of Mony to set up so large a Manufacture? is but an evasive way of Arguing; for where the Prospect of Gain is certain, Mony never fails to come. And if it should ever be determin'd, That England cannot restrain that Country in this Ex­portation, Foreigners will carry Stocks to an Improving Place, where they may rea­sonably expect many more Advantages, than what shall arise from this Manufa­cture. As for Example, To lay out Mony upon good Securities, at ten per Cent. In­terest, to buy Land capable of great Me­lioration at ten Years Purchase. And to have almost all the Necessaries of Life half as cheap again as in other parts; are not all these Circumstances sufficient [Page 125] to invite thither, not only Foreign Stocks, but very much of our own Mony, and a great Number of our Work-men, where their Industry will turn to a better Ac­compt than it does here?

No Wise State, if it has the Means of preventing the Mischief, will leave its Ruin in the Power of another Country. And if Wars have been thought not only Prudent, but just, which have been made to interrupt the too sudden Growth of any Neighbour-Nation, much more justi­fiable may a Mother-Kingdom exercise the Civil Authority in Relation to her own Children; who from her had their Be­ing, and still have their Protection, espe­cially when her own Safety is so much concern'd.

Nor can this be thought Rigour; 'Tis but a reasonable Jealousie of State, and only severe Wisdom, which Governments should show in all their Councils; 'Tis a preventing Remedy which operates gent­ly in the beginning of the Disease, before there are many, and those inveterate Hu­mors to contend with. And if a timely Stop be put to these Exportations from Ireland, it will hurt but a very few (which is never to be regarded, where the good of the whole Publick is in Que­stion) and even that Few, without any [Page 126] great difficulty, may have their Industry turn'd to safer Objects.

For these and several other Reasons, which will occur to such as think seriously of this Subject, it seems for the Publick Good, That the Legislature of England should, by some Restrictions, keep Ireland from interfering with us in this Principal Foundation of our whole Traffick. And to do it by a Positive Law here, and not to leave it to the Administration there, as some propose, appears to be the rather requisite; because when this Step is made, and when they are render'd incapable of Exporting Woollen Goods, there will lie a Necessity upon the Governing Part and Landed Men, of doing their utmost to promote other Improvements, of which their Soil is capable.

Nor is it fair to urge, That we may proceed from one Prohibition to another, till we leave them nothing, and till they are quite undone. They can fundamen­tally hurt us no other way, their Rival­ship is dangerous in none but the Woollen Manufacture, where all Lucrum Cessans, is Damnum Emergens to England, since all our Affairs abroad turn and depend upon it; nor can we suffer any Competitors in it, if we mean to flourish and be Gainers in the General Ballance of Trade.

[Page 127] To think this Kingdom will either pe­vishly or covetously hurt that Colony, is an absurd Imagination. 'Tis obvious enough, that too much depends upon the Possession of such an Island, to render its Inhabitants desperate, and desirous of a Change, if they have a large Trade, and flowing Riches, the Benefit thereof will redound to us at last; And the wiser a Government is, the more it will desire to see 'em prosper, except in this single In­stance, where their Wealth would be built upon our Destruction.

But such a Prohibition as we have been treating of, will have very little Effect, unless they can be likewise hindred from carrying out their Wooll; to prevent which, their Situation consider'd, will be a very hard Matter; but there are no difficulties of the like Nature, which are not to be overcome, if the Administration be strict and steady.

They, who would prohibit the Expor­tation of Woollen Goods from Ireland, to Foreign Parts, have hitherto propos'd set­ting up there the Linnen Manufacture, but this Design is likewise not without its Dangers: The setting up the Linnen Manufacture will be less hurtful than to set up the Woollen, but we are to consi­der, That Ireland will be always able to [Page 128] supply it self with Draperies at Home, and that there will be no Market for their Linnen, but England, and its De­pendences. Now 'tis evident, That our Woollen Goods are sold in several Coun­tries, namely, Holland, Hamburgh, Ger­many, the Han's Towns, and all the East Country; many of which Places will not be able to take off our Woollen Goods, unless we deal for their Linnens: And in Fact, and by Experience, it has been seen, in the Case of the East-India Trade, since there has been Imported from thence vast Quantities of Linnens, such as Calli­coes, Muslins, Romals for Handkershifts, which answer'd the end of Lawns, Cam­bricks, and other Linnen Cloath, we have not Exported that vast quantity of Drape­ries to those Northern Parts, of which Sir Walter Raleigh makes mention. As our Call for their Linnens has diminish'd, their Call for our Draperies has propor­tionably decreas'd; and not only so, but these People have been compell'd by Necessity to fall upon making Course Woollen Cloath, by which they supply themselves, and other Places, which heretofore we were wont to furnish. So that it deserves a very serious Conside­ration, what future Effect it may have upon our Woollen Goods, to promote a [Page 129] Considerable Linnen Manufacture in Ire­land.

Upon the whole Matter, it ought to be carefully examin'd, Whither or no a bet­ter Expedient may not be thought on, to stop their Progress in the new Drape­ries, than to introduce the Linnen Manu­facture there? and whither it would not be best for both Kingdoms to take off the Prohibition that now lies upon Irish Cattle?

This Point has been formerly much debated, and it remains yet very doubt­ful, when this Prohibition was set on foot, which was most consulted, Pub­lick Good, or Private Interest; The Numbers of the Breeding were without doubt stronger, at that time, than those of the Feeding Lands; but 'tis to be fear'd, in the making that Act, that the general Interest of England was not suffi­ciently consider'd.

If the People of Ireland are permitted to bring their Cattle hither, it will lower the Price of Flesh in England; a Matter very important to a Country that Sub­sists so much by Manufactures. 'Tis true, the Breeding Counties will be thereby somewhat hurt, but it will encourage Im­provements and Melioration of Barren Land, in order to Feed, which will be [Page 130] advantagious to the whole Publick of the Nation. It will divert those of Ireland, from thinking to extend their Trade too much abroad; a Point not to be slighted. And it will in a manner confine the prin­cipal Part of their Dealings to this Kingdom; which, for many Reasons of State, will be best and safest for Eng­land.

'Tis therefore submitted to better Judg­ments, whither or no to open the way hither for their Cattle, will not be most advisable; and the truest Method to hin­der their Progress in Manufactures, with­out doing any thing that may look like Injury or Oppression.

'Tis no true Objection to say, That the People of Ireland will not fall readily into this sort of Trade, which has been now so long intermitted; for, as we are in­form'd, the Payments are very ill made, for that Flesh, Tallow and Hides, that are Exported to Foreign Parts. That the Merchant makes the Butcher stay some­times two or three Years, upon pretence of Bills of Exchange, and Returns ex­pected from the West-Indies, Spain, and other Parts; and if the Butcher be ill dealt with, it must follow, that the Land­lord cannot be paid his Rent: Whereas when the Trade was open for England, [Page 131] the Gentlemen of Ireland receiv'd ready Mony, or if they gave Credit, it was answer'd by the next Return; and Eng­land was to them as Smithfield is to Lan­cashire, Lincolnshire, or any other English Feeding County; besides, it would keep down the Exchange, which would be ano­ther Encouragement to the Irish Nobility and Gentry, who spend so large a Part of their Estates in London.

So that in all likelihood, the People of that Kingdom, if the said Prohibition were taken off, would cheerfully sub­mit to a Law here, binding them not to Export to Foreign Parts their Wool­len Goods; nor would they perhaps think of setting up the Linnen Manu­facture, which is likewise not without Consequences very pernicious; and for these Reasons, the Expedient here pro­pos'd, is now offer'd to Publick Consi­deration.

Before we quit our present Subject of Land and its Product, we shall offer ano­ther Hint. The Course Draperies is that part of our Woollen Manufacture, in which we are in greatest Danger to be rival'd by other Countries; it stands there­fore in need of most Encouragement. There are many Parts of the World, whose Poverty disables them from buy­ing [Page 132] our Woollen Goods, because of their high Price. As Russia, Poland, Tartary, &c. and therefore they are supply'd by the Germans, or some other Neighbours, with a sort of Cloath very contemptible, in Comparison of what we could make to answer the same Ends and Uses. Sup­pose then, instead of paying five per Cent. Custom outward bound, That such Course Cloaths not exceeding such a certain Value, should for a term of Years receive upon the Exportation ten per Cent. Bounty Mo­ny by way of Encouragement from the State, for so much as the Exporters can make appear was carry'd out, to Coun­tries with whom we had no Dealings of that kind before, and that such their Ex­portations are in order to enlarge our Trade. A Recompence of this Nature would in all probability increase the Woollen Manufacture of England, in not many Years, at least one third.

We have the more largely handled the Irish Prohibitions, because in all appear­ance the Ballance of Trade will very much depend upon the Measures England shall take, in relation to that Colony; since we should proceed very heavily in all our Fo­reign Traffick, if Ireland is left in a Capa­city to disturb us abroad, in the vent of our Woollen Manufactures.

[Page 133] And having treated of the Numbers of the People, and of Land, and its Product, we shall proceed to say something of our Payments to the Publick, and in what manner the Ballance of Trade may be thereby affected.

SECT. IV.
Of our Payments to the Publick, and in what manner the Ballance of Trade may be thereby af­fected.

WHETHER it be under a Com­mon-wealth, an Absolute Mo­narchy, or in a Mix'd Government, the Affairs of a Country can never go on pros­perously, unless the Publick Revenues are well and wisely ordered. Richlieu says, Cest le Point d'Archimede qui estant ferme­ment etabli, Testament Politique, part 2. §. 7. donne moyen de mouvoir tout le monde.

Common-wealths are seldom to blame in this part of Polity, and when they quit it, suffering their Treasure to be imbez­zel'd by the Men in Power, they seldom [Page 135] fail of salling soon after into the Hands of a single Person. In Absolute Monarchies, where 'tis neglected, the Prince is com­pell'd by his Want to Flea and Rack his Subjects, and to wink at all sorts of Rapine in those whose Business it is to contrive Ways of supplying his Necessities, till at last he becomes Tirannical and Odious to the whole People.

Profusion has the same ill Effects in Con­stitutions where the Regal Authority is limited by Laws. Richlieu says, Ibid. A neces­sitous Prince can never undertake a glorious Action; and Necessity ingendering Contempt, he can never be reduced to that Condition with­out being exposed to the Attempts of his Ene­mies, and of those who are envious of his Greatness. Besides, when the Crown is brought very low, it alters the due Bal­lance of Power, which should be kept even and well-pois'd to preserve such Forms of Government; for it either inclines the People who hold the Purse to intrench upon such Prerogatives as are necessary for the Prince's Safety, and to keep the Kingdom's Peace, or it gives bad Men an opportunity of suggesting to him that wicked Council (which was given to King Charles I.) of making himself easy, by subverting his People's Rights.

[Page 136] This able Statesman lays down, Testament Politique, Par. 1. c. 4. §. 1. That good Order in the Revenue depends more on those who have the Administration than on Laws and Regulations, which remain useless unless such as are employ'd to see them observ'd be willing to perform their Duty.

The Legislative Part of the Constitution gives the Mony, but it principally be­longs to the Ministerial Part to take Care that what is granted be not wasted, di­verted, or misapply'd; and if such as are trusted fail to do this, it is incumbent on the Legislature to interpose, and call 'em to a strict Account.

The Wealth of a Country is Finite, as well as the Substance of any private Man; and when a Ministry set themselves in­dustriously about it, they can as well ruin a whole People, as the Duke of Buck­ingham could see an end of his great Estate.

Harry III. of France, for want of Order and by being ill-served, in a few Years consumed an immense Sum, and antici­pated all the Crown-Revenue. His Suc­cessor Harry IV. with a very little Care of his own, but by the infinite Applica­tion, Prudence and Honesty of the Duke of Sully his Treasurer, paid most of those Debts off, and left behind him, at his Death, Five Millions Sterling in his Coffers. [Page 137] And at this Day, for want of Conduct in the Ministry, Spain is not the richer for the Silver Mines of Potosi. So that the Wealth or Poverty of the Publick does, in a manner, wholly depend upon the good or bad Administration of its Affairs.

Machiavel does not seem to think Libe­rality a necessary Virtue in a Prince, Prince, c. 16. be­cause, to support it, there must go so much Oppression of the People. And that a frugal Prince shall be accounted Noble to all from whom he takes nothing away, which are an infinite number: And that he shall be esteemed Near and Parsimonious only by those Few to whom he gives but little. And he says, That a Prince ought not so much to concern himself (so he exacts not upon his Subjects, so he be able to defend himself, so he becomes not despicable and commits no Ra­pine upon his People) tho' he be accounted Covetous, for that it is one of those Vices which fortifies his Dominion.And he ob­serves, That Pope Julius II. was liberal till he came to the Papacy, but frugal afterwards, which enabled him to do such great Things against the Power of France.

That the Business of most Kingdoms has been ill managed, proceeds from this: It imports the lower Rank of Men only and the People (whose Cries seldom reach the Prince till it is too late, and till all is [Page 138] past Remedy) that Matters should be frugally ordered, because Taxes must arise from their Sweat and Labour. But the great Ones, who heretofore have had the Prince's Ear and Favour, or who hoped to have him in their Possession, were sway'd by another sort of Interest; they liked Profusion, as having had a Prospect to be Gainers by it: They can easily set their Account even with the State, a small Charge upon their Land is more than bal­lanc'd by a great Place, or a large Pension. At the same time the People who are to pay all, and expect to receive nothing, are glad to see a frugal Court; which tho' it be not so good for its Followers, never fails to inrich a Nation.

'Tis true, Galba is an Instance that the Virtues of a close-handed Prince may be unsuccessful in Countries govern'd by the Sword, and where the Soldier is riotous, and in long Possession of a slack Discipline. And perhaps in all Absolute Monarchies, he who Governs should rather lean to­wards Munificence than Thrift. But Frugality in the State can never be dan­gerous in a Trading Nation, rul'd by Laws of its own making; and it is not only necessary in it self, but profitable in the Example, teaching private Men that good Husbandry in their Domestick Af­fairs, [Page 139] which never fails to inrich the whole Body-Politick.

Much nobler is it to enjoy the Praises of an Universal People, living in Plenty and at their Ease, not burthen'd by Taxes and Duties; than to have the good Words of a few Flatterers, or those Harpies which commonly haunt a Court to gripe all they can; who, when they are gorg'd themselves, pollute all the Remainder with their foul and obscene Claws, so that no Body else desires to touch it. Be­sides, we have hardly an Instance of any Prince, that in time of Need, was truly assisted and defended by his Minions, and the Creatures of his Bounty and Fa­vour; but a King belov'd for wise, just and careful Government, has been very seldom deserted by his People.

But suppose a Prince should desire to exercise in a very ample manner the inbred Magnificence of his Mind; if he will discharge the Trust committed to him by the King of Kings; if he will not make what he counts Virtue distructive to his People, he must find Matter to supply his liberal Inclinations; which he only can do, who sees that his Ministers look well after his Income and Expences.

Some Persons have a strange Notion, That large Payments to the State are not [Page 140] hurtful to the Publick; That Taxes make Mony circulate; That it imports not what A pays, when B is to receive it: But we hope to show, that they who argue in this manner, are very much mi­staken.

We have formerly touch'd upon this Matter in the Discourses on the Revenues, Part I. p. 196, 197, 198. and Trade of England, to which we refer the Reader; but the Necessity of our pre­sent Argument compels us here to handle this Point something more at large.

All Nations have a certain Annual In­come upon which the People live and sub­sist, out of which Taxes of all kinds arise; which Income we take to be since the War,

• In England,—43,000,000 l. per An.
• In France,—81,000,000 l. per An.
• In Holland,—18,250,000 l. per An.

And we must beg leave to repeat, in this place, something which we have laid down in those Tracts; P. 195. ‘That to nourish the Mass of Mankind, as to their Annual Expence in the Way and Form of Liv­ing practis'd in each of the three Coun­tries, such an Innual Income is necessary as is set down in the foregoing Scheme. By Annual Income we mean the whole that arises in any Country, from Land [Page 141] and its Product, from Foreign Trade and Domestick Business, as Arts, Ma­nufactures, &c. And by Annual Ex­pence, we understand what is of Neces­sity consum'd to Cloath and Feed the People, or what is requisite for their Defence in time of War, or for their Ornament in time of Peace. And where the Annual Income exceeds the Expence, there is a Superlucration ari­sing, which may be call'd Wealth or National Stock. The Revenue of the Government is a part of this Annual In­come, as likewise a part of its Expence; and where it bears too large a propor­tion with the whole, as in France, the common People must be miserable, and burthen'd with heavy Taxes. That part of the Prince's Revenue that nour­ishes his own Person is very little; but in great Monarchies, where numerous Armies, large Fleets, and pompous Courts are maintain'd, there the Ex­pence swells high, insomuch that to the Maintenance of the Governing part, viz. the Prince, his Officers of State, Military Power, &c. which are not in time of Peace above one 26th of the whole, there is required near the Ninth Penny of the Annual Income. And in such Countries the Governing part are [Page 142] Rich or at their Ease, but the other 25 parts, who are the Body of the People, must be oppressed with Taxes, as may be observ'd in the French Dominions. And this holds more strongly, where the Publick Debts make the Payment of a sixth part of the Annual Income necessary, which, for some time, is like to be the Case of France.’

To explain these Assertions shall be the Subject of this Section, whereby it will appear how much the Ballance of Trade may be affected by our Payments to the Publick.

We shall endeavour to show, in the last Section, That the Wealth of a Coun­try does in a great measure proceed from a right Administration of its Affairs: However, it may happen sometimes to increase in Riches where Things are in the main ill administer'd, as England did to the Year 1688, in the two Reigns that pre­ceeded this; but whoever looks carefully into the true Reason why we grew so fast in Wealth during those Eight and twenty Years, will find it was because we paid all that time but small Taxes and Duties to the Government, comparatively with other Nations.

[Page 143]

But our Case is very much alter'd, now, and since that Year, a great many new Revenues have been erected. We still pay the old Excise, the Customs and Post-Mony; besides which, there is laid Additional Duties upon Beer, Ale, and other Liquids; Additional Customs, the continued Acts and Joint Stocks, Duty on Marriages, &c. double Duty on Stamp'd Paper, Duty on Hackney Coaches, on Malt. The double Tonnage, the former and last Duties upon Salt. The Duty on Windows, upon Leather, Paper and Coals.

[Page 144]

During all the War, there has been le­vied here great Sums every Year, and many of the foremention'd Fonds are to continue so long, that it will be several Years before our Annual Payments can be considerably diminish'd. And there is such a difference between a Twentieth and an Eighth, or indeed a Tenth, or a Twelfth Part (which yet we shall not come at in some time) as must inevitably affect the Nation's Trade, and the whole Body of its People.

When there was rais'd no more than about a Twentieth Part, there were great Sums of Mony to circulate in Foreign Traffick, and to employ in enlarging our [Page 145] Home-Manufactures, which two Foun­tains of our Wealth must be dry, when the Springs that heretofore fed 'em are diverted, and let into another Channel.

There is scarce any of these new Reve­nues, which do not give Trade some desperate Wound. The Additional Du­ties on Beer and Ale, and the Tax upon Malt, are apparently a Burthen upon the Woollen Manufactures, affecting the Car­der, Spinner, Weaver and the Dyer, who all of them must be rais'd in their Wages, when the Necessaries of Life are rais'd to them. The Consequence of which will be, That our Woollen Goods must come at a heavy and disadvantagious Price into the Foreign Markets.

There is no Man will pretend, that High Customs are not pernicious to our Commerce abroad. A Nation is not Gainers in the general Ballance of Trade, by the Dealing of a Few, who are able to employ in it great Stocks; such may make to themselves an Immense Gain, but they go but a little towards inrich­ing the whole Publick, which seldom thrives, but when, in a manner, the Uni­versal People bend their Thoughts to this sort of Business; when every one is ready with his small Stock, and little Sum, to venture and rove about the World: Of [Page 146] these some prosper, and others are un­done; however, in the way of Merchan­dize, Men who do not thrive themselves, may yet contribute very much to make their Country Rich, which gets by the Dealings of all, and does not suffer by the unfortunate Conduct of here and there a Merchant. But when the Customs are High, all these under Dealers, who all along in England have made up the chief Bulk of our Trading Men, must hold their Hands, tho' in Skill, Industry, and inventive Parts and Wit, they may ex­ceed Merchants of more Wealth, and of a higher Rank. Nor is it indeed practi­cable for Men of but a moderate Fortune to Deal at all, when more than treble that Sum is necessary to have ready now to pay the King, which formerly would set up a Substantial Trader, and main­tain him in sufficient Business.

But of all the new Impositions, none are so dangerous to the very Being of Trade, nor so hurtful to all its Parts and Members, as the high Duties lately laid upon Salt. First, They affect the Com­mon People in the whole Course of their Living, whose chief Nourishment is Ba­con, and other Salted Flesh, so that this Excise has an universal Influence upon all our Manufactures whatsoever. But

Place this Scheme p. 147.

[Page 147] the general Prejudice it may bring to Navigation, is yet of much a higher Con­sequence.

Mr. King, in his Computations of the Naval Trade of England, Anno 1688. and the National Profit then arifing there-by, reckoning what Proportion was Na­vigated by our selves at that time, and what by Foreigners, is of Opinion, That with Relation to the value of our whole Trade here at home, our own Navigation was somewhat more than three fourths, and the Foreign Navigation near one fourth; But reckoning the value of the Foreign Navigation at the Market here, and of our own at the Markets abroad, then the Foreign Navigation seems to have been at that time in Proportion to our own, as one to two three fourths, and with respect to the Tunnage of Ships, our own Navigation seems to have been at that time two thirds, and the Fo­reign Navigation one third, according to the following Scheme.

Vide Scheme H.

From whence he Concludes, [Page 148]

And that the Advantage to Foreigners Trading to England in their own Ships, might be at that time in General thus.

[Page 149]

Upon the whole He Concludes,

Whoever considers these Computations, will find 'em very Judiciously made, and that Mr. King has done as much as could be performed meerly by the Strength of Numbers.

To come to an exact Knowledge in this Matter, and such as would be almost beyond Contradiction, the Books of the Customs should be look'd into; and from thence might be drawn an Accompt of all the Exportations from London, and the Out Ports to every distinct Country; and also of all the Importations to London, and the Out Ports from every distinct Country, and what might at that time be the value of those Goods, being com­puted [Page 151] by able Merchants: And this to be done for some competent Number of Years by reasonable Mediums, it may be very nearly guess'd from such a View, how the Ballance of Trade stood from time to time.

But where a thing so much within their Reach (and which the French Mini­sters are said to do in their Exports and Imports) has not been done by the Men of Business here; there is no way of know­ing how the Ballance stands, but by con­sidering the Numbers of the People, and their probable Consumption of our Home Product, and of Foreign Materials, from whence a Judgment may be form'd, not indeed perfectly demonstrable, but very near the Truth.

Mr. King observes, That by how much the Nation does not consume of its Im­ports, but either lays up, or increases the Stock of Gold or Silver, or other Ade­quate Treasure, or of durable Commodi­ties in Specie; by so much, at least, does the Nation gain by Foreign Trade, be­sides all other Advantages of Naviga­tion.

'Tis difficult to know how our Navi­gation has proceeded for these ten Years last past, but 'tis to be feared, That the Gain which Foreigners have made, by [Page 152] fetching and carrying in their own Bot­toms, has been much greater of late, then it was heretofore; which must be a very considerable Prejudice to England, and highly tend to set the Ballance of Trade against us.

Reckoning long and short Voyages to­gether, the principal Expence of fitting out a Trading Vessel, is Drink and Meat. The Excises and Duty upon Malt, with­out doubt, make Drink sufficiently dear to the Freighter. And the Duty upon Salt makes Victualling a very heavy Burthen upon him, all which must end in lessen­ing our Navigation from time to time; for undoubtedly Foreigners observing how dear Freight is with us, will Trade in their own Ships as much as possi­ble.

In Barrelling up Beef and Pork, we heretofore made use of St. Martin's, &c. or Oleron and English Salt mixed together; and with these Materials the Flesh was best prepared, both for wholsomness, and long keeping; our own Salt without Fo­reign Mixture being fiery, corrosive, and very Scorbutick. As we are informed, the St. Martins, and worser sort of French Salt, from 1676, to 1688, was delivered in London, at about 2 l. 5 s. per Tun, and forty Bushels to the Tun. And that from [Page 153] Oleron, at from 2 l. 10 s. to 2 l. 15. per Tun. But now the very Duty for forty Bushels of Oleron Salt amounts to 13 l. 6. s. 8. d. besides the 25 per Cent. ad valo­rem, of which formerly the prime Cost came to but 2 l. 15 s. at highest: The Duty likewise upon forty Bushels of Lisbon Salt comes to 13 l. 6 s. 8 d. of which the prime Cost was formerly, at highest, but 3 l. 10 s. And as to our Newcastle, and Limington Salt, which is now generally made use of in Salting Beef and Pork for Trading Vessels; the very Duty for forty Bushels amounts to 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. of which, before the War, the prime Cost came but to 3 l. at the dearest Market: Insomuch that we are credibly inform'd, a Merchant can store himself in Ireland, for a long Voyage, with Salt, Beef and Pork, ready pack'd up, almost as cheap as he can buy the Salt in England.

So that for long Voyages, the Mer­chant will either Victual in Ireland, or Salt his Beef and Pork on some Foreign Coast, as he Sails along, where Provisions shall be cheap, which must bring a great Damage to the Landed Interest here; or if he does not do so, Victualling will be so expensive to him, as to make Freight much dearer than it ought to be in a Country that expects to thrive by Trade.

[Page 154] The Consequence of all which will be, That the Body of our Merchants must lie under a general Discouragement; They will neglect looking after National Gain, which English Merchants have per­haps heretofore as much consider'd in their Dealings, as any Trading Men in the whole Commercial World; They will have an Eye to nothing but their own temporary Profit, and fuffer Strang­ers to go away with those Gains which England was wont to make by Freight; from whence it will follow, That we must decay in our Stock of Shipping, and decrease every Year in the breed of Sea­men; and when this happens, we must no more pretend to such a Naval Strength as has hitherto made us terrible to all our Neighbours.

Trade, without doubt, is in its nature a pernicious thing; it brings in that Wealth which introduces Luxury; it gives a rise to Fraud and Avarice, and ex­tinguishes Virtue and Simplicity of Man­ners; it depraves a People, and makes way for that Corruption which never fails to end in Slavery, Foreign or Domestick. Licurgus, in the most perfect Model of Government that was ever fram'd, did banish it from his Common-wealth. But, the Posture and Condition of other Coun­tries [Page 155] consider'd, 'tis become with us a ne­cessary Evil. We shall be continually ex­pos'd to Insults and Invasions without such a Naval Force, as is not to be had natu­rally but where there is an extended Traf­fick. However, if Trade cannot be made subservient to the Nation's Safety, it ought to be no more encourag'd here than it was in Sparta: And it can never tend to make us safe, unless it be so managed as to make us increase in Shipping and in the Breed of Seamen.

Freight is not only the most Politick, but the most National and most certain Profit a Country can possibly make by Trade; Therefore all Duties must be pernicious that burthen it, and make it dear. And we have dwelt the longer upon this Article of the Salt Duty, be­cause it seems to have more dangerous Consequences, in relation to our Commerce abroad, than all the other Impositions put together.

The late Tax upon Coals is a heavy Burthen on all Handicrafts working on Iron, a Manufacture in which we are now come to a great Perfection. And the Skill and Neatness of our Work-men is such in Locks, Keys, Hindges, and other Cu­riosities of this kind; that our Exportati­ons of these Commodities may in time [Page 156] grow very considerable, if this new Duty does not interrupt their Industry.

We have shown in several Instances, how the Excises lately set a foot, may affect us in the general Ballance of Trade. And we have done it with a design of making it appear how much it is for the Common Good, to endeavour to get out of those Debts, for which these Revenues are the Security and Fund.

Mr. King, in a Scheme of his, of the Yearly Increase and Decrease of the Actual Stock of England, from the Year 1600. to 1698. and what it may probably amount to by the Year 1710. if the present Peace continue, (and none of those Accidents of Plague, War, Fires and Civil Discords in­tervene, which more or less do certainly diminish or hinder the Increase of the Nations Wealth, whenever they happen) computes, That Anno 1600. the said Actual Stock was but about 25 Millions, making a Yearly Increase of about 4 or 500,000 l. That Anno 1630. it was about 37 Millions, making a Yearly Increase of about one Million. That in 1664. (the Year before the last great Plague) it was about 64 Millions, making a Yearly Increase of about 1,200,000 l. And that Anno 1668. it was about 86 Millions, making a Yearly Increase of 2,400,000 l.

[Page 157] And Concludes,

First, That the last Plague, the Fire of London, and the Dutch War, did actu­ally diminish the said Stock, at least 9 or 10 Millions, and hindred the Increase of 18 or 20 Millions more.

Secondly, That the last War with France, with the other Circumstances of the Revolution, and the Recoyning the Mony, has actually diminish'd the said Stock about 12 Millions, and hindred the Increase of about 28 Millions besides.

Thirdly, That the Nation will not arrive to the same Degree of Actual Stock, which it had Anno 1688. till about the Year 1705. nor make an Increase of 2,400,000 l. per Annum, as it did in 1688. till about the Year 1706. nor then neither, unless the Taxes be considerably dimi­nish'd; that thereby our Navigation and Commerce may be fully restored, to what it was before the late War.

We do not pretend to give any Ac­compt of the present Posture of our Fo­reign Trade, nor how it stood during all the last War, for it would be launching into a very wide Sea; but without doubt, the Immense Sums that have been rais'd every Year, and the variety of new Duties that have been lately levied, are a heavy Burthen upon it.

[Page 158] And in order to give some little Light into this Matter, and to show how the Ballance has been, and may be thereby affected, we shall briefly State what Mo­ny has been Anually granted since the War.

[Page 161]

[Page 162] 'Tis not pretended, That the forego­ing Accounts are exact to a Tittle; but according to the best Information we are able to procure, they are as near the Truth as is requisite in our present Argu­ment.

Having shown what has been granted in Fonds, we shall now show what was intended by the Parliament; and, for five Years, very little more demanded for the Fleet and Army.

Note, That from Anno 1693 inclusive, to Anno 1697 inclusive, the difference between what was demanded by the Mi­nisters, and granted by the Parliament for the Fleet and Army during those Five Years, amounted in the whole time but to 1,465,623 l. 19 s. 9½ d.

[Page 163] Suppose the Expence of the Civil List from 1689 inclusive, to 1698 inclusive, to have been one Year with another 600,000 l. per Annum.

[Page 164] And the Accounts of England may run thus,

So that except in the Article of Interest Mony, and except in the Article of 1,465,623 l. 19 s. 09½ d. in which the Demands of the Ministers for the State of the War, exceeded what was granted by the Parliament, the Expences of the Govern­ment seem to have been fully supply'd, and that there remains an over-Ballance of 2,902,245 l. to be accounted for.

Now as to Interest-Mony for the 5,000,000 l. with which the Crown-Revenue may have been charg'd towards the War, those Fonds, most of 'em, have and will answer the Principal and all the [Page 165] Interest allow'd by Parliament: And other Interest, which several Fonds fell short of satisfying, has been in a great measure made good by the Supply of 7,000,000 l. granted to answer Defici­encies.

And as to the State of the War having exceeded what was granted, in ballancing the general Accompt, this Article ought to be considered, if during the whole War the Muster-Rolls have been full; and if all along we have had our Complement of Ships and Seamen, according to that State of the War which was every Year laid before the Parliament.

But upon the whole Matter, consider­ing what has been granted, and what may probably have been expended, there seems good Reason to think that the Publick of England, if all Accompts were narrowly inspected, cannot be much in Arrear either to the Fleet, Army, or to the Civil List.

So that if there shall remain any great Arrear, in all likelihood it must chiefly arise from exorbitant Premiums, unwar­rantable Interest, and other ways of lay­ing out Mony, hurtful to the King, and distructive to the People.

The rough Draught of our general Accompts here given, which is as perfect [Page 166] as a By-stander only could procure, may perhaps afford some little Help to such as will think of these Affairs; and this rude Model may contribute towards the form­ing of a better Scheme.

The Forty eight Millions granted, as we have said, by Parliament for the seve­ral Years from 1689 to 1698 inclusive, have not been actually levied. To state exactly how much of it has been already rais'd, and what proportion of it remains secured by remote Fonds, is not to be done without greater Helps than the Writer of these Papers can come at: But so far we know, and may affirm safely, that a great part of the Product of Land, our Trade, and Manufactures, remain still mortgaged for upwards of twenty Millions.

Two of the Nine Pences on Beer and Ale are to be esteemed as a Perpetuity, the third Nine Pence is engaged for a long Term of Time; the first Duty upon Salt can be look'd upon no better than as a perpetual Fond; the new Customs, con­tinued Acts and Joint-Stocks, the Duty on Marriages, Births, &c. the first Duty on Stamp'd paper, the Duty on Windows, half the Duty on Glass-Ware, the new Duties on Whale-Fins and Scotch Linnen, are continued to the First of August, 1706. The last Duties upon Salt, and Stamp'd [Page 167] Paper, are Perpetuities; there is a further Subsidy of Tonnage and Poundage grant­ed from the last of January, 1699. for His Majesty's Life-time; and the Imposi­tions upon Malt, Leather and Paper, are not expired.

To imagine we can buy off and redeem, in any moderate time, all these Perpe­tuities or long Fonds, is a vain Hope; but this may be laid down for a certain Truth, That England will never flourish in Trade and Manufactures till the great­est Part of 'em are clear'd, and till our Affairs are brought to such a Posture, that we may not pay to the Government either for the Support of the Crown, or on Accompt of Fonds, where the Princi­pal is sunk, above 2,300,000 l. per Annum, or about a twentieth part of the Nation's general Income, which was our Condi­tion before the War.

And unless this can be compass'd it will be found, That in no long Course of Time we shall languish and decay every Year, by Steps easy enough to be perceived by such as consider of these Matters. Our Gold and Silver will be carried off by de­grees, Rents will fall, the Purchase of Land will decrease, Wooll will sink in its Price, our Stock of Shipping will be di­minished, Farm-houses will go to ruin, [Page 168] Industry will decay, and we shall have upon us all the visible Marks of a declining People.

It may indeed be objected, That France for about forty, and Holland for above a hundred Years have thriven by Trade, notwithstanding that all the while they have lain under the Burthen of heavy Taxes. To which may be answered, That where (as in France) the Admini­stration in other Things is exact and right, the Subjects, though poor, may enlarge their Traffick, for general good Order makes amends for a great deal of Oppres­sion; but they would yet have had more Trade if their Prince had left 'em richer: Besides, Arbitrary Power has compell'd 'em to that Domestick Thrift, which of it self goes very far to make a People succeed in Foreign Commerce, tho' their Pay­ments to the Publick are excessive. And as to the Dutch they have been so long inur'd to this Parsimony, that the more they are to pay the State, the more they save at home; and they always take care not to clog their Importations; and from this Polity it comes that high Taxes are not hurtful to their Trade.

But in Countries where the Admini­stration of Affairs is loose, partly through the mildness of the Laws, and partly [Page 169] through the bad Execution of 'em, where the People have been in a long Possession of Ease and Plenty, and where they think it an Essential part of Freedom to be as Expensive and Luxurious as they please, and where no Man retrenches upon any publick Accompt whatsoever: Among such a People, high Taxes, Duties, and Impositions, must inevitably occasion a de­cay of Trade; and tho' their Dealings seem large and not to be interrupted, they shall carry on such a sort of Traffick as will bring along with it at last their certain Ruin.

A variety of new Impositions and re­mote Fonds do not only hurt us in the Ballance of Trade, as we have shown, but they are dangerous to Liberty, with­out which, Trade can never truly flourish, and without which it is indeed of no Im­portance; for to what end should Men acquire Wealth, which they cannot call their own? And accordingly under Des­potick Governments (except in some places where the Administration of the Tyranny is very wisely carried on) but few trouble themselves with the Thoughts of Foreign Traffick.

Whoever considers the vast number of new Duties now a-foot, will find that 'tis not impossible to make 'em the Engines [Page 170] wherewith bad Men, some time or other, may endeavour to undermine our Civil Rights. 'Tis true, in this Reign we have no reason to entertain such a Fear, but a Country that will preserve its Constitution must provide against remote Dangers.

At present we pay to the Government, besides the Three Shillings Aid and Poll-Mony, so many Duties, Old and New, as amount to about Three Millions and a half per Annum. Some of 'em, 'tis true, expire shortly. But suppose Necessity or bad Management (and there is nothing which ill Husbandry cannot devour) should compel us to continue what is now expiring for a longer time; and admit that for present Subsistance, and to pay old Debts, these Fonds of Three Millions and a half per Annum should be settled as a Se­curity to Lenders, for some certain time to come.

Suppose then a Government in the Pos­session of such a large Revenue at first le­gally granted, put into a Method of Col­lection, and to the Payment of which the People shall be accustomed.

And suppose, in some future Reign, the Ministers should be either weary or afraid of Parliaments, and desirous to Govern by the Sword, and without Law. That this may happen is not impossible, be­cause [Page 171] we have heretofore seen Statesmen so dispos'd.

'Tis to be hoped this is a Danger very remote indeed; but when a Ministry shall be so madly inclin'd, the Symptoms of their approaching Frenzy will be evident enough; for at such a Season we shall see 'em choose rather to be supply'd by di­stant Fonds, than with what will pro­duce ready Mony: And they will take care that Revenues granted may not be well managed nor improved to the Height, with this Design, That the People may be kept in the dark, both as to what they give, and as to what each Branch is like to yield.

Suppose then an Ambitious and Des­perate Set of Men, with all these Thoughts about 'em, and resolved to make their Master Absolute, may they not, with the Help of such an ample Revenue, quite overthrow our Constitution? Arbitrary Ministers have heretofore stopp'd the Ex­chequer; and if we should ever see Men of the same Stamp upon the Stage of Bu­siness, 'tis not impossible but that they may run into the same wicked Measures, especially if they should be back'd with the Support of a Standing Army.

[Page 172] The Liberties of a People are but in a very precarious Condition, when they can be subverted by one pernicious Coun­sel: It should therefore be the Care of such as love their Country, to render this fatal Advice as dangerous and impractica­ble as Laws can make it.

At a time when there is such an Im­mense Revenue collected every Year, it seems a Fault in our Constitution that sufficient Provision is not made against diverting and misapplying the Publick Treasure, and against breaking into Ap­propriated Fonds. And to speak in plain Words, There is reason to fear that the Laws have not made it Criminal enough to stop Payments in the Exchequer.

When a Town that apprehends a Siege finds it self weak by Nature in one place, the first Care of the Defenders is to fortifie that Post as well as ever they can. In the same manner a Constitution that is attackable one way, should strengthen that Part with severe Laws. The Exchequer therefore should be fenced about with all possible Skill, that it may never be invaded by bold and designing Ministers.

A Stop there would at once pull down all our Civil Rights. Nay, to stop the Principal only, tho' the Payments of the [Page 173] Interest should be continued, would be fatal to our Constitution, for there would yet remain an Income large enough to make Parliaments useless. And if wicked Men should thus set up for themselves, they would still have Revenue sufficient to bear their Expences, and to keep up an Army to awe such as their Conduct shall displease.

Some indeed will argue, That a cor­rupted Ministry will as soon make new Levies of Mony, as venture thus to divert what has been already granted and appro­priated: But this Objection has no weight in it. The People more willingly submit to a Tax once lawful, than to pay a new Duty against Law. The Tonnage and Poundage illegally levied in the former part of King Charles I.'s Reign, did not occasion half the Clamour as the new Im­position of Ship-Mony. In the begin­ning of King James II. d's Reign, the Tonnage and Poundage, and Temporary Excise, determined by King Charles his Death, was paid without opposition; but if King James had attempted to raise a new Tax by the Regal Authority, his Subjects without doubt would not have paid it. Besides, when a Tax is lawful in its Original, 'tis to be feared that the People will not much concern themselves [Page 174] who is to receive it, the Court, or such as have trusted the Exchequer; but they would be alarm'd to some purpose if they should be called upon to make new Pay­ments not warranted by Law. So that in all probability more Danger may arise to our Liberties from breaking into old Fonds appropriated, and stopping the Exchequer, than from making new and forcible Levies upon the Subject.

And though there is no Cause in this Reign to fear such Attempts, yet it must certainly be Wisdom to provide against future Evils, especially when 'tis possible that one desperate and wicked Council may destroy that Constitution for which we have been so long contending.

The true way to hinder such a Disease from ever coming upon the Body-Politick will be to remove the Cause, by lessening assoon as possible these Payments to the Publick of three Millions and a half per Annum, besides Polls and Land-Taxes; which large Issues may endanger Liberty, and without doubt hurt us in the Ballance of Trade.

The Debts for which these Fonds are a Security, by Negligence will every Year increase, insomuch that in a very short time, and with a very little more Care­lessness, the Raising more and more will [Page 175] grow unavoidable for our common De­fence, till at last we shall come to pay con­stantly between five and six Millions per Annum. And when this Kingdom shall be arrived at that Period of ill Conduct, we may venture to Pronounce, That the Common People of England will in all Circumstances be then as poor and mise­rable, as the Common People of France were before the War. And we desire all good Patriots to carry this Reflection in their minds.

On the contrary by good Management this Debt may be lessen'd, so that the Fonds which are its Security (instead of of being continued) may be dropt every Year, till at last we may come to pay to the Government for its Support and De­fence, such a Sum as will not be danger­ous to our Freedoms, nor prejudicial to our Foreign Traffick.

He who proposes Thrift may please the Common People, but he shall be sure to disgust some others; However the Writer of these Papers thinks it his Duty to Re­commend Frugality in the State; and he believes 'tis the Wisest and Honestest way of Inriching the Publick, to make it Rich out of its own Revenues.

[Page 176] As to what Improvements may be made in the Revenues already granted, we re­fer the Reader to what we have former­ly said upon this Subject in our Discour­ses on the Revenues and Trade of Eng­land; Part I. pag. 119. We have laid down that several Branches there specified may, by good Ma­nagement, and without Oppression, be An­nually Encreased 736,075 l.

Nor upon Enquiry since, do we find any Reason to receed from this Opinion; on the contrary we have good Cause to think, that they are rather Capable of greater Improvements than we had then taken notice of.

The Malt is indeed an Article in that Accompt; but 'tis an expiring Duty which the People of England hope never to see continued, therefore an Abatement is to be made upon that Head: But the re­maining Branches, if well look'd after, would ease us of very many Burthens.

In that Discourse, we have shown seve­ral Reasons not yet Answered, Why the Excise on Beer and Ale single and double is Improvable in the whole 318,000 l. per Annum, but instead of rising, the Excise is again fallen since the Accompt was Stat­ed.

[Page 177]

So that the Excise now almost Doubled produces but about the same Sum which it yielded formerly with the single Duty on­ly upon it; for which we shall presume to say, the Managers neither have given, nor can give, any well grounded and so­lid Reason.

When we consider how much the Ex­cise was Advanced in six Years by good Management, we cannot but be of Opi­nion, that a very great Sum might be Raised every Year towards Clearing the gross Debt, by Skill and careful Conduct, in such as Govern the respective Bran­ches.

But tho it imports the State to a high Degree to have the utmost of its Legal Dues, and just Revenues, fairly brought in, yet a great deal more depends upon ha­ving this Revenue Frugally and Wisely [Page 178] laid out; For, as in private Instances, He who lives with Oeconomy, shall be Ri­cher, tho his Gains are but small, than a Prodigal, let his Gettings be never so large; So Governments which manage their Affairs thriftily, shall have more Wealth than States which have the way to obtain never so large Contributions from their People.

What is to be got by good Manage­ment in bringing in the Revenues, is no­thing in comparison of what may be sa­ved in laying out the Publick Treasure, one way the Proffit is limited and nar­row, and the other boundless, one way we can reckon but by Hundreds, the other way by Millions.

A Venetian Ambassador once told Car­dinal Richlieu, Testament Politique Part 2. C. 9. Sect. 7. That there needed no more to make France happy, than wisely to lay out what was vainly dissipated. Qu'elle Scut aussi bien despenser ce qu'elle dissipoit sans Raison que la Republique scavoit bien n'em­ployer pas un seul Quadrain sans besoin, et sans beaucoup de Menage.

A State must be plunged into endless Debts and Difficulties, unless it has a strict Eye over all its Expences, especial­ly such as relate to a War, which is al­ways a greedy Monster, but Devours much more when 'tis left to feed at random.

[Page 179] To come at such a future Thrift as may bring us out of that Debt which lies so hea­vy in the other Scale when we consider of the Ballance of Trade; One way perhaps will be severely to Enquire how the Forty eight Millions already given have been Ex­pended: Besides it will not peradventure be difficult to show that of the many Milli­ons still owing, a large Sum might be saved, if the Publick Accompts from their very be­ginning were overhaled.

A Government that will get out of Debt, must look nicely into every particular; It ought in Prudence to examine into all Grants made by the Crown, when the People lay under the Burthen of Heavy Taxes.

'Tis said that the Forfeitures in Ireland, and the Lands possessed by the Crown in 1688, would satisfie a large part of what the Publick is now Indebted.

'Tis alledged that Gains unwarrantable in Law, and not to be justified by any Necessity whatsoever, have been made in several Contracts with the Crown, if all this were look'd into, very probably some­thing might be sav'd towards discharging the Nations Debts.

There is one piece of Management which the Writer of these Papers is ve­ry much surprized at, and it relates to the Exchequer Bills.

[Page 180]

[Page 181] Besides, these Premiums there is a Current Interest upon the Bills of above 7 ½ per Cent, And 'tis likewise observable, that the whole struck into Exchequer Bills is but 2,700,000 l. to circulate which there has been a Subscription of 3 Millions, so that the Engine which carries, is heavier than the weight it bears, which seems but clumsy Workmanship; besides 'tis remarkable that there is yet sunk of these Bills but 1,250,000 l. And of the Exchequer Bills a vast Sum are become Specie Notes at the Current Interest, tho Mony now lies, or ought to lie, for their discharge.

There is likewise another piece of Oeco­nomy after which, sometime or other, it may be worth while to make Enquiry. The Old East-India Company offer'd to raise the two Millions then wanted, and to deposit 200,000 l. to make good their Proposal, nor did they propose or expect a­ny Premium or Deduction whatsoever; Yet their Offer was discouraged and re­jected by some of our Men of Business; and the same Persons have thought it rea­sonable to alow to the New Company a Premium of 62,500 l. which was de­falk'd out of the first Payment of 200,000 l. part of which Premium is contrary to the Express direction of the Act of Parlia­ment.

[Page 183] 'Twill cost England a large Tax to raise the Sums lavish'd in these two Instances, but we shall say no more upon these Par­ticulars, leaving the Reader to make his own Comment upon such unaccountable Proceedings.

When the Affairs of a Private Man are in disorder, he sinks faster towards the la­ter end than in the beginning; The same thing holds in a Government whose Re­venues are entangled, the further it goes the more the Debt swells, unless such as are concern'd in the Administration re­solve before it be too late, to enter upon Wise and Thrifty Measutes.

Where the King's Person is belov'd, where his Virtues are rever'd, and where the Government is of the Peoples own Forming, and Election, the Subjects will seldom fail to exert themselves strongly, and are very willing to stretch their Pur­ses, in order to put the Publick Revenues into such a posture that the Administra­tion may be easie, and that the Kingdom may be protected; but they must be invited to this by seeing that what they give is Frugally managed, and not Profusely wast­ed, and by observing that their Mony goes to Support the State, and not to En­rich Private Persons.

[Page 184] Men when they are worn out with Diseases, Aged, Crazy, and when be­sides they have the Mala Stamina Vitae, may be patched up for a while, but they cannot hold out long; for Life, tho' it is shortned by Irregularities, is not to be extended by any Care beyond such a Period. But it is not so with the Body-Politick, by Wisdom and Conduct that is to be made long-liv'd, if not Immortal; Its Distempers are to be cured, nay its very Youth is to be renew'd, and a Mix'd Government grows Young and Healthy again, whenever it returns to the Prin­ciples upon which it was first founded.

The Disorders we labour under are capable of a Remedy, and our Difficulties are not such but that they may be ma­ster'd: Those Payments to the Publick, by good Management may be lessened, which inevitably must set the Ballance of Trade against us.

While these Immense Debts remain, the Necessities of the Government will continue, Interest must be high, and large Premiums will be given. And what Encouragement is there for Men to think of Foreign Traffick (whose Re­turns for those Commodities that inrich England must bring no great Profit to the private Adventurers) when they can sit [Page 183] [...] [Page 184] [...] [Page 186] at home, and without any Care or Haz­zard get from the State by dealing with the Exchequer, Fifteen and sometimes Twenty, Thirty, Forty and Fifty per Cent.? Is there any Commerce abroad so constantly advantagious? Will Men who can safely, and without Trouble, reap such Gains, breed their Children to be Merchants? Will they venture great Stocks to make Discoveries, and employ their Industry to enlarge and extend our Dealings in distant Parts? Will they think of building that multitude of Trad­ing Vessels which alone can rear us up a sufficient Breed of able Seamen? And if that Tide of Wealth which was wont to flow in Trade, be diverted to another Channel; and if we mind no other Traf­fick but that which just supplies our Luxuries, must we not in a few Years be Losers in the general Ballance?

Where Interest is high, the Merchants care not to deal in any but rich Commo­dities, whose Freight is easy, and whose Vent is certain in corrupted Countries; And of these Costly Wares very many carry out Mony, and but few bring any back to the Kingdom. 'Tis the Bulky Goods, whose Returns are not of so great Profit, that breed most Seamen, and that are most Nationally gainful; but such [Page 187] Goods cannot be very much dealt in where Interest is high, nor can any Laws in the World lower it where great Sums are continually borrow'd by the Govern­ment. And by these Instances it must sufficiently appear, how much our Pay­ments to the Publick may affect the Bal­lance of Trade.

And, treating upon this Subiect, we cannot but take Notice, where the Prince is frequently absent from his own Domi­nions, sojourning for a long space of time in a Foreign Country, in which He, His Court, and His whole Retinue are oblig'd to make great Expences, That this is highly prejudicial to the Ballance of Trade, and, without doubt, must incline the Scale to that Nation's Side where the Mony is spent.

Upon the whole Matter, If the Re­venues already granted are well look'd after, and improv'd; if the Accompts of the Fleet and Army are carefully in­spected; if the Grants are strictly exa­min'd; if the State enters intirely upon Frugal Measures; and if we resolve to exert our Selves, so as not to let this dan­gerous Burthen lie long upon us, this Great Debt may be clear'd in some mode­rate time, and those large Payments to the Publick will cease, which are like so [Page 189] many bloody Issues that emaciate the Body-Politick, and render it Hectical and Consumptive; and, if this Debt were paid, we should get rid of that variety of new Excises, and high Customs, which hurt Foreign Traffick, and interrupt us in our Domestick Business, and which are more especially a heavy Weight upon the Woollen Manufacture.

Even in a Common-wealth 'tis dan­gerous for one part of the People to be very much indebted to the other; and in Rome it was the occasion of great Sedi­tions. When the State has borrow'd large Sums, and issued out Securities by Tallies upon different Fonds, 'tis common­ly said the Publick is so and so indebted; but in truth the Case is otherwise, and more properly speaking, these sort of Fonds divide a Country into two Ranks of Men, of which one are Creditors and the other Debtors; and this Distinction does without doubt belong to all Nations where the People pay Taxes to one ano­ther, as it now happens to be our Case in England. The Creditors are the Bank, such as deal with the Publick for Stores, Lenders of all kinds, besides a great many Foreigners, whose Mony is lent to the State in English Names. The Debtors are the Landed Men, the 5th or 6th part [Page 190] of whose Rents are pawn'd for the Pub­lick Service from Year to Year, by Aids and Land-Fonds. All Merchants like­wise who pay Customs, and all Shop­keepers and Retailers are, according to our Distinction, to be accompted Debtors. Thus almost all England may not be im­properly divided into Debtors and Credi­tors, nor in a long and expensive War was this wholly to be avoided, but without doubt it cannot be wise nor safe to let this Distinction long continue; for tho' such as Receive may like their Condition and think themselves at Ease, yet such as are to Pay cannot be so well contented. 'Tis true, some modern Politicians have run upon another Notion; and several Persons have thought that the more Fonds are erected, the more People are engaged to preserve the present Government. This Policy indeed of theirs would hold good if they could make out, That the Lenders are stronger; and more in number than such as are concern'd in Payments to the Publick: But it rather seems to hold in Sense and Reason, That the Throne of that Prince, in a Free Nation, must be the most firmly established, whose Af­fairs permit him to ask the fewest Taxes from his People.

[Page 192] France was once upon a right foot in relation to its Liberties; and they who peruse their History with Care will find, That Arbitrary Power did not so much bring in high Taxes, as high Taxes in­troduced Arbitrary Power; for when that Golden Idol of an Immense Revenue was once set up, all the Nation bowed to it.

In the Second and Third Sections we have shown, That the probable Methods to make a Country Gainers in the Bal­lance of Trade, are to take Care of In­creasing and Employing the People, and to Improve Land and its Product. In this Fourth Section we have set forth how this Ballance may be affected by our Pay­ments to the Publick. And in the last Discourse we shall endeavour to show, That the Wealth and Prosperity of a State depend chiefly upon a wise, steady and honest Administration.

SECT. V.
That a Country cannot Increase in Wealth and Power but by Private Men doing their Duty to the Public, and but by a steady Course of Ho­nesty and Wisdom, in such as are trusted with the Admini­stration of Affairs.

AT Romae ruere in Servitium Consules, Patres, Eques, quanto quis illustri­or, tanto magis falsi ac festinantes. But at Rome they all ran headlong into Slavery, the Consuls, the Senate, the Gentry and the nobler the person was, tho more false, and the greater haste he made. This was the Condition of Rome when Tiberius as­sum'd the Empire, but God forbid it should be ever the Case of England, for our Constitution will be entirely lost when such a Corruption happens; we may indeed preserve the Name of Liber­ty, [Page 194] and some of its outward Forms, but no more than what will help to keep our Chains the faster on: Tyrannies have been often subverted, where the Princes govern meerly by their own Will, with­out giving to their Subjects the least ap­pearance of being free; but those abso­lute Monarchies are hardly to be shaken, and that Servitude is lasting, where the People are left to make their own Fet­ters.

It is a matter of great wonder, that from the Time of Augustus downwards, the Romans, who were seldom without Brave and Virtuous Men, should never make One Attempt to restore the Com­monwealth, and to shake off that Power which some of the Emperors exercis'd with such exorbitance; but in all likely­hood it proceeded from this, that the Souldiers and Common People, without whom no great Revolution can be made, believ'd themselves still free, because, in show, the Commonwealth had the same Form as in elder times: there was a Se­nate, Consuls, Tribunes, and an appear­ance of all the Antient Magistracies, tho nothing remain'd of the antient Liberty: But this the Common People did not feel, for the Cruelty and Fraud of Tibe­rius, the Madness of Caligula, the Stupi­dity [Page 195] of Claudius, the Riots and Lust of Nero, the Gluttony and Sordid Mind of Vitellius, the Vanities of Otho, and the Enormous Vices of Domitian did little hurt to the Inferiour Rank of Men, who all the while had Panem & Circences, which was all they desir'd; but the Mis­chiefs these Monstrous Princes brought upon the World, fell chiefly upon No­bler Heads; who yet could not rescue their Country, so much were the Com­mon People lull'd asleep, with the Opi­nion they entertain'd, that the Laws still govern'd, because they saw every year Consuls and a Senate; but this Senate be­ing corrupted, made the Tyranny bound­less and safe: For the People could never be induc'd to oppose that Power which still bore some Resemblance to their An­tient Form of Government.

In the same manner, if in future Ages our Parliaments should be debauch'd in Principles, and become willing to be the Instruments of a Prince's Will, and to act as he directs them, Arbitrary Power would be here settled upon a lasting Foot; for the Common People would never join with any who would attempt to re­deem their Country, because they will be deceiv'd by Names and Forms, and think the Laws govern'd, and that they are [Page 196] free, if the outward show of the Consti­tution is still preserv'd.

When Cotruption has seiz'd upon the Representatives of a People, 'tis like a Cronical Disease hardly to be rooted out. When Servile Compliance and Flattery come to predominate, things proceed from bad to worse, till at last the Go­vernment is quite dissolv'd. Absolute Monarchies are in danger of great Con­vulsions, when one Man, their Prince, happens to be weak, or wicked; but Commonwealths, or mix'd Constitutions are safe till the Chief Part of the Lead­ing Men are debauch'd in Principles. However, Monarchy has this Advantage, that the one Man, their Prince, is mortal, and if bad, he may be succeeded by a better; but a people thoroughly corrupted never returns to right Reason; And we see that the depravity of Manners, which began in Rome presently after the second Punic War, among the Nobility and Gentry, became every year worse and worse, till at last Caesar destroyed the Commonwealth. And after his time, under the succeeding Emperors, every Senate grew more abject and complying than the other, till in Process of Time the old Roman Spirit was utterly extin­guish'd, and then that Empire by degrees [Page 197] became a Prey to Barbarous Nations.

If all parts of the State do not with their utmost power promote the Publick Good, if the Prince has other Aims than the safety and welfare of his Country, if such as represent the People do not pre­serve their Courage and Integrity, If the Nations Treasure is wasted, If Mi­nisters are allow'd to undermine the Constitution with Impunity, If Judges are suffer'd to pervert Justice and wrest the Law, then is a mixt Govern­ment the greatest Tyranny in the world; it is Tyranny establish'd by a Law, 'tis authoris'd by Consent, and such a Peo­ple are bound with Fetters of their own making. A Tyranny that governs by the Sword, has few Friends but Men of the Sword, But a Legal Tyranny (where the People are only call'd to confirm Iniquity with their own Voices) has of its Side the Rich, the Fearful, the Lazy, those that know the Law, and get by it, Am­bitious Churchmen, and all those whose Livelihood depends upon the quiet Po­sture of Affairs; Aud the Persons here discrib'd compose the Influencing Part of most Nations; So that such a Tyranny is hardly to be shaken off. Men may be said to be inslav'd by Law, or their own Consent, under Corrupt or degenerate [Page 198] Republicks, such as was the Roman Com­monwealth from the time of Cinna, till the Attempts of Caesar, and under dege­nerate mix'd Governments, such as Rome was while the Emperors made a show of Ruling by Law, but with an aw'd and corrupted Senate: To which Form of Government, England was almost reduc'd, till the King came over to put our Liber­ties upon a better Foot.

But what has been, may be, and tho we are safe during his Reign, yet in af­ter Ages, bad and designing Ministers may think their Conduct is no way to be maintain'd but by the Sword, and that they cannot securely prey upon the Com­monwealth, till they have made their Master absolute, upon which Score, in these Inquiries concerning the Methods whereby England may be a Gainer in the General Ballance of Trade, we think it needful to lay down, That all that Wealth and Power which must defend this State upon any Emergencies or Inva­sions from abroad, depends upon our pre­serving inviolate the antient Constitution of this Kingdom.

Men do as industriously contrive Falla­cies to deceive themselves (when they have a Mind to be deceiv'd) as they stu­dy Frauds whereby to deceive Others; [Page 199] And if it leads to their Ends, and gratifies their present Ambition, they care not what they do, thinking it time enough to serve the Public, when they have serv'd themselves; and in this view ve­ry many betray their Trusts, Comply, Give up the Peoples Rights, and let Fundamentals be invaded, flattering themselves, that when they are grown as great as they desire to be, 'twill be then time enough to make a stand, and redeem the Commonweulth. The same Notion led Pompey to joyn with those who intended to Subvert the Roman Li­berties; But he found them too strong, and himself too weak, when he desir'd to save his Country.

In the same manner, if there be any in this Nation who desire to build their Fortunes upon the Publick Ruin, they ought to consider that their great Estates, high Honours and Preferments, will a­vail 'em little when the Subversion of Liberty has weaken'd and impoverish'd us so, as to make way for the bringing in of Foreign Power.

It imports all Degrees of Men in their several Posts, to endeavour at the Pre­serving that Form of Government, under which we have prosper'd for near seven hundred Years. It happens seldom that [Page 300] any Country is totally subdu'd by Fo­reign Force, and Civil War is indeed a raging Fever; but it goes away of itself, when the Humours that fed it are spent, and is often no more than the Sign of a Health too florid, and the Effects only of too much Blood in the Body Politick: But ill Conduct in a State long continued, wastes it by slow and certain degrees, and at last brings an incurable Consumption upon all its Parts and Members.

If the Affairs of this Kingdom should ever happen to be ill conducted, which we hope is a Remote Fear, the Legisla­tive Power must then interpose with its Authority, and the united Wisdom of the Nation must rescue Us out of weak and polluted hands, for such a Ministry is a surer Engine to destroy a State, than any its Enemies can bring against it.

'Tis true, such as would correct Er­rors, and watch that no Invasion may be made on Liberty, have been hereto­fore call'd a Faction by the Persons in Power; but 'tis not properly their Name, and ought to be given to another sort of Men.

'Tis wrong to call them the Faction, who by all dutiful and modest Ways promote the Cause of Liberty, as the true means to endear a Prince to his [Page 301] Subjects, and to lay upon them a stronger tye and obligation to preserve his Go­vernment. For a People will certainly best love and defend that Prince, by whom the greatest Immunities and most good Laws have been granted.

They cannot properly be term'd the Faction, who desire a War should be manag'd upon such a Foot of Expence as the Nation is able to bear; Who would have the Publick Treasure not wasted, the Prince not deceiv'd in his Grants and Bargains, who would have the Ministry watchful and Industrious, and who, when they complain, are angry with Things and not with Persons.

The Name of Faction does more truly belong to them, who, tho the Body Po­litick has all the Signs of Death upon it, yet say all is well, that the Riches of the Nation are not to be exhausted, that there is no misgovernment in all its Bu­siness, that it feels no decay, and that its OEconomy is perfect, and who, all the while, are as arrogant and assuming as if they had sav'd that very People, whom their Folly and mad Conduct has in a manner ruin'd.

They may be rather term'd the Facti­on, who were good Patriots out of the Court, but are better Courtiers in it, and [Page 302] who pretended to fear excess of Power while it was not communicated to them, but never think the Monarchy can be high enough advanc'd, when they are in the Administration.

In Nations (where for a long time Matters have not been plac'd upon a Foot of Honesty) their great Assemblies con­sist commonly of two Parties, in both of which Sides there are many who have the same right Intentions to the Public, and many, who in all their Councils con­sult only their private Interest.

Of one side, some out of Principle love their Country, and are jealous of its Li­berties; and yet at the same time are care­ful of their Princes Honour and Interest. In all their Proceeding they have nothing in view but the Public Good, They study not so much how to blame the Past, as which way the Future is to be mended; They do not accuse the Statesman, and yet let the Fault continue, as well knowing, that Impeachments of Men, and not of Crimes produce new, but seldom better Mini­sters.

They desire the Necessities of the State should be well supply'd, the Person of the Prince reverenc'd, and his Government maintain'd. When his Ministers have made false steps, or when their Councils [Page 303] have had unsuccessful Events, they de­sire not to inflame the Assembly where they sit, but are willing rather to assist with their superior knowledge, and to bring the minds of Men to the Temper and Calmness that is proper in weighty Deliberations.

Persons of this Character are in most Assemblies of a People, but they are of­ten joind and follow'd by such as have quite another View and Aim, and who in all their Actings, consult not the Com­mon Welfare, but either wreak their own Discontents, or pursue some Ambitious Hope, and upon such, or the like Ac­compts, mix themselves with the wiser and better sort; However the Good and the Bad, being thus mingled and blended, compose altogether what in viti­ous times is called the Country Party.

On the other side, there are some very nice in what may intrench upon the Regal Authority, yet never forgetful of the Peoples Rights; 'Tis true, their Post of­ten compells them to excuse all Faults, tho guilty of none themselves, They are forc'd too frequently to move for Mony, but wish there was less occasion for it: They hate not such as differ from 'em in Opinion, and secretly approve of the Right Course, which sometimes they must not [Page 304] follow; but with such as have been here describ'd, there will too often join an Ignorant, Mercenary, and Servile Crew, who like all things, and examin nothing, Unanimous in Evil, Diligent in Mischief, Variable in Principles; Constant to Flat­tery, Talkers for Liberty, but Slaves to Power. Such as these will too frequently in vitious times mingle with the sound Part of a Court, stiling themselves the Court Party, and the Princes only Friends.

In former Reigns, by the Artifice of designing Statesmen, the Representa­tives of the People were divided into those two Parties; Besides, in most As­semblies which meet by the Authority of a single Person, there are still some who are thought to have the Secret, and they stile themselves the Managers: The Eyes of every one are bent upon them, their words are observ'd, and in most things they give the first Turn; At Court indeed they pretend to sway and and govern every Motion: but in Mat­ters esteem'd indifferent, they carry with 'em many of the best sort, and are cer­tainly followed by all such as are willing to be guided. These are believ'd to have weigh'd before hand, and to know what is wisest, most safe, most expedi­ent, [Page 305] or at least most grateful; And when they appear, it is imagin'd there has been put into their Heads the whole extract­ed Quintescence of all the Ministerial Wisdom. In the House they undertake for the Court, and at Court for the House, receiving singly, the Thanks of what proceeds from the joynt Affection of all the rest, and are thought alone to give what the whole Nation pays.

To tell what time designing Men began to erect for themselves this new Office, and when and how this Imposition took its Rise, would be too long a Digression from the present Matter; but we may truly affirm, Things have never gone well with our Princes, nor their People, since it was first invented.

Good Kings at all times, without any Danger, may repose their intire concerns upon a House of Commons, the Na­tional Interest will go on there without driving, and when Difficulties arise, the Ministers only make them; For when the King and People have but one Interest, it goes on of its own Accord, and such as ptetend to be busy for the Prince in that Place, are working for themselves, and not for him.

But if in after Ages our Disorders and Corruptions should make this Office Ne­cessary; [Page 306] If there must be Managers, If some must lead and others follow, 'tis rea­sonable the Guides should be well in­structed.

Nothing therefore can more import the Prince, than that they who will assume such a Province, should be Men of Grave Discretion, and solid Judgment, Wise, and not Subtle, Cool, Temperate, Steady, Discerning, and Patient of Contradiction: and indeed they cannot be proper for that Post, unless they have in their Heads an Universal Scheme of their own and the Business of other Countreys.

When Giddy Young Men without Ex­perience are rely'd upon and trusted in this Station, they embroyl the Princes Affairs; By their Ignorance they give his Enemies advantage, and by their Insolence dis­oblige his Friends.

A Man can be no more born a States­man than a Physician, or a Lawyer; and let the Mind be never so happily dispos'd, time must ripen what is begot by Na­ture.

Mr Hobbes says, Hobbb's Le­viath [...]n p. 10. He that has most Expe­rience in any kind of Business, has most signs to guess at the future time; and conse­quently is the most Prudent: And so much more Prudent than he that is new in that kind of Business, as not to be equall'd by [Page 307] any Advantage of Natural or Extemporary Wit.

The Sanguine Hopes conceiv'd by Young Men are by no means proper in Weighty and great Deliberations, and they seldom make good States-men: El­der Years, where they produce not Wis­dom, bring at least Caution, which is something like it.

They who have seen much are us'd to frequent Disappointments, and there­fore not inclin'd to venture; especially they rarely hazzard the summ of affairs upon any single Council.

Young Men are good to execute the Results of elder Wisdom, but the same Fire which makes them best for Action, renders them unfit for Council: Yet there is now and then a fortunate Genius, in whom the Prudence of Age, and the Warmth of Youth meet together, but of such the Examples are not common.

Pierce Gaveston, Hugh Spencer, and the Duke of Buckingham, are sufficient In­stances that the Conduct of Young Mini­sters is seldom Successful to themselves, nor to their Masters: They do the less Mischief if they meddle only in the Plea­sures of their Prince; but when warm Heads, full of Conceit, with slight Wit, and no true Wisdom, pretend to guide a [Page 308] whole State, and to have Majority at their Beck and Rule, in a short time they occasion more Disorders than can be re­medy'd in many Years.

When Persons so describ'd come to have a Corrupt Majority of their side, They diminish the Nations Stock and its Coin, They lose its Trade, They Anti­cipate all the Princes Revenues, They charge the Subject for many Years to come with a great Number of New Du­ties and Impositions, They bring the State into an Immense Debt, and plunge it in­to such Difficulties, that hardly any new Revenues can be well erected: But 'tis hop'd England will never fall into such destructive Hands.

Our Wealth and Greatness depend ab­solutely upon keeping the Legislative Power to future Ages untainted, Vigilant for the Public Safety, Jealous of the Peo­ples Rights, Watchful over the Ministers, and to have the Members not aw'd by Armies, nor to be seduc'd by Preferments, Bribes or Pensions; That we are safe at present is granted, and that we are not now under any Dangers of the like kind, and that this important Post is well se­cur'd, is allow'd: But writing for Poste­rity, to which these Papers may perad­venture be transmitted, we think it need­ful to give these Cautions.

[Page 209] While we preserve our Constitution as we receiv'd it from our Ancestors, Bad Men may have a short Power to do Mischief; however their Rage and Folly will be at last corrected; but if we suffer our Civil Rights to be invaded, and if our ancient Form of Government should be lost, then ill Ministers will proceed without Comp­trol, they will in a short time dissipate the Nations Treasure, the People will have no Stock for Trade, they will lose their Industry, they will grow inclinable to change, Resty and Indifferent in the cause of Liberty, and perhaps willing to submit to any foreign Force, like Spain which has been both despotically and weakly go­vern'd.

Freedom and Wealth proceed hand in hand together, and if one is lost the o­ther will not long continue: but this Notion is not much regarded by those who can only be great, and have no ways of making their own Fortunes, but by the destruction of their Country.

For such as propose to thrive by Dis­order and Misgovernment, have a strong Interest to beggar the People, The Con­fusion which Public wants and Private Necessities introduce, suits best with their Designs: A wealthy Nation may be jea­lous of its Rights, and watch any Inva­sions [Page 210] upon its Freedome, and a Rich Gentry may be unmanageable; And such bad Men may think, that the best Course to keep us humble is to make us poor.

If any should be so wicked to have Thoughts of enslaving England, they will endeavour to Mate and Quell the Sto­machs of the Common People, by re­ducing them to the Misery and want which decay of Trade, if it ever happens, must bring upon this Nation; And they will try to distress the Gentry in their Estates to that Degree, as to make 'em rely upon the Court for a Livelyhood and Subsistance: for which Reasons they will wink at the loss of our Foreign Traf­fick, and perhaps contrive its Destruction, knowing that upon the Prosperity of Trade, Rents and Land have for many years depended. Nor can ill Ministers desire a better Circumstance, than to have Men of the best Fortunes reduc'd by their Necessities to come and Cringe and Sue to them for a small Employment. Does not this bring all into their Power? Must not such as shall have the Destribution of of these Favours be courted and follow'd by the major Part of the Gentry? Would not so great a Capacity of helping others add to their strength, make 'em rich and [Page 211] safe, and indeed set them in a manner above Impeachments?

If bad Men should ever get into Power they will not only contribute to ruin our Foreign Trade, but they will try to im­poverish the Kingdom by exorbitant Taxes, thereby to bring the Gentry and People yet more under their Subjection; They will likewise plunge their Master into Debts and Necessities, to render their Tricks and Arts of more use, and to put a higher value upon the Band they shall have in pay; for in former times we have seen that when a Court wanted, they who procur'd Money to be given, were thought to give it; by which means they obtain'd Favour cheaply at the Ex­pence of Others: And this single Merit atton'd for all their Faults, It excus'd false Steps and Negligence, It shelter'd their Bribery, and cover'd their Disability for the Public Service.

Besides, they will intangle their Ma­sters Affairs, because a Prince that does not need Money, may come not to need them, whose Talents, in all likelihood, will consist in procuring Taxes, not in well laying out the Summs granted; Therefore a wanting State, a troubled Government, and an indebted Exchequer will be their Region; Large Premiums, [Page 212] Exorbitant Interest, Diverting Appropri­ated Fonds, Choice of Fonds on which to place their own Money, Preferring one Debt and Postponing another, will be al­ways good Matter for ill Statesmen to work upon, but afford much a better Harvest when the Government stands in want of Money; Immense Summs given every Year will be a brave and ample Field for their Avarice to range in, which would be cramp'd and confin'd, if bound within the narrow Limits of what a Na­tion may be able to pay.

Of all things, they love a long and an expensive War, and fear Peace; for Peace produces Order, and gives the Prince lei­sure to enquire into the Abuses of the State; It lets him into a right knowledge of Persons in the Kingdom, and the Dregs which float upwards when the Liquor is stirr'd, must sink to the bottom in quiet times; Peace restores Liberty of Speech, whereas in War all is silenc'd with the single word Necessity; In Peace there is no need to court Factions, Turbulent Spi­rits are not so useful, Thrift may be introduc'd, and such sudden Fortunes cannot be rais'd out of the Publick. Grie­vances may be calmly debated, The Ma­nagement of the Revenues inspected, The Conduct of the Ministers may be exa­min'd; [Page 213] And good Laws may be propos'd without the Perpetual Objection of, Are ye for bringing in the French and Popery? But War will better answer their Designs, who mean to thrive by the loose Admi­stration with which War is generally ac­company'd, and who propose to prosper by the Calamities and Misery of their Country.

The Business of Ireland at the begin­ning of the Revolution, is a pregnant Instance how much designing Men love a long War. That Kingdom might have been presently reduc'd, the Nation was dispirited, He who held the Government was ready to give up the Marks and En­signs of his Authority, with the Strengths depending on it; They were struck with a Panic Fear, and had readily submitted if in any reasonable time a small Force had been sent thither; But one People does rarely yield so much to the Fame of another, as to surrender without be­ing ask'd or summon'd. It was desir'd that a few Tropps might be carry'd over to confirm and countenance our Friends, and to give our Enemies a fair Colour for pursuing that Course to which they were enough perswaded by their true Interest, tho they could not modestly acquiesce, unless something had been done that might save Appearances; for a great [Page 214] Army could not with any Decency disband, without so much as hearing of an opposite Strength, to which (in the ge­neral Fright that possess'd their Party) they might have yielded with some Sav­ing to their Honour. But Ireland was for a long time slighted, and the Natives were suffer'd to gather into a formidable Power. That Diversion gave our Neigh­bour Kingdom opportunity to take Breath, and time to recover from the Fright and Amazement which so potent a League had brought upon them. The Troops who perish'd so miserably at Dundalk and elsewhere, would have been a great Ad­dition to the Confederate Force. The Vigor that actuates the Minds of men in their first Proceedings should have been carry'd against France, and not have been let to consume itself, and slacken within our own Dominions. If by good Con­duct the Affairs of Ireland had been be­times appeas'd, the Power of these three Nations had been united, and we might have enter'd the Lists with our Strength intire, and a Treasure unwasted, which probably would have wrought such Ef­fects, and begot such a Terror as might have produc'd long ago as sound and ho­nourable a Peace as we enjoy at present, after the Expence of so much Blood and Money.

[Page 215] This War stood England in 4,128,672 l. 5 s. 3 d. ¼, and both Nations in 4,515,693 l. 0 s. 8 d. ¾, but if we come to reckon the Burnings, Waste and Depredation, and the irreparable Loss of Men, English and Irish, by Sickness and in Battel, and the Irish damage redounding to us at last, it may be safely affirm'd that we are the worse for that War by at least 7 Millions.

However that fatal Neglect did divert from the War against France above four Millions, and did engage in Civil Broils those Arms which were so needful in the be­ginning to make a strong Impression upon our Enemies abroad.

But a certain Party of Men were too busy themselves at home for to mind the Nations Foreign Concerns. They were di­viding the spoil here, They were hunt­ing after Places, and sharing among one another the Dignities and Offices of the State, which took up all their time, and employ'd all their Care. Besides, such an early Coalition and Union of the whole strength of the three Kingdoms, might have terrified France too soon, and taken away their Hopes of a succeeding War, which is the Crop and Harvest of de­signing Ministers, the Field in which they fatten, and a Spend-thrift, to whom they are Stewards without Ac­compt.

[Page 216] If not minding the Affairs of Ireland did hinder the Peace so long, then we owe to that fatal Council the Beginning of the Debt, which now presses so hard upon us; for without the Colour of such a War, those immense Summs could not have been consum'd, which for these last five Years have been levy'd in this Kingdom

When King James went away, we were reduc'd to what Mr Hobbes calls the State of Nature, the Original Contract being dissolv'd, and the Ligaments broken, which held us before together: The Na­tion was then a Blank, apt to receive any Impression; The old Building was pull'd down, and the Faults in it before might have been corrected, if the Architects had been skilful, and such Lovers of their Country as they pretended to be. Never men had such an Opportunity of doing Good, as they who had the chiefest hand in making the Revolution. They had a Prince willing to consent to whatever might set us upon a right Foot, if they had met his design of Landing here with equal Virtues. The Gentry and People were at that time newly awaken'd from the Lethargy in which they had been for many Years; They saw how narrowly Religion and their Liberties had escap'd; Their Fears had made 'em Wise and So­ber; [Page 217] Their Eyes were universally open'd; And they were wrought up to a Temper (which seldom happens in a whole Na­tion) of being capable to receive good and honest Councils. It was in their Power for ever to have banish'd Flattery and Corruption from the Court, and from another Place where those Vices are yet more hurtful; and when they had chang'd Persons, if they had taken Care at the same Instant to mend Things, they had wrought a general Reformation in our Manners. It was in their Hands to have given us a Sound Constitution, They had before 'em the Errors of preceeding Reigns, by which they might have cor­rected their Model, They should have en­ter'd upon a strict OEconomy, neither plun­dering for themselves, nor suffering Others to grow Rich at the Public Cost. They should have been as careful in the State, as their Master was active in the Field, they should have begg'd less, and done more. They should have avoided Bribery, than which nothing could be more unseemly in Reformers of a State; and which was cer­tain to keep out the best, and let the worst Men into all their Business. They ought to have known that a new Settle­ment was to be maintain'd by severer Rules and Methods than perhaps are ne­cessary [Page 218] in a Court where the Prince is born in Purple. And lastly, They should have made this Reflection, That more than ordinary Virtue of all kinds was needful to answer the Peoples Expectati­ons, and that more than common Wis­dom was requisite to maintain and justifie so great a Change.

The worst and most unhappy Kings that ever were would have rul'd better, had it not been for the wrong Suggestion and wicked Incitements of the Flatterers about 'em; But those Pests and Poisons of a Court are yet more to blame, when things suceeed not well with Wise and Virtuous Princes.

That Declaration which the King sent to England before he came over, was the Pole Star by which our State Pilots were to steer their Course. 'Twas well known that to keep the same Parliament sitting so many Years was what had chiefly de­bauch'd the Gentry of this Kingdom, it was therefore expected that in the Act for declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject, some Provision should have been made against thta Evil for the future. Se­veral Ministers, who betray'd their King and Country, have gone on to the last with Impunity, by keeping Parliaments quite off; but more have found a Shelter [Page 219] for their Crimes in Houses, which they have long held together, and of which they have had the handling for many a Sessions; Could Men pretend to be Pa­triots, and not take Care of securing that Post? Could our Freedoms be any way certainly lost, but by laying aside the use of Parliaments, as was design'd in the Reign of King Charles the First, or by keeping them so long sitting, till a Majority of Members should be under En­gagements with the Court, as had almost happen'd in the Reign of King Charles the Second? Were we not both times upon the very brink of ruin, and in ha­zard of being no more a free People? Did it not therefore import that Party which had heretofore made such high Pro­fessions for Liberty, to provide that En­gland might be no more threatned with the same danger? Should not this have been a main Article in our Contract with their Majesties upon their Accession to the Throne, who readily consented to all things that might make us safe and hap­py, The King having promis'd in his De­claration, To do all things which the two Houses of Parliament should find necessary for the Peace, Honour and Safety of the Nation, so that there may be no more danger of the Nations falling at any [Page 120] time hereafter under Arbitrary Govern­ment.

'Twas certainly a great Omission not to bring on in the very beginning of the Revolution, the Act for Triennial Parlia­ments, which our own Corruptions pro­duc'd at last; If the State had enter'd early into that wholesom Council, it had made the Kings entire Reign more easy to himself, and less costly to his People. It had given a Rise to that Virtue and Publick Honesty he came over to plant, and had answer'd all the ends of his De­claration. They who were not well principled, must have pretended so to be, for the Paths and Road to Preferment had been thereby quite alter'd: The In­gredients which before compos'd a States­man, were Skill to govern the House, A­bility now and then to make an Impor­tant Turn, knowledge of the Members, that is, who were to be taken off, and what was their Price, Diligence in keep­ing that Band together who were right or wrong to be unanimous. They who were thus qualify'd themselves, or who would blindly follow the Professors of these pernicious Arts, engross'd the whole Business and Employments of the Nation; But by neglecting to put Matters under a good Settlement in the beginning, one [Page 221] and the same House of Commons came to continue sitting with short Intervals for Six Years, and this wrong measure be­ing taken, renew'd all the former Errors of our Constitution, and for a time re­stor'd to Men the same dishonest Interest they had before, and, if any were so wicked, gave them fresh opportunity and room to endeavour once more the Sub­version and Ruin of this Kingdom, not by the very ways practis'd in former times, but by the same corrupt Inclinati­ons and Councils dress'd in other Shapes; And tho, without doubt, none of 'em are chosen into this Parliament, yet 'tis to be fear'd, that in those Sessions of Six Years continuance, there was rear'd up a new brood of Men of Business, as high Flatterers, more false, designing, and rapacious than their Predecessors, but without the same Skill and Dexterity to support their Malice.

However, 'tis hop'd the Act for Trien­nial Parliaments may have given a Check to this Ulcer, which was growing in the Body Politick, and that it may hinder the Gangreen from proceeding further; yet tho the old Venome may be restrain'd a while by Remedies, 'tis to be fear'd it lurks still within us, ready to break out upon the first Occasion.

[Page 222] If that Party which once seem'd so Jealous of our Rights had not abandon­ed all their old Principles, they might have form'd us a lasting Establishment, such as could not have been shaken by Domestick Rage or Foreign Power: whereas now we depend alone upon the Reputation, Merit and Virtues of the King, that bind and hold us together; But when he must yield to Nature (which Misfortune we hope is very distant from us) in all Humane Probability, nothing can be expected but Confusion and Civil War.

When the Breaches made upon our Constitution in the late Reigns, had in­duc'd many of the best Sort to judge a Revolution needful, the People had rea­son to expect that in a new Modell'd Go­vernment, all things should have been set upon the Foot of Honesty and Virtue, and to see all that Male-Administration reform'd, which some persons had been reasonably complaining of for 30 Years. We thought to see a virtuous Court, a watchful State, an Industrious and frugal Ministry. If all these our Expectations had been answer'd, what Disasters from without or within could have hurt En­gland? Must not the Change have been tacitly consented to, (if not applauded) [Page 223] even by those that suffer'd in it? Had we not at home a discontented Party, which was to be silenc'd by showing 'em an honester, more steady, more difinte­rested, and a wiser Conduct than what they had known before, and still linger'd after? Had we not abroad a Potent Ene­my against whom our Strength was to be husbanded discreetly, that it might last the longer? And lastly, was not the best and most irreproachable Manage­ment in the world necessary and hardly sufficient, to enable us to carry on that War, with which so great an Alteration was certain to be follow'd?

But instead of building upon these Foundations, and taking such measures as had render'd our Proceedings safe in their Consequences, and not obnoxious to any Censure, some Persons have given mani­fest Proof that they were acted by no sort of Principle, and that in their Doings they were rather sway'd by Private Inte­rest, Revenge, Ambition, and their other Appetites; than guided by any sence of the Publiick Good; for we no sooner had upon the Throne a Prince fear'd and re­verenc'd broad, and Idoliz'd here, but some persons immediately forgot the Cause for which they call'd him over.

[Page 224] If we had shown any Desire to assist and imitate his Perfections, what a fair Fame of our selves had we transmit­ted to After Ages.

If some Men had consider'd wisely they would have found, that all things were not secure, because Religion was out of danger, whose Concerns are soon for­gotten when we begin to be press'd with other Fears; Besides, if Matters are not so order'd, that Spain may not fall under the Power of France, Popery, and uni­versal Monarchy are still to be appre­hended.

Prosperity, a flowing Trade, and great Riches, may admit of Prodigality, Neg­ligence in the State, and false steps in the Ministry, but a People exhausted by long Taxes desire to see in those above 'em Thrift for the Public, Vigilance, and as much good Conduct as can be expected in humane Business. Power is seldom Invidious to the Common People when plac'd in virtuous Hands, nor are Cala­mities intolerable, which could not have been avoided by any Care or Caution. When the Ministers do well, those under 'em suffer quietly; but on the Contrary, If they observe themselves rul'd in the Subordinate parts of Government, by such as make a prey of the Common-wealth, [Page 225] and to that end only take upon 'em its Administration, if they plainly per­ceive their miseries and Misfortunes to pro­ceed chiefly from the Corrupt or weak Coun­cils of such Statesmen, they become dis­hearten'd and lose that Mettle and Spirit, without which the high designs of their powerful Neighbours are not to be re­sisted.

But tho some Errors might be commit­ted in the beginning of the Revolution, 'tis hoped all things are now well, that Peace has put an End to those Disorders in Government which War does com­monly beget, and that our present Ma­nagement is not lyable to any Censure. And what is said here, and what may be observ'd hereafter of the like kind in the Series of this Discourse, is not at all the present case of England; 'tis hoped we are not a Corrupt People, but in Process of time we may grow so, and lose that Virtue which is presumed to shine in this Age. This Section is therefore directed to Posterity, which alone is concern'd in the Ethicks here advanced.

In future Ages perhaps Ambitious and Designing Men may desire to embroyl their Masters affairs only, to make him more Dependant upon their Arts; here­after Men of Arbitrary Principles may de­signedly [Page 226] neglect the Concerns and Care of Foreign Traffick, with a Purpose to Im­poverish, and so to enslave the People; In the next Age likewise designing Ministers may take Advantage of the Martial Tem­per of a Prince, and instead of reigning in his High Courage with grave Councils, they may disguise from him the true State of his Affairs, and push him on to a new War, without making right Provisi­ons, or without such previous Leagues as may make it tollerable in the Progress, or happy in the Conclusion; and perhaps they may desire the Semblance of a War, only to have a Pretence for a Standing Army.

For the Benefit therefore of future times, it may be proper to show by what steps those Vices and Immoralities that affect the Public first creep into a Country, and what Progress they come afterwards to make, and to show what sort of Men and what kind of Councils intangle a Princes Affairs.

But tho this Paper be directed to Poste­rity, and tho 'tis nothing but a Caution to future times, yet probably it may of­fend some Persons who are tender in these Matters.

However we shall venture to affirm that if this Nation should ever be under any [Page 227] great Disorder, the truest Course to mend it, will be to plant in the Minds of the better sort Morality, and the Shame of doing ill to their Country, And we shall presume to assert that observing the Rules and Dictates of Virtue, does not only lead to Heaven and a blessed State hereafter, but is the best way of securing to a Peo­ple in general, Prosperity, Peace, Safety, Power, and Happiness in this present World.

To trace those Men who may design to change this Constitution in all their dark and crooked Ways, and to follow 'em in all their Mazes will be difficult; however we shall do our best to describe the Per­sons, and to show their Councils, that they may be narrowly watch'd by all such as love their Country.

But to do this we must take a short view of things past, and a little consider the Posture of Affairs at the Restoration of King Charles the 2d, and how they stood during his Reign and the Reign of his Successor.

When that Prince was recall'd from Exile, by the Voice of the whole People (who had been tired with the many Changes in Government, that happened from Cromwell's Death to the year 1660) 'twas almost impossible, but that we [Page 228] should run from one to the other Ex­tream; And 'twas reasonable to fear that Men should readily embrace Servitude, who knew not how to make a right use of Liberty. Upon which Accompt many have wonder'd why our Antient Form of Government was not at that time alter'd, and how it came to pass we did not then embrace Absolute Monarchy.

But we are to consider that King Charles was a young Prince, more inclined to taste the Pleasures of Power, than wil­ling to feel its Weight; He had under­gone many Troubles, which he intended to recompence with great Ease and Luxu­ry; so that the rugged work of Sub­verting the Laws suited neither with his Age nor Temper. Had he lived longer, as Time and Opposition began to sowr his Blood, what he might have attempted is very doubtful.

Besides the unactive Genius of the King, there happen'd then another Circumstance very fortunate for England, which was, that the Services and Merit of the Chan­cellor Clarendon, and the Treasurer Southampton, did strongly induce him to put the Administration of his Affairs into their Hands. They were both Persons of Age and Experience, They had known the former Reign, They had seen the [Page 229] Grounds and Rise of the Civil War, They understood the Nature of our Constitution, They saw what had depos'd one King, and found that unlimited Power was hard to compass, and difficult to keep; And having their Masters Ear, and at first a large share in his Affection, They kept Him within Bounds. The Skill in the Laws of One, the Eloquence of the Other, the General Abilities of both, made 'em esteem'd by the People, and awful to their very Prince, and this gave a weight to all their Councils. They had Authority enough in their Persons to be listen'd to, when they spoke bold and ne­cessary Truths: having Superiour Knowledge and Desert too, to be heard, they did not stand in need of saying always what was pleasing, which is the miserable and servile Condition of Upstart, Weak and Obscure Statesmen; But less were they oblig'd to Flatter every Flatterer. Having a Foundation of Merit, they scorn'd the mean Aid of Parties, or to be the wretched Journey­men of any dark Cabal: Knowing what was their Masters and the Nations Interest, and intending to promote both; They gave wholsome Advice, without Fear of offending either Prince or People. That Kingly Government was then kept [Page 230] within the Limits of the Law, That our Constitution was not given up be­tween the Fears of One, and the Hopes of the Other Party, and that our Civil Rights were still preserv'd, was chiefly owing to the Wisdom, Courage, and In­tegrity of those two able Statesmen.

But even then, and all along after­wards, there were still some among us impatient to make their Master Abso­lute; They consisted principally of such as had large Ambition, and Slender Me­rit, who are the best Instruments for any Tyranny. These were ever em­broiling the King with his Parliament, either to protect them, or to justifie some of their illegal Actions. Some­times they got him to appear a violent Church-man, and at other seasons to fa­vour the Dissenters, but at no time to take Care of Religion itself. They per­swaded Him to extend the Regal Power in every thing; They got him to seize all the Charters, in order to influence Elections. By their Councils He rais'd an Army, under Colour of declaring War with France; By their Instruments They made him absolute in Scotland, at the same time doing what they could to weaken the Protestant Interest in Ireland. [Page 231] But their chief Aim was to procure Him so large a standing Revenue, as might make Parliaments useless for the future. 'Tis true, they propos'd this Revenue for his Life only; but if that first step had been made, it had not been difficult afterwards to entail it on the Crown: Be­sides, what has been granted to one Prince, has been always continu'd to his Successor without any Struggle.

That these Things were done with a Design to change the Constitution, is vi­sible enough: And 'tis as evident that these Councils were either promoted by Persons, who wanted the Sublime Part of Wisdome, necessary for the Conduct of Great Affairs, and therefore were to form a Government that might subsist by Tricks and Arts, or they were forg'd by a set of Men, whose Avarice and Ambi­tion no Regular Establishment could sa­tisfie, whose Crimes a Free State would look into, and whose Arbitrary Proceed­ings a Parliament would not suffer: They were therefore to build their Fortunes, Gratifie their High Desires, and find Im­punity, by setting up the Regal Power above the Laws.

In the next Reign, yet more open In­vasions were made upon our Liberties, [Page 232] not by the same Men, but by Men acting upon the same Principles; But they pro­ceeded more cunningly before than after­wards: For in the former Reign 'twas thought best to begin with altering the Constitution, and that when this was done, Religion might be chang'd of course: But the hot Zeal of the Catho­licks would not permit 'em to go by Slow and Regular Measures; They therefore made a strange and unpolitick Attempt, never like to suceeed, which was first to Convert, and then to Inslave the Na­tion.

While these Matters were transacting, there appeared all along Persons, both in and out of the Court, who did most Vir­tuously oppose those Designs, that, first secretly, and then openly, were forming against their Country.

As some were contriving to Subvert our Civil Rights, others did as carefully watch their Preservation, which Inva­ding and Defending, divided England into what was then call'd the Court and Country Party.

Never was Liberty more cunningly at­tacked, nor more Nobly Protected, than in that House of Commons which sat Eighteen Years. It contained bold bad [Page 233] Men, with Hearts and Heads fit to con­trive the Subversion of a State. But there were in it also Persons of another Cha­racter, very Great indeed, with quite Superior Judgments, and with Minds so rightly adapted for Government, that the Weight of a whole Empire might be safely repos'd upon their Shoulders, in whom Conversation with the dead Wis­dom of past Ages, was join'd with Expe­rience, and a perfect Knowledge of this present World. These brave Spirits from the Beginning resisted that Inundation of Flattery and servile Complyance, with which great Revolutions in Corrupt times are certain to be attended. They Vigo­rously opposed that Unanimous Band, which diligently promoted Arbitrary Power. Sometimes they sav'd us when we were within three or four Votes of utter Ruin; They hindered that Increase of the Kings Revenue, which alone would have put an end to Parliaments. These were the Prime Leaders of such whom the People for some Years were pleas'd to Term the Country Party, and by Good Patriots, so call'd, our Consti­tution was for a while preserv'd.

But after the Year 1679. on both sides the Minds of Men grew so inflam'd, and such Animosities did arise between 'em, that [Page 234] they could no longer call one another by the Civil Appellation of Court and Country Party, so that the different sides began to be distinguish'd by other sort of Names.

'Tis indeed below the Gravity of a Sober Writer to use the Common Cant words of the Town, but 'tis sometimes unavoidable, especially when that which was only Mirth and Cant at first, became at last a serious Matter.

The Accidental words of Guelf and Ghibe­lin, in Process of time grew to be the Names of Powerful Parties, into which several Countreys were divided, and in which Emperors, Kings, Popes and Princes en­gag'd, and these Names of distinction con­tinued for some Ages, producing Wars and Actions of great Importance.

In the same manner the Words of Whig and Tory, intended at first as reci­procal Reproaches, in a short time grew to be the Names by which two great Parties were contented to be call'd, and into which in a manner the whole Nation was divided.

They were termed Whigs, and indeed they called themselves so, who under another Name, had heretofore opposed the Corrupt aud illegal Proceedings of the Court, who foresaw the Dangers [Page 235] that would arise from a Catholick King, who were for correcting the Exorbitances of Westminster Hall, and for putting a stop to extravagant Fines, aud who made a resolute stand, and would give no more Money, till the Habeas Corpus Act was passed, and till the new rais'd Army was disbanded; and who did their ut­most against the Surrender and Regulating of Charters.

In the next Reign the same Men, or Men acting upon the same Principle, de­clar'd themselves against taking off the Test and Penal Laws. They show'd an open Dislike in Parliament of Catholicks being put into Offices of Trust. They abhorr'd the Cruel Executions in the West. They oppos'd the Violent Prosecution of the Seven Bishops. And lastly, They were ready and active with their Coun­cils and Assistance to bring over the Re­deemer of England.

A Man is but young at Nineteen, but a Party may be thought old that is of so long a standing. The Persons just now described were the Old Whigs, whose Principles will be reverenc'd in future Ages by all such as love their Country. 'Tis true, some Persons did join with these, and call themselves Whigs, who had all along other Views than the Nations Ser­vice, [Page 236] whom Disappointments had sowr'd, who oppos'd to be taken off, and who did not like a Court, because a Court did not like them. But they who swim against the Tide, must make use of all Helps, and in Corrupt Times, even the best Patriots have refus'd no sort of Men that could a­ny ways assist the Public: the Good and Bad of these altogether were call'd the Whig Party.

To what had been formerly stil'd, the Court Side, the People afterwards gave the Name of Tories. And we shall give an Account of what sort of Persons this Party was compos'd. The Bulk of 'em consisted of such as were descended from the Cavaliers, whose Families had suffer'd very much by the Civil War, and who by Education were season'd with an early Love to Kingly Government. They were Jealous that all Motions tending to pre­serve Liberty, savour'd of the Common­wealth, with whose Weight their Fathers had been so lately Crush'd. A most un­wise Generation of Men, to have any Fears that a Commonwealth could be re­stor'd in a Country so corrupted! Many of them were much of that Principle of which Tacitus describes Marcellus Eprius to have been, who said in the Senate, Se meminisse Temporum qui bus natus sit, quam [Page 237] Civitatis formam Patres Avi (que) instituerint: ulteriora mirari, presentia sequi, bonos Im­peratores voto expetere, qualescun (que) tolerare. Many of 'em were debauch'd by Pomp and Splendour, and in the Heat of their Youth, they lik'd the Pleasures of a Court, but the Riots of it compell'd many of 'em, at last, to depend upon its Favours. Others embrac'd the Regal Power more warmly, because they saw many of the Opposite Side bitter against the Church, not so desirous to Correct any of its Er­rors, as willing to lay the Ax to its very Root. Others link'd themselves with this Band out of a Cautious Temper, and through a Fear that contending with the Court might produce another War. Some gave into this side out of Gratitude to King Charles, and Many through meer Affection to his Person; for without doubt He was a most engaging Prince. Others went into it from a real Convicti­on of their Minds that the King was not safe without more Power, to which Opi­nion they were chiefly led, by observing the Rash Councils, unquiet Spirits, and insolent Behaviour of some of their Op­ponents. But with those who might Act of this Side upon a Principle, there joyn'd a great many who had no good Intenti­ons to the Publick, who were for enlarg­ing [Page 238] the Prince's Power, in order to aug­ment their own, who were for Robbing the People, that they might share in the Plunder, who would have set the King above all the Laws, that they might be never accountable to a Parliament for their Proceedings; and, who pretending a great Zeal for the Church, were all the while making way for Popery; thus up­on Different Motives, considerable Num­bers were listed of this Side, and the Good and the Bad mingled together, compos'd what was call'd the Tory Party.

But Humane Affairs are subject to such odd Turns, that in the next Reign many of both these Parties travers'd their Ground, and mutually pass'd into that Camp which some of their Enemies had deserted. Not a few of the Whigs en­ter'd into the worst of King James's Mea­sures and Councils; And the Eyes of those who had been reckon'd Tories, were in a manner universally open'd, and they began to see the Errors they had been committing so many Years, inso­much that they were as eager as any Others to promote the Revolution: So that the Soundest Part of these Clashing Factions shook Hands together, and join'd in that Rescue of our Liberties which could never have been brought [Page 239] about, but by the Concurrent Endeavour of both Parties.

Both sides had their Faults, and of both sides bad Men were listed, and of each side there were many who all along acted upon the Principles of Honesty and Virtue, and who aim'd at the Common Good, tho as to the Way to it, in their turns, each side might be now and then mi­staken; It must indeed be granted, that the Whigs saw the Diseases that were growing upon the Body Politick, before the Tories, But when the Distemper began to rage, the Tories were not behind hand in seeking out the Proper Remedy.

But tho such as the Common People then call'd Tories, joyn'd in the Revo­lution, and had without doubt the great­est Hand in it, having on their Side Men of Fortunes, Power, and Figure, and the main Body of the Church, which will always be found the strongest Interest in England, yet it must be confess'd that the Change was made upon the old Whig Principles, of making Parliaments awful to the Ministers, and of keeping the Regal Authority within the Limits of the Law; for what this Nation then did, was di­rectly Opposite to the Church or Tory Maxims; but when Princes quit the old Rules of right Government, their Sub­jects [Page 240] will be apt to forget the old Rules prescrib'd for their Obedience,

'Tis hop'd these Names of Distinction are now quite abolish'd and forgotten; But the Faction of Guelfs and Ghibelins, after having slept for some time, reviv'd again, and continu'd upward of two hundred years, even when the Derivati­on of the Words was no more remem­ber'd; And the Parties lasted so long, because the same. Principles upon which they had first differ'd, remain'd still deeply imprinted in their Minds, and afforded continual Matter for new Dissention.

In the same Manner perhaps some time hence the Names of Whig and Tory may be again renew'd here, to disturb this Nations Peace; And if this should happen, we must implore the Whigs not to for­get their old Principles and antient Ma­xims.

The Tories, by taking Arms to defend their Civil Rights, and by joining to Depose that Prince by whom those Rights were violated, have in the most Public Manner in the World renounced their Doctrine of Jus Divinum, Passive Obe­dience, and Non-Resistance.

But if the Whigs should hereafter take their Stations, if they should go upon that Ground which the Tories have quitted, if [Page 241] they should enter upon just such Mea­sures, if they should pursue the same Councils, if they should suffer themselves to be imbid'd with Tory Notions, our Constitution must be intirely lost.

For they may undermine it without Suspition: who will be Jealous of those who have been Preaching up Liberty and accusing Arbitrary Ministers for thirty Years? who will suspect such profest Patriots? They may change the Form of our Government, and have the People of their side, who can have no Jealousy of them, for the Whigs are the Favourites of the People, as having so often pre­serv'd England. No Person could be Popular enough in Rome to think of Sub­verting its Constitution, in the Purity of the Commonwealth, but Manlius who had sav'd the Capitol.

It will hardly be surmis'd, that they can mean to inslave us, who (by their Speeches, Actions and Writings) for many Years seemed rather inclin'd to a Republic, than to Despotick Government. But if they should come to change their Minds, if They should throw off their former Principles, we shall be undone by the very Men whom we thought our surest Friends.

[Page 242] If old Whigs should hunt after Places as much as ever the Tories did, and if like them, upon Preferment, they should become quite new Men, in Voting, Thinking, and Speaking, in a Moment making a sudden Turn from the whole Course of their former Lives; If old Whigs, as the Tories did, should ever take Bribes and Pensions to betray their Trust; If they should do any thing to break into the Habeas Corpus Act, which is the Chief Guardian of our Liber­berties; If they should oppose any good Act for the frequent sitting of Parliaments, which want in the Constitution produc'd all our former Miseries, If they should openly oppose any reasonable Provision for Tyrals in Treason, the want of which has lost many a Noble Life, and for which heretofore they had so loudly called; If, as the Tories did, they should send their Emissaries about to influence or corrupt Elections; If old Whigs to whom Meum and Tuum was once so sacred, should come to ruin a Society of Trading Men, and at one blow destroy many hun­dred Families, but God forbid English-men should ever have such a Thought; If old Whigs shall perswade any Future Prince to Closet Members, as was done in the preceeding Reigns; If by their [Page 243] Power they should get Men turn'd out of Employment, for pursuing the Dictates of their Conscience, and Understanding; If like the Ministers heretofore complain'd of, They should have a Band of Pensio­ners ready to give up any Right, to grant any Summ, and to excuse, nay, even to vote thair Pay-master Thanks for any Male Administration.

If the Old Whigs should restore to Men the same dishonest Interest they had here­tofore, If they should consume us in their Ministerial, and sell us in their Legislative Capacity; If they should desire to have things governed rather by Tricks and little Arts, than according to the Direction of the Laws, or the Bent of the People; If they, who upon the Virtuous Princi­ple of keeping England a free Country, in former times, oppos'd all Excises, should be brought to create so many new Offices and Officers, as may influence Elections round the Kingdom; If they, who here­tofore thought the best way to preserve their Civil Rights, was to keep the Purse, and to have always something to give, should be for settling such an immense Revenue on the Crown, as may make Parliaments unnecessary; If they who were so careful in King Charles's Reign, not to burthen the Nation with Taxes, [Page 244] should give away the Peoples Wealth, as if England were a Mine of Treasure ne­ver to be exhausted; If they who have ever asserted, that all Rents and Payments to the Crown were the Kingdoms Revenues, and not Alienable, but by Authority of Parliament, should in a short space of Time come to Alienate all the Crown Land, and to leave the King hardly a Turf of Ground either in England or Ire­land; If they who formerly thought it sufficient Matter of Impeachment for a Lord Treasurer, or any Other intrusted by the King, to pass large Grants from the Crown to Themselves, should give to their Creatures, and share among one ano­ther, in a few years, of Crown Lands, near to the Value of two Millions.

If the very Men who have Act De­claring the Rights and Liber­ties of the Subject, pa. 197. p. 192. Asserted and Claim'd it to be their true, antient and indubitable Right, and that it ought to be esteem'd, allow'd, adjudg'd and deemed That the Raising or keeping a Standing Army within the Kingdom in time of Peace, un­less it be with the Consent of Parliament, is against Law; If they who once believ'd this Eagle in the Air frighted all Motions towards Liberty; If they who heretofore thought Armies in time of Peace, and our Freedoms inconsistent; If the same Men should throw off a Whig Principle so fun­damental; [Page 245] If they should become the open Advocates for standing Forces, and even submit to Troops compos'd of F [...] ­reigners.

If in this manner the Old Whigs, whose Foresight and Courage has hitherto pre­serv'd England, should quite change their Minds, and go thus retrograde from all their former Speeches, Actions, and Coun­cils; If they should thus come to cloath themselves with the Foul, Ridiculous and Detested Garments of the Tories, and give into the worst of their Measures; And if all that has been here discours'd should happen, then would the Consti­tution of this Country be utterly sub­verted.

For Men finding themselves thus forsa­ken by the Antient Friends to Liberty, would believe they were bought and sold; They would imagine that there was no such thing as Virtue and Honesty remain­ing in the Kingdom; They would think all Pretensions to the Public Good, to be nothing but Designs of Ambitious Per­sons, to lift themselves up to high Ho­nours, upon the Shoulders of the People; And when Nations have before their Eyes an Arm'd Power to Fear, and none in whom they can put any Trust, they sel­dom fail of submitting to the Yoak.

[Page 246] Free States yield to Slavery when the Men best esteem'd, and most in Vogue, are generally thought to be corrupted. This was the Condition of Rome under Augustus, Lib. 1. Ann. as Tacitus finely describes it, Ʋbi Militem donis, Populum Annona, Cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit; insurgere paullatim, Munia Senatus Magistratuum, legum in se trahere, nullo adversante: cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent. Ceteri Nobilium, quanto quis servitio promptior; opibus ac Honoribus extollerentur: ac novis ex rebus aucti, tuta & praesentia, quam ve­tera ac periculosa mallent, neque Provinciae illum Statum rerum abnuebant, suspecto Sena­tus populique imperio, ob certamina potentium, & avaritiam magistratuum: invalido legum auxilio quae vi, ambitu, postremo pecunia turbabantur.When the best and noblest Spirits were all extinct, and when 'twas seen that the Remainder were contented with Wealth, Titles and Preferments, the Price of their Submission, the Romansthought it their safest Course to commit all to the Care and Wisdom of a Single Person.

In the same manner, If in times to come it should happen that our Nobility and Gentry should be more sollicitous to get a small Employment, than to keep a great Estate; If the Persons of Note and [Page 247] Figure shou'd be sway'd by their private Interest, without any Regard to the Pub­lic Good; If it should be visible to the Counties and Burroughs, that Men covet to be chosen, not for their Country's Ser­vice, but in order to serve themselves; If it should grow apparent, that neither Side is at bottom better principled than the Other, that Court and Country Par­ty, Whigs and Church-men, are nothing but the Factions of Those who Have, and Those who desire Preferment; If in this manner the whole Mass of Blood in the Body Politick should be corrupted, the Nation will throw off that Reverence to Parliaments, which has hitherto preserv'd our Liberties, and like the Neighbouring Countries either terrify'd or allur'd, they will by degrees submit to unlimited Mo­narchy; And so we shall lose one of the best Constitutions that was ever set afoot for the well Governing a People.

Handling as we do the Methods where­by a Nation may Increase in Wealth and Power, we thought it necessary to de­scribe those Parties and Factions which probably hereafter may come to influence in its Councils; And this has been done in order to incite Good Men to watch over their Growth and Progress, and such Good Men chiefly as design to engage on [Page 248] neither Side, but to bend all their Care that no Side may be able to hurt the Commonwealth.

And if it should be ask'd, * Machia­vel's Discourses on Livy, lib. 2. c. 2. Why the Care of Liberty and preserving our Civil Rights should be so much recommended in a Paper relating to Trade? We answer, that herein we follow Machiavel, who says, That when a Free State degenerates into a Tyranny, the least Mischief that it can expect, is to make no farther Advance­ment in its Empire; and no farther Increase either in Riches or Power, but for the most part it goes backward and declines.

This deep Statesman has a saying in another Place well worthy of eternal Remembrance, Lib. 1. c. 10. That the Prince who aims at Glory and Reputation in the World, should desire a Government, where the Manners of his Subjects are corrupted and depraved, not to Subvert and destroy it like Caesar, but to rectifie and restore it like Romulus, than which the Heavens cannot confer, nor Man propose to himself greater Honor.

It may be objected, that in France, where all Thoughts of Liberty are extinguish'd, Trade and Riches have of late Years very much increas'd. But this admits of an easy Answer. An absolute Prince, with great Abilities and Virtues, by Care and Wisdom may make his Country flourish [Page 249] for a time. However, if his Successors are weak or wicked, all shall be soon un­ravell'd and go backward, and Poverty shall soon invade the same People which before began to thrive; for to make a Na­tion very Rich and Powerful, there must be a long Succession of good Princes (which seldom happens) or a long Suc­cession of good Laws and good Govern­ment, which may be always had in Coun­treys that preserve their Freedom: And without doubt 'tis on this Accompt that Machiavel has asserted, That no Cities have augmented their Revenues or enlarged their Territories, Lib. 2. c. 2. but whilst they were free and at Liberty.

And if in future times the Nobility and Gentry of England (which God forbid) should traffick the Peoples Rights for Titles, Tacit. lib. 2. Ann. Bribes or Places, vilia Servitii pretia, and if they should be induc'd fearfully, or which is worse, corruptly to give up this Constitution, Poverty will creep insensi­bly upon us. We shall, as Machiavel says, go backwards and decline, Land will yield a great deal less than now, Rents will be ill paid, And we shall not have a Foreign Traffick, large and extended enough to produce such a Naval strength as may make us Safe at home and Terrible abroad.

[Page 250] 'Tis therefore upon the Authority of this great Man that we have laid down, That a Country cannot Increase in Wealth and Power but by Private Men doing their Duty to the Public, and but by a Steady Course of Honesty and Wisdom, in such as are trusted with the Administration.

However, if Things should hereafter proceed amiss, 'Tis hop'd the strong Con­stitution of this Government will in time throw off those Diseases which may af­fect it for a Season, and that the united Wisdom of the Nation can recover us from that Decay of Health to which we may be reduc'd by a few Empiricks of State; Their Giddy Management for a while may be supported, and born out, by the great Riches which peradventure may have been collected here by the In­dustry and Prudence of former Ages; but if what has been gathering seven Centuries, they should squander away in a few Years, the Cries of that People whom they so impoverish, will at last awaken the Parliament to enquire into, and ani­madvert upon their Wild Proceedings.

If the Wealth and Power of a Country depend upon the Good Government and Stability of its Affairs, it must certainly import all the different Ranks of Men to contribute their utmost that Things may [Page 251] be well administer'd: And in mix'd Con­stitutions almost every Man is able in some Degree to help towards this; for if the People are honest and careful in the Choice of their Representatives, and if those Representatives perform their Duty, Arbitrary Power can never be set­tled here, and no Male Administration that may hereafter happen can long con­tinue.

That we are in no Danger at present, and that Matters proceed well, now is al­low'd, but for the security of future times it may not be amiss frequently to repeat this Caution, that our Whole depends upon keeping one Post well defended.

The Publick Virtue which must pre­serve a State is A Constant and perpetual Will to do our Country Good; And where this Principle governs, tho in the Minds of but a Few, yet if they persevere with undaunted Courage, the small Number may prevail at last to defeat the Malice of the Corrupt Part, especially when the Endeavours of the Few are assisted by a Prince dispos'd by Interest and Inclinati­on to promote the Common Welfare.

If Good Men were but as Active and Vigilant as their Opposites, 'twould not be so easie a Matter to change the Consti­tution of a Country: When those who [Page 252] are concern'd in Honour and Interest to have things well administer'd, do re­solutely and firmly joyn together to op­pose such as find their Profit by a Corrupt and loose Administration, a Stand may at least be made, and some Stop put to the further Progress of the Evil.

But tho Pompey, Caesar and Crassus com­pos'd a fatal Triumvirate, and united in a strict League to Subvert the Liberties of Rome, we do not read that there was the same Union and good Understanding be­tween Lucullus, Cato, Cicero, and the rest, who endeavour'd to save the Common­wealth, for the Luxury and Lazyness of some, the froward Temper, or Secret Ambition of Others, made 'em either neglect or obstruct the Business of the Publick, which might be the Reason that Caesar at last prevail'd.

In the same manner, if hereafter a Ca­bal of Men, in order to their own Great­ness, should design To change this Con­stitution, To introduce a Government by the Sword, and To give away all the Nations Wealth; And if to these Ends they should form Assemblies, and there propose what they intend to consent to in another Place, They will succeed, and their Attempts can never be withstood, un­less such as mean England well, joyn in as [Page 253] firm ad League for its Preservation, as They shall enter into for its Destructi­on.

If therefore, in future times, it shall be visible that some Men, to build their own Fortunes, are Pushing at their Countries Ruin, good Patriots must then exert all their Virtue, they must re-assume the Courage of their Ancestors, they must lay aside their Pleasures, but, chiefly, they must Sacrifice to the Publick all their antient Animosities; They must mutual­ly forgive one another, It must be no more remember'd of what Party the Man was, it being sufficient to enquire, whi­ther or no he always acted upon the Principles of Honesty and Honour. At such a time the best Men of both Sides, if the Name of Parties shall still remain, must shake hands together, with a Reso­lution to withstand the unanimous, sub­tle, and diligent Enemies of the King and Kingdom.

In such a Juncture both sides must contend, not which shall flatter highest, but which shall best contribute to the defence of their Princes Person, and to the maintenance of the established Go­vernment.

[Page 255] If bad Men shall have Meetings to con­sult how they may destroy our Civil Rights, Good Patriots ought to meet calmly to Communicate Councils which way those Rights are to be preserv'd; Discour­ses on Li­vy, C. 52. for Machiavel says, There is not a better or more secure Way to Suppress the Insolence, or Cross-bite the Designs of an Ambitious Citizen, than to take the same way to pre­vent, which he takes to advance them.

In such a Juncture not only the best of all Parties must be taken in, but we must be angry with no sort of Men that are willing to unite against the Enemies of England, for in a Nation which for a long time was, as all allow, upon a dishonest Interest, 'twill be difficult to find Persons whose Cha­racters shall be intirely without a Blemish; Nor indeed was there ever any Man per­fect; At such a Season therefore, Men must place their Hopes in such as have most Abilities, and fewest Faults, especi­ally when they live in the Dreggs of Ro­mulus, and not in the Republick of Pla­to's Institution.

If the Nobility and Gentry retain their wonted Courage, and preserve their for­mer Wisdom, They will always rescue us out of weak and polluted Hands, And will never endure that so Noble a Prince [Page 254] as we have now upon the Throne, e­steem'd by the whole World, and Head of the Protestant Interest, should at any time be distress'd at home, or interrupted abroad, in the Measures His high Valour purposes for the Good of Europe, by the ill Conduct of any Minister.

Particular Men do often miscarry in the World, notwithstanding that in their whole Transactions they give continu'd Proofs of a most perfect Conduct, They shall not be the Richer for their Thrift, nor better esteem'd for their Integrity: Their Industry shall avail 'em nothing: Their Courage shall never bring 'em Vi­ctory, and their wisest Councils shall have no Success. Others in the mean time e­very Way deficient, of no Desert, and meerly by the help of Fortune, shall suc­ceed in all they undertake. But tho she may be said to govern thus in single E­vents, and here and there to influence in the Actions of Private Persons, Great Monarchies and Commonwealths do not depend upon Her. Politick Institutions, pru­dently order'd in the beginning, and keeping on in a Steady Course of Wisdom and Virtue, are out of her Power and Rule, and can never fail to prosper; And when Disasters happen to a State, 'tis seldom the work of Chance, but rather the effect of some Misgovernment.

[Page 256] For in former Reigns we have seen, that when the Kings Revenue was not well Managed it proceeded from this, that the Employments relating to it were not the Rewards of Skill, but the Recom­pence of another Merit, and that want of knowledge in the Managers was wink'd at while they were giving Money in another Place. Heretofore If Men betrayed their Trust and sold the People, it was because they were largely invited to it. In for­mer times, when the Nations Trade im­pair'd and went backward, the secret Cause was that the Ministers were servilely to Promote the Interest of some other Country. And in the preceeding Reigns, if the Kings Treasure was wildly dissi­pated, and if exorbitant Grants were made, it came from this, that the Mini­sters could refuse no Body, having a great deal to ask for Themselves, and that they were not to put Rubs in the Way of others, that they might more smoothly carry on their own Pretensions. These Instances are only given, not but that by many others we could support this Posi­tion, That when the Public Treasure is wasted, when a Nation runs into im­mense Debts, when the Land of the Crown is granted all away, when its Re­venues are ill managed, and when the [Page 257] People are Corrupted, we are not altoge­ther to blame Fortune, the Times or Accidents of the War, but rather to attri­bute a great Share of these Evils to some Error in the Subordinate Parts of the Administration.

Tiberius in a Letter to the Senate has this Expression Necio an Suasurus fuerim omittere potius praevalida & adulta vitia, Tacit l. 3. Ann. quam hoc adsequi, ut palam fieret quibus flagitiis impares essemus. The Scope of his Epistle is to show how difficult it was for him to correct Vices, with which the Principal Men of Rome were tainted, and that by the Attempt he might draw Envy upon Himself. But tho a Cautious Prince might have reason to entertain such a Fear, the whole Legislative Power of a Country need never lye under Appre­hensions of the like nature. This Strength can deal with the Ambition, Avarice, Corruption and Rapine of the Great ones: The Legislative Authority can correct Men of Arbitrary Principles, and pull down the topping Pride of Insolent and undertaking Ministers, who are by no means equal to their Business, and whose Heads are Giddy, and turn round in the Eminence, on which Fortune, Flattery, and their other Vices, not their Merit, has plac'd them.

[Page 258] And if our Affairs here should ever happen to light into such Hands, we must put our chief Hopes in the King at the Head of a Parliament.

While that Place contains Men of Cou­rage and Public Spirit, Matters cannot long proceed amiss. Whoever therefore undertakes that Trust, should continually have before their▪ Eyes how much the Common Welfare depends upon their Virtues. But above all things, they should have disinterested and self-deny­ing Minds.

It can hardly be conceiv'd, but by those who have seen it, what Reverence is paid, even by his Enemies, to a Man of steady Principles, the Tenor of whose Words and Actions are always the same; who is neither to be bought nor fright­ed: He is admir'd and follow'd, all he says has its due weight, his honest Hoary Head is dear to all Mankind. Whereas the Whiffling Prolers after Places, and little busie Intreaguers, are contemptible to the very Men, of whom they are the wretched Instruments. And let the Am­bitious think what they please, that Man has most real Power in this Country, who is believ'd to be of the most unshaken In­tegrity towards the Public, and He who has such a Character enjoys more true [Page 259] Greatness than all the vain Pomp and Honors a Court can give.

The Employments of England are yet but few, and their Profits but Inconside­rable to what they are in several Nati­ons, however small as they seem to be, 'tis to be fear'd that some time or other they will be made the Engins wherewith bad Men will endeavour to subvert this Constitution.

'Tis true, at present we are out of such a Danger, but if in future times we should change to see all Employments re­serv'd for Men in one certain Station, if the Road to Preferment should lye but through one Place and Passage; when this happens we shall have Cause to be alarm'd, and to look about us.

They who feel within themselves A­bilities to serve the Public, are by no means blameable in desiring to be upon the Stage of Business. On the contrary, that sowr Philosophy which makes some Persons at all Seasons retire and abandon the State, is by no means to be com­mended. They do indeed but Nomine Magnifico, Tacit L. 4. Hist. Segue otium velare: If the Po­sture of Affairs will possibly admit it, Good Men should rather strive to be in Power, that the Commonwealth may not be ingross'd by Corrupt and Unskil­ful [Page 260] Hands. A Wise Man can easily dis­cern whither the Ministers are such, that he may with Honour and Safety mix in Councils with them. If the Administra­tion be sound and right, or if it has but a Face looking that way, 'tis a proper Season for Men of Probity, Skill, and Virtue, to produce their Talents, and to push themselves forward, in order more fully to mend Things. And at such a time They should be ready to assist the State with their true Sense and right Un­derstanding; nor should they lazily suf­fer the Perfections of their Minds to be useless and unactive. And if among those there be any very Eminent, Strong in Friends, vers'd in Affairs of State, of a deep Reach and Foresight, Who have E­loquence to sway Assemblies, and Cou­rage to resist and overcome Popular Fury, Such ought not to despair of the Public, but assist with their Wisdom to redeem a People from their weak Hands, who shall get into Power by meer Chance, when the Nation perhaps has been in a high Ferment, as in Boyling Liquors the Scum will get uppermost. And there is such Reverence paid to those who have a very great Genius, that when they offer them­selves to serve the Commonwealth, the weight of the People will bear down all [Page 261] the Upstart Pretenders, and force 'em to give way, and make Room for Merit so Superiour.

But if it should ever happen that the Administration should be intirely bad and wrong, then ought Good Men to have no Share nor hand in it, They should withdraw from any Participation in the Negligence or Guilt; They should quit what They cannot honourably hold; They should concern themselves no more in Business, leaving such Ministers to go­vern by themselves, who will not govern well, and be contented to serve their Country by defending Liberty in one Post against any Incroachment; They should not make so ill a Use of that Affection the People may bear 'em, and of the In­terest they may have in the Nation, as to be a shelter for the Crimes or Folly of Others; Nor should they as it were lend their Countenance, and be the Skreen be­hind which bad Men may safely attempt to undermine the Constitution.

If the Times are good, Silent Merit will be sought after; but if they are bad ill Men will be lifted up to the Offices and Dignities of the State by the Applause of their Adherents, and the Faction of their Friends; but at such a Season 'tis no shame not to be employ'd, Tatitus speaking of [Page 262] Aelius Lanira, Tacit lib. 6. Ann. says, Et non permissa Pro­vincia Dignationem addiderat.

Great Men are often lyable to one un­fortunate Vanity: They believe their Parts, Dexterity and Wisdom, to be such, that they can mend Things, give 'em a new Complexion, Correct all Errors, and at least that they shall preserve themselves sound, tho every one else be tainted; And upon these Presumptions, some of the Men in best Esteem have heretofore engag'd with a foul and deprav'd Mini­stry; But we could never see that they were able to make any Converts: On the contrary, instead of changing the Court the Court did alter them.

Courts are but slowly mended, and that not by the Authority or Example of any Single Person, except it be of the Prince Himself, strongly bent to set Mat­ters upon a right Foot. And yet we have more Instances of Courts which have spoilt their Prince, than of Princes that have reform'd their Courts.

And if it be ask'd, when is the most proper time for Persons of Probity and Virtue to undertake the Management of Affairs, It may be answered, It is then seasonable when Things call loudly to be mended, when unskilful Pilots have run the Ship aground, so that she sticks [Page 263] fast, ready to split at the next coming of the Waves, when Ignorant Men are quite bewilder'd in their Errors, when the whole People See and Feel the Effect of ill Government, when the Prince grows asham'd of those whom His Subjects hate and fear, when the Commonwealth can­not emerge out of its Debts and Difficul­ties, withour Help from Abler Hands, then is the true time for the best Men to offer themselves to the service of their Country. At such a Season Honesty will not stand alone, weak, defenceless, and out of Countenance at the sight of Pros­perous Vice. Nor can Courts be ever Safe for Honest Men, till the Circumstance and Necessity of the times bring thither a Party strong enough to maintain itself against those who are grown great by wicked Arts.

If English Men will be continent in this single Point, all must of Course go well; If they who have Noble Commands in the Country will scorn meanly to depend in Town; If they who have brave Seats of their own will despise the crowded Antichambers of the Great Ones here; If they who have plentiful Estates, will slight a troublesome and precarious Em­ployment, They are more happy than a Court can make them: If our Nobility [Page 264] and Gentry would consider how misera­ble the Noble-Men of France are with all their Mighty Places, they would at no time hereafter desire to wear the Livery of Bondage. And if they are truly sea­son'd with these Notions, That their Li­berties are above all Price, and (as Sir Benjamin Rudiard was wont to say) That there is nothing worth being a Knave, the Head must be very Skilful, and the Heart very Bold, that will undertake to invade our Fundamental Rights.

'Tis true, what has been here advanc'd and what shall be said anon, may seem needless at present, when all things are presum'd to go well, but these Notions may be of Use to After Ages.

The Duty which Private Persons owe to the Public, lies in a very narrow Compass, and when that is thoroughly per­form'd, a Country seldome fails to see a steady Course of Wisdom and Honesty in such as are trusted with the Administra­tion. This Duty may chiefly consist in the following particulars.

1st, That such as represent the Peo­ple, be Uncorrupt, Unbiass'd, and Disin­terested.

[Page 265] 2ly, That they diligently attend the Nation's Service.

3ly, That they carefully watch any Innovation or Incroachments upon the Constitution.

4ly, That they make Provision against future Evils,

5ly, That they▪ look narrowly into the Income and Expence of the Kingdom, and examin which way immense Debts have been contracted, and how that Money has been disposed of which the Nation has already granted.

6ly, That They hold a strong Hand over the Men of Business, calling those to an Accompt, who, either through Fol­ly, or upon some wicked Design, pursue destructive Measures.

1st, That such as represent the People be uncorrupt, unbyass'd, and Disinterested. This Point we have handled sufficiently in the Series of this Discourse. And to what has been already said upon that sub­ject, we shall now only add, That Rome was once free, That France heretofore had the three Estates, which were the Guardians of its Liberty; That Spain had formerly many Rights and Privi­ledges, of which nothing now but the Shadow remains: That Denmark and Sweden had once Constitutious something [Page 266] like that of England; and that all these Countries have been inslav'd by their own Corruptions.

2ly, That They diligently attend the Na­tions Service. For otherwise They do not discharge the Trust to which They are chosen. It has been formerly a Mat­ter of great Wonder, that Gentlemen should even waste their Fortunes to be elected, and yet afterwards never mind that Station which they seem'd before so vehemently to covet. Cato had many Virtues too big for Practice, but he may be easily imitated in one good Quality he had, of never failing to be present in the Senate. Such should give way to Others, and make Room for Men of more Lei­sure, who cannot afford to employ all their Time in the Service of their Coun­try. But above all others, they are to blame who can be drawn from their Du­ty by Luxury, Lazyness, and Pleasures. Liberty can be hardly wounded in a full House, the Attempts made upon it in for­mer Reigns were made when such as had no Dependance upon the Court were absent about their Country Business. The ill Ministers of those days took that Op­portunity To promote Taxes, which would never pass in a full Assembly, To pass dangerous Laws, To set afoot [Page 267] new invented Corporations, which may be fatal in their Consequences, and To form Projects either destructive to the Nation in General, or Ruinous to particu­lar Men. All the ill things ever done have been compass'd when the Negligence of some had made one side Strong and the other Weak.

And if in After Ages any of the Men of Business should be so wicked as to pro­ceed by the same Councils, and to go by the like Measures, they will promote their dark Designs in some such Juncture, when the best Patriots shall be gone away quite tir'd out by Sessions artificially prolong'd.

But it is the Duty of all who love En­gland to defeat by unweary'd patience such a Conspiracy against the People; And to obviate such a Mischief, if the ordinary Rules cannot do it, extraordi­nary Laws may be thought on to oblige the Members to that Attendance which they owe their Country.

He who does not attend, injures the Bo­rough for which he serves; for it may so happen, that in his Absence a thing may pass to their Ruin who have sent him, and which his presence might have prevented; His Electors therefore seem to have such a Right to his Service as in reason no Others ought to dispence with, without their Consent.

[Page 268] Deserting in this Manner the Public is a growing Evil, upon which account it ought to have a timely Remedy. Per­haps it might not be amiss if a Bill were brought in to make it highly Penal for any Member to be absent from the House above fourteen days, without express leave first had under the Seal of the Bo­rough for which he serves.

A great many Mischiefs both Publick and Private would be prevented, if such as represent their Country would be strict in this Duty of attending.

3dly, That they carefully watch an Innovation or Incroachments upon they Constitution. There is nothing lulls a People more asleep than the Reign of a good Prince, reverenc'd for his Wis­dom, fear'd for his high Courage, be­lov'd for his Lenity, and admir'd for a Number of other Virtues; whereas under a bad Reign the Subjects are Jealous and vigilant, tho often to little Purpose. However, 'tis agreed on by all Writers, that the Mild Rule of Augustus, contri­buted more to confirm the Slavery of Rome, than all the Severity and Cuning of Tiberius.

The best Times likewise produce the worst Presidents; for in good times the People let many Things slip, being then [Page 269] at their Ease, not suspicious, and conse­quently not watchful over the Govern­ment; but where this Supine Temper prevails, mixt Governments decline im­mediately into Absolute Power. The frequent Contests that were of old be­tween the Senate and People of Rome without doubt preserv'd their Freedom; for where all are of one Mind, ill Use may be made of that Unanimity, by some Eloquent, Subtle, and Ambitious Man, who may turn and rule it as he pleases. Therefore to preserve Constitu­tions that have a mixture in 'em of Po­pular Government, 'tis necessary there should be always some small Division, just enough to keep the Minds of Men awake, that they may observe what Ad­vantages one part of the State gets over the other.

Bad Kings provoke enow to look into their Actions, but when the People have a good Prince, they give a favourable In­terpretation to all he does.

And the best Man that ever Reign'd may be ill serv'd. Declarati­on and Re­monstrance of Lords and Commons, May 19. 1642. It is a Maxim of our Law, That the King can do no wrong, but if any ill be committed in Matters of State, the Council; if in Matters of Justice, the Judges must answer for it. But though the Laws exempt our Kings from Blame, [Page 270] They are not freed from the bad Effects of ill Conduct in their Ministers.

He therefore who represents his Coun­try, cannot do the Nation nor his Prince better Service, than to see that those who sit at Helm, do not run the Ship upon dangerous Rocks. Absolute Dominion is a Bait with which the greatest Minds may be tempted; for they whose Good­ness is unlimited, may desire that their Power should be so too. But no one Man ought to think of being Omnipo­tent, unless he could be Omniscient and Omnipresent. Besides, though Princes may desire great Power, that they may be able to do great Good, such as serve 'em rarely proceed upon this Principle. They often desire their Masters should be Arbitrary, in order to their own Im­punity, and to build a large fortune for themselves, for which reason they should be watch'd in all their Windings, and follow'd in all their dark and subtle Mazes.

It seldom happens that the Liberties of a Country are Invaded all at once, The Steps of Power are leisurely and slow, Ministers who have it in their Thoughts to change the Nature of a Government, go to work by Degrees. At first they make use of the most Po­pular [Page 271] Hands they can possibly procure, ordering it so, that the People may not perceive who 'tis that puts their Fetters on, but these Popular Men they shove out at the first convenient Season, that all may be of a Piece. Their next Busi­ness is to corrupt such Persons as have the clearest Fame, whom they discard when sufficiently tainted, and this they do that the People may think all Man­kind alike, which naturally drives 'em to follow those only who are in Power, and who can do 'em good. Afterwards they get from the Nation all the Money they can, the Collecting of which erects new Employments, and creates them a num­ber of Dependants, who, in one certain place, are their chief Strength and best Support: By the distribution of these Summs, They likewise make more Friends. But being never out of fear of accounting for all at last, their Principal Aim is to procure their Master such a standing Reve­nue, as may make him subsist without the People's Help. If they find this impossible, or difficult, then by Accusations, by Exor­bitant Proceedings without any President, and by harrassing Private Persons, either in their Fame or Fortune, they endeavour to make all the different Ranks of the People out of love with their ancient Constitution.

[Page 272] But when they have done all this, Tacit L. 2. Hist. They will not yet think themselves quite out of danger. Senatus & Popu­lus nunquam obscura Nomina, etsi Aliquan­do obumbrentur. They will still lie under Apprehensions of being reach'd at last by the Guardians of Liberty. Therefore to damp all Thoughts of Freedom, To influence the better Sort, and To awe the Vulgar, their last work is to procure a Standing Army.

By Manifest Original Contract, an Arm'd Force cannot be rais'd nor kept within this Kingdom, without Consent of Parliament, so that if hereafter we should be ever inslav'd that way it is our own proper Fault.

Where Armies are Powerful, there grows a Necessity upon Princes, rather to please them than the People. And yet no Mercenaries are sufficient to help a Prince against a Powerful Foreign Force, if the Subjects are disoblig'd at home. Machiavel says, That a Prince who founds the Duration of his Government upon Mer­cenary Troops shall never be firm nor secure. Prince Ch. 12. But he counts Foreign Forces yet more dangerous, Ch. 13. because they are always unani­mous, and at the Command of other Peo­ple.

[Page 273] If hereafter any Ministers should be so wicked, to attempt the Subversion of our Fundamental Rights, we have here shown some of the Steps, which they will probably make, to compass their Designs. It there­fore imports all good Men, to watch their first Invasions and Incroachments, and be­times to intercept 'em in their Course.

Fourthly, That they make Provision against future Evils. The Virtues requisite for such as will handle matters of Government, have their Foundation in Wisdom and Courage. He, whose Endowments of the Mind, are not sufficient to foresee a long while before what may be the Event of a Council, cannot consult safely for his Prince; and he who at every turn is afraid of Po­pular Anger, shall never give any sound Advice.

Virtue and Wisdom, in some Sense, are Terms Synonimous, and different Words, signifying the same thing; for no Man can be Virtuous with any Effect conducive to the Publick Good, without a rich Talent of the Mind, and strong Wisdom; nor can a Man be truly Wise, without such Pub­lick Virtue, as warmly embraces the Liber­ty, Honour and Interest of his Country. And when a Genius of this kind appears in any Nation, he has a Natural Right to the Offices and Dignities of the State: But if e­ver [Page 274] Courts shall happen to be deprav'd, they will like quite another sort of Men: Want­ing true Wisdom, they must set up some­thing in the Room of it; that is to say, Mo­mentary Shifts, and short Remedies; raw and unskillful Medlers in Business, are their Darlings, that will venture at all, and yet know nothing; upon which Principle they make open War with Desert of any kind, and reckon it a great Conquest, when they can get rid of a wary and knowing States­man.

They count it supream Wisdom to an­swer any single Necessity, never regarding whether the manner of doing it be Safe, Just, or Honourable. They not only trust Provi­dence, (as all Men should do) but are con­tent to rest wholly upon it; believing Foresight, and Thoughts of the Future, to bring more Anxiety than Profit. They are Wise, as some Men subsist from Hand to Mouth; they think it sufficient to live to Day, and to make Provision for the pre­sent Moment. All this perhaps may be good Philosophy in Private Cases; but for the whole Body of a State to go by such Rules, must needs be very dangerous.

Machiavel says Prince, c. 3. , The Romans could never relish the Saying, that is so frequent in the Mouths of our Politicians; To enjoy the present benefits of Time. They either provided a­gainst, [Page 275] or Fronted a Danger; and seldom let themselves be overtaken by it: He says likewise, That things which are discover'd at a distance, (which is done only by Prudent Men) produce little Mischief, but what is ea­sily averted: But when, through Ignorance or Inadvertency, they come to that Height, that e­very one discerns them, there is no Room for any Remedy, and the Disease is incurable.

Cardinal Richlieu says, Testament Politique du Cardi­nal Rich­lieu. P. 2. Cap. 4. It is the Duty of Ministers of State, to Represent to their Ma­sters, That it is more necessary to consider the Future, than the Present; and that Distempers are like the Enemies of a State, against whom Prudence obliges to march, rather than tarry till they are come, to drive 'em out again; that those who do not follow this Method, will fall into great Confusions, which it will be very dif­ficult to remedy afterwards.But he lays down, That it is a common thing among weak Men, to drive off time, and to chuse the pre­serving their Ease for a Month, rather than to deprive themselves of it for a while, to a­void the Trouble of many Years; which they do not consider, because they see only what is present, and do not anticipate Time by a wise Providence.He farther adds, That Mini­sters, who never consider to morrow, live hap­pily for themselves; but others live unhappily under them.

[Page 276] We have here cited the Authorities of two very able Men, both in the Theory and Practice of State Affairs; to show how dangerous their Measures are, who consult nothing but their present Ease, who love Palliating Remedies, and who are for re­moving from 'em the Evil Day at as great a distance as they can.

If we should ever fall into such Hands, they will not care with what Debts and Payments they load Future Times, so they may come at a little ready Money. They will give large Premiums and Interest, ne­ver considering who must pay the Reckon­ing at last. They will set afoot high Du­ties, never weighing how the Peoples Trade and Manufactures are thereby af­fected. They will not mind how profuse­ly they waste the Nation's Treasure; Ne­gligence and Prodigality, being pleasant and easie for the present time, tho' after­wards the Parents of Infinite. Care and Trouble.

Constancy in denying unreasonable Suits, Thrift for the Publick, promoting Foreign Traffick, Improving the Revenues granted, keeping the Ships of War in good Repair, laying up Stores, making Schemes for better Governmenment, retrenching all needless Expences, providing against Wars to come, making good Leagues Abroad, al­laying [Page 277] Heats and Animosities at Home, and putting Impediments in the way of any Power that grows too fast, are so many Seeds which Great and Able States-men, are always Sowing, without a Prospect to Reap in many Years, but the Harvest comes at last; and under the Conduct of such Ministers Nations Thrive and Flourish: Whereas, such as proceed upon that narrow Notion of Enjoying the present benefits of Time; tho' they may thereby do their own Work, and make their own Fortunes, yet without doubt, they will Ruin whatever Government they undertake to Guide.

If in after Ages, they who are trusted with the Administration here, should be thus careless and unforeseeing, it will be the Duty of such as represent the People, by frequent and serious Inquiries into the State of the Nation, and by plain Speeches, to rowse up the Men of Business from a Lethargy, that may prove so Fatal; for un­doubtedly, any part of the Legislative Au­thority may call upon the Executive Power, to make Provision against Future Evils.

Fifthly, That they look narrowly into the Income and Expence of the Kingdom, and examine which way Immense Debts have been contracted, and how that Money has been dispos'd of, which the Nation has already granted.

[Page 278] The last Duke of Buckingham had many Designs to put the Affairs of his Estate in Order; and to this End he consulted seve­ral sorts of Men: His wise and true Friends laid before him, That no ways would be so effectual, as to look into his Accompts, to employ honest Stewards, and to live within Compass. But there was another Sett of People, in whom he more delighted, who made him believe they would put his Business into such a Posture, that no Negli­gence, nor no Profusion should do him any hurt. In short, they told him directly, That they would procure for him the Phi­losophers Stone. He hearken'd to 'em, minded none of his Affairs, he let his Ser­vants do what they pleas'd, and would put no Limits to his Expences. But the Con­sequence and Conclusion of all was, That His Graces evil Counsellors became Rich, and he grew Poor.

In the same manner, if in some future Reign we should fall into the Hands of bad Ministers, they will tell the Prince, that they can get for Him the Magisterium (and indeed it would prove a kind of Philoso­phers Stone, if they can so concert matters, as to obtain all the supplies they shall insist on) they will perswade Him they can maintain His Crown and Dignity out of a Mine of new Projects, never to be exhausted, and [Page 279] upon this View they will advise Him, first, to give them very large Sums to buy Lim­becks, Crucibles, and Charcoal; for Utensils must be had, and Workmen must be paid; they will promote the making Exorbitant Grants, and giving away the Crown Lands upon this Notion, That 'tis sowing a little to reap much. They will conceal pernici­ous Pensions under the dark Veil of Secret Service. An Article that hides all. But the Estimates of the Charge of the War will be the best shelter they can possibly have for their Profusions of any kind, where they may incert Items never to be disprov'd, and never to be understood. Finding how much it turns to their own Account to have an Ample Revenue to range in, they will per­swade their Prince to ask all Things, and to spare nothing: And if such Bad Men as have been here describ'd should ever come to be trusted, they will make the Body Po­litick faint and look pale with continual O­pening of its Veins; they will leave the Crown bare, the Exchequer empty, and all the Revenues Anticipated; they will di­stress the Gentry, and begger the Common People; and having thus inrich'd themselves, and improverish'd all other Degrees of Men, they will reduce the Nation to be naked and defenceless, hardly able to support it self at [Page 280] home, much less in a Condition to under­go another Foreign War.

If at any time hereafter, such Men as have been here painted out, should be suffer'd to entangle our Matters, to dissipate our Treasure, and to waste the Commonwealth, where will be the Money, the Fleet, and Arms, that may be necessary, in case the French should ever break the Peace, and attempt to possess themselves of Spain, and the West-Indies?

If by the Giddy, or rather frantick Con­duct of Beardless Politicians, lifted perhaps up from the meanest Obscurity, and set in a manner to hold the Reins, our Affairs should hereafter be brought so low, (which God forbid) as that we must sit still, while those Dominions fall into a Power already but too Dreadful, how can Universal Mo­narchy be avoided? And if Spain should happen to be thus lost, we are not only hurt in a point of Empire, the most Im­portant of all, but the whole Trade of England will be cut up by the very Roots.

It may be laid down for a certain Truth, that no Man of a great Fortune, was ever undone in a few Years, but he was Cheat­ed of much more, than he was able to Spend: And this is yet more true, if the Man had Parts, and a good Uunderstanding. Private Men are Ruin'd, when those about 'em are [Page 381] Unfaithful, and are to Profit by their De­struction; and if they have no trusty Ser­vant, that will put them in Mind of their Condition.

The same holds in the Affairs of a whole Nation. When a Public, that was once clear and easy, is overwhelm'd with Debts; when this happens among a People that have been always willing to give, and in a Ministry that has never been backward to ask, when all Occasions have been sup­ply'd to their full demand, when the Prince is wise, and without any Expensive Plea­sures; when such a Countrey does labour under Difficulties almost insuperable, and when in some future Reign all this shall be our Case, Mankind will entertain an Opi­pinion that the Administration is not right; the World will be inclin [...]d to think, that such as shall then govern in the Revenue want either Fidelity or Skill; it will be thought that they have not at any time laid before their Master a true State of his Affairs; it will be believ'd that they have never con­triv'd his Expences with Care and Wisdom, and that they have not endeavour'd by grave and wholsome Councils to moderate his Bounties.

The Liberality of a Prince, the most ex­tended we can imagin, will yet oblige but a very few; and to give it a constant Sup­ply, [Page 282] vast Numbers must be harrass'd. Be­sides, among the Vulgar, Frugality in a Court does in some Measure commute for high Taxes. Liberality is Noble in rich and quiet Times, but it will hardly be thought just, when what is given is to be in a man­ner the last drop of Blood in the Subjects Veins. Not to value their Treasure has been always the Fault of Great and Heroick minds, of which many had been ruin'd every Mo­ment, but that they had grave and honest Ministers ready to keep 'em within Bounds by wholsom Advices, rugged Truths, and severe Virtue. And so the Duke of Sully proceeded with his Master Harry the 4 th. When a Prince is in his Nature too Boun­tiful, it is a Duty incumbent upon such as serve Him, with all Humility to beg, That in his high Wisdom he would consider how hardly that is gather'd, which they shall see so lightly given: They ought rather to quit their Posts, than to sign or fix the Seal to immoderate Gifts. But those Hands must be very clean themselves, which are held up to Kings with humble Prayers, that they would have Compassion on their Peo­ple.

'Tis true, War is a devouring Monster, and to feed it will very much disorder the Revenues of a Country: And yet we see France has been able for Nine Years to en­gage [Page 283] all the Strongest Part of Europe, to have all the while Land Armies, consist­ing of above three hundred Thousand Men, and to maintain a Fleet as numerous, and more expensive than that of England: And after all this, they have been in a Condition to make larger Expences of all kinds (as is said) than in any two Years during the War; and wee see 'em now in a Posture to meditate higher Designs than ever. That they did bear up so long against the Con­federate Strength, that they have been able Annually to expend such an Immense Trea­sure for upward now of ten Years, and that they are not at present quite exhausted and impoverish'd, must without doubt proceed from the good Conduct of those to whom the Management of their Affairs has been intrusted. No Man is indur'd under that Monarchy to perform the Functions and Of­fices of the State in an ignorant and care­less manner. The Minsters there are more frugal for their Master than in their own Concerns; they do not make too much hast to be Rich; they are contented that a Great Fortune should be the Recompence of many Services, and of long Merit. They have not let the Crown Lands of France be as it were a Derelict, Et primi Occupantis: We do not observe it has been so order'd in that Kingdom, that both the Body of [Page 384] the People and the Public too are Poor at one and the same Instant; their Ministers have not suffer'd the Commonwealth to be consum'd by Usurious Contracts with the Common Lenders; and by their Care and Wisdom they have obtain'd such Credit, even under a Despotick Power, that they have not been forc'd all along to pay above 7 per Cent. Interest for Money lent the King; whereas 40 per Cent. has been paid for migh­ty Sums in one Free Government: so that upon the whole Matter, 'tis evident enough, that this Devouring Monster War is to be fed where the Men of Business are Honest, Foreseeing and Frugal for the State.

Mix'd Governments, among many other Excellencies, have this Advantage, that a good Administration may be obtain'd by any one part of the Constitution, that will set it self strongly to so good a Work; Kings can at all times set things right, if the Business of their Wars do not compel 'em to be often Absent. Either of the Hou­ses, when they have set themselves to in­quire into, and correct Disorders, have been terrible to the most Bold, Subtile, and most Powerful Statesmen, that ever went about to undo a People, or to mislead a Prince.

If in any future Reign, the Treasure of this Kingdom should be mis-manag'd, and profusely wasted; and if Debts, hardly to [Page 285] be waded through, should be contracted; the Representatives of the People may, by looking strictly into all these Matters, per­haps immediately lessen the publick Engage­ments, at least they may put some Stop to the farther Progress of the Mischief.

In such a Juncture, good Men will think it their Duty, to see whether this Debt is not to be lessen'd, by reviewing former Ac­compts; they will examine, whether the Sums already granted were not sufficient to pay off all the Forces we have had at Land and Sea: They will inquire from whence such a high Article of Arrears pro­ceeds: They will see how so many Fonds come to be Deficient, and whether such De­ficiencies have not been occasion'd by some ill Conduct in those, who have manag'd the respective Branches: They will inform themselves, which way the many Millions are gone, which the People have paid: They will desire to know, what Necessities could compel the Men of Business to give such large Premiums, and high Interest; and whether the Promoters of a Council so per­nicious, did not lend their own Money; and whether they have not been Parties deeply concern'd themselves in all usurious Contracts: They will inquire upon what Consideration, and for what Services, im­moderate Grants of Lands and Money have [Page 286] been made, and they will do it the more strictly; if, when such Grants were pass'd, it should happen that the Nation was in­debted, and paid heavy Taxes.

The Representatives of the People can look into all these things; and, no Doubt, it is a Duty which they owe their Coun­trey, that has trusted 'em with so unlimited a disposal of their Fortunes.

To prevent Mismanagement in the Re­venue of this Kingdom, it seems necessary that a Law should be made, to put the Lords of the Treasury under such an Oath, as the Lord High Treasurer of England takes; for it appears an Absurdity in our Government, that the meanest Officer concern'd in the King's Revenue, should be sworn to a true, and faithful Discharge of his Trust; and that the Treasury, who are trusted with the whole, whose Authority is so boundless, and who have it so much in their Power, to hurt the Nation, should be under no Oath at all. Some Objections there are a­gainst this; but he who considers 'em well, will find 'em of no weight, and that those Necessities which have broken into, and over-rul'd the Ancient Course of the Ex­chequer, might have been avoided by Care and Conduct.

[Page 287] If in future Times England should have any Grounds to doubt, that the Treasure of the Public has been Imbezzel'd; if prodi­gious Fortunes, rais'd in ten Years by ob­scure Men, who have had no Dealings but with the Court, should Minister Occasion of Suspition; if Resumptions should be thought fit, we mean in Cases where Per­sons of no Merit have been inrich'd with the Kingdom's Spoils; if it should be thought reasonable to see whether any thing is to be sav'd in an immense Debt, out of the unwarrantable Gains which the Lenders have made; if it should be judg'd expedi­ent to inquire into any Male-Administration in those through whose Hands the Revenue passes; if it should be deem'd necessary Thrift to look into all Pensions; if it should be thought reasonable fairly and impartially to state the Accompt of so many Millions given and expended, so great and difficult a Work as a Strict Inquiry into all these Matters will prove, cannot be enter'd upon, and brought to a good Conclusion, but by the united Wisdom of the Nation.

No other Power can face that Strong League, which will be made between Fel­low Criminals, to save one another. Ordi­nary Remedies prevail but little against stub­born and inveterate Diseases: If therefore our Affairs should be ever in disorder, the [Page 388] Legislative Authority can bring the most effectual Helps to set us right.

And in such a Case, peradventure, it may be thought advisable to promote a Bill, That such sort of Abuses as have been here descri­bed, and all other Male-administration of the like kind, may be inquir'd into by Commit­tees of both Houses, to sit in the Interval of Parliament, with all requisite Powers, without Salaries, and to be chosen by Ballot. And supposing past Errors to be too big for Correction, yet so Awfull an Authority, and the fear that it will from time to time be renew'd, may, for the future, be some Check to the growing Corruptions of the Age.

All the Premises consider'd, we submit it to better Judgments, whether it is not the Duty of such as represent their Country, To look narrowly into the Income and Expence of the Kingdom, and to examin which way immense Debts have been contracted, and how that Money has been dispos'd of, which the Nation has already granted.

Sixthly, That They should hold a Strong Hand over the Men of Business, calling those to an Account, who either through Folly, or upon some wicked Design, pursue destructive Measures. Helvidius Priscus, after the Ex­ample of his Father-in-law Petus Thrasea in the Philosophy he made use of to fit himself for the Service of his Common­wealth, [Page 289] follow'd the Opinion of the Sto­ick, who plac'd all Good and Evil in Ho­nesty or Dishonesty, accounting the Gifts of Fortune, such as high Birth, Power and Wealth, to be but things indifferent to­wards the constituting of Happiness, which they define to be internal only in the Mind.

But tho' Aristides, Socrates, Phocion, Pub­licola, Cinciunatus, Attilius Regulus, and many others, have been great Men under a constant and willing Poverty; yet, without doubt, Nobility and Riches help good Spi­rits on of their way, and set 'em forward: He that is high Born, his Perfections may be sooner taken notice of, as standing upon an Eminence; and he that has Wealth need not be troubled with Private and Dome­stick Cares, and may devote all his Time and Thoughts to the Service of his Coun­trey.

Machiavel says, Discourses on Livy, lib. 1. C. 26. that a Prince, who in­tends to invade the Constitution of a Free People, takes this Course: To subvert all, to turn every thing Topsie Turvie, and make all things new. To alter the Magistracy, cre­ate new Titles, Eelct new Persons, confer new Authorities, advance the Poor, and im­poverish the Rich. That what is said ofDa­vid, may be said of him: He filled the Hun­gry with good Things, and the Rich he has sent empty away. Besides, it is his Interest to [Page 290] build new Cities, to shift the Inhabitants from one place to another; in a Word, so to Toss and Transpose every thing, that there be no Honour, Wealth, nor Preferment in the whole Province, but what is ownable to him.

Some of these Courses were taken by Har­ry the 3 d. in France; but his chief aim was to introduce new Persons into such Offices and Dignities of the State, as were fill'd be­fore with the Nobility and Princes of the Blood. He rais'd out of the Dust obscure Persons, who might owe to him only their Wealth and Honor, and who might look upon him as their second Creator: These paid him a blind Obedience; they never con­sider'd what was for the Publick Good, what was Reasonable, Safe, Expedient, Just, or Honest, but in all things did as they were commanded; with such a Sett of Men this dark Prince gave the first Mortal Wound to the Liberties of France; He plac'd them so high as to overlook the old Gentry, who being weaken'd and depress'd, had neither the Interest nor the Courage to preserve their Ancient Form of Government.

He has been follow'd in these Steps by all the French Kings his Successors; so that under that Monarchy, in every Reign since, we have hardly seen any but the Creatures meerly of the Prince's Favour, and quite new Men upon the Stage of Business, and [Page 291] such have in a manner ingross'd all the Employments of Profit, Trust and Honor.

We grant that in a well constituted Go­vernment, which is upon a right Foot in­deed, neither Wealth nor Titles, and no­thing but Virtue and Abilities, should pre­fer a Man to the Honors and Employments of his Country. But when the Times are too corrupt to admit of such Measures, the Question will be, Who with most safety are to be rely'd on, they whose Fortunes are made, or they who are to make their For­tunes? They who have a Satiety of Titles, or they whose Ambition may prompt 'em to attempt any thing to advance Them­selves?

In all likelihood Countreys (whose de­prav'd Manners will not allow 'em to lift up Virtue in Distress, and which in truth can­not find such Men to serve 'em, as were A­ristides, Socrates, and those other Heroes, whom we newly mention'd;) should desire to see themselves rul'd in the subordinate Parts of Government, by the best Hands that can be possibly got: If 'tis to be come at, they should endeavour to have Places of great Honor and high Trust, fill'd with Persons, whose Birth, Estates, and other Cir­cumstances, seem, in Humane Probality, to set 'em at least above the common Tempta­tions of the World.

[Page 292] He who has a good Stake, will be afraid to engage in desperate Councils; he who has a large Estate will not consent to have the Laws subverted, which are his firmest Security; for where the Sword governs, Lands at best are held but under a precarious Title. They who are well Born will desire to preserve that Constitution, of which they and their Ancestors have always been a Part: Instead of Governing and making a Figure in their Country, in all appearance they will be loath to become the contemp­tible Clients and Dependants of some Fa­vourite or Minister, whom Chance or Par­tiality shall set above bis Betters.

But they who come into a Government, with a design to build a Family, and make a Fortune; who are to get all, and can lose nothing, who are chiefly recommended by their Boldness to Undertake, and readiness to Comply, whom no Councils fright, and whom no Measures shock; such Men are in­deed the proper Instruments for introdu­cing Arbitrary Power, but can hardly be thought fit Ministers in any Nation, that is desirous to preserve its Freedom.

Whoever looks over our Histories, will find, that all the Attempts which were here­tofore made upon the Liberties of Eng­land, have been form'd by such Persons, as have been here describ'd.

[Page 293] Most of our former Princes having had Designs of Absolute Domimion, and find­ing that the Men of Fortune and Figure would rather obstruct, than promote their Intentions, thought it more conducing to their Ends to be serv'd by another sort of People, and did therefore bring into the Ma­nagement of their Affairs all along a Sett of Ministers, Weak, Ambitious, Light, Design­ing, Rash, Unskilfull in the Arts of wise Administration, and vers'd in nothing but Craft and Tricks; but at the Head of these they had always some one that was to be the Forlorn Hope, and who would venture to go greater Lengths than any of his Com­panions: And for this Post they generally chose a Pushing Man of a Bold Spirit, a ready Wit, a Fluent Tongue, obscure and low in the World, and such a One whom Fortune could hardly leave in a worse Con­dition than she found him. Nor was it difficult to find Persons of this Character, who would hazzard their Heads, to com­pass Power, Wealth, and Greatness. And tho' they could not arrive at Unlimitted Monarchy, the Philosophers Stone, our for­mer Statesmen have so much hunted after, yet in the Search of it they found several other good Things; we mean, good for themselves, that is to say, Titles and Great Estates. 'Tis true, many of 'em have been [Page 294] interrupted in their Course, and the weight of the People has born 'em down at last. But a Man of a wretched Beginning, never heard of before, when he sees himself lift­ed up high, seldom thinks of the Laws, Impeachments, and the Ax. He hopes to elude Justice; that the Power which set him on, will bring him off; and that he may be defended by his Numbers, and a Corrupted Majority devoted to him; or as his Predecessors have done, that he may at last retire full of Wealth and Crimes, and that his Guilt will be cover'd in the fresher Offences of those who are to Succeed him: Or Men of this Stamp, when they have got all they can, may think to be forgiven by changing Sides; and that it will be time e­nough to become good Patriots, when they are no longer suffer'd to hurt the Common­wealth; for the Arms of the Public have been but too open to embrace such a sort of Penitents.

Upon these, or the like Hopes, the Ce­thegi and Catalines of former Times have presum'd to attack the Liberties of England. It must therefore be a Duty incumbent up­on such as represent their Country, To hold a Strong hand over the Men of Business.

[Page 295] 'Twould be endless to enumerate all the Dangers that may befall a Free Government, if it should have at the Head of its Affairs a Minister of a bold and Enterprizing Spirit, who, from a low Degree, aspires to the highest Greatness, and whose Ambition is not restrain'd by any Private or Publick Considerations.

If in some future Reigns it should be our Case to have such a Man in a Station, and with the Power of doing much Hurt, all such as desire to preserve their Civil Rights, should with undaunted Courage set them­selves to stop him in his Career, and to in­tercept him in his Growth.

Machiavel says, Prince, c. 22. There is one Rule infal­lible to Princes in the Election of such as are to serve 'em. When you observe your Officer more careful of himself than of you, and all his Actions and Designs pointing at his own Interest and Advantage, that Man will never be a good Minister.

We shall beg the Reader's Pardon for one short Digression in this Place, Ibid. c. 22. and it is to take notice of another fine Remark of the same Author, who says, The Actions of a new Prince are liable to a stricter Observa­tion, than if he were Hereditary; and when they are known to be Virtuous, gain more up­on People, and oblige them farther than An­tiquity of Blood, because Men are more affect­ed [Page 296] with present than pass'd things.But to re­turn to our Matter.

The Spaniards were in a flourishing Con­dition in Richlieu's time: Testament Politique du Cardi­nal Rich­lieu, p. 2. c. 3. And in the be­ginning of his Ministry the Affairs of France were in great Disorder: He wholly attributes the Prosperity of Spain to this Principle (running through all their Councils at that time, and prevailing with all their Mini­sters) of preferring the Publick Good to Private Interest; and the contrary obtain­ing in France, he says, was the Cause of all their Disorders. So that we may justly think the present Greatness of the French has taken its Rise from this Noble Princi­ple, having gotten, there, deeper Footing now than it had heretofore.

Ministers, whose Chief Aim, in all they do, is their own Greatness, can neither be good for Prince nor People. And when they consult their Private Interest more than the Public Good, 'tis, in many Instances, apparent to all the World; as for Exam­ple.

First, When they take no Care of their Master's Revenue. For in all Countreys, and in all Ages, bad Statesmen have thriven best under Princes plung'd in Debts and Difficulties.

[Page 297] Secondly, When they have made a false Step, and do not own it, and recede, but rather call in the Prince's Authority, and all his more immediate Dependants, to help 'em out, and to countenance their Errors, 'tis a Sign they have more regard to them­selves, than to his Honor.

Thirdly, When they enter upon new and desperate Councils, which if they succeed well, will redound to their proper Glory; and if they should have a bad Event, may hazzard his Ruin; 'tis a plain Mark that they are ready to sacrifice his Safety to their own Vanity or Ambition.

Fourthly, When they conceal from him Truths which he ought to know; when they do not acquaint him with the State of his Affairs, nor with the true Condition of the Nation; when they do not endea­vour to moderate his Expences; and when they do not quit, when sound Councils cannot prevail, 'tis an evident Proof, That they prefer keeping up their Interest, as they call it, and holding their Post and Em­ployments, to all other Considerations what­soever.

Fifthly, When they are ready to do any thing, let it be never so hurtful to their Master, provided it square with the Interest and Measures of the Party, of which they are at the Head, and by whom they are [Page 298] buoy'd up; 'Tis a Mark that they aim at, being independant even of the Prince him­selfe, and that they think to subsist more by the Strength of their own Faction, than by his Favour.

Sixthly, When Man to Man, and singly, they are willing to own any Errors, but say at the same time, that they were against this, and that, accusing their Brethren of the State for every Miscarriage, 'tis a Sign that provided they themselves are well thought on, they do not care what Opini­on the People entertain of the whole Go­verment.

Seventhly, When they are for proposing dishonorable and unjust Shifts to raise Mo­ney, rather than to take the Pains of form­ing before hand better Schemes for Ways and Means, 'tis a Sign that they prefer the Momentary Arts of recommending themselves to all Thoughts whatsoever, and that they consult more their own ease than the Publick Good. 'Tis likewise an Evi­dence that they are not of Richlieu's mind, who says, Testament Politique, p. 2. c. 4. That publick Administration takes up the Thoughts of Judicious Ministers, inso­much that the perpetual Meditations they are oblig'd to make, to foresee and prevent the Evils that may happen, deprives them of all manner of Rest and Contentement, excepting that which they receive in seeing many Sleep quietly, rely­ing [Page 299] on their Watchings, and live happy by their Misery.

Eigthly, When contrary to the Constitu­tion of the Land, they promote Councils which tend to the keeping up an Arm'd Force, 'tis a sign, that not daring to trust the Laws, they would have their Proceed­ings maintain'd another way; that they de­sire such an Impunity as the Sword has sel­dom fail'd to give bad Ministers in other Countries. 'Tis a Mark that their own Safety is their principal Object, and that they had rather the Nation should be bur­then'd with Taxes, and have the Form of Government alter'd, and that the Prince should lose his Subjects Hearts, than ven­ture themselves before a Free and angry People.

We have given some of the Marks, which selfish and designing Statesmen may be known by hereafter. And if in future times it should be our Case, to see Persons of this Character upon the Stage of Business, we must rowse up the Vigour of our Anci­ent Constitution, we must awaken all the Laws, and direct 'em boldly to the Heads of such a dangerous sort of Men.

Machiavel says, Discourses on Livy. lib. 2. C. 1. That they who govern'd the State of Florence, from Anno 1434, to 1494, were wont to say, That it was necessary [Page 300] every five Years to review the State, for other­wise it would be very hard to maintain it: They call'd reviewing the State, reducing the People to the same Terror and Awe as they had upon 'em of old, when every Man was pu­nish'd according to his Crime, let his Quality be what it would.

He lays down likewise, That Kingdoms as well as Commonwealths, have often occasi­on to be reduc'd to their first Principles:Which, he says, was done in France by the Parliaments, who reviv'd the Ancient Go­vernment as often as they oppos'd the King in his Arrests, and as often as they call'd great Delinquents to account, whose Crimes, if they are suffer'd to grow, cannot be reform'd but with Disorder, if not the Dissolution of the whole Government.

For want of pursuing some such like Courses, the French have lost their old Con­stitution, and are now under the absolute Sway of a single Person; and that we in England continue still to be a free People, is without doubt chiefly owing to that Power, which our Ancestors have from time to time exerted, of impeaching such of the great Ones, as they saw entering up­on Measures, which plainly tended to in­troduce unlimited Dominion.

[Page 301] We have been hitherto preserv'd by pul­ling down such Men, as were setting them­selves and their Master above the Laws; and we shall transmit to Posterity our Ci­vil Rights untouch'd and untainted, if we do not lose our wonted Courage.

If therefore, in any future Reign, it should be seen, that the Ministers waste the King­dom's Treasure, that they misgovern or mis­apply it, that they break into appropriated Fonds; that they give Advices which invade Property, and which, in their Consequen­ces, tend to disaffect the People. And last­ly, that to secure themselves they promote one Council, which must end in the subver­sion of all the Laws; if these things should come to appear, they who represent their Country will not be afraid to attack these bold and high Crimes with Complaints, Addresses and Impeachments; for if this be omitted, the Impunity such Men have found will engage so many new Offenders, that at last, by their Number, they grow safe, and above Correction; and when this hap­pens (as it has appear'd in the instance of France) the Liberties of a Country are intirely lost.

[Page 302] When Matters are become unquiet, by ill Conduct, discerning Princes, like Wise Men who have a Law-suit, desire to piece things up as soon as possible, and to re­move the Bone of Dissention; as seeing full well, That Troubles make the common People Inquisitive, that Inquiry gives 'em Knowledge; and that when they have Knowledge, they are very hard to Go­vern.

But ill Ministers often think that the best Course to save themselves, is yet far­ther to embroil their Masters business, not considering, that the more things grow di­sturb'd, the greater Necessity there will be of sacrificing them to appease the People's Anger.

Statesmen should take great Care how they contract Publick Hatred: For both Good and Bad Kings desert 'em at last, and with just Reason; for he who has not Judgment, Conduct and Wisdom e­nough to avoid being odious, deserves not to be protected by his Prince, to his own Hurt and Danger.

Is there any Instance of a Wise, Just, and Good King (Reigning so long as to have his Virtues known) who had not the Hearts and Affection of his Subjects? When Plots are form'd against such Princes, are they not presently de­feated? [Page 303] And does not all Mankind de­test the Conspirators? And let some Flatterers say what they will, the Vulgar are not impatient of any Rule▪ that is tolerably fair and easie; at bottom they love the Splendor of a Court, and are fond of Regal Power; so that Kings, who will but stoop the least to be Po­pular, are doated upon, and Idolis'd in every Countrey.

The same thing holds in relation to Mi­nisters, if they are honest, if they have a Superior Genius, if they do not make too much hast to be rich, if they are notoriously seen to prefer the Common Welfare be­fore their own Private Interest, if they are Affable and Industrious in doing good Offi­ces, if by their Actions 'tis known that they do not desire to hold their Stations upon any ignoble Terms, if they are not Haughty, Arrogant, and Insolent, they may Rule the State without Clamors, they may grow Grey in their Dignities and Offices, the best Part of Mankind will be constantly of their Side. And if they are at any time attack'd by Private Malice upon some Disobligati­ons or Disappointment, their Enemies will not be able to do 'em any hurt: Clouded they may be for a while, but they will soon shine out with fresher Lustre. If by Inad­vertency, and through the Frailty of hu­mane [Page 304] Nature, they have made false Steps, and committed small Faults, the General Voice will be ready to excuse 'em, and their Perfections shall be put in the Ballances, and outweigh their Errors.

But here it may be objected, that Rich­lieu, who was undoubtedly one of the Great­est Men that ever undertook the Guidance of a State, and who had very near all the good Qualities necessary for one to whom the Reins of Empire are committed, did, notwithstanding, lie under continual Ac­cusations, Popular Anger, and Conspira­cies against his Person. To which we an­swer, That this Cardinal was a good Mi­nister for the French King, but not for France. He had all along Designs to make his Master Absolute. Tis true, he endea­vour'd, by his Sagacity, Care, and Deep Foresight, to make the French as great and happy as a Country can possibly be under an unlimitted Dominion: However, his Foundation was not found at bottom, nor honest to Humane kind: He was therefore, from time to time, harras'd, interrupted and perplex'd by the few good Patriots that re­main'd, who had still an Eye towards their ancient Constitution: Some indeed joyn'd with these to oppose him, who did not act upon so right a Principle.

[Page 305] But when the Ministers in the Mea­sures they take to promote their Master's Greatness, consider their Countries Free­dom, when at one and the same time they are Trusty and Impartial Servants to Prince and Country both, when they duly Con­template how unwise and wrong it is ever to let them have a divided Interest; Such States Men as do all this, stand like Rocks against whom the Waves, stir'd and mov'd forward by vulgar Breath, beat in Vain. They are safe, Rever'd by the best sort, and the Darlings of the People; Such need not fear the scanning of their Actions, Popular Anger, nor the secret Machinati­ons of discontented Persons; Their Inno­cence is their sure Guard, Arm'd with which, they are not apprehensive of Impeach­ments.

From what has been here said peradven­ture it will appear, that mix'd Govern­ments are not to be long preserved under their old Form, unless such as represent their Country Do hold a strong hand over the Men of Business, calling those to an Ac­compt, who either through Folly or upon some wicked Design, persue Distructive Mea­sures.

But this high Cordial is not to be us'd upon every flight Occasion; 'twas never intended by our Ancestors to encounter [Page 306] stempers better Cur'd another way, and to be then only Administred when the Bo­dy Politick was sick at Heart. Nothing can be Admir'd and Awful that at every turn is exposed to common View; Im­peachments are the Laws Supreme Sword which should be Drawn only to cut off great Offences; It should hang high, with the Scabard on, over the Heads and in the View of such as meddle in Matters of State, and when 'tis unsheath'd, it should be in a Way and Manner so very Terrible, as to make all Offenders Tremble.

If in Times to come, our Affairs should happen to be under an ill Administration, the Calamities that must thereby fall up­on all Degrees of Men (those excepted who shall have enrich'd themselves by the Publick Spoils) will stir up the Legislative Authority to Interpose in looking after our future Safety.

And at such a season perhaps it will be thought the Sublimest Wisdom of all, not to be angry with Persons but to mend Things, and that it will not Import much tho the Criminal scape unpunish'd, so the Fault can be Corrected. The remorse and shame of having, may be, in a few Years ruin'd a Rich and Flourishing People (for so the Case may happen) will be Punish­ment enough to those who have left in 'em any seeds of Honour.

[Page 307] Such therefore as mean their Country well in an unhappy Juncture of this Nature when they go to give Affairs a better Com­plexion, should in all likelihood begin their Work by Determining and Pronouncing What Councils have been di­rectly against the Law, what Advices have Tended to Im­poverish the Crown and King­dom, and what Practices have wasted the Nations Tr [...]asure. And when in this Solemn Manner they have Condemn'd the Offences, if they think fit, the Offenders may be reach'd with Ease.

If we should ever have a Set of States-Men whose Offences will compel the Na­tion to Accuse them, they will endeavour to cover their own Faults by recriminating upon the Proceedings of former times. If they are Charg'd with wasting the Publick Treasure, with giving away the Crown-Lands, with aiming at Arbitrary Power, and to Govern by the Sword, they will be so Audacious to think they stand justify'd by answering, The same things were heretofore done. But they ought to make this Re­flection, that King Charles was in danger to loose his Crown, and that King James [Page 308] actually lost it; because his Ministers per­su'd Measures distructive to the Kingdom.

And now in a few Words to Re-capi­tulate the whole Matter of this long Secti­on; If such as represent the People are Uncorrupt, Unbyass'd and Disinterested. If they diligently attend the Nation's Ser­vice. if they carefully watch Encroach­ments upon the Constitution. If they make Provision against future Evils. If they look Narrowly into the Debts and Expences of the Nation. If they hold a strong Hand over the Men of Business. And if in this Manner Private Persons perform their Duty to the Publick, we shall not fail in all suc­ceeding Times, to see a steddy Course of Honesty and Wisdom in such as are trusted with the Administration of Affairs. For it may be laid down for a certain Maxim, That States-Men will hardly be Negli­gent, Corrupt or Arbitrary, when they are over-look'd with careful Eyes by so Considerable a Part of the Constitution.

And where Things are well Admini­ster'd That Country will always increase in Wealth and Power. Have we not before our Eyes the Example of Spain, labouring under Publick and Private Wants, occasi­on'd by nothing but a long Series of Mis­government? What has preserv'd the Ve­netians for thirteen Centuries against such [Page 309] Potent Leagues as have been frequently form'd against 'em, but that the goodness of their Constitution has enabl'd them to do great things with a very little? Would People under a Tiranny, or indeed under a better Form of Government ill manag'd, have defended themselves with such Cou­rage as Venice and Holland have done? Did ever Countries fight so Bravely for their Oppressors, as Nations that have contend­ed in the Defence of their own Liber­ties? Where Matters are in a tottering Condition, do not the People grow sullen and loath to venture their Stocks out of their sight? Is it not seen that at such a time Men hoard their Mony up which should Circulate in Trade? When the Sub­jects are under Apprehensions that ill Con­duct at home will at last produce Wars, Dangers and Invasions from abroad, have they not in all Ages at such a Season inter­mitted their Foreign Traffick, Manufa­ctures and other Business? What begets general Industry, but hopes to have Pro­perty preserv'd? Is it not evident that tho here and there a Private Man accumulates great Riches under an Absolute Monarchy, yet that the whole Body of the People is always poor and miserable in Countries so Govern'd? What encourages Men, with infinite Care, Labour, and Hazzard, to [Page 310] gather private Wealth, which enriches the Publick at last, but the hopes that stability of Affairs, prudent Conduct, and just Ad­ministration, may produce Peace, Securi­ty, and lasting Empire? Where Men have a Prospect of all this, Strangers resort thi­ther with their Wealth and Stocks, where­as Merchants and other Cautious Persons abandon Countries, whose Follies and Cor­ruptions subject 'em to continual Changes and frequent Revolutions, so that perad­venture upon solid Reasons and very just Grounds, we may lay down, That nothing more Contributes to make a Nation Gain­ers in the general Ballance of Trade, than good Laws well observ'd, and a constant Course of Honest and steddy Government.

As Trade and Riches have their Princi­pal Foundation in the Liberty and Laws of a Country, so when those great Springs go right, they set in Motion the Engine of a Common-Wealth, tho some other Wheels may happen to be out of Order.

To have the Course of Law and Courts of Judicature proceed uncorruptly, is such a Remainder of Strength and Health, as may in time help to recover the other sickly Parts of a Constitution.

So that a Nation is not deprav'd beyond all hope of Cure, which has in the Chief Seats of Judgment, Men of deep Learn­ing, [Page 311] Probity, Moderation and Integrity.

We shall Conclude this last Section with some Advices which Richlieu directs to Lewis the 13 th. Testament Politique Part. 2. Chap. 10. ‘Unless Princes use their utmost Endeavours to regulate the divers Orders of their State; If they are Negligent in the Choice of a good Coun­cil; If they dispise their wholesom Ad­vice, unless they take a particular Care to become such that their Example may prove a speaking Voice; If they are Neg­ligent in Establishing the Reign of God, that of Reason, and that of Justice to­gether. If they fail to protect Innocence, to recompence Signal Services to the Pub­lick, and to punish Disobedience, and the Crimes which trouble the Order, the Discipline, and Safety of States; unless they apply themselves to foresee and pre­vent the Evils that may happen, and to divert by careful Negotiations the Storms which Clouds drive before them from a greater Distance than is thought; If Favour hinders them from making a good choice of those they Honour with great Employments, and with the Prin­cipal Offices of the Kingdom; If on all Occasions they do not prefer Publick Interest to Private Advantages, tho o­therwise never so good Livers, they will be found more guilty than those who [Page 312] actually transgress the Commands and Laws of God, it being certain that to omit what we are oblig'd to do, and to commit what we ought not to do, is the same thing.’