IT was long before the Obiections against the intended happy vnion of both the Realmes came to my handes: but hauing read them, I could not hold my hād frō writing to remoue & cleare them; estee­ming them onely as great shew of big logges laid in the way, betweene the two eminent markes shot at by the soueraigne Vnitor, namely, honor and happinesse: the one inse­parably inherent in his most royall person: [Page 2] the other, assuredly intended for Subiects benefite: which things in apparant vtilitie, or vrgent necessitie the Obiectors desire to be shewed them: for whose satisfaction, I haue briefly examined, and answered euery obie­ction. The Obiectors find no president at home nor abroad, of vniting or contracting of the names of two seuerall Kingdomes or States into one name, where the Vnion hath growne by mariage or bloud: and say, that the examples which may be alleaged, are but in case of conquest. But I remember, that Charles of Fraunce the eighth, as Comineus Proofe by mariage. mentioneth, taking to wife the heire of litle Btitaine, annexed it to the Crown of France, ruled it by lawes, customes, and priuiledges of Fraunce, and gaue the Nobles thereof place in Parliament in Fraunce: for vnion is a strong keeper of imperiall Soueraigntie, and is the very sinewes of weale publique. But as Tacitus saith, by diuers lawes, ouer diuerse nations subiect to one King: Quicquid est authoritatis crebris destruitur contradictionibus. [Page 3] Charles the fift vnited in the common name of Spaine diuers other his kingdomes, wher­of two of them; namely Aragon and Castile, Proofe by bloud. descended to him in right of bloud. For he well knew, that the most eminent in dignitie is most honoured by Vnitie: and that this is truely called Prudence, euen the electing, or reiecting, the continuing or chaunging of formes, and vniting kingdomes, according to time, place, or persons: which great vertue is not alwaies contained in certaine and the same bounds, but altereth it selfe as occasion serueth, in respect of forenamed circum­stance. But the Obiectors acknowledge vni­ting of kingdoms in case of conquest. I mar­uell they do it not much more by right of bloud: for in that vnion of constraint, there is euer doubt, and dread for continuance ther­of, as is well said: Malus custos diuturnitatis metus: but in this by right of bloud, God giueth blessing to natures worke: first, in the greater maiestie of the high and supreme gouernor, where one mightie Monarch is of more [Page 4] commaund and power, then a king of diuers distinguished kingdomes.

Secondly, in the more facilitie of the go­uernment, where people vnder like lawes, are more easily ruled, then vnder diuers lawes. And thirdly, in the more securitie of the gouerned, who being led with like equi­tie of lawes, will one loue and strengthen the other: but being deuided, do oftentimes vn­dermine, and practise subuersion one of the other. Vires imperij in consensu sunt obedientium: tolle Liuy. vnitatem & omnis imperij contextus in multas partes dis­sidet. VVhich consideration made king Hen­rie the eighth rightfully assuming the title of King of Ireland, by voluntarie Vote in Par­liament of the Lords and Commons of that kingdome, (albeit the Kings of England were before that time, but called Lords of Ireland) yet now changing his Stile, to ende­uour by iust lawes to cause the Irish chaunge as well their apparel, as language, and diuers their old formes and former lawes, and to re­duce them into forme of English fashion, e­uen [Page 5] against their former customes and con­ditions. It is then a matter not onely of vtility and necessitie, but also of reason and iustice, that a King in right of bloud holding two kingdomes or States, do vnite and contract them into one name and nature, specially kingdomes of one continent, and which in auncient times were but one, till ambition and contention deuided them. And this may stand for answer to the Obiectors first maine head of matter of estate inward.

Now where it is farther alleaged, that the alteration of the name of the King, doth ine­uitably and infallibly draw on an erection of a new kingdome, and a dissolution and ex­tinguishment of the old: herein verily I think the matter is much mistaken, for the change of name, is not so rightly to be tearmed alte­ration or new erection, as restitution and re­paration both of name and honor: for diuers his Maiesties most noble Progenitors, haue heretofore bene entitled (as Chronicles tell vs) Kings of all Britaine: as Henry the second [Page 6] King of al Britaine, Duke of Gascoine, Guien and Normandie, whose sonne king Iohn had also in his coine stamped, as is to be shewed, Iohannes Rex Britonum. And before the con­quest of the Saxons, it is certaine that the whole Ile was called by the name of Britain. But Saxons entring at disaduantage of that mightie nation, consumed by death and fa­mine, conquering the remnant of people of famous Britaine, enforced them to distin­guish and deuide themselues by flying into mountaines and fortified places. And after­ward king Egbert, vtterly to roote out the remembrance of great Brittaine, commaun­ded that the Land should be called no more by that name, but England, and the people, Englishmen. But Egbert is dead, his power weake, nay none at all: let none therefore feare to restore his countrie to his old name, and auncient honor: for Egbert I say is dead, and king IAMES liueth, & viuat & vincat Rex Ia­cobus.

This I say and enforce againe, is a matter [Page 7] also reasonable, iust, vtile, and necessarie, see­ing the Soueraigne bringeth in no innouati­on of a new name, but restitution of the old, no dissolution, but fortification, whereto I know none will subscribe, which either enuy the Kings greatnesse, or kingdomes happi­nesse.

But let none maruell, why it hath not this long time bene reduced into his former name: for the diuersitie of kingdomes, being made diuers by warre and conquest, and ha­uing heretofore diuers kings, could not in reason or iustice indure it, nor vnder any co­lour of vtilitie, or necessitie vndergo, or con­clude it.

But now seeing our soueraigne Lord the king, being rightfully descended of all those kings and princes, which heretofore raigned and ruled in England, Scotland, or VVales, as he only hath power to restore all into one to former title and dignitie, so let none think this his princely and iust pleasure, a new ere­ction, but restitution of old, where it is more [Page 8] reasonable and iust, to extinguish the name of lesser continuance, then the name which had continued & bene famous by the space of 1137. yeares before Christ, and 688. af­ter his incarnation, which whole computa­tion cometh to 1825. yeares. And where it is most honorable by iust descent in right of bloud, not onely to change, but to abolish the name imposed by a Conqueror to the dishonor of a Nation: and where, for ought I vnderstand, the matter is not so difficult, nor of that inconuenience and danger, but may with much ease and safetie be done with saluo iure, or other reseruation and explana­tion, as the wise and learned in the lawes can at large deuise, when they lift, siue noua excogi­tent, siue antiqua restituant.

But for example, I bring the vniting of Dane-Lex, and Mercia-lex, by Edward the Confessor, which was not preiudicial to any, that euer I could reade, but profitable and needfull to all, in the abolishing of diuers old lawes, and ordaining diuers new, and ma­king [Page 9] lawes to all, all one: done no doubt with due respect to weale publike, with needfull limitation and due consideration of men, matter, time, place, and other circumstance. Neither doth any new erection and extin­guishment of old, so necessarily conclude in­conuenience full of repugnancie, danger of construction and confusion as is pretended: but may in this case (vbi beata omnium vita mo­deratori est proposita) as easily be cleared and a­uoyded, as it was when the principalitie and countrie of VVales was by Parliament in­corporated and vnited vnto the kingdome of England, and all the inhabitants thereof made equall in freedomes, liberties, rights, priuiledges, lawes, and in all other respects to the natural subiects of England, and all in­heritances made of English tenure, to des­cend without diuision or partition after the maner of England: and the Lawes, Statutes, and Ordinances of the Realme of England, commaunded to be executed and put in pra­ctise within the countrie and Principalitie of [Page 10] VVales. So as now in this new erection and dissolution of the old, the VVelshmen with vs and we with them acknowledge ioyfully, one onely Gouernor, and one only gouern­ment, where the maiestie of the Gouernour is equally supra nos, and the iustice and equi­tie of the gouernment equally pro nobis: where is certus ordo in iubendo & parendo. VVhich cer­taine and the same course and order of com­maunding by the king, and by his lawes, and of obedience in subiects, is a strong tye, and as it were a vitall spirit, holding in one infinite thousands: where Regere as the Philosopher speaketh, is reckened inter ne­cessaria, Arist. 1. Pol. cap. 3. and Regi inter vtilia.

Againe, could seuen kingdomes of Saxons be reduced into one, and in good time, all their diuers Lawes, whereby the diuerse sub­iects of those seuen diuers kingdomes were diuersly gouerned, be brought into one form of ciuill gouernment without repugnancie, ambiguitie or danger: and shall we thinke it a matter of such difficultie, to vnite onely two [Page 11] kingdomes, which do not much differ in manners, lawes and customes; sauing such lawes and customes, as were formerly ordai­ned on each part one against another, when they were enemies, or scarce friends one to the other? VVhich lawes doubtlesse all will say, must be abrogated, that in further pro­ceeding to vnion, wise men, with graue con­sideration may conclude it, for good of both nations, without offence, as in former times much more hath bene done with lesse ado.

An Empire of many kingdomes thus re­duced into one, is not vnlike the firmament of heauen, which God hath adorned with the two great lights, the Sunne and Moone, and other Starres, euen the whole army and harmonie of the heauens in one firma­ment. VVho so throweth a stone against heauen, saith the VVise man, it will fall vpon his own head. And if any one standing alone from the rest, speaketh against and oppug­neth this Vnion, better it were (sauing my charitie) that vnus ille periret, quàm Vnitas.

Touching the enumeration and reci­tall of the speciall or seuerall confusions, incongruities and mischiefes, which in the Obiections are in the second place, of matter of Estate inwarde, pretended, I briefly answer, that there is no feare of con­fusion in true and perfect Vnion. VVhich thing the mightie Alexander, renowmed for fortitude and pollicie, well knewe, who is much commended by Plutarke, that Plut. de fortuna A­lexandri. (where Zeno chiefe of Stoickes framed an Idea of best Common wealth, such as was not deuided by countreyes and contrarie customes, but was as all one, of one kinde of life, and as one flocke feeding in one pasture, vnder one shepheard) Alexander I say, put that in practise which Zeno but ima­gined: for saith Plutarke: Not as Aristotle A­lexanders Maister taught him, so did he, li­uing as a father to the Graecians, and cruell Commander ouer Barbarians, respecting some, and neglecting others: but he recon­ciled all into one, mixing mens liues, lawes, [Page 13] names and mariages together, and perswa­ding that none were Aliens and strangers a­mong his subiects, but such as were euill men, accounting all good men, as one man.

Now I conclude this point, that there is no confusion, incongruitie, or mischiefe to be feared in that Vnion, where our most rightfull King sitteth, not by conquest of sword, but by right of royall bloud in the seate of his most noble Progenitors: and not as Alexander, who by conquest sate in the seate of Darius among Persians: nor as Xer­xes Herod. lib. 7 who ioyned Asia and Europa together with a woodden bridge ouer Hellespont: but as al other most mightie Gouernors, and the best Kings haue (by a golden bridge of likenesse, of loue, of equitie, of lawes, and of cōmon comforts of societie and ioy, (all which were both profitable and needfull) ioyned together two or more kingdoms, for their owne greater honor, and subiects more vndoubted happinesse.

VVhich thing likewise that noble and va­liant Troian Aeneas long sithence put in vse, who by Vnion, euen of diuers nations, Om­nes Liu. lib. 1. eodem nomine, & eodem iure Latinos vocauit. And thereby as Liuie reporteth of him, he made many and diuers nations as one people, most familiar, and most friendly together.

Do not diuers Sunne beames come from one Sunne, and all they of one nature? Are not diuers lines drawne from one Center, and all they of one fashion? Are not diuerse boughes from one tree, and all they of one and the same substance? And may not diuers people vnder one Prince, though they are deuided in persons, yet be vnited in lawes? and though they be sundred in Countries, yet be knit together in hearts, specially if e­mulation cause no incongruitie, nor disor­der confusion, nor strife mischiefe, only with sauing each mans honor, with continuance of each good custome, and with furtherance and establishing the common good of weale publique?

The King is the countries Parent, who by Vnion, non seruos, sed ciues cogitat: and as Iupiter was said to be Rex omnibus idem; so would his Maiestie be idem omnibus, one head to one bo­die. VVherefore if he desire to vnite the two kingdomes, and to account them one, and as one beloued sonne, (whose life is deare, and whose happines ioy to him) that all sub­iects as one sonne, in common apparant vti­litie, might participate common patrimony of iust Lawes for VVeale publique, let none be so hardie (with the harlot in the daies of Salomon) to say to the king our common parent: Deuide the child, and cut it into two parts; least such diuision part that into two, which God in nature first made one: and now in his greater goodnesse hath restored, in the royall person of our gracious King into one: what God hath so ioyned together, let no man put asunder. For her of may arise plaine incongruitie, and fearefull inconuenience, which may farther grow into confusion, and mischiefe.

Onely I pray them, which obiect against the happie Vnion, to set before their eyes, and to consider with their hearts, the grie­uous contention betweene the diuers peo­ple of the kingdome of Israell and the king­dome of Iudah: for albeit the two kingdoms were vnited in the person of Dauid their king, yet for want of more perfect Vnion in 2. Sam. 5. lawes and loue, there arose heart-burnings on both sides: for Israel complained: The men of Iuda haue stolne the king from vs: and they of Iuda challenged, that the king 2. Sam. 19. was nearer in bloud to them, then to Israell: and Israell againe replyed, that they had ten parts in the king, and therefore had more right to him. But what in end grew of this cō ­tention and emulation, consider I pray, and preuent such inconuenience and mischiefe: there was not any one among the Tribes in the second generation that followed the house of Dauid, but Iuda onely: Omen auertat 1. King. 12. Deus.

VVhen I was but a young scholer, I lear­ned [Page 17] to call that aequiuocation, which was corpus monstrosum, vnder one name of diuerse formes: as homo pictus, and homo viuus agree in the name of man, but not in the same reason, definition, and nature: so I can call the agree­ment of English and Scottish onely in subie­ction to one Soueraigne, but without farther Vnion of lawes and true loue, not liuely and indeede, but painted and in shew; not sub­stantiall, but aequiuocall; not reall, but nomi­nall: namely, in the King, as in the head, which is but one: but not in themselues, as in the bo­die, which likewise is, or should be but one. This is true incongruitie, whereof may arise such farther fearefull inconuenience, as I wish may be to them that hate the State, and the experience thereof vnto the kings enemies.

Touching the particulars of confusion, &c. surmised by the Obiectors, I briefly answer: first, that exception taken of summoning fu­ture Parliament, is not worth answer: for the stile and title of the king chaunged, may change also in future VVrits.

Secondly, the changing of Seale, is one­ly charge of a new cut.

Thirdly, the great old Officers of the king­dome, when they (yet most worthie of of­fice) do hereafter weare out, the kings Ma­iestie shall afterward by this Vnion, haue more choice to preferre the worthiest: for his Maiestie by this Vnion shall gaine more choice for all the publike seruices, to be per­formed either at home or abroade. Neither may it be reasonable for any man, for priuate or particular respects to repine thereat: like to Cato his sonne, who feared lest by his fa­thers Plut. Cato. mariage he might leese somwhat of his patrimonie, and therefore murmured lest his father should beget mo sonnes: but had his answer with a sound reply vnanswerable: Sonne, I desire to haue moe sonnes like thy selfe, good Citizens, and seruiceable for the Commonweale.

Fourthly, touching lawes, customes li­berties, and priuiledges, it is to be wished that the rigour of ours were somewhat quali­fied, [Page 19] and the libertie of theirs somewhat re­strained: neither is it a new thing, in so large a kingdome, that some should be more ena­bled and honored with priuiledges then o­thers, according to the Kings good plea­sure, in whom dwelleth, and from whom is deriued all true honor.

Fiftly, the feare of residence, or holding in Scotland such Courts as follow the Kings person, is the selfe same, as if we feared, that without Vnion the King wold hold personall Courts in Cornwall: or as if we doubted that such Courts, when our former Kings were personally in Fraunce, were not for all that kept at VVestminster. The seate of iudgment is the seate of the house of Dauid, thither the Tribes go vp, and there the peoples feet stand, euen in the gates of Ierusalem; which Ierusalem is a citie that is at vnitie in it selfe: at vnitie concerning matters of religion, at vnitie in matters touching publike iustice and gouernment: therefore the king began his Psal. 122. I was glad when they said to [Page 20] me: VVe will go, &c.

Lastly, the exception taken against Vnion because of the kings oath at his Coronation, which is neuer iterated, is grounded on the selfe same reason: as if it were also alleaged, that because his Maiestie sweareth to maine­taine auncient and fundamentall lawes, ther­fore vpon circumstance of time and occasion he might not alter any law: but let it be re­mēbred, that the kings oath concerneth the lawes & not the title, and we know the lawes may be preserued, thogh the title be altered.

And as for Subiects, I doubt not, but they may without danger, at the pleasure of the king, sweare their allegiance and do ho­mage and obedience after restitution of ti­tle, reformatiō of law, & Vnion of kingdōs.

And ancient Records do no more leese their force by the chaunge of England into Britaine, then by change of Queene Eliza­beth into king Iames.

And there is no more incertaintie of plea­dings, instruments, and writs, then when a [Page 21] plaintiffe deceasseth after seuen yeares suite, his heire is put to begin, and commence his suite anew, and in other name.

The heart of obiections against Vnion being halfe broken, let vs enter into the third cōsideration of matter of State inward, where is obiected a possibilitie of alienation of the Crowne of England to the Crowne of Scot­land, in case his Maiesties Line should deter­mine. But blessed be God, our gracious so­ueraigne King is blessed with a plentifull is­sue, and hath yet much farther hope. And I hope (for which I pray night and day) that his Maiesties royall Issue shall not faile, so long as the Sunne and Moone indureth. Ne­uertheles, if some will not labor of the com­mon bane of good wits, which is rather to dispute, then obey; and rather to reason be­yond reason, then yeeld to reason, (more magis quàm iudicio) they may herein also easily an­swer thēselues, that in vniting the two king­domes, the second place in stile may be rather drawne to the next of bloud in our Land, then the kingdome of England [Page 22] be transferred to one farther off from this Stemme.

VVhich thing, neither Henry the seuenth nor Henry the eighth doubted, the one see­king to marie his eldest daughter Lady Mar­garet to king Iames the fourth of Scotland, hoping if his heire male failed, by that means to vnite Scotland to England. And the other hauing his whole drift, to match his sonne Prince Edward to Queene Mary, foreseeing in his prouidence the inestimable benefite of vniting the two kingdomes: for which cause many of the Nobles of Scotland, gaue faith to do their best indeuours. But it is a strange doubt, and cast beyond the Moone, to ima­gine, that Vnion of the two kingdomes doth so confound the State, and change the te­nure, to bring it so into case of purchase, as it will necessarily subiect England to Scotland, especially if his most excellent Maiesty, of his singular tendernes & loue to this his realme of England, be pleased to effect & establish, that in case his royall Issue (which Almighty [Page 23] God of his infinit mercie defend) shold faile, that then by this happie intended Vnion, the Realme of Scotland should for euer be and continue indissolubly vnited, and annexed to the lawfull and rightfull inheritance, and succession of the Crowne of England, in the bloud royall of the same.

Now touching matter of State forreine, in answer to the first obiection: I am well as­sured, that our forreine affaires were at worst in the opinion of all, at the decease of our late Queene, and our entercourse vtterly de­cayed with many Princes: so as we neede a kind of present renewing, which may be con­cluded as well vnder title of King of all Bri­taine, as of England.

To the second it is easily answered, that the King loseth no precedencie of place, as is imagined, specially antiquitie (as in the Ob­iections is alleaged) guiding it, and not greatnesse. For the Successor to king Arthur of Brittaine, will be worthie in the opinion of the whole world, of better place, then king [Page 24] Egbert of England.

To the third, that if the name of England (as is imagined) be obscured, the name of famous and great Britaine will be illustrate, memorable in times past to all the then knowne nations of the earth.

Touching matter of Honor, it is certaine and euident, that the name of England, though it hath bene worthily most famous and great, yet is not equal to the title of great Britaine, when England and Scotland are re­united, either by reason of honor, or of po­wer. All Histories remembring vnto vs, that the Brittaines long time resisted the mightie force of Romaines, Lords, and Conquerors of the world. And albeit some fathers can be content to disinherite their owne daughters, to continue their names: (as is inferred in the obiections) and therefore inforced, should be much more in States, specially where the name hath bene famous: yet for my part, I account such parents vnkind and vnnaturall, where selfe loue of their name, maketh them [Page 25] forget themselues, and forsake their owne flesh. I will not vrge here the law of God, of nature, and of most nations where daughters inherit, and names grow extinguished. But this is a vaine respect onely of name, wherof is spoken; to get a name on earth, and to thinke their name should neuer be put out: whereas so many countries, so many peo­ple, so many persons, haue either lost or left their former name, and most willingly haue bene called by another name. Gaudet cognomine Ʋirg. Aen. 6. terra: that countrie reioyced to be called by a new name: how much more shold our land imbrace this name of Britaine; and yet not new, but indeed his old proper name renew­ed, and as it were rediuiued and restored frō the dead. Or be it simply losse only of a bare transitorie name; yet as the Prophet Isay Isa. 56. 3. speaketh: Let not the Eunuch say, Behold, I am a drie tree, my name shall perish with me. Let vs rather regard that name which God promiseth to them that serue him, saying: Isa. 56. 5. Euen vnto them will I giue in my house and [Page 26] within my pallaces, a place and a name bet­ter then of sons and of daughters: I will giue them an euerlasting name which shall not be put out.

The Argument of Obliuion deserueth no answer, but silence and forgetfulnesse: and yet I doubt not, but famous acts of Noble English men, will as well by Chronicle be re­membred to posteritie, as the glorie of re­nowmed Britaine Record remaineth to this day, neither will either be forgotten to the worlds end.

The Stile of England now placed before Scotland, doth no way preiudice the Vnion by losse of precedencie: for when all is one, there is no subsequence: onely Honor is due to him, who is to be honored; and much ho­nor to him, that is much to be honoured: which thing in the Vnion may easily be pro­uided for, and other pretended inconueni­ences preuented.

Lastly, the Preiudicating the popular opi­nion, to whom (as is obiected) chaunge of [Page 27] name will be harsh and vnpleasing, is in mine opinion a wrong done, and imputation laid vpon the people, who I know (for the most part) being a wise nation, and (I am sure) most louing subiects to the kings Maiestie, haue learned obedience and dutie, and will therefore rather ioy in the content of their good and gracious King, then any way mur­mure at his demand: knowing, that the Em­pire, (as Liuie speaketh) is firmi [...]ssimum, when eo gaudent obedientes, who doubtlesse with one voice and heart submit themselues, and say to their Soueraigne: Esto nobis solus arbiter rerum iure, & nomine regio.

And as for Harshnesse of the strange name, vse will easily make it familiar. He said:

This pretended vnpleasing harshnesse is no more, then the nicenesse of a virgin, who is as loth, and maketh it daintie to leaue her fa­thers name, yet afterward maried to a hus­band, taketh greatest comfort in the name [Page 28] of her husband, in whome she glorieth, and by whom she enioyeth all her worldly ioy. And yet need not England be so nice as if she were a virgin, who like a widdow hath so of­ten chaunged her name: but may take pride as widdowes do, to be called by her most honorable and most glorious name.

Thus hauing briefly run ouer the obiecti­ons, and withall caried in open view in mine answer due consideration both of euident v­tilitie, and vrgent necessitie, I will be bold with additions of more reasons, yet a litle far­ther to proceed in the perswasion of this de­sired happie Vnion. God, alwaies blessed, and to be honored for euermore, who is Tri­nitie in Vnitie, and Vnitie in Trinitie, three persons, and but one God, doth by influence of his holy Spirit, giue diuers gifts and graces to beleeuers, of what countrie, or condition soeuer they be, and gouerneth them by one holy law, and vniteth them in the same faith, though diuersly scattered among all the na­tions of the Christian world: that hereby the [Page 29] gods on earth, whom he hath placed to rule ouer many and diuers kingdoms vpō earth, might learne by the same lawes in things humane, and same religion in matters di­uine, to preserue VVeale publike, and Chri­stian Societie among men.

But the ambition, and frowardnesse of many, desirous rather to be distracted into diuers names and countries, and to be ruled by diuers lawes and customes, do oft times hazard the common good and peace of the VVeale publique: where two kingdoms so deuided vnder one Soueraigne, are not vnlike the rich treasures of pearle and gold, laid vp in one shippe, by contrarieties of di­uers winds to be driuen vpon rockes with ex­treamest danger: as is said in Tully, of deui­ding Defin. and distinguishing desires into seueral parts and members, in such diuersities and differences: Hoc est dissipare, & non distinguere, fran­gere, & non diuidere.

VVhich thing is to be feared by not vni­ting, but keeping the two kingdomes still in parts, when vpō euery discontent in Scotlād, [Page 30] as at a backe dore passage may be giuen for forreine enemie, soone to weaken a deuided power: as Cyrus the Persian soone emptied Herodot. 1. that great and deepe riuer, otherwise vnpas­sable for his souldiers, by drawing it into di­uers chanels. And why should not we feare such and greater euils, if as Virgil laid infamy vpon vs, calling vs, toto diuisos orbe Britannos: so we be content to adde greater infamie to our selues, and become toto in orbe diuisi, deui­ded within our selues in the sight and view of the whole world?

But I hope and wish for better things, that by Vnion in name of Britains, we may leaue to be any longer deuided into English and Scottish; as riuers of diuers names mee­ting in the sea, receiue one and the same name: the rather, because the elements of fire and water, of earth and aire, being of re­pugnant qualities, yet ioyned in one body, do agree in one forme, as in a medium, vni­ting and mixing them together: much more diuers kingdomes oft times heretofore at [Page 31] warre and discord, yet now being vnited in­to one bodie, of one name and nature, quali­fied by equall mixture, of law, manners, ho­nors, mariages, and such like, may be made perfect in one forme, and haue a being not as English and Scottish, but as Brittaines, knit together in that third and renowned name: that the Maxime may be verified in vs: Quae in aliquo tertio conueniunt, optimè conueniunt.

I confesse, that some lawes of ours may be thought too streight for them, and some li­berties of theirs vnfitting vs: but let all be wrested alike, pulling some vp, and letting some downe, and in pleasing harmonie we shall find, as Tully saith: Commune & aequabile in­ter omnes, ius: where will be no strife, as was be­tween Esau and Iacob, vndermining and de­ceiuing one the other of blessing and patri­monie; but all loue, and vnitie, and concord, and content, as if all were not twins, but one man, euen one heart in one bodie.

And now if I phicrates, that valiant Leader Plut. were againe liuing, and asked, whether he [Page 32] were vnder the now imperiall Maiestie, this or that, English or Scottish, or among, or o­uer them, an horseman, an archer, or a Lea­der, he might truly answer, as sometimes he did in like case: No, not any of these, but I am he, who knoweth vnder him whom I serue, to commaund and gouerne all these, as if they were but one man: Vnius Ducis imperium si­mul Sen. Epist. sentiunt omnes copiae. Thus in war and tumult, much more in quiet peace, may it be said: Di­uers subiects ad nutum vnius Regis, & eiusdem legis omnes simul respondent.

So powerfull is the force of Vnion, that vna Via being director for lawe, and Cor v­num performer for obedience: the lawe en­ioyning obedience, and obedience execu­ting law, the Prince cannot commaund what the people will not obey: and the people will obey what the Prince commandeth, and V­nitie among them will vphold all: Vnum imperij Tacit. An. 1 corpus vnius animo regendum videtur: and so likewise, Eiusdem iuris esse debent, qui sub eodē Rege victuri sunt. Q. Cur. 10.

But rule of two kingdomes without vni­ting [Page 33] them, is to giue occasion to either part to looke backe for an old grudge, Vbi antiqui odij pertinacia in publicum stimulat exitium: which I feare would be, as the going backe of two Rammes, more fearefull to butt at, and beate one the other: where held both together in like yoke, one cannot easily offend or force the other. Sic enim immensa multitudo authoritatis Seneca. quasi spiritu regitur.

And where it is of the nature of man not to indure all seruitude, nor all libertie, but to striue to shake off the one, and to be wearie of the other; it is certaine, that equitie and e­quabilitie of like lawes to a diuers people v­nited in one, will make them (which other­wise feare seruitude) to enioy freedome: and those which seeme most free by former pri­uiledges and immunities to feare seruitude, if they transgresse their bounds: for such V­nion and equitie is communis custodia, & principa­tus & reipublicae. But faction and ambition, are the father and mother of intestine calamitie, ciuill warre, and deadly feud.

VVho so loueth this, will neuer like that; neither is he of the bodie, but of the toes and feet of that image which Nabuchodonosor Dan. 2. dreamed of, whose head was of fine gold, whose breast and armes of siluer, whose bel­ly and thighs of brasse, whose legs of Iron, and whose feet, part of iron and part of clay. Siluer, brasse, and iron are mettals easily mixed, but iron and clay will not by any meanes melt and ioyne together. Kingdoms deuided are prefigured in the iron and clay, they are partly warlike and well gouerned, and partly weake, factious, and seditious: they agree not to the king their goldē head, and though they (as the Text saith) mingle themselues with the seed of men, yet ioyne vers. 43. not one with another, but are as iron and clay, which will not be mixed together. The Poets call this latter age Ferrea: let vs which liue in it proue them Poets, and not Pro­phets, that so being ioyned to our golden head in all obedience and dutie, in all loue and zeale to our countrie, and in Vnitie [Page 35] among our selues, we may liue a blessed life in the golden age of this our happy time, and shew our selues well tempered, not of brittle but of better clay: Queis (as the Poet saith) me­liore luto finxit praecordia Titan.

Therefore let Aristides and Themistocles ioyned in one Commission, consult vpon the point, some for England, some for Scot­land, and for the VVeale publike say one to the other: Vis vt hîc deponamus inimicitias? why do Plut. we striue together, for we are brethren? and they cannot but conclude, that the VVeale publique was neuer well administred with­out Vnion and amitie: namely, Vnion in the gouernment, and amitie among the gouer­ned.