SYlla (a Romane Captaine) going about to induce Bocchus to that marchandice which he practised of Iugurth, Salustius in Iugutha. grounds his perswa­sion chiefely on this maxime: That neuer man had friends enough. A thing which common and ordinarie experience hath made vs so palpably to feele, and to see so euidently, that whosoeuer should gainsay or impugne this sentence, should shew him selfe voide of iudgement, and of common sence. And ther­fore it is that in our French tongue the cōmon prouerb saies (that who so hath a good neighbour, hath a good morrow.) thereby giuing vs to vnderstand, that he which maintaines himselfe in good estate with his neighbours, hath taken the best course that might be for his particular affayres.

For as there can be no greater corsie to a man, than to see himselfe pinched by those of whom he expect comfort and case in aduersitie: so neither can there be any greater con­tentment, than to see himselfe so comforted and cherished of his neighbours that they are vnto him so many witnesses of his good behauiour amongst them. Which being well weighed of such learned men as by their writings haue tra­ced out vnto vs the way to vertue, Hesiodus in his booke of workes and daies. they haue made so high account of the regarde belonging to good neighbours, that for certaine respects they haue preferd it before the duetie due to kinsfolke and allyes. Cicero 1. offic. That worthie and wise captaine Themistocles, did once declare that he had well comprehen­ded this conclusion: for intending to sell an heritage of his as deare as he might, he caused him that cryed it, to say & pro­claime aloud (to the end to enhaunce the price therof) that it was situated and stood amongst good neighbours. Now if in priuate matters the respect of neighbourhood be so [Page 2] much to be had in recommendation amongst vs, how much more I pray you, in managing & guiding of an estate. What man is there so ignorant, in the affaires of the world, which knoweth not that the neighbourhood of the Bulgarians, oc­casioning the Turkes entry and descent into Greece, opened the way vnto them to make themselues masters of whatsoe­uer they hold at this day in Europe?

The like may be sayd in respect of Italy: for the affaires of the Venetians, Florentines, Geneuois and Neapolitans, haue bin troubled, disturbed and disordered onely by the malice of a neighbour of theirs, euen Lewes Sforce, vsurper of the estate of Milaine: who to appease his particular passions made no conscience of disturbing the cōmon quiet which Italy had so long enioyed by the prudence of Laurence de Medicis: and exposing of his countrie for a pray to the armes and vio­lence of the French.

Contrariwise, if we looke neere into the estate of thinges past, we shall finde that many of the greatest houses in Ger­manie haue by the prudent policie and heartie affection of their neighbours ben preserued from the ouerthrow which was threatened by the common calamity. In the tyme of our fathers, euen the yeare 1504 Phillip Conte Palatine fel at variance with the Emperor Maximilian, & the issue ther­of being no more prosperous, than the enterprise was righte­ous, he was banished the Empire & driuē to great perplexi­tie. But Frederike duke of Saxonie, his neighbor a wise prince and of great vnderstanding did so mildly handle this matter that all the tempest was changed into a sweete and pleasant calme. Wherin notwithstanding, I am of opinion, that prin­ces can not pretend any aduantage aboue Aristocratie and popular estates. Euery one knowes how that about fourtie yeares since Charles duke of Sauoy inuaded Geneua, the pos­session and lordship whereof he had left vnto his successors, if the men of Friburgh fellow burgesses and allyes to those of [Page 3] Geneua had not made him open his iawes, and let goe the pray which he had betweene his teeth.

I alleage these familiar examples, of fresh date, because I would not stay too long on those of ancient time, & namely of the cōmon wealth of Athens, whose practice was alwaies to relieue their distressed neighbours, being beaten or ouer­throwen by any euill encounter. Wherof the reestablishmēt of Thebes, will serue for sufficient testimony, as long as mans life shall enioy that good happe to be lightned by the lampe of learning. These then are pertinent reasons to make vs vn­derstande how carefully kingdoms & estates are to be vnder­propped by the friendship & faithfulnes of their neighbors. But as this point is of great importance, so it requires a pro­found and mature consideration: for men which are not so cleeresighted nor practised in the affaires of this worlde, are so much the easier deceiued, as a vaine appearance can deck and set foorth it selfe with a show of sound commoditie.

And to manifest this matter by example, and by deduction of a particular deed to make way to the decision of a genera­litie, I will speake of that which more neerely concernes the ordering of our owne affaires. There is none be he neuer so voide of vnderstanding, but seeth & plainely perceiueth the poore and miserable estate, whereunto France loosing her ancient brightnesse is brought at this day by the crueltie and continuance of ciuill wars. Euery one confesseth that shee wants a restoratiue to relieue hir of so pernicious a recidiue; notwithstanding, they agree not all in one concerning the confection & ingredients proper and sortable to such a re­storatiue. True it is that they who by dealing in affaires and managing of matters, haue aduantaged themselues in expe­rience, do come thus farre foorth: that following the rule of good Phisicians, the maladie must be cured by his contrarie; and seeing that the sicknes of France comes only of vnqui­etnes, that nothing can be more auaileable to the restoring [Page 4] of her former helth, then a good & assured quietnes: which aduice in my iudgement, is better grounded on reason, then cleerely discussed. In confirmation whereof, when there is question of the quiet of our country, he were too much out of the way that would bound it within the circuit of France, not caring greatly in what estate she be with her neighbors, so that her inhabitants liue in peace one with an other, and the flame of ciuill wars be extinguished.

But although I readily confesse that the matter being once reduced into termes of calling into one of the two inconue­niences, there is no forraine war how difficult or dangerous soeuer it be, but we ought to vndertake, if thereby wee may warrant our countrie from a ciuill warre: yet so is it that the entire prosperitie of an estate is founded on the exemption of both inconueniences: except we thinke our age to be spe­cially priuiledged, that we may haue war without the neces­sarie appendances thereof which are miserie and pouertie. They then which endeuour to procure the good and quiet of France, ought to aime at this marke, that not onely al coales of ciuill combustion may be quenched, but also that she mainteine her selfe in good estate with her neighbors: & especially with those whose alliance is most cōmodious and most assured vnto her: which in my iudgement is a point no lesse necessary then difficult to decide, by reason of the diuer­sitie of their passions, who prefer their priuate profit before the common commoditie. So it is that if vnto the deducti­on of this doubt, we bring no other passion, but an ardent affection towardes the trueth & a zealous loue of our coun­trie, we shall soone decide this difficultie. And I do not think when euery thing is cast and accounted, whether you consi­der it in grosse, or else haue particular respect to the time present, that there is any of our neighbours, whose allyance can be so commodious and auaylable vnto vs as that of Eng­land. On the contrary I am of opinion, that he which in state [Page 5] matters would intreate of popular errors could not choose a more ample argument, then to showe that such as ordi­narily call the English auncient enemies to the estate and crowne of France, thinking thereby to be accounted lear­ned amongest the ignorant, discouer themselues to be vtter­ly ignorant amongst the learned. And for so much as diuers Courtiers, whom I haue heard discoursing on this argumēt haue come to this conclusion, that they prefer the alliance of Spain before any other whatsoeuer, hauing regard (as they say) to the safetie and welfare of France, I purpose to dispute this question, which in my iudgement hath no better foun­dation, then a partialized affection, or else too litle know­ledge of the affaires of this world. I hope then by liuely rea­sons to enforce, that the alliance of Englande is much more expedient for vs, then that of Spaine, & by the same means to cleare the generall controuersie, and to make knowen that there is no people in the world whose alliance is so commo­dious & so necessarie vnto vs, as that of the English nation. And to lay some foundation for my opinion, I say that whē there is question of making alliance with some nation, there is principall regard to be had of two things: th' one that those whose allyance we preferre, haue more wayes & meanes to helpe vs: th' other that they haue also more means to harme vs, being once become our enemies. And I pray you what people is there in the world, that hath iuster occasiō to loue vs, then the English, which are allyed vnto vs in bloud, con­formable in manners, and brotherly giuen to the selfe same vertuous inclinations? which I meane nor onely of those whō at this day we call English but also of the ancient Bri­tains, the remainder of whom we see at this day in the coun­trie of Wales, who though they agree in manners, fashions, customes, and vsages; Caesar lib. 1 de bello Gallico. yet in language they differ from the other inhabitants of Englande. Caesar who first amongst the Romaine Captaines discouered and had knowledge of the [Page 6] estate of this Ile: teacheth vs that one part of the Britaines, that is, they which dwell next the sea, haue taken their origi­nall of the Belgae: the same author hath also left vs in wri­ting, Caesar lib. 2. de bello Gallico. that in his time the king of the Switzers named Diui­tiacus, did rule also ouer great Britaine. And therefore is it no meruaile if the Britains (especially those that inhabite about Kent) were agreeable in humanitie and maner of liuing with the French. And indeede, if we iudge by that which we find in writing, nothing can be sayde more brotherly then these two Nations.

That I may not busie my selfe too much in sifting out par­ticulars, I will speake only of the Druides, which in auncient time bare rule in both Nations.

These Druydes were Poets and Priests, as in ancient time was Hesiodus in Greece. Most certain it is that the first among the Grecians, who haue adorned their coūtry with the know­ledge of learning, comprehended all their doctrine in verse; as Homerus, Plutarchus in Theseo. Plato in Lysida. Cic. 2. de natura de­orum. Hesiodus, Orpheus, Musaeus, Linus, Empedocles, Par­menides, and Pitheus, of whom Plutarch maketh mention. And therefore it is that Plato hath attributed so much vnto Poets, calling them fathers and fountaines of wisedome. These Druydes were also Mathematicians & Philosophers, which make me, that I can not comprehend wherupon Ci­tero should thinke, when he compared the Britains with the Scythians, in respect of their ignorāce of the Mathematikes.

If he relyed on the testimonie of his friend Trebatius, eue­rie one knowes him to be a witnes as may be gathered euen out of the workes of Cieero, Qui calat hum libentius, quam ce­lum contemplabatur. But it seemes that Cieero, a person other­wise of exquisite iudgement, would needes versie the say­ing of Thales of Milesia, who being asked how farre trueth was different from falshood, answered, as farre as the eyes from the eares. So may we say in respecte of that which [...] are now to intreat of, that we acknowledge eies in Caesar, and [Page 7] eares in Cicero. But howsoeuer it be, either that the Britains receiued the knowledge of good letters from the Gaules, or the Gaules from the Britaines, so it is, that the young men of France, for farther aduancement in their studies, transported into Britaine, to the Druydes of that countrie, of whom they learned the most hidden secrets of Philosophy & of the Ma­thematicall sciences. If we report our selues to what Caesar hath writen hereof, the Philosophie and doctrine of the Druydes had his first beginning in great Britaine: which opi­nion I willingly embrace: howbeit, that rare and excellent personage, Ramus de moribus veterum Gallorum. Petrus Ramus seemes in a worke of his to holde the contrarie. No maruell then, if so learned a Nation, and so well nurtured in good letters, hath beene endewed with so singular humanitie sortable to their knowledge, and such as whereof our ancient Gaules haue gathered the principall fruite. In so much that Caesar intending a descent into Bri­taine, Caesar lib. de bello Gallico. alleageth for his purpose an other pretence, but that the Gaules had beene succoured by the Brytains in all their quarrels which they had against the Romans. But if any one thinke that those people which since the time of Caesar, haue made themselues masters of Gaule and of Britaine, namely the English & the French, haue not had so firme friendship, but rather lesse occasions of louing one another, he deceiues himselfe as much as he that is ignorant, howe great is the force of that friendship which is founded on naturall ally­ance, the memorie whereof can not be blotted out, neyther by tract of time, nor distance of place. The Citizens of Sais in Aegypt sayd that their Citie was founded by the Goddesse Minerua, Plato in Timaeo. as did also the Athenians of theirs: In contempla­tion of which allyance as Plato witnesseth, the Grecians in generall, and specially the Athenians were welcomed and well intertained at Sais. It resteth nowe to consider howe straightly the French are vnited to the English, and what de­monstration of friendship they haue made from time to time [Page 8] the one to th' other. Neither is it sufficient to say that they haue had great and long warres togither, euen in the me­mory of our great grandfathers, for by the same reason shold we banish amitie from amongst all Nations of the earth. By the same reason should we conclude that there could be no friendshippe amongest the French themselues, who euen of late daies, haue furnished a stage in their own countrie with the bloudiest tragedie that euer was heard of. And touching the wars betweene the English and French; I hope hereafter to showe in due place, that so farre off is it that this conside­ration should bring any alteration of friendshippe or amitie betweene them and vs, that contrariwise it ought to enforce at our handes some increase of good will in their behalfe. For God hauing giuen them so great aduantages ouer vs, as euerie knoweth, it is hard to say whether this noble nati­on haue showen themselues more valiant in fight, then mild & gentle after the victorie. To lesse purpose yet serue those vnseemely speeches, which may be heard in the streetes as well of France as England, as among the rest these tetmes, Cullion, and French dogge, which is the rethoricke of Ped­lers, Tinkers, Coblers, Rogues and such kind of people, not the language of honest and ciuill persons, such as we pur­pose to intreate of in this discourse: laying aside then al such baggage and tromperie, let vs speake of the naturall amitie which is betweene these two Nations.

In the time of the Emperors Martian & Valentinian, about the yeare of Christ, 449. Witigerne king of great Britaine, desirous to repulse the Picts and Scots, called to his ayd the Angles or English, who dwelt then betweene the Vites and Saxons: And indeede the Welchmen at this day call the Englishmen Sasses, as who would say, Saxons: which hath beene ensured me of some learned men of that countrie. It resulteth then of this discourse that the English are come out of Germanie, as the French are also according to our [Page 9] Histories. And howbeit that in respect of the French Nati­on, I durst not affirme that they are descended of the Sax­ons: yet so it is that the house of our kinges, which at this day swayes the scepter in France, drawes his stocke from thence, as is best knowen to them who are best seene in Hi­stories. For Windekind a Saxon of the line of that great Win­dekinde subdued by Charlemayne, came into France to suc­cour Charles the balde, beeing then much molested by the Normans. This young Windekind had a sonne called Ro­bert, who so fortunately followed the footsteps of his father, that Charles the bald made him generall of the armie which he sent against the Normans: who at that time foraged the countrie of France. This Robert was slaine in battell, leauing a sonne called Otho, who by consent of the Emperor Arnold, had the gouernement of France, during the minoritie of Charles the simple. Whence he got him not so much repu­tation, as in that hee was father to Hugh the great, Earle of Paris. But Hugh Capet sonne of this Hugh the great, excee­ded in glorie and splendor all the forenamed, as well in that he was chiefe of the absolute estate of France, as in that he left a Royall posteritie behinde him, which swayes the scep­ter diuided into two houses, namely Valoys and Bourbon.

So may we conclude, that if the French and English may not be called by the terme of Charondas [...], Arist. lib. 1. cap. 1. polit. that is, liuing together, or according to Epimenides [...], that is, parta­kers of the same smoke, or as they say, brought vp together at board and at bed, yet may they by good right be termed [...], that is, descending from the selfe same extraction.

And although this alliance be of it selfe sufficiently clea­red by the Historiographers, yet is it better confirmed by the conformitie of maners of these two Nations, and the good comportmentes of the one towardes the other. Arist. Ethic. lib. 4. cap. 3 The Eng­lishman as also the French is generous, and by consequent as Aristotle teacheth farre from dissimulation, hating or [Page 10] louing openly, rather led by truth then by opinion, louing the effect better then the appearance, free in speech, louing his libertie, and easily forgetting iniuries: moreouer, he is liberall, ciuill, curteous, and gentle: of all vertuous qualities, I thinke that in them are to be found as many cleare and e­uident testimonies as there are places that speake of their exploites in vnpassionate Historiographers. For in respect of ciuilitie what better witnesse can wee haue then Philip de Commines, Comines cap. 34. who himselfe had experience thereof in behalfe of the lord of Vaucler. I should speake of a thing but too wel knowen throughout all the world, if I should spend manie words in discoursing of their magnificence and liberalitie. Certainely if that be true which Herodian writes of barba­rous men, Herodian. in Commo­do▪ namely that they are naturally greedy of money, Englishmen are sufficiently discharged of the blame of bar­barousnes: howsoeuer some ignorant, or passionate writers, haue endeuoured to stayne them therewith. But to what purpose is it to stande long on this point, seeing the experi­ence, and testimony of noble and famous personages dooth openly ratifie my saying? That good Vidame of Chartres of famous memorie (who for that himselfe was one of the most liberall Lo, of our time, might best speake of liberalitie) said openly that if there were any Nation in Christendome more liberall and courteous towardes strangers, then the English, he would be reckoned amongst those which talke rashly of thinges which they know not. He which hath suc­ceeded him as well in his vertues as his heritage, protesteth often that he dares not to speake of the humanitie, liberalitie and courtesie of the English Nation, fearing to begin a dis­course, the entrie whereof were found much easier then the issue. Odet Cardinall of Chastilion, had ordinarily this say­ing in his mouth: that courtesie had once imparked her selfe in France, but that now she was passed ouer the sea.

This discourse would demand longer deduction, but I [Page 11] am a Frenchman and iealous of the honor of my countrie. Plutarch writes that the great Rethoritian Molon, hauing on a day heard Cicero declaiming in Greeke, Plutarch in the life of Cicero. saide lamenting, that he deplored the estate of Greece, whose richest orna­ment (meaning eloquence) Cicero carryed away with him. For my part, though I am no lesse affectionate towards the English Nation then commands the desert of their vertues, yet so is it that I am sorrie to see them so richly arayed with our spoiles. In so much that England may by good right be accounted at this day the very Sanctuarie of all ciuilitie, kindnesse and courtesie: the testimonies whereof may be seene not only towardes their friends, and in time of peace, but euen in time of warre, and towardes their enemies. Of many examples I will chuse one so notable, as I knowe not whether the like be to be found in the Greeke or Latine Hi­storiographers. Amongest all the battels which were euer fought in France, that of Poytiers is worthy the remēbrance, not onely for the inestimable losse of the vanquished, but much more for the courtesie and generositie of the vanqui­sher. For the Nobilitie of France was there hewen in peeces, many Princes and great Lordes made prisoners, and name­ly king John himselfe fell into the handes of the Prince of Wales, who had him afterwardes into England where here­ceiued so good and gracious intertainement of king Edward father to the Prince of Wales, that being on his fayth and ho­stages returned into France, to giue order for his affaires, after he had thoroughly considered the intertainement that was made him, he sauoured and liked so well of the English courtesie, that he esteemed it more honorable to die neere so noble a Prince, then to liue as king of the greatest and mightiest kingdome in Christendome. Porus an Indian king, being taken by Alexander, and being asked of him how hee desired to be dealt with at his handes, I am (sayth he) a king, let me be vsed Royally, as belongeth to a king. Alexander be­ing [Page 12] farther instant on him to know what he demāded more: this word Royally (sayth he) comprehends all, which made that Alexander esteemed highly of him afterwardes, and in­tertayned him according to his demand. But this courtesie of king Edward ought to be esteemed so much greater then that of Alexander, as Porus tooke no armes against him, but constrayned for his owne lawfull defence: and contrariwise, king Iohn would not accept such honest cōditions of peace, as were offered him by the Prince of Wales, although the Cardinall of Perigort, being sent by Pope Innocent laboured to bring him to some composition. But hee being ouer ma­stered by his choler, was ouercome by a handfull of people, and lost a battell the nineteenth of September, 1356. which can not so well be compared vnto any as to that memora­ble exployt at Cannas, which was like to haue ouerthrowen the whole estate of the Romaine common wealth. And al­though ciuill warres are ordinarily managed with a courage so much the more inuenomed, as the allyance is straighter betweene countrie men: yet so it is (if we credite Histories) that there is not in all the world any Nation founde, which in this respect hath remained in such and so long a possessi­on of moderation, and clemencie, as the English. Comines who hath beene as much or more acquainted with the af­faires of England, Comines cap. 112. as any Frenchman of his time, sayth that the custome of the country is in ciuill wars, to come straight to battell, & that the chiefe of that side, to which the victo­rie enclines, causeth to be proclaymed aloud, Saue the people. That I would to God wee had vsed the like moderation in our ciuill warres, we should then at this day haue fiftie thou­sande more witnesses of our dissention, the shedding of whose bloud prouokes the anger of God against our coun­trie of France. But because that being occasioned as well by naturall affinitie, as by conformitie of manners, to loue a people, is not a thing of it selfe deseruing any great commen­dation [Page 13] without endeuour to make demonstration thereof: the order of our discourse requires to haue this article sifted yet somwhat neerer, to the end that such as call the English­men ancient enemies to the crowne of France, may learne eyther to speake better, or else to holde their peace, when­soeuer there is question of any such matter. I say then that the effectes of amitie haue bin alwayes reciprocall beweene these two Nations. For laying aside that which I alleaged out of Caesar, that the Britains had alwaies succoured the Gaules in all their warres. I will take testimonies of fresher memorie, of a hundred or sixe score yeares past.

In the time of king Lewes the eleuenth, Charles Duke of Burgundie, desirous to clip the wings of his mortall enimie Lewes of France, called to helpe him Edward king of Eng­land, his brother in lawe, to whom there needed not much speech to make him passe ouer into France, whereunto he wanted no pretence. There was then great likelihood, that if the duke of Burgundie had well knowen howe to vse his prosperitie, he had eyther quite ouerthrowē, or at least won­derfully shaken the whole estate of France. But king Lewes being a Prince much better furnished of wisedome, then of courage, considering to what exigent his affayres were brought, procured or rather cunningly practised a treatie of peace with king Edward at Piquignie. One may well say that at that time the mildnesse of king Edwarde, serued in steed of a strong and mightie bulwarke vnto France, against the surious and impetous effortes of the Burgonian.

Charles the eight, the sonne and successour of Lewes was fauoured of heauen, so farre foorth as to haue occasion to acknowledge this courtesie towardes the English Nation: who was as readie to embrace such an occasiō as it was hap­pely offered him. Edwarde of whom we last spake being de­ceased, his brother Richard duke of Glocester, by euil practi­ses and vnlawful meanes, inuested himselfe with the crowne [Page 14] of Englande, defrauding his Nephewes of their inheritance. If the meanes of inuesting himselfe with so great an estate were strange and exorbitant, his behauiour and comport­ment therein was yet more strange. Such and so miserable was then the estate of poore Englande that he escaped best cheape, who went away with the losse of his goods, estate, and dignities. Diuerse of good calling and account, to saue themselues out of this shower, retyred into France. The Noblest and of greatest name amongest them was the Earle of Richmond, who hauing a while soiourned in Britanie, fi­nally resolued himselfe to recouer with his owne good, the libertie of his countrie. This newe Thrasibulus, wanted ney­ther friends nor partakers: for he had succor of king Charles the eight, with whom he passed ouer into England, where hauing giuen battell with happie successe, he had for guer­don of his prowesse, the estate and crowne, which hath euer since remained on the head of his successors. I would not stand so much on the courtesie of England, were it not that in our time euen within these sixtie yeares the effects there­of had beene so good, and so manifest on our behalfe, that it were blockishnesse in vs to be ignorant thereof, and great loosenesse if we did not acknowledge it.

Since the battell of Poytiers, France receiued not so great an ouerthrowe, as at Pauie, where king Francis was taken prisoner. The Emperour Charles being yet a young Prince, and boyling with ambition, after so fayre a victorie, entered into maruellous hopes, and helde himselfe assured that with­in fewe yeares, the vniuersall Monarchie of Europe would be the interpretation of his Plus oultre. And indeede there is great likehood that the forces of France being so mated, See the hi­storie of Bellay. he might if not wholly, yet in part haue seene the accom­plishment of his desseignes, had not God (beholding out countrie with his pitifull eye) stirred vp the heart of Henrie the eight king of England, to stay the course of the Empe­rour [Page 15] striking with full sayles through the midst of his victo­rie. An act deseruing so much the more admiration as king Henrie had no other occasion to do it, but an Heroicall ver­tue, with the which his courage being once enkindled, hee choose rather to appropriate vnto himselfe the sole honour of releiuing an afflicted neighbour, then to be copartner with the vanquisher in the spoyle and pray. In so much that we may well say, that king Henrie the 8. next vnto God hath beene the author of our deliuerance, and that the Lion hath plucked vs out of the Eagle his clawes. And we must not thinke that he sought herein either his owne priuate profite or particular safetie. For touching profite, besides that which the euent hath made knowen, the protestation which hee made by his king at armes, defying the Emperor doth show sufficiently that he had no other end but honor and vertuous exploytes, Theocritus in [...] Prolo. which in ancient time, as sayth Theocritus, haue gotten the title of Heroes, to great and renowmed persona­ges. And in respect of securitie, the Emperour being as thē affectionate towardes his vncle king Henrie, for greater con­firmation of amitie, a mariage was intreated of betweene him and the Ladie Marie, eldest daughter to king Henrie.

Insomuch that all thinges accounted, the English had then no cause to be affraid of the Emperour. Moreouer, the Em­peror could not enterprise any thing on the estate of France without parting stakes with the English, for their olde pre­tence vnto Guyen and Normandie.

This matter deserueth longer discourse, but I studie after breuitie, that I may speake somewhat of king Edwarde the sixt, the sonne of king Henrie. This Prince was so full of ver­tue and the feare of God, that he may be good right be cal­led the Iosias of the new Testament, and the Paragon of Prin­ces Christian. But laying aside his rare vertues, whereof the best speakers can speake but too compendiously, I will only touch that which neerest concernes our subiect.

[Page 16] This Prince by the counsell of the late duke of Northum­ber lande carried so entire, and sincere an affection to our king Henrie the seconde, that if God had lent him longer life, there had beene a league made betweene these two kinges & duke Maurice of Saxonie. In such sort that there is great likelihood that an allyance made betweene three such migh­tie Princes, had then brought the Emperour Charles to take that part which afterwardes he tooke, that is, to retire him­selfe into Castile, to the Monasterie of Saint Iust. I speake not of his humanitie vsed towardes our poore Frenchmen, fled into England for refuge in a time, when to make p [...]ofession of a Christian life in France, was but to expose themselues to the death. This obligation is common to vs with almost all the Nations of Europe, whose exile hath beene honored with the assistance and comfort of this most holy and hap­pie king Edwarde. Happie (say I) not only in respect of him selfe, but for that he hath also in his sister the Queene Eliza­beth so perfect a portraiture, and so right a resemblance of his most Christian and Heroicall vertues. Which causeth that all such as throughout Europe are indued with sound iudgement, do wish of all thinges in the world, eyther to be the subiectes of such a Princesse, or at least to liue vnder the subiection of such a Prince as might most resemble her. But I dare not vndertake to set foorth the prayses of Queene E­lizabeth, in respect that if I should omit any one of her rare vertues, my discourse would not be well taken of the better sort: and to go about to discourse of thē by particulars, were neuer to haue done. Taking then a shorter course, I will on­ly say that she hath made demonstration of her good will to­wardes France, as often times as the estate of our affaires hath presented her any occasion. Aboue all, she hath alwaies showed her selfe affectionate to the intertayning of peace with vs, being induced thereunto as well by her owne cleare insight and wise forecast, as also by the mature & sage coun­sell [Page 17] of the right vertuous and noble Lords Sir William Cecill; yet at this day Lord Treasurer of England, and Sir Nicho­las Bacon, of worthie memorie, sometimes Lorde Keeper of her Maiesties great Seale; personages indued with so high and eminent wisedome, and so happily qualified in all kinds of vertue, that he shall well deserue a place amongst the best speakers that shall duly set foorth their praises to posteritie. For my part I magnifie that most mercifull God which hath so well married good happe to the vertue of these two Eng­lish Nestors, Callima­chus in hymno Iouis, that in them may be seene the accomplishment of that prayer so much celebrated by Callimachus.

It remaines now to speake of a like demonstration of ami­tie towardes vs, and yet in a case much vnlike. France hath not in it any greater ornament, then the Citie of Paris, nor the City of Paris then the exercise of learning, which hath beene there continued, euer since the time of Charlemaine: that is to say, since the yeare 792. euen till this day with such reputation, that in the time of our fathers, to haue studied at Paris, and to be well learned, were two diuerse termes sig­nifying one and the selfe same thing. But if this benefite be great, (as it can not be otherwise accounted sauing of such as want iudgement) we can not acknowledge to haue recei­ued it of any but the English Nation, except we will in de­priuing [Page 18] thē of their deserued praise, bereaue our selues also of being reputed a people that loues roundnesse and inte­gritie. For Charles the great was induced to this so happie an enterprise, by the counsell of Flaccus Albinus an English­man, seconded by two Scotishmen, the one named Ioannes Milrosius, the other Claudius Clemens.

But euen as euill counsell, by a iust iudgement of God fals ordinarily to the preiudice of him that giues it; contrariwise the author of good and holy counsell, is hee who willingly tasteth the first fruites thereof: So the Englishmen haue rea­ped the fruite of that good and wholsome counsell of Albi­nus, and his companions in that the Vniuersitie of Oxford is a branch of that of Paris. But because wee see men to be so much the more inclined to thinges vnto the which they are drawen for the conseruation of that which doth neerest con­cerne them: I say that the safetie of England toucheth vs so neerely, and our safegarde so neerely the English, that one of the two Nations, being distressed by a stranger, the other may make reckoning that they are not long to enioy any great quietnesse. It is knowen that as soone as Caesar had set on foot the Romaine power in France, he thought hee had not well played his part, vntill he went to remoue houshold into England. The histories haue so cleared this article, that it were but superfluitie of speech to extende our selues any farther in deduction thereof.

I would now that some one of our maisters of the Court, who are so affectionate and make so great account of the allyance of Spaine wold show me the like motiues & groūds of their opinion. But I assure my selfe, that they will not put themselues to the paynes of proouing any naturall affinitie betweene the French and Spanish, vnlesse they fetch it from the Arke of Noe: or else make reckoning of that which the Poets tell touching the beautifull Bebrix. Which neuer­thelesse were an argument as feeble as far from the purpose [Page 19] as is knowen to such as are seene in the knowledge of anti­quitie and specially of Poeticall fictions.

But being now entered into this discourse, it will not bee impertinent to speake of the originall of our Spaniardes at this day. For euē as waters which run out of sulphur springs, haue alwayes a taste of brimstone, so men carrie alwaies im­printed in their manners, the vertuous or vitious qualitie of their ancestors. So that hauing knowen the originall of the Spaniardes, it will be a good opening to the discourses en­suing. About the yeare of Christ 717. Iulian Count of Biscay being extreemely greeued, and exceeding desirous to be re­uenged of the outrage done vnto him by Rodericke king of the Gothes, who had defloured his daughter, called and drew vnto him the Moores for his succor, vnder the conduct of their king Muza Maramamolin. Vnder this pretence (so safe a thing is it to bring in forrain forces) the Moores made themselues masters of all Spaine, except Biscay and Auster­lande: their captaines hauing afterwardes parted this con­quered countrie amongest thē, became so many pettie kings in Spaine. Since that time the Saracens haue beene mingled farther amongest them. But if wee will fetch the matter yet farther about (that is) from Caesars time, we shall finde that without speaking of the Romains, who commanded almost ouer all Europe, the Gothes, the Vandales, the Moores, the Saracens, haue ruled ouer Spaine. Therefore if of good right the Gothes and Vandales, are counted cruell, the Moores per­fidious and reuengefull, the Saracens proud, and villanous in their manner of liuing. I pray you what humanitie, what faith, what courtesie, what modestie, and ciuilitie, may wee thinke to finde amongest this scumme of Barbarians? But to the end it be not thought that I rest rather on presumptions, then on proofes and sound argumentes, I am content that this article be cleered by conference of their manners with ours, that is, of their vices with our vertues, of their vile vi­liacquerie, [Page 20] with our generositie. In breefe, such is this com­parison that if some Rhethoritian would employ his elo­quence in framing of a long and liuely Antithesis, he could not in the world find a subiect more sortable to his purpose, then the comparing of our conditions with those of this mongrell generation.

And to the end that none may thinke that I speake with­out booke, to beginne with the blazon of their brauest co­lours, I will produce a witnesse, who will make them blush for shame, though they be so brasenfaced, that they blush not by their wils. If I should but say, that the witnesse whom I purpose to produce, is a Senatour of Venice, yet had I suffi­ciently qualified him to make him get credence of wise and discreete persons. But I will say moreouer, that he is an an­cient Senator, and so well seene in the affaires of this world, that for a man to conforme himselfe after his imitation, is nothing else at this day amongest the Venetians, but to aspire to an immortall renowne, by a most wise conduct of mat­ters of estate. It is (to be short) that excellent and renowned personage Andrea Griti, who discoursing in the Senate of Venice, of the humors of this Spanish generation: beholde what good testimonie he giues of their integritie. Guichar­dino. lib. 15 The Spa­nish Nation (sayth he) is vnfaithfull, rauenous, and insatia­ble aboue all other Nations. And where is (I pray you) that place of the worlde, where those infamous Harpyes haue once set footing without defiling of it with the footsteps of their abhominable vices?

But because that in matter of proofe, the testimony of one alone is of no great weight. I will yet produce an other wit­nesse which is Francis Guichardin, an Historian so accom­plished, as the naming onely of his giftes and perfections, would desire and deserue a whole Historie. Behold what te­stimonie he giues of the Spanish integritie. The Spanish Nation (sayth he, giuing his iudgement of these venerable [Page 21] Padres) is couetous and craftie, Guichardi­no. lib, 16. and when they haue meanes to discouer themselues, such as indeede they are, most inso­lent and outragious. Geryon king of Spaine (if we giue cre­dite to Poeticall fables) had three bodies: and although it be a Poeticall fiction, yet will it not be found so strange of him that will thoroughly consider the nature and disposition of the Spaniarde, in whom may be seene togither incorpora­ted, a craftie Foxe, a rauenous Wolfe, and a raging Tygre. And let that be spoken in respect of the least insupportable of that Nation. For he which shall neerely looke into those of greatest account amongest them, that is, such as are more wicked and abhominable, then the vulgar sort, he shall find in euery one of them the Cube: yea oftentimes the verie Sursolide of this ternarie monster. He shall finde (I say) an vncleane and filthie swine, a theeuish howlet, a proud pea­cocke: and for an accomplishment of all their ornaments, he shall find a legion of diuels, making trade of lying, coose­ning and deceauing the world.

Briareus (as Homer sayth) had a hundred hands: Homer [...] Iliad [...]. [...]. he which shall thinke that a Spaniard hath lesse when it comes to cat­ching, let him receaue, be it but for a day or two, some Dom Diego into his house, and if he change not his opinion, I will be content to confesse, that the Spaniarde hath changed his custom. I say if pilferie & theft be rather to be esteemed cu­stomarie, then naturall in this Nation. And if any doubt of their sufficiency in this respect, the estate of the low coūtries will so manifest it vnto him, that he wil soone be brought to cōfesse that the Bohemians & Aegyptians, are but young pren­tises of the Spaniard in appropriating other mens goods to thēselues. And he shold do thē great iniury, who shold think that with time they had not made themselues more cunning in their craft, specially these later yeres, during which a great many of these gallant spirits haue serued their apprentiship vnder Dom Ferdinando of Toledo, so soueraign a master in this [Page 22] facultie, Virg. Eglog. 1. that to go about to compare vnto him an Autolicus, or a Verres, were to fall into the errour of the sheepheard Tytirus, comparing small things vnto great.

But me thinkes it were reasonable to hide the imperfecti­ons of this great Captaine, in contemplation of such excel­lent partes as are in him. For by the saying of his disciples, and vpholders, he is secret, wise, & of great vnderstanding. As touching his taciturnitie, I doubt not at all but that he is verie secrete. Neither is there any thing, specially in his par­ticular, and domesticall actions, but may by him & his with more honestie be concealed than vttered. Touching his great wisedome and forecast, he hath giuen such and so ma­ny testimonies thereof in the conduct of Flanders affayres, that if the Sunne should as often eclipse in heauen, as wise­dome hath in his head, during that time there, wee might well thinke that we were on that daies eue, which shal bring an end to all things of this world. At the least, it is notori­ous, that his wit so farre fayled him, as that he knew not how to hide those theftes and robberies which hee had commit­ted on the poore people (for the thing is too well knowen) but those pillinges and peculations, which he made on the treasours of his maister, I knowe well that his creatures dis­guising the deede, say that hee remayned in arrerages. But laying aside these colours of Castillan Rhetorick, I say round­ly, that our French tongue is so bare, that it hath no other tearme fit enough to specifie the good dealing of the Duke of Alua, but theft and robberie. And therefore if at this day he practise as well in Spaine with the lute, as he hath doone with the harpe in Flanders, king Phillip may well sende backe his Seuerino into Italy. But howsoeuer it be, the king his master hath reprehended his auarice, but yet not with rigour, hauing respect peraduenture to the order of the fleece, which I dare well say; hee hath no better reason to beare, then because he first fleeced, and then deuoured as a [Page 23] rauening Wolfe, the innocent sheepe of a good shepheard. For we must not thinke that hee and the rest of that Spanish rascall, spared any more the bloud, then the purses of the poore people of the lowe countries: for they had comman­dement so to do. And their Prince was not with anything so much moued, as in that they did not handle thē yet more extreemely. That soone mayest thou O new Pharao, by thy miserable death make an end of the waylings of so many de­solate persons.

But if any one thinke that the courages of the Spaniards haue been so inuenomed against those of the low countries, for the different of Religion, he showes that he is as little acquainted with their naturall disposition, as with the state of their affaires. It is about a hundred yeares since they dis­couered a new world, vnder the conduct of Christopher Co­lumbus, who in my iudgment would neuer haue vndertaken this voyage, if he had thought that the men whome hee brought thither, as if they were charmed by the cup of Circe, should straightwaies be transformed into Lions, Panthers, Tigres, and other sauage beastes. The Indians and Ameri­cans are poore barbarous, and simple ones: such as by good conuersation, and godly perswasions, might easily be wonne vnto Christ, which way the Frenchmē haue since that time both wisely and happily followed. But in truth we may well say that this new Indian and American world hath not beene so much vnknowen in times past: as the new and enormous cruelties, which these diuels incarnate comming out of Spaine, do there put in practise.

O Turkes, O Scithians, O Tartarians, reioyce yee now, sithence at this day there is found in Christendome a Nati­on, which by their wicked and detestable deeds, go about to burie that hatred which is borne to your barbarous cruel­tie. But I dwell too long on so tragicall a subiect, which not­withstanding I do with as great griefe as with iust occasion. [Page 24] Laying aside then such an argument as is sufficient to make Democritus weepe, let vs speake of two articles, eyther of which is such as hee had neede to be possessed with an hu­mour more then Heracliticall, that hearing and considering them neerely could abstaine from laughter. It is of their ci­uilitie and modestie.

Touching the first, if any haue had that good hap neuer to haue beene conuersant with Spaniards, and would notwith­stāding be informed according to the truth of their Gothish ciuilitie, hee can not see a more liuely portraiture, nor a draught drawne by the hande of a happier Appelles, then Te­rence, in the description which hee makes of harlots in his Eunuch, in these tearmes: Quae dum foris sunt, nihil videtur mundius, nec magis compositum quicquam, nec magis elegans. And a little after he addeth: Harum videre est ingluuiem, sor­des, inopiam, quàm inhonestae solae sint domi, atque auidae cibi: quo pacto ex iure hesterno panem atrum vorent.

I would say more, were it not for displeasing of the deli­cate sort: and we haue here set the Spaniardes on stage like good Apothecaries, to furnish our selues with laughter at their charges. And I pray you what man is there so melan­choly, that could forbeare laughter, seeing a burden-bearer, a cobler, or a carter, to call himselfe Caualiero: or else to see a Caualiero of Spaine, going thorough the fields, to car­rie the fragmentes of his dinner in a budget, and to play a thousand other peasauntly partes, which the carriers, cob­lers, and carters of our countrie would disdayne once to haue thought on. The Mathematicians teach, that in the o­perations of Algebra, the most equall is often reduced vnto lesse. The speeches of the Spaniardes do much resemble this diuine Algebricall misterie: In so much that ordinarily these great and magnificent titles of a grand Caualiero, hauing ten thousand duckets of reuenewe; make as much beeing taken at their true rate and value, as an vnthrift, a rascall and [Page 25] a runnagate, hauing scarse thirtie Maluedies in his purse, to pay for patching of his pantofles. So that one may well say to those magnificent Dom Diegos, Plutarchus in Phocio­ne. as sometimes said a great personage of Athens, your discourse is like to the Cipres tree, which being great and high bringeth foorth no fruite.

To be short, he that would see a liuely picture of an Atta­lus, a Suffenus, or a Thraso, without troubling himselfe too much in turning ouer Martiall, Catullus, and Terence: let him onely consider the sterne lookes, and stately speeches of a Spaniarde. And although these tarcelets of Saracens be qualified, as I haue sayde, yet haue they with blowes of pi­stolets so blinded the eyes of some of our Courtiers, that they are not ashamed to maintayne, that wee are much bound to these honest creatures. For my part I confesse I am not so sharpe witted, as to see the foundation of this obliga­tion, except they will take it in the same sense that Antio­chus did, [...] saying that he was much beholden to the Romains, who hauing shortned his authoritie and power, had eased him of a huge and heauie burden. Euen so are wee indebted to the Spaniards, in that they haue eased vs of such trauailes as the estates of Flanders, Naples, and Millayne, might haue brought vnto vs. And moreouer to intreate yet farther of their good affection towardes vs, is not this a testimonie of their cordiall Spanish amitie, which they vsed in times past to our ancestors, (according to their cruell nature) that ha­uing wonne the battell of our men, they slue afterwardes all the prisoners they had in their hands, as Froysard Looke Froysard. witnesseth? Would any mā craue a clearer interpretation of that which heretofore I alleaged out of Guychardine, that this Nation is most insolent, when they haue found their aduantage to dis­couer themselues as they are, that is, to take off the maske of their hipocrisie. It is also a faire testimony of their courtesie towards vs, that cōtrary to their promised faith, they massa­cred our men in Florida, about twentie yeares since. I had [Page 26] almost forgotten to produce one notable effect of their courtesie towardes vs, that is, the imprisonment of king Francis, which himselfe tooke the more greeuously (as Guichardine reportes) because the remembrance of the Eng­lish courtesie towardes king Iohn was deepely engrauen in his memorie. What testimonie of amitie towards vs is that which the Spaniardes will alleadge? shall it not be the suc­cour which king Henrie of Castile gaue in the time of king Charles the fift: Se Froysard and the victorie which hee wonne before Rochell of the Earle of Pembrocke? As if he himselfe had not reaped the principall fruite of this victorie, or as if such an as­sistance had not beene the chiefe rampire of his owne estate.

But as the English are conformable vnto vs in so many thinges as I haue heretofore alleaged, so they haue that also common with our miserie, that they haue tryed to their cost the most dangerous amitie of the Spaniards. For Phillip king of Spaine, and then also king of England, hauing purposed to possesse himselfe of Callis, gaue occasion to the French to do that with the Lyons clawe, which the Spaniarde had thought to haue done with the Foxe his tooth: otherwise the French would neuer haue resolued themselues on so ha­zardous an enterprise as the siege of Callis.

To make short, one may well say, that the Nation of the worlde which is most affectioned towardes the common­weale of France, is that which least resembleth the Spanish, which so much the more boldlie I conclude, as I hold my selfe assured that none will paine himselfe so much as to proue that they haue beene helpefull vnto vs, eyther in the knowledge of good letters, or in gouernment of our man­ners. For what lightning vnto learning can be expected of a Natiō which during this happie age hath scarcely brought foorth fiue or sixe learned men. Thence I thinke it is, that the Spaniards (as great trauaylers as they are) neuer durst go so farre as to the Hiperboreans, fearing belike, least they yet [Page 27] kept their ancient custome, that is, Pindarus ode. x. Pith. sacrifycing of Asses. For gouernement of manners, we may well say, that as the Phi­losopher Polyanus, being once wedded to the dotages of Epi­curus, forgot all the knowledge which he had of Geometry, Cicero in Lucullo. so by the acquaintance of Spaniards, we haue almost forgot­ten that vertue which we were best acquainted with, that is, courtesie and humanitie.

And to what purpose I pray you, should that Nation bee so affectionate vnto vs, who hath so little interest in our o­uerthrowe? nay rather which hath alwayes, and especially within these hundred yeares, founded their aduancement on our destruction. I abridge this discourse of purpose, to intreate of an article of more importance, that is, the means which both the one and the other hath to helpe and to hin­der vs. I wil speake first concerning traficke, and after touch­ing matter of armes.

All such as haue knowledge both of England & Spaine, will agree vnto me, that Englande is much better stored of people then Spaine. I speake not in respect of proportion, but absolutely (although England be by a great deale the lesser) which proceedes onely of the temperature of the place. For although France be one of the temperatest regi­ons that are, yet so is it that Caesar sayth expressely, speaking of England, Loca sunt temperatiora quàm in Gallia. This aboun­dance of people is a certain argument of the fertilitie of the place. Pindarus in some place calleth Sicilie [...], that is, aboundant in sheepe, Pindarus ode 1. Olym. Pind. od. 1. Nem. and expounding himselfe, in an other place he calleth it [...], that is, fat or fertile. If the argu­ment of this so learned Poet be well couched, we may well conclude, the fertilitie of England, by the great aboundance not onely of sheepe, but in generall, of cattell which is in it. Here (it may be) some will alledge the saying of Cicero in his oration entituled De Aruspicum responsis. Cicero in Lucullo. For beholde with what wordes he speaketh. Quàm volumus, licèt ipsi nos amemus: [Page 28] tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec rob [...]re Gallos, nec calliditate Pae­nos, nec artibus Graecos, nec denique hoc ipso huius gentis ac terrae natiuo sensu Itales ipsos ac Latinos, sed pietate, ac religione omnes gentes ac nattones superauimus.

But in this place it is easie to see that Cicero had rather eares, then eyes, as well as heretofore speaking of Astrologie. And that in this discourse, hee would play the part of an other Mirmecides, Plinius li. 7. Cap. 21. making a great ado about a small matter. But to what purpose is it to stande much on this article, since the trafficke of the one and the other countrie, may easily cleere it. We haue out of England, Wooll, Tinne, Fish, and ma­ny other thinges in great quantitie. In exchange whereof wee furnish them with wine, salt, woad, and diuerse other thinges, which is the cause that Rochell, Bourdeaux, and ge­nerally all the coast of Normandie, Britaine, and Guienne, is brought into great perplexitie, when the traficke ceaseth with Englande.

Out of Spaine, I confesse, we haue very good Horses for seruice, although they come but by stealth. Which I doo neuerthelesse against my will, because that confessing this article, I am constrayned to accuse the negligence and sloth of our Frenchmen. For if we would maintaine such races of horses and mares as are seene at Lauedan, our traficke with Spaine should be accounted of meere charitie: for as much as we shold helpe thē very much, without being holpen or eased by them. For the marchandise of a fewe perfumed gloues, and such other small baggage, deserues not to be ac­counted of. And for their behoose they are constrayned to borrowe of vs, (by reason of the drinesse and barrennesse of their countrie) that which is most necessarie for the life of mā, which is corne. As for wine, they haue sufficient. There remaines the traficke of wooll, of kersyes, and clothes both woollen and linnen, which comes not to the thirde part of that which our Marchantes haue out of Englande. Neither [Page 29] will it serue to say that he may haue store of corn out of such places, as he holdeth in Italy, as out of Naples, Sicily, and Millaine. For they which husbande the matter after this manner, do not consider that this were but robbing of Peter to pay Paule. Sicily is fruitefull I graunt, but it behooueth that Malta and the Goze, be sustayned by her fruitfulnesse, except they will in abandoning of them, expose themselues for a pray to the Turke. Moreouer a great part of the com­modities of Sicile, are employed on the maintenance of Ita­ly. But in respect of Millaine, and of Lombardie, the Spani­arde findes such difficultie of carriage, that hee can not well helpe himselfe with the commodities thereof, except the sauce cost him much dearer than the fish is worth. Touching Naples, Apulia, and Calabria, as they are lesse fruitfull, so also the Spaniard can be lesse holpen by them. The like may be sayd in respect of the lowe countries.

Some peraduenture will finde it strange, that I stande so much on the infertilitie of Spaine, seeing that the great meanes which this Nation hath to helpe vs with, make a more then suffieient counterpoise, for this default. Heere must I needes employ that Quolibet, which the Iudges of Rome were woont to vse, when they found themselues per­plexed for the decision of some matter of importance, that is to say, Non liquet. But this perplexitie of mine, is so much the lesse, as it may easily be remoued by comparing of the meanes as well of England as of Spaine. If we will measure these meanes by the number of souldiers which the one and the other Nation is able to set forth: experience, (that is Hi­storie) pleadeth manifestly for the English. And, that so it is; king Edward, of whom we haue spoken afore, brought to the ayde of the Duke of Burgundie, by the testimony of Comines, fifteene hundred men well mounted, the most of them on barbed horses, and richly furnished. Also fifteene thousand Archers on horsbacke. In our time king Henrie making de­scent [Page 30] into Picardie, Guichar­dine lib. 12 to ioyne him selfe with the Emperour Maximilian the first, at the camp of Terouane, had fiue thou­sand horse, and more then fortie thousande footmen, wher­of fiue and twentie thousand were English, and fifteen thou­sande Lansquenets. The Emperour Charles, and his sonne king Phillip haue beene the Princes, who haue commanded most absolutely ouer Spaine: yet neyther the one nor the o­ther haue in their warres made greater leauie, then eight thousand naturall Spaniardes, and almost all footmen. For in respect of horsemanship, the Spaniarde somewhat resem­bles the sword-fish, which hath a blade, and can not helpe himselfe therewith. The same may be saide of the Spani­ardes, who haue very good horses which serue their turne better to traficke with their friendes, than to fight and re­pulse the enemie. But because that the memorie of late ac­cidentes may serue much to the deciding of this difficultie, I will here alleage so cleere and euident a testimonie, as that whosoeuer makes reckoning of Spanish forces, shall haue nothing for ground of his opinion, but either a light beliefe, or an opinatiue conceipt. During the raigne of king Francis the second, when the great ones of France were at discord amongest themselues, king Phillip wrote a letter to the king, which was read in the priuie Counsell: I can not well say in what language it was written, but the contentes seemed to smell of the Spanish phrase. For he protested that when­soeuer any sturres happen in France, hee woulde helpe the king his brother, with an armie of fiftie thousande men. Shortly after occasiō was offered of effectuating that which he had so solemnely protested. For France was torne with a tempest of ciuill warre: And although our miseries made almost as many fountaines of teares to issue foorth, as there are townes in France; yet gaue they vnto the king of Spaine occasion to reioyce, in furnishing him with meanes, to ac­complish his promise. Let vs see then how well he acquired [Page 31] himselfe. He was requested to send succour vnto the King his brother, being desirous to restablish the Romish religi­on in her former estate. He, because hee woulde not be thought to be backewarde, eyther in zeale to his religion, or amitie towardes his brother, assembled certaine troupes of those prudent & religious persons, whose ordinarie practise, is in the straightes of the mountaynes Pirenees, to take gold without waying it, and siluer without telling it. Neither yet to the number of fiftie thousand as he promised, but of two thousand only. In sort that it was easie for good Arithmeti­cians to iudge, that this good Prince making such protesta­tion as abouesaide, had calculated his meanes by the rule of false position. Touching the behauiours of these braue and valorous souldiers, to him that considered them neerely they seemed to represent I know not what Image of the an­cient times, Thucidide [...] lib. 1 during which as Thucidides writeth, robberie was not subiect vnto any reproch. The respect of these good­ly qualities, made the Romaine Catholikes to lament so much the more the losse of these honest men. For they be­ing incamped on the riuer of Tard, those Amazons of Moun­tauban, in certaine sailyes killed a great number of them, without confession or repentance of any sinne, sauing of that which is termed militarie temeritie, and ouersight of warre. But because that in comparing diuerse thinges togi­ther, the Geometricall proportion is to be accepted aboue the Arithmeticall, he were not much out of the way, who would iudge rather by the valour and desert of both Nati­ons in deedes of armes, then by the number. For oftentimes a small number of men doth ouercome a great armie, and treades them vnder foote. I am exceeding sorie that I can not produce any better testimonies of the English prowesse, then those great and notable victories which they haue got­ten ouer vs. Yet so it is that our valiant Successors wanting nothing lesse then courage and good will, in those battailes, [Page 32] the English can not vaunt themselues of any thing, more then that they ouer-came most valiant enemies. So those Poetes and Historiographers, who haue song of their pro­speritie, could not therewith but report our valiancie. In briefe, the vertue and prowesse of our auncestors, deserued not to be surmounted by any, but by such enemies as knew how to vanquish euen victorie it selfe, that is to say, the fu­rour and insolencie of victorious armes. Let the Carthagi­neans boast, as much as they list, of their happie successe at Cannas: yet he that should preferre it aboue the battaile of Cressie, should showe himselfe eyther too much appassionate or too simply skilled in the knowledge of histories. Out of which we may gather, that in the sayde renowmed battell which was fought in the yeare 1346. there were slaine on our side eleuen Princes, foure score Barons, a thousand and two hundred horsemen, and aboue thirtie thousande foote­men. Also the battell of Poytiers (whereof I haue spoken heretofore) gaue the like testimonie as well of the English prowesse in winning of the victorie, as of their courtesie and mildnesse in vsing of it moderately; which makes mee the more freely to speake of their vertue, and roundly to confesse that the smal number on their side, haue made their victories the more notable and renowmed.

It were against reason to request the Spaniardes, in this comparison, to furnish vs with the like examples of their prowesse and valiancie, for they are discharged of so doing by that rule of lawe which sayth, that none is bound to the execution of thinges which are impossible. I should feare also of being accounted a forger of Paradoxes, in saying that the Spaniardes are no warlike Nation, if I had not so cleere and euident proofes thereof, that to denie them were but fast shutting of a mans eyes, that he might not see the sunne shine at noone day. And to seeke out the depth of this mat­ter, and to reason of effectes by their causes, I say that if na­ture [Page 33] haue not changed her ordinarie course of working, the Spaniarde can not any wayes be reputed amongst the war­like Nations. Arist. lib. 7. Those Nations which inhabite colde coun­tries are (as Aristotle saith) indued with a more hautie and stout courage then others: cap. 7. po­litic. but not so quicke and sharp wit­ted as other. And therefore they loue more their libertie, but are not so fit to beare rule ouer their neighbor Nations. Contrariwise, the Nations of Asia are more quickspirited: but being of baser courage, they yeelde their necke sooner vnto the yoke of bondage. And therefore, hee concludeth that the Greekes holding the midst betweene extreme heate and extreme colde, are partakers of both complexions. But as his proposition is founded on so good a consideration, that all men of vnderstanding will alwayes yeelde vnto it, so dare I to affirme, that in the applying thereof, the loue of truth gaue place to the loue of his countrie. For the most Northerne part of Greece is of fortie foure degrees, which is the eleuation of that quarter where Constantinople is situa­ted, and also of the mountaines Pyrenees, which separate France from Spaine. And therefore the fiue and fortith de­gree which is the very bound of temperature, marking out the middest of France, we may well say, that our countrie is more temperate then Greece. But although Englande be as much or more northernly, then any part of France; yet be­ing on euerie side enuironed with the Ocean, the colde is nothing so excessiue there, as it is in France, which Caesar very well obserued. And therefore it is easie to conclude, that by reason of the situation of the place, that the English­men are both warlike and wise, that is to say, accomplished with whatsoeuer is necessarie to a ciuill life. For the force of bodie is no lesse requisite in execution, Pind. ode. 1. than the dexteri­tie and vigour of wit, Nem. in deuise and deliberation, as very well sayde the Poet Pindarus.

And it is not sufficient to say as Commines doth, that the Englishmen are very cholericke; a passion which of all o­thers doth most trouble a mans iudgement, especially when he is at point to resolue himselfe. For well it might be so in the time of Comines, when Englishmen were not yet so well polished, as they haue bin since by the knowledge of good letters. But since that by the liberalitie of king Edward wee haue seene two Athens in one England, that is to wit, Oxford and Cambridge: it were hard to iudge whether that so migh­tie a realme, hath beene more plentifull in the fruites of the earth, then aboundant in fine, subtile, and most excellent wits, meete for the managing of matters of estate. It is about three or foure score yeares past, Machiauell in lib. de principe. that the Italian made the same reproch to the Frenchmen that Comines dooth to the Englishmen: namely that they could not skill of matters of estate. But since the time that king Francis replenished France with learned men, by meanes of the professors which hee caused to come from all partes of Paris, the Italians should flatter themselues ouer much, if they thought that in con­duct of ciuill affaires, the Frenchmen were any whit behind them. Therefore it is that Petrus Ramus (a man whose re­nowne flyeth daily through out all the coastes of the world) did so much enforce himselfe in his familiar talke, to extoll the liberalitie, and other excellent vertues of king Edwarde, and Queene Elizabeth, that he thought he neuer had a mat­ter worthie to worke on with his wonderfull eloquence, ex­cept he were discoursing of the nature of a Princely and He­roicall vertue, whereof he represented a true and liuely por­traiture in the actions, and behauiour of these two Princes. [Page 35] But the desire which I haue with the meanes, to showe that the Spaniarde is no warlike man, makes me to be somewhat the shorter in discoursing of the wisedome of the English­men. I take that reason which I alleaged out of Aristotle to be sufficient to put backe the Spaniarde frō that place which he pretendes to haue amongest the warlike Nations. Yet if any man chuse rather to referre himselfe to experience then to these Philosophicall reasons, I haue sufficient to content him, if he be a man that will be contented with reason. I say then, that before this last hundred yeares, the Spanish Na­tion was had in no reputation for feates of armes. And for proofe, I report mee to the testimonie of Histories. I say moreouer, that since that time looke how often the Prin­ces of Spaine haue placed the chiefest strength of their ar­mies, in bandes of the Spanish Nation, they haue alwayes re­ceiued the ouerthrow. The battels of Rauenna, & Serizoles do sufficiently prooue my saying. On the contrarie, if they haue had any aduantages ouer vs, as at Pauie, saint Quin­tins, and at Graueling, they ought to thanke the Almaynes, and Englishmen for it. I confesse that vnder the conduct of the Emperour Charles, they were brought to some order of discipline; which they do yet, and shall continue as long as it shall please God to vse them for the execution of his iust vengeance. For it is he that both giueth and taketh vertue to and from men, when and as oftentimes as he himselfe li­steth, as the Poet Homer hath very well noted, saying:

And although the Spaniardes surpasse all other Nations in the world in vaine and foolish bragging, when they fall in [Page 36] question of their owne prowesse and valiancie, yet do they labour to surmount themselues in this impudent boasting when they once come to speake of their treasors and riches. And for as much as this is the chief foundatiō of their ima­ginatiue greatnesse, I will stand somewhat the longer on this point and will make it knowen, that if they had but the third part of that riches which they imagine they haue, they should be three times richer then they are. The Aegyptians reported in their Histories, that in the Temple of Iupiter there was a piller made of foure Emerauds, hauing euerye one of them fortie cubites of length: whereat Theophrastus Theophra­stus [...]. iested pleasantly, and with great reason. Such like tales are found in the Spanish Historiographers, concerning the Ile of Zipangrie, where these good fellowes would faine make vs to beleeue, that flies carrie double pike staues. Touch­ing the treasures of Peru, to make vs vnderstande that their reportes are made by imitation of Lucians true tales, they seeme not to haue forgotten anything vntolde, sauing that in the Cabinet of Atapaliba, they found a whole hundred of Diamonds, euery one of them as bigge at least, as an Ostri­ches egge. But laying aside these lyes which can not be be­leeued of any but of such as beleeue the reall veritie of Ouid his Metamorphosis. Let vs consider that these riches come not into the king of Spaine his coffers, like grasse in a medowe, that is to say, without any cost, but on the con­trarie, that the carriage cost him deere. Let vs consider far­ther, that other Nations, and especially the Frenchmen haue learned the way to Peru, who fearing perhaps least the Spaniardes might perish in the sea by being ouer-laden, do diuerse times of meere charitie, and good will yeelde them so much succour as to take some part of their burden into their owne ships. Yea so courteous & friendly be our French­men, that they constraine the Spaniardes whether they will or no, to receiue the effectes and testimonies of this their [Page 37] charitable courtesie. Besides all this, the Indians begin to waxe shrewd lads, and to make no more so much account of glasses, pins, and such other Spanish giftes: peraduenture because some bodie hath made them taste this saying of So­phocles.

And if other causes wanted, is it possible that the possessi­on of a thing so ill gotten should endure long? Do we thinke there is any Indian vnder the subiection of the Spaniardes, which cryeth not ten thousand times a day in his language this sentence of Aristophanes?

Aristotle sayth, Arist. Me­taphys. lib. 1. ca. [...] that a countrie is possessed and helde by a Tyrant, in the same manner that mens bodies are with an agew. How many sighes, and groanes do we thinke that the poore Americans, (being by such a feruent feuer so long tormented) cast foorth, which mount vp to the eares of him that holdeth the sterne, of the matters of this world? Do we thinke that the hande of God is shortned, Esay. 33. that hee can not when he sees time, execute the threatnings which he hath vttered by the mouth of his Prophet against these murthe­rers, robbers, and wasters? Where is that state in the world, be in neuer so flourishing, that can be exempted from decay and vtter ouerthrowe? What wisedome, what counsell, what force is it that can warrant it out of the hande of the almightie and euerliuing God? Euripides in Electra. Mischiefe runneth vp and downe (saith Euripides) from house to house, in most rich and exquisite wordes.

The same with greater reason may be sayde of Monar­chies, in which we may see from day to day the accomplish­ment of this threatning which is so wisely set downe by He­siodus speaking of Iupiter.

Which is then seene especially, when the sinnes as well of the Prince, Vitellius lib. 4. as of the people, enforce God to breake his patience. The Mathematicians holde that the augmentati­on of the greatnesse of thinges maketh them seeme to ap­proach neere vnto our sight, Theox. 129 though in verie truth they ap­proch not at all. But with the sinnes of men it fareth much otherwise, which being heaped one on the other, doo ap­proach and present themselues before the sight of the liuing God, Caius li. 20 & vltimo. D. de Nox­al. Action. who oftentimes punisheth the people in the Prince, and the Prince in the people; whose iustice is not ruled by the same square that mens iudgements are directed: in the which (according to the Lawyers) Noxa caput sequitur, that is, Penaltie pursueth the principall. Whereof we haue a mani­fest and notable example in Abimelech, Genesis. 20 the king of Gerar, who excusing himselfe vnto Abraham, vseth these wordes, What haue I done vnto thee? and wherein haue I offended thee, [Page 39] that thou hast brought on me, and on my kingdom this great sinne? Nowe if Abimelech do call adulterie a great sinne, how shall we call that which we can not better describe, Suetonius. then by the conformitie thereof vnto that example set downe by Sue­tonius in the life of Claudius, in the xxvi. chapter of his booke. But if this speech be thought by any to be ouer darke, I re­ferre him to that which the Lawyer Paulus hath written lib. 39. vnder the title, Si quis D. de ritu nuptiarum; and hee shall plainely vnderstande my meaning. But this is not all, for there are yet in this behalfe, other sortes of wickednesse, as much or more abhominable then the other, which they thinke to keepe secret, as if the saying of the Poet Musaeus had not place as well in this age as in the other.

Now then, if we thinke Gods iustice to be immutable, let vs knowe and be well assured that he will visite such and so execrable wickednesse (which may with more honestie then ease be concealed) and will at last (how long soeuer he fore­slowe it) make the Spaniards and their king to feele his ven­geance.

To be short, the time will come ere long, and will not ta­rie, that this wicked Nation which for these hundred yeares, hath made a trade of pilling and praying on others, shall be exposed for a pray vnto other Nations. The time (I say) draweth neere, when eyther the Indians, or else the king of Spaine his Lieutenants themselues, shall reuolt from him, [Page 40] and become executors of God his wrath, against the coue­tousnesse, and crueltie of their owne Nation.

Now remayneth to be considered the third and last point of this discourse, that is to wit, whether of these two Nati­ons being become our enemie, hath most meanes to annoy vs. This point may well be cleered by that which hath beene discoursed in the former, touching the meanes which ey­ther of those Nations hath to succour vs with all. Yet so it is notwithstanding, that if the Englishmen should happen to set foote in France, and especially in Guyenne, it would be as hard for vs to stay a great part of the Nobilitie and Gen­tlemen from taking their part, as to burie the remembrance of the good turnes and pleasures, which their houses haue receiued heretofore at the handes of the kings of Englande, especially considering that the Charters of the greatest hou­ses of Guyen, are as many testimonies, or rather as many au­thenticall recordes of the obligation wherin they are bound to the memorie of the kings of England: moreouer, falling at ods with the English, euerie one knoweth that they haue good diches, large and deepe, such as can not be drayned.

On the contrarie part, according to the opinion of that great Captaine the Admirall Chastillon, it were no lesse easie then expedient for vs to ouercome the Spaniards, if we war­red vpon them as we ought, that is to say, if cutting off the riuer at the spring head, we would set vpon them at home in their owne countrie of Spaine, which is a land very easie to be entred into, being both vnfurnished of strong townes, & which cannot but hardly be succoured frō Germanie, wher­as on the contrarie part, our armies should be backed by the countries of Languedocke, and Gascoyne, both of thē well sto­red with victuals, and men of warre, so that in France that quarter may wel be called at this day the storehouse of Mars.

If I should adde nothing else, yet notwithstanding the causes heretofore set downe being well considered, do suffi­ciently [Page 41] conclude of themselues, that to preferre, or to match in equalitie the allyance of Spaine, to that of England, were openly to show our selues vnnaturall, and vnkinde to our al­lyes. It were (I say) to shew our selues blockish, and vnable to discerne the nature that matcheth iumpe with ours, from that which is cleane contrarie vnto ours; and manifestly to oppose our selues against the benefite, and welfare of our countrie.

The Spaniardes (as we haue sayde) are couetous, craftie, proud, and rauenous: Shall we change then our franke libe­ralitie into a slauish, and insatiable couetousnesse? shall we change the generositie of the Lyon, into the subtiltie of the Foxe? shall we become of gentle, and courteous; arrogant, and disdainefull? and of milde and meeke, cruell and raue­nous? shall we so bereaue our selues of those vertues which haue gotten vs reputation through out the whole world, as that there shall remaine no more vnto vs of Frenchmen, but euen the bare name? And yet if we neerely consider the na­turall disposition of the Spaniarde, that miserable exchange (whereof I now spake) will be euermore noted, as an euident and sure testimonie of our ouer great facilitie in making so great account of that Nation, who (resembling Iuie) hath alwaies made those to feele the most pernitious effects of her most hurtfull malice, which haue beene most straightly allied vnto her.

Now for as much as prayer is accounted the duetie of an honest man towards his countrie; I pray to God O France, that thy preseruation & increase, may be a continuall mirror of his goodnesse & wisedome, which shineth in the gouern­ment of great estates and kingdomes. And that to the same end, he vouchsafe to open thy eies, that thou maiest discern that poyson mixt with hony, by the which they go about to worke thy ruine, and the vtter ouerthrowe of thy honour and greatnesse.