The First Book.

WHEN Polybius of Megalopo­lis design'd to write the Hi­story of all remarkable pas­sages in his time, he thought it the best way to shew from matter of fact, that the Romans, who had Wars with their neighbouring Nations for six hundred years after the building of their City, gain'd, in that time, no very great Dominions. But when they had re­duced [Page 2]some small part of Italy, which, af­ter Hannibal came over, at the Battel of Cannae, they lost; and saw their Enemies lie before their Walls, they grew so great and fortunate, that, in less than fifty three years, they were masters not onely of all Italy and Africa, but subdu'd the Spaniards too. And being still desirous to propa­gate their Empire, they pass'd the Ionian Bay, conquer'd the Grecians, and ruin'd the Macedonians, whose King, that then was, they took alive and carry'd to Rome. Now the cause of all this no man will say was meerly humane; but either fatal Ne­cessity, or the Influence of the Stars, or the Will of God, which favours all our Acti­ons, as long as they are just and good. For these things lay such a train of seem­ing causes upon future contingencies, that thinking men suppose, the Administration of humane affairs is managed by divine Providence; so that when peoples Spirits are up and vigorous, they thrive and are in good plight, but, on the contrary, when these are dejected and want courage, those dwindle into the present circumstances.

But my business is, to shew from the things themselves, that what I say is true; and therefore I must tell you, That after the Trojan War until the Battel of Marathon, the Greeks did nothing, that I know, worth [Page 3]the speaking of either against each other, or any body else. But when Darius, by his Prefects, or great Governours of Towns and Provinces, came to oppose them with infinite numbers of men, eight thousand Athenians, inspir'd, as it were from Hea­ven, and arm'd by meer chance, ran out to meet him, and got so much the better of it, that they kill'd ninety thousand and forced the rest to fly the Countrey. And this fight it was, that put the Grecians into a far better condition than formerly. But when Darius was dead, and Xerxes came with an Army so much greater, that he seemed to bring all Asia into Greece (for he fill'd the Sea with Ships and the Land with Souldiers) he found it neces­sary to cross over from Asia into Europe; and therefore, as if the two Elements of Earth and Water had not been capable of receiving his Army, unless they had robb'd each other of their natural use, he made a Bridg over the Hellespont for the Foot-Sol­diers to march upon; nay, he cut a pas­sage through the Mountain Athos, where Ships rode as in the Sea. Whilst in the mean time the Grecians, though they were terrified at the very report of such an Ene­mies approach, yet they prepared for him as well as they were able. And in one Sea­fight at Artemisium and another at Salamis, [Page 4]they obtain'd a Victory so far beyond the former, that Xerxes was glad to escape with his life, when he had lost most of his Army; whilst the remaining part of them, that were slain at Plataeae, did, by their deaths, so much advance the glory of the Grecians, that in the strength of their reputation and renown, they nor onely set the Greeks, that were in Asia, at Liberty, but possess'd themselves of almost all the Islands.

And indeed, if they had been unanimous among themselves, and content with their then present condition, nor the Athenians fallen out with the Lacedemonians about the Government and Menage of Greece, they would never have had any forein Lords. But when the Peloponnesian War had weak­ned the strength of the Greeks, and made their Cities poor, Philip had room and opportunity to enlarge that Kingdom, which his Father left him, by arts and stra­tagems, though he was not equal in strength to any of his neighbours. For he did so oblige his own Souldiers, and all others that wou'd fight under his Command, with Money, that he grew great enough to engage with the Athenians at Cheronea, and, after that Victory, was so kind and courteous and won so much upon all men, that he thought himself well enough pre­pared [Page 5]to go against the King of Persia. But before he cou'd raise a competent number of men, he died.

Then Alexander came to be King, who assoon as he had setled Affairs in Greece, went over into Asia with a considerable Army. Where having conquer'd the Sa­trapes (i. e. Governours of Provinces) who opposed him, he made his way toward Darius himself, who with an innumerable Host had taken all the places about Issus. And there engaging with the Persians he gain'd an incredible Victory, routed Da­rius, and went himself through Phaenicia, and Syria into Palestine. (What he did at Tyre and Gaza, you may read in those Hi­storians that have written concerning A­lexander.) From thence he marched into Egypt, and when he had paid his Devoti­on to Jupiter Ammon, and order'd the build­ing of Alexandria, return'd to finish the Persian War. But on his way thither, finding all people had a kindness for him, he went into Mesopotamia; and though he heard that Darius had a greater Army than before, now in readiness, yet he proceed­ed with what forces he then had and en­gaged with him at Arbela; where he was so victorious that he kill'd almost all Da­rius's men, and ruin'd the Persian Monarchy, though the King himself escaped.

After that, when Besus had kill'd Da­rius, and Alexander, having atchiev'd great things in India, was come again to Baby­lon, he died. Upon whose decease the Macedonian Government being divided into Satrapies or petit Principalities, and en­feebled by continual Wars among them­selves, Fortune subdu'd the remaining part of Europe to the Romans. And then going over into Asia, fighting the Kings of Pon­tus and Antiochus, and making War after­ward against the Dynastes or Princes of E­gypt, they enlarged the Empire something every year, as long as their Senate stood, by reason that their Consuls were ambiti­ous of out-doing one another. But when the Civil Wars betwixt Sylla and Marius, as, afterward, betwixt Julius Cesar and Pompey the Great, had ruined the Common­wealth, they laid aside the Aristocracy [or Government of the Nobility] and chose Octavianus, Dictator: committing the whole Administration of Affairs to him alone, without considering, that they had thrown (as it were) the Dice upon all peoples hopes and ventur'd the hazard of that vast Empire upon one Mans inclination and power. For whether he design'd to go­vern by Justice and Equity, he cou'd not please all men; as not being able to assist them that were at a great distance, in any [Page 7]convenient time, nor cou'd he find out so many Officers, that wou'd be ashamed not to answer the character or judgment given of 'em; or suit himself to so many different humours: or whether he wou'd break through the bounds of Imperial Kingly Government, and move toward Ty­ranny, by disturbing the present establish­ments, winking at great Crimes, selling of Justice, and looking upon Subjects as Slaves (as most Emperours, and indeed almost all, except some few, have done) it must of necessity follow, that his unbounded, brute power would prove a common Calamity. For fawning Rascals and Parasites are pre­fer'd by such a Governour into places of greatest Trust, by the help of those Estates and Honours that he bestows upon them. Whilst modest, quiet men, that are averse to such a way of living, do very justly re­sent their own not enjoying the same be­nefits. And hence it is that Towns are fill'd with insurrections and tumults; for when all Offices both Civil and Military are confer'd upon covetous Magistrates, it makes both the Citizens uneasy in Peace, and discourages the Souldiers in War.

Now that this is so, experience has plainly shewn, together with those things that happen'd soon after in the Reign of Octavianus. For the Dance called Pantomi­mus [Page 8][which signifies, a Dance in imitation of every body] was introduced at that time, though it had never been used before, since Pylades and Bathyllus invended it; besides a great many other things that occasion much mischief even to this day. But in­deed Octavianus seemed to govern very moderately, especially after he took Athe­nodorus the Stoicks counsel, and in respect of Tiberius, who succeeded him: for he was so severe a Tyrant, that his Subjects could not endure him, but expelled him into an Island, where he lay private for some time and then died. After him Caius Caligula, who far exceeded Tiberius in all sorts of wickedness, was slain by Chaereas, who by that bold action resolv'd to free the Commonwealth from his cruel Tyran­ny. Then Claudius came to be Emperour, who committed all his Affairs to the con­duct of Libertines [the Sons of those who had been Slaves] that were Eunuchs, and his Successors were then advanced to the Imperial Throne. Of whom I resolve not to say one word, because the World shall not know, what monstrous and enormous actions they were guilty of. But Vespa­sian, and his Son Titus were much more moderate in their time; as, on the other hand, Domitian surpass'd all others in cru­elty, [Page 9]luxury and avarice: for which rea­son when he had been a plague to the Commonwealth for fifteen years together, he was kill'd by Stephanus, one of his Freemen, and seemed to suffer justly for his wicked actions.

From this time good men succeeded in the Empire, as Nerva, Trajan, and after him Adrian, Antoninus Pius, and that pair of Brothers called Verus and Lucius, who corrected many Errours in the State, and not onely recover'd what their Predeces­sors had lost, but made likewise some new additions. But after them, when Commo­dus the Son of Marcus had been Emperour, who was addicted not only to Tyranny but even prodigious Vices besides, till Marcia his Concubine took manly courage and kill'd him, the Empire was conferred upon Pertinax. But the Court Guards being not able to endure his strict way of exercise and Discipline, which made 'em mutinee and kill him also, Rome had like to have been all in an uproar and confusion, whilst the Pretorian Soldiers, that were design'd to secure the Palace, endeavour'd to ex­tort out of the Senate hands the power of making a Sole-governour. And now the Empire being set to Sale (as it were) one Didius Julianus, by the instigation of his Wife, and through more folly than Wis­dom, [Page 10]produced a sum of money wherewith he purchas'd the Empire; and made such a Shew as the people ne'r saw in their lives before, or any other legal Attendance; be­sides the Soldiers, who set him up, and by violence gave him possession of the Palace, with all the furniture that was in it. But he was call'd in question and taken off too, by those very men that raised him to his Hononr, nor was his Life any more than a momentany, golden Dream.

When he was removed, the Senate sate in consultation, who they should choose Emperour in his room, and pitched upon Severus. But Albinus and Niger pretend­ing a right of Government at the same time, there arose fierce civil Wars between 'em; so that the Cities were divided, some be­ing for one side and some for the other. Whereupon there were great commotions in the Eastern parts and in Egypt; nor did the Bizantians, who were Nigers friends and entertain'd him, refuse any dangerous Attempt, till Severus got the Victory and Niger was kill'd. After whom Albinus al­so quitted the Empire and this World to­gether, so that the sole Power was now devolv'd upon Severus. He therefore ap­ply'd himself to rectifie those things that had been carried with such exorbitancy, inflicting in the first place severe punish­ments [Page 11]upon the Souldiers that kill'd Perti­nax and deliver'd up the Empire to Julia­nus. Which having done and setled the Militia, he went against the Persians, and in the same expedition took Ctesiphon and Babylon, over-ran the Arabians, (cal­led Scenites, from their living in Tents) conquer'd Arabia in general, and did ma­ny other great Exploits; besides that he was inexorable to Delinquents and made a publick distribution of their goods, who were guilty of any heinous Offence.

Having adorn'd a great many Cities with sumptuous Buildings, he declared his Son Antoninus Emperour, but, being near his death, left, not only him, but his other Son Geta also, coheirs in the Government, and made Papinianus (a very just person and one that was more skill'd in the know­ledg and interpretation of the Law than any Roman either before or since) their Guardian or Protector. But Antoninus not long after suspected this worthy Person, who was Prefect of the Court, for no other reason, but because he did what he could to frustrate a Design that Antoninus had laid against his Brother Geta, and Papi­nianus had discover'd. He therefore re­solved to remove this Obstacle, and with the Soldiers contrived Papinianus's destru­ction. After which when he had his hands [Page 12]at liberty he slew his Brother whom even his own Mother could not save, though he sled to her for protection.

But not long after, Antoninus paid for murthering his Brother, nor was the per­son that slew him ever known. And then the Souldiery at Rome chose Macrinus, who was Prefect of the Court (as Papinia­nus had been) Emperour, whilst those in the Eastern Countreys set up Emisenus, who was a kin to Antoninus's Mother. Now therefore both Armies were so tenacious of what they had done, that there arose a civil broil between 'em, and whilst E­misenus Antoninus's men were bringing him to Rome, Macrinus's Army march'd out of Italy. And when, at Antioch in Syria, the two Armies had engaged, Macrinus was so totally defeated, that he was forced to fly the Camp, but between Byzantium and Chalcedon was taken and killed.

When Antoninus had gotten this Victo­ry and punished all those that sided with Macrinus, as Enemies, he lived such a dis­solute; scandalous life, conversing so much with Magicians and Juglers that the Ro­mans, not able to endure his excessive Lu­xury, murther'd him, tore his body in pieces, and declared Alexander, Emperour, who came likewise of Severus's Family. Who though he were but young, yet he [Page 13]was a person of a good Nature, and put all people in hopes that he would prove an easie Governour. For he made Flavia­nus and Chrestus Prefects of his Court, who were men not onely well vers'd in Milita­ry affairs, but excellent also in the manage­ment of civil Business. But Mamaea the Emperours Mother set Ʋlpianus as an In­spector or Overseer over them, and indeed as a Partner in their Office, (because he was an incomparable Lawyer and one that knew not onely how to regulate the pre­sent Affairs, but to provide with all pru­dence for the future) at which the Soul­diers were so offended, that they private­ly contrived his ruin. Which when Ma­maea understood, she prevented their De­sign by taking off the Conspiratours, and making Ʋlpian the sole Prefect belonging to the Court. But after that being suspect­ed by the Army (for what cause I cannot well tell, since there are so many various reports concerning his inclinations) he was murthered in a tumult, nor could the Emperour himself save his life.

From this time forward the Souldiers, who by degrees forgot their former kind­ness to Alexander, seemed very unwilling to execute his Commands, and lest they should be punish'd for their sloth, made publick mutinies, in which they promo­ted [Page 14]one Antoninus to the Empire. But he not able to sustein the weight of that great Trust, withdrew himself; which made 'em chuse Ʋranius, a man of mean and slavish condition, who being presently brought before Alexander in his purple Robes, their hatred to the Emperour was thereby the more augmented. And hence it was that Alexander seeing himself inviron'd with so many difficulties, was alter'd not onely in the temper of his body but in the com­plexion of his mind too; insomuch that he was seized with the Disease of Avarice and laid up money with great care and sollici­tude, of which he made his Mother his Treasurer.

But whilst his Affairs stood in this un­happy posture, the Armies that were in Pannonia and Mysia, who had no great kindness for him before, were now more inclined to a Revolt, and therefore being set upon Innovation, they raised Maximi­nus, who was Captain of a Pannonian Troop, to the Empire. He therefore, having got all his forces together, march'd into Italy as fast as he could, because he thought it easier to attaque the Emperour at una­wares. But Alexander, who was then in the parts about the Rhine, having intelli­gence there of their design'd Innovations, moved towards Rome with all speed. [Page 15]Where though he offer'd pardon both to the Souldiers and Maximinus too, if they would desist from their Attempts, yet he could not reconcile 'em, and therefore, in a desperate humour expos'd himself, as it were, to Death. His Mother Mamaea too, who came out of the Palace with the Pre­fects to appease the Tumult, was mur­thered together with the Prefects. By which means Maximinus was well setled in the Empire, but all people were sorry that they had changed a moderate Empe­rour for a cruel Tyrant. For he was of an obscure Family, and therefore when he came to be Emperour, eclipsed those Vir­tues that he was naturally endued with, by the excessive confidence of his own power: insomuch that he was intolerable to all men in general, and did not onely injure those that were in places of Ho­nour, but used all cruelty in the conduct of his Affairs, obliging none but Syco­phants, who inform'd against innocent, quiet men, as if they were Debtors to the Imperial Treasury. At length he proceed­ed to murther men through covetousness before he heard what they could say for themselves, made all the Towns his own, and plunder'd the Inhabitants.

Now the Nations subject to the Romans being not able to endure his extravagant cruelty, but mightily troubled at the open ravage which he committed, the Africans declared Gordianus and his Son, of the same name, Emperours; and sent Embassadours to Rome, among whom was Valerianus a Consuls fellow, who himself was afterward Emperour. At which the Senate was well pleas'd, and consulted how to remove the Tyrant; inciting the Soldiers to Rebellion, and putting the people in mind of the in­juries done to them both in their private capacities and also as they were members of such a Commonwealth. Then being all agreed they chose twenty Men out of their whole Senate, who understood Military Discipline, and from among them elected two, called Balbinus and Maximus, to whom they committed the chief Command, and going toward Rome were ready to make an Insurrection.

But Maximinus when he heard of these things, went in all haste toward Rome with the Moors and Frenchmen that he had under him, and by the way besieged the Garison of Aquileia, because they shut their Gates against him; though his own party who at last conulted the publick good, with much ado consented to those who had a mind to take him off, and [Page 17]thereby reduced him to such extremity of danger, that he was fain to make his own Son a Petitioner in his behalf, supposing that his tender years would rebate their anger and move them to pity. But they were thereby the more enraged, and af­ter they had kill'd the Boy in a most barbarous manner, dispatch'd him also; upon which one of 'em came and cutting off his head brought it along with him to Rome for a demonstration and Trophy of their Victory. And thus being freed from all their fears, they waited for the Arrival of the two Emperours out of A­frick.

But they being cast away in a storm, the Senate conferr'd the universal manage­ment of affairs upon Gordianus, who was Son to one of 'em. In whose Reign the Romans remitted something of their for­mer melancholy, because the Emperour di­verted 'em with Plays and other exercises. But when they were all awaked, as it were, out of a dead sleep, they laid a private Plot against the Emperour, by the advice of Balbinus and Maximus, who insti­gated certain Soldiers against him. Which being found out, the Heads of the party, besides a great many of the Complices, were put to death.

Not long after this, the Carthaginians fell out with the Emperour, and would needs have put Sabianus in his room; but Gordianus raised the African forces, which soon reconciled 'em; insomuch that they deliver'd up the Ʋsurper (that would have been) begged pardon for their Of­fences and freed themselves from all im­pendent dangers.

In the mean time Gordianus married the Daughter of Timesicles (who was a man very much applauded for his learn­ing) and made him Prefect of the Court; by which action he seemed to supply the defects of his own nonage in the admini­stration of publick Affairs. But when he had secur'd the Empire, he look'd every hour when the Persians would attaque the Eastern Nations, since Sapores was King upon the Death of Artaxerxes, who re­stored the Government back from the Par­thians to the Persians. For after Alexan­der the Son of Philip was dead, and o­ther Successors of his in the Macedonian Empire (at that time when Antiochus go­vern'd those superiour Satrapies or Pro­vinces) Arsaces, a Parthian, being incens­ed at an injury offer'd to his Brother Te­ridates, levyed War against the Satrape of Antiochus, gave occasion to the Parthians to turn out all the Macedonians, and make [Page 19]the Government their own. The Empe­rour therefore made all the preparations that he could to go against the Persians. Now though the Roman Army seemed to have gotten the Victory in the first fight, yet seeing Timesicles, the Prefect of the Court, died, the Emperours great Confi­dence in the security of his enterprize was very much abated. For Philip being chosen in his place, the good will of the Soldiers toward the Emperour decay'd by degrees and grew insensible. For he be­ing born in Arabia (which is a wicked Nation) and no better than he should have been in the advancement of his Fortune, as soon as he got into his Of­fice, affected to be Emperour, obliged all the Soldiers who were inclined to in­novations, and seeing there was plenty of military provisions brought in, whilst the Emperour stay'd about Carrae and Nisibis, commanded the Ships that brought such provisions to go up farther into the Coun­trey, that thereby the Army, being op­press'd with Famine and want of necessa­ries, might be provoked to mutiny.

And indeed his Design took effect; for the Soldiers, under pretence of wanting ne­cessaries, came about Gordianus in a very rude manner, and having kill'd him as the chief cause, that so many perish'd in [Page 20]the Army, they conferr'd the Purple Robe upon Philip according to their Contract. He therefore made a Peace with Sapores upon Oath; which when he had done and put an end to the War, he march'd toward Rome: and as he obliged the Sol­diers with large gifts, so he sent Messen­gers to Rome, to give out that Gordianus died of a Disease. But when he came to Rome himself, and had made the Senato­rian Order his Friends, he thought it the best way to bestow the greatest prefer­ments upon his nearest Relations. Where­fore he made his Brother Priscus General of the Syrian Army, committing the My­sian and Macedonian forces to the conduct of Severianus his Son-in-law.

By this means thinking that he had e­stablish'd the Empire in his own possession, he went upon an Expedition against the Carpi, who had plunder'd all the Coun­trey about the Ister. But when they en­gaged, the Barbarians were not able to sustein the vigorous shock of our party; and therefore fled into a certain Castle, in which they were besieged. Yet when they saw their men, who were disper­sed some one way and some another, had rally'd again into a body, they resu­med their courage, and sallying forth from the Castle attaqued the Roman Army. [Page 21]But being unable to bear the impetuous onset of the Moors, they treated for Peace; to which Philip easily assented and march­ed off. But since at that time there were many disturbances in the Commonwealth, the Eastern Provinces (who were vexed, partly by the exactions of Tributes, and partly upon the account of Priscus, who was their Governour, but an intolerable ill man) inclined to innovation and set up Papianus for Emperour, whilst those of Mysia and Pannonia thought better of Ma­rinus.

Now Philip being troubled at these things desired the Senate that either they would assist him against such imminent dangers, or if they were displeased with his Government, that they would suffer him to lay it down and dismiss him qui­etly: to which seeing no body at all re­ply'd, Decius, (who was a person of great birth and quality and adorned with all Virtues besides) said, He was unwise to be so much concern'd for those things; for they would vanish of themselves and could not possibly subsist. And though the event answer'd Decius's Conjecture, which he had made through long expe­rience in the World, so that Papianus and Marinus were taken off; yet Philip was still affraid, because he knew how much [Page 22]the Souldiers hated the Officers in that Countrey. He therefore desired Decius, that he would command the Legions that were in Mysia and Pannonia. Which he refusing, because, he said, he thought it inconvenient for him and Philip too, Phi­lip used the Thessalian Rhetorick of Neces­sity (as they call it) and forced him into Pannonia to chastise the accomplices of Marinus's faction there. But the Soldiers in those parts seeing Decius punish all those that had offended, thought it their best way both to avoid the present danger and set up a Monarch at the same time, who would take more care of the Common­wealth, and, being more skilful in Ci­vil as well as Military Affairs, might easi­ly conquer Philip.

In order whereunto they cloathed De­cius in Purple, and, amidst all his fears of future misadventures, compelled him to assume the management of publick Affairs. When therefore Philip heard, that Decius was thus set up for Emperor, he muster'd up all his forces, to subdue him. Now those that were with Decius, though they knew the Enemy outdid 'em much in number, yet they had courage still, because they trusted to Decius's skill and general prudence in all matters. And when the two Armies fell to it, though [Page 23]the one was superiour in number, yet the other was above it in point of Discipline and Conduct, so that a great many of Philips side were slain and he himself a­mong the rest, together with his Son, whom he had honour'd with the Title of Caesar. And thus did Decius gain the Empire.

Now therefore seeing things were every where full of disorder through Philips neg­ligence, the Scythians march'd over Ta­näis, and plunder'd the Countreys about Thrace. But Decius opposed 'em and prov'd not onely victorious in all the Battels that he fought, but recover'd the spoils that they had taken, endeavour'd to prevent and block up their passage home again, and intended to kill 'em every man, lest they should rally any more. For which purpose he posted Gallus upon the bank of Tanäis with a competent number of men, and went himself with the remain­der of his forces against the Enemy. In which expedition he had all the success that he could wish for; and therefore Gal­lus, who was enclined to Innovation, sent Agents to the Barbarians, entreating them to joyn with him in a Conspiracy against Decius. To which they very willingly a­greed and Gallus kept his Post upon the bank of Tanäis; but the Barbarians divi­ded [Page 24]themselves into three Battalions, of which the first was planted behind a cer­tain Marsh. Now when Decius had de­stroy'd a great many of the first Battali­on, the second came up, which he like­wise defeated and discover'd some of the third, which lay near the Marsh. But Gallus sent him word, that he might march against 'em through the Fenn, and therefore as he went on unwarily in a strange place, both he and his Army were bemired, and in that circumstance so pelt­ed by the Barbarians, that ne'r an one of 'em escaped alive. And thus did Decius, that excellent Emperour, end his days.

Him Gallus succeeded; who when he had declared his Son Volusianus Partner in the Empire, and made a Proclamation, as it were, that Decius and his Army pe­rish'd by his contrivance, the Barbarians began to be more prosperous than before. For Gallus permitted them not onely to return home with the spoil, but promised to pay 'em yearly a certain sum of Mo­ney, and let 'em carry away all the no­blest Captives; who had been, most of 'em, taken at Philippopolis in Thrace.

Now Gallus, when he had order'd his Affairs in this manner, came to Rome, and was very proud of this Peace that he had made with the Barbarians. And [Page 25]though at first indeed he spake very kindly concerning Decius's way of Governing, and adopted one of his Sons, who was then alive, yet in process of time being affraid, lest some of them who used to study new Projects, might run back into a recapi­tulation of Decius's Princely Virtues, and so one time or other give up the Empire to his Son, he devised the young mans destruction, without any regard either to his Adoption, or even to common honesty and justice.

But Gallus behaved himself so supinely in the Administration of the Empire, that the Scythians first terrified their Neigh­bour Nations, and after, by degrees, spoil'd all the Countreys even to the Sea-coast. So that there was not so much as one Nation, subject to the Romans, but what they wasted; taking almost all the unwal­led Towns, besides a great many of those that were fortified. But besides a War on every side; which lay very heavy up­on 'em, there was a Plague in all the Cities, and Villages, which swept away the remainder of Mankind in those parts, nor was there ever known such a mortality in any former Age.

At this juncture of Affairs, seeing the Emperours were not able to defend the Commonwealth, but neglected all things [Page 26]without the Walls of Rome, the Gotths, the Borani, the Ʋrugundi, and the Carpi did once more plunder the Cities in Eu­rope of all that was left in 'em; whilst on the other hand the Persians invaded Asia, wherein they possess'd themselves of Mesopotamia, proceeded as far even as An­tioch in Sysia, took that City, which is the Metropolis of all the East (killing some of the Inhabitants and taking the rest away Captives) and went back home with an infinite quantity of spoils, when they had pull'd down all the private and publick Buildings in it, without any resi­stance made against 'em. And indeed the Persians were in a fair way to have got­ten all Asia into their hands, if they had not been so overjoy'd at their excessive Plunder as to be content to keep and carry home those things which they had taken.

In the mean time all the Scythians of Europe lived in great security, were gone over into Asia, and had spoil'd all the Coutrey as far as Cappadocia, Pesinus and Ephesus, till AEmilianus, General of the Pannonian Legions, endeavouring all he could to encourage his Soldiers (who were disheartned, nor durst withstand the prosperous success of the Barbarians) and putting 'em in mind of the Roman Honour and Bravery, surpriz'd the Barbarians, which [Page 27]he found thereabout: And when he had kill'd a great many of them, put his men over into their Countrey, remov'd what­ever obstacle he met with, and, in fine, had freed the Roman Subjects from their fury, He was chosen Emperour by his own Soldiers. Thereupon he muster'd up all the forces of that Countrey, who were grown more couragious since his Victory against the Barbarians, and so march'd for Italy, with a design to fight Gallus, who was yet unprepared to engage him. For Gallus had never heard what had been done in the East, and therefore made onely what accidental preparations he could, whilst Valerianus went to fetch the Celtick and the German Legions. But Ae­milianus came with all speed into Italy, and the Armies were very near one ano­ther, when Gallus's Soldiers considering, that he was much inferiour to the Enemy in numbers and strength, as also, that he was a careless, slothful man, kill'd him and his Son; and then going over to Aemilianus's Party seemed to establish his Government.

But Valerianus brought a vast Army from beyond the Alpes into Italy, with which he thought himself sure to Con­quer Aemilianus; and therefore Aemilia­nus's own Soldiers, who saw him behave himself more like a private Sentinel than [Page 28]an Emperour, took him off as a Person un­fit for such a weighty Command.

By which means Valerianus was chosen Emperour with general approbation, and made it his business to regulate all Af­fairs; But by the excursions of the Scy­thians, and besides them, the Marcoman­ni, who made an inrode upon all the bor­dering Countreys, adjacent to the Roman Empire, Thessalonica was in extream dan­ger: and though with much pains and difficulty the Siege was raised by the brave defence which those within made, yet all Greece was in an uproar. Then did the Athenians repair their Walls (which had never been thought worth their care since Sylla pull'd 'em down) and so like­wise did the Peloponnesians fortifie the Isthmus, insomuch that there was a com­mon Guard upon all Greece set for their own security.

Valerianus, understanding what danger the Roman Empire was in on all sides, chose Gallienus, his Son, as Partner with him in the Government; and seeing things every where in such disorder, went into the East to oppose the Persians, commit­ting the care of the forces in Europe to his Son, whom he engaged with that Army to withstand the Barbarians, who came in upon him from all quarters. Now [Page 29]therefore Gallienus, since the Germans were more troublesom, than any other Nation, and more vexatious to the Gauls that li­ved upon the Rhine, march'd against 'em in Person, and commanded his Officers, with what forces they had there, to make a War against all others, who were resolv'd to plunder all Italy, Illyricum, and Greece. In pursuit of which design, He kept and guarded the passages of the Rhine, as well as he could; and as at one time he stopp'd their going over, so at a­nother he fought 'em just as they cross'd it. But being to resist a vast multitude with a small number, he was at a loss, and thought he might be more secure by ma­king a League with one of the German Princes, who not onely hinder'd the fre­quent passage of the other Barbarians o­ver the Rhine, but stopp'd the Career of new Auxiliaries. And this was the con­dition of those, who lived upon the Rhine.

In the mean time the Borani, the Gotthi, the Carpi, and the Ʋrugundi (which are Nations living upon the Ister) left no part of Italy or Illyricum unpillaged, but without any opposition, made havock of all. And indeed the Borani attempted to go over into Asia, which they very easily effected by the help of them that lived upon the Bosphorus, who more out of fear [Page 30]than any good will supply'd them with Ships and guided 'em in their passage. For though as long as they had Kings of their own, who succeeded one another by descent, they always kept the Scythi­ans out of Asia, either for the love they bore the Romans, or for the sake of their Trade and Commerce, or in gratitude for the Presents sent 'em every year from their Kings; yet afterward, when the Royal Line was extinct, and certain mean, ab­ject Persons had gotten the Power in their hands, they were affraid of themselves, and gave the Scythians free ingress into Asia, nay carry'd them over and came back again in their own Ships.

But whilst the Scythians plunder'd all before 'em, the People, who inhabited up­on the Sea-coast of Pontus, removed into the midland fortified Towns; and the Barbarians at the same time made the first attaque upon Pityus, which is inclosed with a very strong Wall and has a very convenient Harbor. But Sucessianus, Gene­ral of the Army there, made such resistance with what forces he had, that he routed the Barbarians, and put them into a fear, lest if the other Garisons should hear what was done, they might join with those of Pityus and quite destroy 'em; in­somuch that they got as many Ships as [Page 31]they could, and with great hazard return'd home, though with the loss of many of their men who fell in the Battel at Pityus. They therefore, who lived near the Eu­xine Sea and were preserved by the con­duct of Sucessianus (as I have told you) could never hope (or rather fear) that the Scythians, who had been so repuls'd, would come over to 'em any more. But, whilst Valerianus sent for Sucessianus, made him Prefect of the Court, and discours'd with him about the Affairs and the repairing of Antioch, the Scythians got Ships of the Bosphorans, and cross'd the Sea. But the Inhabitants of the other side detein'd the Ships and would not suffer the Bospho­rans to take 'em home again (as they had done) whereupon they travail'd into the Countrey near Phasis, where, they say, is the Temple of Diana (called from the place) Phasiana, and the Palace of King Aeeta; and having in vain attempted to take that Temple, went streight to Pi­tyus.

Where when they had taken the Castle, and turn'd out all the Guards that were in it, they went on forward; and having a very numerous Navy, whereinto they put all the Captives who knew how to handle an Oar, they sailed, in calm weather, which continued almost all the Summer, [Page 32]toward Trapezus, which is a great and po­pulous City, and had in it some ten thou­sand men besides their usual Complement. They therefore, when they first laid Siege to it, did not so much as dream they should take it, because it was surrounded with two Walls; but when they observed that the Soldiers were given up to sloth and drunkenness, and did not continue upon the Wall, but were always in pur­suit of pleasures and debauchery, they piled up Trees which they had prepared for the purpose against the Wall whereby to scale it, and so getting their men up by degrees in the night-time they took the City; whilst the Soldiers within were amazed at the sudden and unexpected in­vasion, but made a shift to escape through several Gates of the City, and the rest were destroy'd by the Enemy. And when the City was thus taken, the Barbarians got an unspeakable quantity of Money be­sides an infinite number of Slaves: for almost all the Countrey people therea­bout were fled into that City for refuge, as being a well-fortified place. They therefore having demolish'd all the Tem­ples and Houses besides other things whatever they were that conduced either to the grandeur or beauty of the Place, and over ran the adjacent Countrey too, [Page 33]return'd home with a great number of Ships.

When the Scythians, that were their Neighbours, saw what a booty they had gotten, they had a mind to do something in imitation of 'em, and to that end pre­pared a Fleet, which either their Captives or others that for want had mix'd them­selves among them, help'd 'em to build. But they resolv'd not to set out as the Borani had done, because it was tedious and difficult to sail that way, and they must pass through places that were al­ready plunder'd. Wherefore they stay'd till Winter, and then leaving the Euxine Sea on the left hand, but Ister, Tomes and Anchialus on the right (whilst their Land­forces march'd by the shore as fast as they could) they arrived at the Lake of Phi­leatina, which lies to the Westward of Byzantium near Pontus. But finding that the Fishermen of that Lake had hidden themselves and their Vessels in the Fenns adjacent to it, they went and made an agreement with 'em, put their Land-forces into the Fishermens Boats and so sailed forward in order to pass the streight, that lies between Byzantium and Chalcedon. And though there was a Guard from Chalcedon all along as far as the Temple which stands at the entrance into Pontus, [Page 34]that was much too strong for the Barba­rians who came against it, yet some of the Soldiers march'd off under pretence of meeting a General that the Emperor had sent thither, and others were in such a fright that they ran away as fast as they could when they first heard of it. Where­upon the Barbarians cross'd over, took Chalcedon without any opposition, and made themselves masters of Mony, Arms, and other provisions in abundance.

From hence they march'd on to Nico­media, a great and wealthy City, fam'd both for the riches and general affluence of it: where though the Citizens had heard of their coming and were run a­way with all the Money they could carry, the Barbarians notwithstanding admired at the vast quantity of things that they found there and pay'd Chrysogonus all Ho­nour and service, who had formerly advi­sed 'em to Nicomedia. And when they had over-ran Nicaea, Cius, Apamea, and Pru­sa and done the same in those places, they went toward Cysicus; but the River Ryn­dacus was so mightily out by reason of the great Rains that had fallen, they could not pass and so were forced to go back again. Then they burnt Nicomedia and Nicaea, and putting up or stowing their Spoils in Carts or Ships, begain to think of go­ing [Page 35]home again; which put an end to their second incursion, or inrode.

By this time Valerianus had heard of the disturbances in Bithynia, but durst not trust any of his Captains with the de­fence of it, he was so diffident: Wherefore he sent Felix to look after Byzantium, and went himself from Antioch as far as Cap­padocia, where having done some injury to every City as he passed along, he re­turned homeward. But then the Plague happen'd among his Army and destroy'd most of 'em at what time Sapores made an Attempt upon the East and reduced it all into his own Power. In the mean time Valerianus was so effeminate and su­pine that he despair'd of ever recovering out of the present ill circumstances and would have put an end to the War by gi­ving of Money; but Sapores sent his Em­bassadors whom he sent about that Af­fair away without their Errand, desiring that the Emperor would come, and par­ley with him, in Person, concerning those things that he thought requisite. To which he consented, like an imprudent man as he was, and going without any consideration to Sapores with a small Re­tinue, to treat forsooth about a Peace, was presently taken by the Enemy; and so end­ed [Page 36]his days in the quality of a Slave a­mong the Persians, to the great dishonour of the Roman Name in all future times.

This being the State of the East, all things at that time, were in a confus'd, helpless condition. But the Scythians were unanimous and therefore mustering them­selves into one body out of every Nation and Countrey within their Dominions, they plunder'd Illyricum with some part of their Army, wasting the Cities in those parts, and march'd with the rest into Italy as far as Rome it self.

In the mean time Gallienus continu'd still beyond the Alpes, intent upon the German Wars, whilst the Senate, seeing Rome in such extream danger, arm'd all the Soldiers that were in the City, be­sides the stronger sort of the Common People, and gather'd up an Army which for number out did the Barbarians. At which the Barbarians were so scar'd, that they left Rome indeed, but pillaged almost all Italy besides. But then, when Illy­ricum was in extream danger from the in­cursion of the Scythians, and the whole Roman Empire in such a tottering condi­tion, that they knew not what to do; there happen'd a Plague to break out very rise in several of their Towns, the [Page 37]like was never known, that did alleviate the Calamities which the Barbarians infli­cted upon them, making the sick esteem themselves happy, and the Cities too, that were already taken, but by this means, turn'd into Deserts.

Gallienus was disturb'd at all these things and therefore return'd to Rome, to relieve Italy from that War which the Scy­thians had levied there; when at the same time Crecrops (a Moor) Aureolus and An­toninus with many others conspir'd against him, of whom most part were punish'd for it and submitted, onely Aureolus con­tinu'd in his animosity toward the Em­perour.

After this Posthumus also, who was Ge­neral of the Celtick Army, inclined to­ward Innovation, and taking along with him certain Soldiers, that revolted at the same time, went to Aprippina, which is the greatest City upon the Rhine; where he besieged Salonius, Gallienus's Son, and threaten'd never to stir from before the Walls, till he was delivered up to him. For which reason the Soldiers thought it necessary to surrender not onely him, but Silvanus too (whom his Father had made his Guardian,) both of whom Posthumus put to death and made himself absolute Lord of the Celtae.

And now the Scythians, who had most miserably harass'd all Greece in general, had taken Athens, when Gallienus came out to fight those who had already pos­sess'd themselves of Thrace, and command­ed Odonathus of Palmyra (a man whose Ancestors the Emperors had always born a great respect to) to assist the Eastern Nati­ons, who were then in a very sad condition. Accordingly he, when he had joined as many of his own men as he could to the remainder of an Army that was left in that Countrey, attaqued Sapores very briskly, and having taken some other Cities belonging to the Persians, he re­took Nisibis also, which Sapores had for­merly taken (and was now for the Persi­ans) and razed it at the same time. Then going not onely once, but a second time, as far as Ciesiphon, he shut the Persi­ans up in their own fortifications, and made 'em glad to save their Wives, Children and themselves, whilst he dis­posed of the pillaged Countrey as well as he could.

But afterward when he lived at Emisa, he was kill'd by Conspiracy as he was ce­lebrating some friends birth-day, and then Lenobia took upon her the administrati­on of Affairs. Who though she were O­donathus's Wife, yet she had the spirit of [Page 39]a man in her, and by the help of her Hus­bands familiar friends, did every thing as well as he had done.

And this was the State of the East, when news was brought to Gallienus, who was then ingaged in the Scythian War, that Aurelianus [or rather, Aureolus] who was General of all the Cavalry, that were posted about the City of Millain, to ob­serve what progress Posthumus made into Italy, had some new design on foot, and was ambitious to be Emperour. At which being troubled he went immediately for Italy, leaving Marcianus General of the War against the Scythians, who was a Per­son very well experienced in Military Af­fairs: but whilst he carry'd on the War with very good Conduct, Gallienus, in his journey toward Italy, had a Plot laid a­gainst him, which was this. Heraclia­nus, Prefect of the Court, had made Clau­dius privy to his design (who, next to the Emperour, managed every thing in all appearance) which was to kill Gallie­nus: And having found a man very rea­dy for such a business, that commanded a Troop of Dalmatians, he entrusted him with the Action. For the effecting where­of the party stood by Gallienus at Sup­per-time and told him, how some of the Scouts had brought word, that Aureolus [Page 40]and his Army were very near; and there­by put him in a great fright. Whereup­on immediately calling for his Horse and Arms, he mounted, gave the Word to his men to come in their Armour after him, and rode away without so much as his Guard du corps; so that the Captain, seeing him all alone, kill'd him.

Now therefore, when the Soldiers were quieted by Order from their Comman­ders, Claudius was chosen Emperor, who had been formerly design'd for that Ho­nour by universal agreement. Whereup­on Aureolus, who had kept himself a good while out of Gallienus's hands, sent A­gents presently to Claudius, to make his Peace, and then surrendering himself up was kill'd by the Emperours Guards, who had not forgotten the hatred that they bore to him for his Treachery.

At this time the Scythians (all that were left of 'em) were so encouraged by their former success, that they, together with the Heruli, Peucae and Gotthi, made a Rendezvouz near the River Tyra, which discharges it self into Pontus; where ha­ving built six thousand Ships and put three hundred and twenty thousand aboard of 'em, they sailed through Pontus, and at­tempted Tomes which is a Wall'd Town, but were beaten off from it. From thence [Page 41]they went to Marcianople, a City of Mysia, but failing there too in their attempt to take it, took the opportunity of a fair Wind and sailed forward. But when they came to the Streights of Propontis, the Ships were so numerous that they could not well sail in such a violent swift stream [or Tide] and therefore fell foul upon one another whilst the Yatchs were car­ry'd down without any order, and the Pilots let go their Helms: insomuch that some were sunk, and some with, others without men in them, were driven ashore, to their great loss both of Men and Ves­sels. Upon which account the Barbari­ans receded from the Streights of Pro­pontis, and sailed toward Cyzicus. But coming from thence without success, and sailing by the Hellespont, they came to the Mountain Athos; where when they had careen'd or refitted their Ships, they besieged Cassandra and Thessalonica, having like to have taken 'em with Ma­chines that they built against the Walls. But when they heard, the Emperor was acoming with an Army, they went up into the Midland-Countrey, plundering all about Doberus and Pelagonia. And there they lost three thousand men, whose fortune it was to meet with the Dalma­tian Cavalry, but with the rest they [Page 42]fought the Emperors Army. In which Bat­tel though many fell on both sides, and the Romans seemed to run, yet they sur­priz'd the Barbarians from by-ways and Ambuscades so as to kill full fifty thou­sand of them. Yet the [remaining] part of the Scythians sailed all about Thessaly and Greece to pillage all the Countrey, and since they were not strong enough to attaque the Towns which had taken care to fortifie themselves with good Walls and all other security, they took and car­ry'd away with 'em all the men that they found in the Fields.

The Scythians therefore being thus di­spersed, as I have told you, and having lost a great part of their men, Zenobia began to think of propagating her Domi­nions; and therefore sent Zabdas into E­gypt, because Timagenes an Egyption en­deavour'd to make the Palmyrenians Go­vernors of Egypt. For he had raised an Army of Palmyrenians, Syrians and Bar­barians to the number of seventy thou­sand, which was opposed by fifty thou­sand Egyptians; between whom and their Adversaries there was a sharp engage­ment, but the Palmyrenians got the day by many degrees; and having setled a Garison there of five thousand men, march'd off.

Whilst these things were transacted, Probus, whom the Emperor commanded to clear the Sea of Pirates, having heard that Egypt was subdu'd by the Palmyrenians, went against them with his own Army and as many of the Egyptians as did not favour the Palmyrenians and turned out the Garison. So likewise a second time, when the Palmyrenians rallied with fresh forces, Probus who had mustered up a company of Egyptians, and Afri­cans, not onely got the Victory, but drove the Palmyrenians out of Egypt. But as Probus lay upon a Mountain near Ba­bylon, and thereby intercepted the Ene­mies passage into Syria, Timagenes, who knew those parts very well, went with two thousand men and got atop of the Mountain, where he kill'd the Egyptians by surprize, and Probus, who was taken among the rest, kill'd himself.

When therefore as Egypt was now re­duced into the power of the Palmyreni­ans, the Barbarians, that were left alive after the fight at Naissus between Clau­dius and the Scythians, defending them­selves, as it were, with their Carriages which went before 'em, march'd toward Macedonia, but were so hard put to it for want of necessaries, that both themselves and their Beasts perished for meer hun­ger. [Page 44]And by the way too the Roman Horse met 'em, who killing many of 'em forc'd the rest toward Haemus; where be­ing surrounded by the Roman Army they lost a vast number of their men. But af­terward when the Horse and Foot fell out among themselves, the Emperor ha­ving a mind that the Foot should fight the Barbarians, the Romans, after a smart engagement, were worsted and many of 'em slain, though the Horse coming pre­sently up to 'em made the miscarriage of the Foot seem so much the less.

This Battel being over, the Scythians march'd forward and the Romans follow'd 'em, whilst the Barbarians, who cruised about Crete and Rhodes went back with­out doing any thing worth the speaking of; and being seiz'd with a Plague in their way home, some of 'em died in Thrace and some in Macedonia. But all that e­scaped were either admitted into the Ro­man Legions, or had Land given 'em to manure and so addicted themselves to Husbandry.

Nor did the Plague sweep away the Barbarians onely but began to be rife a­mong the Romans also, who, many of 'em, dy'd of it, and, among the rest, Claudius; a Person adorn'd with all Virtues, whose death was a great loss to all his loving [Page 45]Subjects, and he consequently very much miss'd among 'em.

Then Quintillus, Claudius's Brother, was declared Emperour, who lived not many months (nor did any thing worth ones taking notice of) before Aurelianus was advanced to the Imperial Throne: and some Writers say, that Quintillus was advised by his Friends, assoon as they heard that Aurelianus was made Emperor, to make himself away and voluntarily give place to a man much more deserving: which, they report, he did, by opening a Vein and bleeding to death.

Aurelianus therefore having setled the Empire, went from Rome to Aquileia and thence to Pannonia, which the Scythians, as he heard, were ready to invade. For which reason he sent the Inhabitants of that Countrey word by his Scouts, that he would have 'em carry all the Corn and Cattel which they had, and every thing else, that might be of use to the Enemy, into their Towns; the more to afflict them with famine, which was already very sharp upon them. But when the Barbarians were got over the River into Pannonia they fought and came off pretty equal; for the Night coming on, no one could tell which side had the bet­ter on't. Yet the same Night the Barba­rians [Page 46]cross'd the River, and assoon as it was Day, sent Embassadors or Heralds to treat for Peace.

And now the Emperour hearing that the Alemanes with their Neighbour Na­tions intended to over-run Italy, he was (as he had reason to be) more concern'd for Rome and the adjacent places, than any other: wherefore having ordered a suffi­cient number of Guards to stay in Panno­nia, he march'd toward Italy; but by the way, upon the borders of that Countrey, near the Ister, kill'd many thousands of the Barbarians in one Battel. At which time several of the Senate at Rome being accused of a Plot against the Emperour, were put to death for it; and Rome was Walled about which before had no Walls. But though that Work was begun in Au­relianus's time, it was finish'd by Pro­bus.

At the same time also were Epitimius, Ʋrbanus and Domitianus suspected for In­novators, and being immediately appre­hended were punish'd for it.

But whilst Affairs were thus managed in Italy and Pannonia, the Emperour was a thinking to go with an Army against the Palmyrenians, who had subdu'd all Egypt and the East as far as Ancyra in Galatia, and would have gotten Bithynia, [Page 47]even to Chalcedon, if the People of that Countrey had not heard that Aurelianus was Emperour and so shook off the Pal­myrenian yoke of Government. Where­fore assoon as the Emperour was on his way thither, Ancyra submitted to the Ro­mans, and after that, Tyana, with all the Cities betwixt that and Antioch. Where finding Zenobia with a great Army ready prepared for Battel, as he himself also was, he, as he was in honour bound, met and engaged her. But seeing the Palmy­renian Cavalry confided very much in their Armour which was heavy, strong and se­cure, being also much better Horsemen than his Soldiers, he planted his Foot somewhere beyond the River Orontes in a place by themselves, and gave the Roman Horse a charge not presently to engage with the vigorous Palmyrenian Cavalry, but to stay till they made the first at­taque, and then pretend that they shew'd to fly, and continue so to do, till they were sensible they had tired both the men and their Horses through the excess of Heat and weight of their Armour, so, that they could pursue 'em no longer. Which Project took effect, and the Em­perours Horse observ'd his order; so that assoon as they saw the Enemy tired, and that their Horses were hardly able to stand [Page 48]under 'em, or they themselves to stir, they reined in their Horses [stopp'd their Ca­reer] and [turn'd [wheel'd about] set upon them, and trod them under feet as they fell of themselves from their Horses back. By which means the slaughter of 'em was promiscuous, some being kill'd with their Swords, and others partly by their own and partly by the Enemies Horses.

Upon this Defeat as many as could, got into Antioch; therefore Labdas, who was Zenobias's General, fearing lest the Antiochians should hear of it and mutiny, pick'd out a Person somewhat hoary, much like the Emperour, and cloathing him in such a Garb as it was likely Au­relianus used to wear in time of War, led him through the whole City, as if he had taken the Emperour Captive. With which contrivance he imposed upon the Antio­chians, stole out of the City by Night and took Zenobia with the remaining part of the Army along with him to Emisa. In the mean time the Emperour minded his business, and assoon as it was Day, cal­led the Foot-Souldiers about him again, with a design to attaque the routed E­nemy on both sides, though hearing of Zenobias's escape, he enter'd Antioch, where the Citizens entertain'd him very kind­ly. [Page 49]But finding many had left the City for fear they might suffer for being of Ze­nobias's side; he set forth Edicts in all places to call 'em back and told 'em such things had happen'd more out of force and necessity, than of his own inclina­tion.

Which when the Fugitives saw, they came in whole droves, and were courte­ously receiv'd by the Emperour; who ha­ving disposed of Affairs in that City went thence to Emisa. Where when he found that a Party of the Palmyrenians had got possession of a certain Hill above the Sub­urbs of Daphne (and thought by the steepness of it to stop the Enemies pas­sage) he commanded his Soldiers to march up with their Bucklers so near to one another and in so close an order, as to keep off Darts and Stones, if any were thrown down upon 'em, by the meer con­tiguity of their Armour. And so they did. Nor were they sooner got up the Hill, according to Command, but being in all points equal to their Adversaries they put 'em to the run, [made 'em fly,] so that some of 'em were dash'd to pieces down from the precipices, others kill'd in the pursuit by those that were upon the Hill and those that were a coming up. But let the Enemy scape as they could, when [Page 50]the Day was theirs, they march'd on with great satisfaction, that the Emperor made his way with such success; whilst Apa­mea, Larissa and Arethusa entertain'd him. He therefore seeing the Palmyrenian Army drawn up before Emisa in a body of se­venty thousand men, consisting of Palmy­renes and their Allies, he opposed 'em with the Dalmatian Cavalry, the Mysians and Pannonians, beside those of Noricum and Rhaetia, which are Celtick Legions. Nay more than that, there were the best of all the Imperial Regiment, pick'd out and chosen man by man, the Morisco Horse, the Tyaneans, the Mesopotamians, the Syrians, the Phenicians, and the Palestinians out of Asia, all men of un­doubted courage: among whom the Pa­lestinians, besides their other Arms, had Clubs and Quarter-staves. Now when they fell to it, the Roman Cavalry seemed a little to give way, lest the Palmyrenes who were too many for 'em and better Horsemen should by some stratagem en­viron the Roman Army. But in truth the Palmyrene Horse pursu'd 'em so hard (though they broke their Ranks) that the event was quite contrary to what the Roman Cavalry expected. For they were pursu'd by an Enemy much too strong for them; and therefore they were most [Page 51]of 'em slain, but the fatigue of the Day lay chiefly, as it happen'd, upon the Foot. For seeing the Palmyrenes had broken their Ranks when the Horse made their pur­suit, they wheeled about and set upon 'em whilst they were scatter'd and out of order. Whereupon many were kill'd because the one side fought with usual Weapons, but those of Palestine brought Clubs and Staves against Coats of Maile made of iron and brass. And that in some sense was the chief cause of Victory; because the Enemy was amazed to see 'em fight so strangely with Clubs. The Palmyrenes therefore ran away as fast as they could, and in their flight trod one another to pieces, though they were kill'd by the Enemy also; insomuch that the Field was full of dead Men and Horses, whilst some that could get away, made into the City.

Zenobia (as you may suppose) was not a little disturb'd at this defeat of hers, and therefore consulted what was best to be done. But all her friends were of O­pinion, that she had better relinquish the thoughts of any pretensions to Emisa; because the Emisenes were disaffected to her and friends to the Romans. But they advised her to keep within Palmyra, and, when they had secur'd themselves in [Page 52]that strong City, they would deliberate about their grand Affairs at leisure. Nor was this sooner said than done, by the concurrence of the whole Assembly.

But Aurelianus, when he heard that Ze­nobia was fled away, went into Emisa, where he was frankly entertain'd by the Citizens; and having found a Treasure, which Zenobia could not carry along with her, he immediately march'd with his Army to Palmyra, which he besieged quite round; whilst the neighbouring Coun­treys supply'd his men with all kind of Provisions. In the mean time the Palmy­renes jeered the Romans, as if they thought it impossible for them to take the Town; and one Fellow in particular spoke very undecent words concerning the Emperors own Person; whereupon a certain Persian, that stood by him, said, If you please, Sir! you shall see me kill that impudent Rascal; To which the Emperor consent­ed; and soo the Persian presently plant­ing himself behind some other mens backs, that he might not be discover'd, shot at him just as he was looking over the Bat­tlements, and hit him, whilst he was yet uttering his insolent language, so that he fell down from the Wall before the Sol­diers and the Emperor.

Yet the besieged stood it out, as hoping that the Enemy would draw off for want of Provisions; and persisted in their reso­lutions, till they found themselves want Necessaries. Whereupon they called a Council, in which it was determined, that they would fly immediately to Euphra­tes and there desire aid of the Persians in order to some new action against the Ro­mans. Having so decreed they set Zeno­bia upon a She Camel (which is the swiftest of that kind of Beasts and much fleeter than Horses are) and so convey'd her out of the City.

Aurelianus was troubled at Zenobias's escape; and therefore employ'd all his in­dustry to send out Horsemen in pursuit of her. And they indeed took her, just as she was going over Euphrates, out of the Boat, and brought her to Aurelianus. At which surprizing sight though he was very much rejoyced, yet being naturally ambitious, and considering, that it would be no great honour to him in after-times to have conquer'd a Woman, he seemed a little uneasie.

In the mean while some of the Palmy­renes, that were shut up in the Town re­solved bravely to expose themselves and run the risque of being taken, in defence of their City against the Romans; as, on [Page 54]the other hand some of 'em used humble, submissive gestures from off the Walls, and begg'd pardon for what was past. Which seeing the Emperour accepted and bad 'em be of good chear, they came pouring out of the Town, with Presents and Sacrifices in their hands. Whereup­on Aurelianus having pay'd all due re­spect to their Holy Things, receiv'd their gifts and sent them away uninjur'd.

But when he was once made Master of this Town, with all the Stores, Mo­ney and Donaries in it, he went back to Emisa, where he called Zenobia and her Accomplices to account by way of pub­lick Judicature. Zenobia therefore com­ing into the Court pleaded much in ex­cuse of her self and produced many Per­sons, who seduced her as being a simple Woman; and among the rest, Longinus, (whose Writings are very beneficial to all Lovers of Learning) upon whom (being found guilty of the Crimes objected a­gainst him) the Emperour immediately pass'd the sentence of Death; which he bore with so much courage, that he spoke comfortable words even to his friends who were so much concern'd for his mis­fortunes. But besides Longinus there were others also that suffer'd upon Zenobias's accusation.

Now it were worth while to tell you what happen'd before the sacking of Pal­myra; though I pretend onely to write a transient History as I told you in my Preface. For whereas Polybius gives us an account, how the Romans acquired a vast Empire in a short time, I, on the contrary, am to shew how by their own ill ma­nagement they in as short a time lost it. But of that when I come to that part of the History; [I am now speaking of] the Palmyrenes: who having gain'd a great share of the Roman Empire (as I told you) had several Declarations from the Gods, which did portend that overthrow of theirs, which afterward fell out. As for example. At Seleucia in Cilicia there was a Temple of Apollo (called there Sar­pedonius) and in that Temple, an Oracle. (But as to what is reported of that God (That he used to give all those, who were infested with swarms of Locusts, a cer­tain kind of Birds, called Seleuciades, that used to be about his Temple, and would send 'em along with all People who desired it; and that the Birds would fly among the Locusts, take 'em in their mouths and kill an infinite number of them in a moment, so as to free People from the trouble of 'em) I ascribe to the happiness of that Age; since our genera­tion [Page 56]has rejected such kindness from Hea­ven.) Now the Palmyrenes having con­sulted this Oracle, to know, if they should ever get the Empire of the East, the An­swer was this;

And when certain persons enquired there also about the success of Aurelianus's ex­pedition against the Palmyrenes, the God told them;

Besides which, there goes likewise ano­ther story of the Palmyrenes, and that's this: There is a place between Heliopo­lis and Biblis called Aphaca, where there is a Temple dedicated to Venus Aphaci­tis, and near unto it a Pond much like an artificial Cistern, and where likewise there is often seen, about the Temple and in places adjacent, a fire in the Air, resembling a Lamp or of a round Fi­gure, which has appeared even in our [Page 57]time, as often as people met there on such and such days. Which whosoever did, brought to the Pond some Present or o­ther for the Goddess, whether of Gold, Silver, Linnen, Silk, or any other rich thing. By whom if it were accepted, the Cloth, like things of far greater weight, sunk to the bottom; but if they were rejected, you might see 'em float upon the top of the Water; not onely Cloth and such like, but even that which was made of Silver and Gold or other mate­rials which are not apt to swim but sink. For an experiment of which Miracle the Palmyrenes, in the year before their over­throw, met together upon an Holy-day, and threw into the Pond several Presents of Gold, Silver and Cloth, in honour of the Goddess, which, all of 'em sunk to the bottom, but the next year upon the same Festival, were seen to float a top of the Water, by which the Goddess foretold what should afterward come to pass.

Now in this manner was the kindness of Heaven shewn to the Romans, as long as they kept up their holy Rites. But I come to speak of those times, in which the Roman Empire degenerated to a kind of Barbarity, and fell to decay; I will shew the reasons of such misfortunes, [Page 58]and set forth those Oracles, whereby such things were predicted.

In the mean time I ought to return thither from whence I digress'd: lest I should seem to leave the order of the History imperfect. Aurelianus therefore marching toward Europe, and carrying Zenobia, her Son, and all the rest, who were Confederates in the Rebellion a­long with him, they say Zenobia died ei­ther of a Disease or for want of eating; but that all the rest were drown'd in the Streight between Byzantium and Chal­cedon.

Nevertheless Aurelianus continu'd his Journey into Europe; when, by the way, a Messenger came and told him, there were a parcel of men whom he had left in Palmyra, that, having won Apsaeus (the great Author of all that was past) were tampering with Marcellinus (whom the Emperor had made Prefect of Mesopota­mia, and Governour of the East) to take upon him the Imperial Robe. But he, under pretence of taking time to delibe­rate, put 'em off so long, that they im­portun'd him again several times. Where­fore he was fain to frame ambiguous an­swers to their Demands, till he had gi­ven Aurelianus notice what he design'd [Page 59]to do. But the Palmyrenes [in the mean time] having cloathed Antiochus in a purple garment, kept at Palmyra.

When Aurelianus heard that, he went in­to the East, just as he was, [without any other preparations] and coming to An­tioch surpriz'd all the People, who were then at an Horse-match, and mightily a­stonish'd to see him; but from thence he went on to Palmyra. Which Town he took and razed without fighting for it; but not thinking that Antiochus was worth the punishing upon the account of his mean condition, he dismiss'd him. After which action of his, he quickly reduced the Alexandrians, who were inclinable to a Rebellion, as being already in a tumult. For which he rode in Triumph into Rome, where he was most magnificently re­ceiv'd by the Senate and People. At this time also he built that sumptuous Temple of the Sun, which he adorn'd with all those holy spoils, that he brought from Pal­myra; setting up in it the Statues of the Sun and Belus. Which having done, he easily subdu'd Tetricus, with his rebelli­ous Complices, whom he brought to con­dign punishment. He likewise called in all the counterfeit money and gave out new, to avoid confusion in Trade. Be­sides which he also bestow'd a Dole of [Page 60]Bread, as a mark of his favour, upon the people: and having setled all Affairs be­gan his Journey from Rome.

But whilst he staid at Perinthus (now call'd Heraclea) there was a Plot laid a­gainst him, which was thus: There was a certain Person in the Court call'd Eros, whose place it was to carry forth the Em­perors Answers. This man the Emperor had threaten'd for some fault or other and put him in a fright; upon which ac­count he dreading, lest the Emperour should make good his menaces by his actions, goes to certain of the Guard, whom he knew to be the boldest Fel­lows in all the Court, tells 'em a plau­sible Story, and shews 'em a Letter of his own Writing, just like the Emperours, (which he had learn'd to counterfeit long before) and persuading them first, that they themselves were to be mur­ther'd (for that was the plain meaning and scope of the Letter) he endeavour'd to induce them to kill the Emperour. They therefore observing Aurelianus to go out of the City without any great Atten­dance ran in upon him with their naked Swords and murther'd him. But he was buried there upon the place very magni­ficently by the Army in token of the great Services that he had done, and dangers [Page 61]that he had undergone for the good of the Publick.

After him Tacitus got the Empire, in whose time the Scythians came over the Fenn of Meotis and made their incursions through Pontus even into Cilicia, till Ta­citus set upon 'em; who partly in his own Person, and partly by Florianus, Pre­fect of the Court whom he left in Com­mission for that end, kill'd and quite routed 'em all; but went himself into Eu­rope, where he was circumvented and kill'd after this manner. He had com­mitted the Government of Syria to his Cousin, Maximinus, who treated the No­bility of the Countrey so roughly, that he made 'em envy and fear him both to­gether. And that begot such an hatred in them, that they at last conspiring with them who had murther'd Aurelianus, as­saulted Maximinus, and having kill'd him, slew Tacitus also as he was just decamp­ing.

Now therefore all things revolv'd into a civil Disturbance, whilst those of the East chose Probus, Emperor, and those at Rome, Florianus. Of whom the former was Governour of all Syria, Phaenicia, Pa­lestine and Egypt; but the latter had all the Countreys from Cilicia to Italy: be­sides that to him likewise all the Nati­ons [Page 62]beyond the Alpes, the Gauls, Spani­ards, Britains, and Africans in general, did homage.

Wherefore when they were both now ready for a War, Florianus came to Tar­sus and resolv'd to pitch his Camp there, leaving his Victory against the Scythians at the Bosphorus unfinish'd, whereby he gave them an opportunity to recover themselves and return to their own homes, though he had block'd 'em up. But Pro­bus protracted the time, because he came with less preparation for a War; by which means it came to pass, that the Weather (in Summer-time) being extream hot. Florianus's Soldiers, who were most of 'em Europaeans, and consequently not used to such excessive heat, died of a pestilent Distemper. Which when Probus under­stood, he thought it best to attaque the Enemy in time. Whereupon Florianus's men attempting somewhat beyond their strength, made certain light Skirmishes before the City, but seeing there was no­thing done worth the speaking of, the Armies being divided, some of Probus's Soldiers came and deposed Florianus. Which when they had done, he was kept in custody for a time, till his own men said, that was not done by Probus's order; and so Florianus put on the Purple [Page 63]Robe again till they came back who were sent to know the truth of Probus's reso­lution in the matter; who upon their re­turn caused Florianus to be slain by his own Soldiers.

When Probus had thus gotten the Em­pire he marched forward and did indeed a very commendable act for the publick good, as a prelude to what he afterward would do. For he resolv'd to punish those that had murther'd Aurelianus and plot­ted against Tacitus; though he did not put his design openly in execution for fear of an insurrection, but planted a Com­pany of men, that he had confidence in, at a convenient Post near which he invi­ted the Murtherers to a Feast. VVho when they came thither in expectation to be treated at the Emperors Table, Probus went up into a kind of Gallery [or Balcony] from whence he might see the action, [...] and gave his men the signal when they should do the feat. Which they no sooner receiv'd but they fell up­on the Murtherers naked as they were, and kill'd 'em all but one, whom he af­terward burnt alive, as being a very dan­gerous Fellow.

Whilst Probus did these things, Satur­ninus, a Moor, who was the Emperours most familiar friend, and, for that rea­son, [Page 64]had the Government of Syria com­mitted to him, revolted from his Allegi­ance to the Emperor, and turn'd Rebel. Which when Probus heard, he resolved to obviate his designs, but that the Ea­stern Soldiers prevented him by destroy­ing Saturninus with all his treacherous machinations.

He likewise suppressed another insur­rection in Britain by [the assistance of] Victorinus. a Moor, who had persuaded him to make that Rebel Governour of Britain. For having sent for Victorinus to him, and reproved him for his ad­vice, he sent him to correct the miscar­riage; who going forthwith into Britain took off the Traytor by a wile.

Probus therefore having managed things, according as I have related, obtain'd seve­ral Victories against the Barbarians also, in two several Wars; the one of which he himself was present in, but left the other to the conduct of his Lieutenant. But because he saw it necessary to assist the Cities of Germany that lay upon the Rhine and were infested by the Barbari­ans, he march'd with his Army toward the Rhine. Where when the War began, there was a grievous famine in all the Countrey thereabouts; but a mighty shower fell at the same time of Rain and [Page 65]Corn together, insomuch that in some places there were great heaps of it made by its own descent. At which strange sight, all People were so much astonish'd, that at first they durst not touch the Corn to satisfie their hunger; but being at last forc'd to it by necessity, which is above all fear, they made Bread of it, which they ate; and thereby not onely satisfied their hunger, but got the Victory also with a great deal of ease, through the Em­perors good success. He also put an end to many other Wars with little or no trouble; and fought sharp Battels, first against the Logiones, a German Nation, whom he conquer'd, and took Semno their General with his Son Prisoners, but par­don'd 'em upon submission; though he took all their Captives and their plunder from 'em, and so upon certain Terms dis­missed not only common persons, but even Semno and his Son.

Another Battel that he fought was a­gainst the Franks, whom when he had bravely subdu'd by the good management of his Officers, He made War upon the Burgundi, and the Vandili. But seeing his Forces were too weak, he contriv'd how to single out and engage with some part onely of the Enemies forces. And indeed Fortune favour'd his design; for [Page 66]the Armies lying on both sides of the River, the Romans challeng'd the Barba­rians that were on the further side, to fight. At which they were so incensed, that as many as could, got over; where they joyn'd Battel, and fought, till the Barbarians were partly slain, and partly taken alive by the Romans: except some few that were left who desired Peace up­on condition to give up their Captives and their plunder; which they obtain'd. But because they did not restore all they had, the Emperor was therefore so angry, that he in justice fell upon 'em as they march'd away, and, killing many of them, took their General Igillus Prisoner. But as many of 'em as he took alive, he sent into Britain; where they inhabited the Island and were afterward very useful to the Emperor upon any Insurrection.

When he had in this manner perfected these Wars upon the Rhine, the Isaurians did something about that time which we ought not to omit. For there was one Lydius, an Isaurian, and a continual Rob­ber from his Youth, who with a gang of Rogues like himself had pillaged all Pamphilia and Lycia. Now when the Soldiers came to take these Thieves, this same Lydius (because he could not op­pose the whole Roman Army) went to a [Page 67]place called Crymna, in Lycia, which stands upon a Precipice and is fortified on the one side with mighty deep Ditches. Where finding a great many that fled thi­ther for refuge, and observing the Romans to be very intent upon the Siege, in that they bore the fatigue of it very stoutly; he for that reason pull'd down the Houses, and making the ground fit for Tillage sow'd Corn in order to maintain those that were in the Town.

But seeing the number was so great that they wanted much more provisions, he turn'd all those out of the Town who were of no use, both male and female. But the Enemy perceiving his design for­ced 'em back again: whereupon Lydius took and threw 'em headlong into the Trenches that were about the Walls, where they died. Which having done he made a wonderful Mine from the Town outward beyond the Enemies Camp, through which he sent certain persons out of the Town, to steal Cattel and other forage. By which means he provided for the besieged a good while, till a Woman discover'd the matter to the Enemies. But for all that Lydius did not despond; only he retrench'd his men by degrees in their Wine and gave 'em a something less al­lowance of Corn. Yet this way would [Page 68]not do neither, but he was driven to such necessity, that he kill'd all who were in the Town, except some friends of his that were enough (as he thought) to defend it; and those he spared, as likewise some Women whom he order'd to be in com­mon among 'em all for the necessary use of Nature.

But when he had resolv'd to stand it out against all dangers, there happen'd at last this accident: There was a Man with him in the Town that knew how to make Engines and to use 'em also very dexterously in slinging of Darts so exact­ly, that when Lydius had bid him shoot at any one of the Enemies he would ne­ver miss his mark. Now it happen'd, that Lydius had bid him hit such a Per­son, whom he miss'd (either by chance or on purpose) for which he strip'd and whip'd him most severely, and threaten'd him with death besides. The man there­fore was so enraged upon the account of the blows which he receiv'd, and so af­frighted at the menaces, that he took an oc­casion to steal out of the Town: and falling into the company of certain Soldiers to whom he told whatever he had done or suffer'd, he shew'd 'em a Window in the Wall, through which Lydius used to spy all that was done in their Camp, and pro­mised [Page 69]them to shoot him as he, after his usual manner, was looking through it. Thereupon the Captain or chief Officer in that Expedition receiv'd the man into his favour; who when he had planted his Engine, and placed some men before him that he might not be discover'd by the Enemy, took aim at Lydius as he look'd through the hole [in the Wall] and with a Dart shot and gave him his mortal Wound. Which he no sooner receiv'd, but he was very severe upon some of his own men; whom when he had obli­ged upon Oath never to surrender the Town, he with much struggling ex­pir'd.

But seeing that Ptolemais, which is in Thebais, was revolted from the Emperor, and had undertaken a War, though not likely long to endure; Probus forced both that and its Allies the Blemmyae to a Sur­render, by the good conduct of his then present Officers. He likewise left the Basternae, a Scythian people, that submit­ted to him, in Thrace, where he gave them room to inhabit: upon which account they constantly observ'd the Roman Laws and Customs.

Another time when the Franks came to the Emperor and had a Countrey given 'em, some part of 'em afterward revolt­ed, [Page 70]and having gotten a great number of Ships disturbed all Greece. From whence they went into Sicily, to Syracuse, which they attaqu'd and kill'd a great many men in it. At length they arrived in Africa, where though they were not entertein'd, but repelled by a body of men out of Car­thage, yet they return'd home without any hurt or damage.

But then there was this one thing more that happen'd in Probus's Reign: There were eighty Gladiators who conspir'd toge­ther, and having kill'd their keepers, ran out into the City, and plunder'd all be­fore 'em; not but that there were many other men too (as it is usual in such ca­ses) mix'd among 'em. But the Emperor sent a party, and suppress'd 'em. Now when Probus, who was a brave, and a just Prince, had done thus,.— The end of this Book is wanting, but is sup­plied hereafter.

A New HISTORY Written by Count ZOSIMƲS, Sometime Advocate of the Treasury. The Second Book.

*⁎*⁂ Because the longest time that any man lives is onely equal to the in­termediate space between these Games. For the Romans call that [Seculum] which we call [ [...]] [aevum] an Age, or the space of one hundred years. And it is good to cure the Plague, Consumption, or several other Diseases; of whose Origi­nal take this account. — Valesus Valesius, from the family of the Valeriani came, was a great man among the Sabines, and be­fore his house there was a Grove of wast tall Trees, which were burnt with Light­ning and gave him occasion to question what might be the portent of such an accident. Wherefore his Children falling sick he consulted not onely the Doctors but the Southsayers also; who told him, that by the manner of the fires falling, [Page 73]the Gods were angry; which made Valesi­us wisely use that assistance in sacrificing to appease the Gods. And being in a fright, both he and his Wife, who ex­pected every minute when their Chil­dren would die, he fell prostrate before Vesta, and promised to offer up two en­tire Souls instead of their Children, which was, his own and that of their Mo­ther. But turning to the Grove that was Thunder-burnt, he seemed to hear a Voice, that bid him carry the Children to Ta­rentum, and there warm some Tiber Wa­ter over the fire of Dis and Proserpine, and give it the Children to drink. Which when he had heard quite out he then de­spaired the more of his Childrens recove­ry. For Tarentum was a great way off, and besides there was no Tiber Water to be had at it: and then it made him think the worse of it, that he heard the Voice say the Water must be warm'd upon the Altar of Infernal Deities, or Demons. At which the very Southsayers also them­selves were startled; but however when he heard it the second time, he resolv'd to obey the Gods command. And put­ting his Children in a small River Vessel, he carry'd the fire along with him. Now the Children were almost ready to faint by reason of the heat, whilst he made [Page 74]sail to that part of the River, where the stream is most calm; and lodging at a Shepherds Cottage, together with his Children, he heard a Voice say, he must stay at Tarentum (for so the place was called, and had the same name with Ta­rentum which is near the Japygian Pro­montory, or Capo di St. Maria.) Where­upon Valesius when he had pay'd due A­doration to the Gods for that good for­tune, he bad the Pilot put to shore, and landing told the Shepherds all the whole Story. And presently after having drawn some Water out of Tiber and warm'd it upon an Altar of his own making, he gave it his Children to drink: who as soon as they had swallow'd it fell a­sleep and were perfectly cur'd. But they fancy'd in that sleep that they saw some­thing, which bad 'em offer black Victims to Dis and Proserpine, and spend three Nights in singing and dancing: which Dream they told to their Father, and that it was an huge man, of a Godlike pre­sence; that bad 'em do it in the Campus Martius, where the Horse-Races use to be. But Valesius having a mind to build an Altar in that place, he set the Stone­cutters to dig, who found an Altar rea­dy made, upon which there was this in­scription, To Dis and Proserpine. By which [Page 75]he was more plainly instructed what to do, sacrificed the black Victims upon that Altar, and kept the Vigils in that place.

Now this same Altar and the manner of Sacrificing upon it was occasion'd thus: The Romans and the Albanes were at War, and, being both Arm'd, there ap­peared a monstrous Shape, clothed in a black skin, and crying out, That Dis and Proserpine commanded them to sacrifice to their Deities before they engaged: and when it had so said, it disappeared. Whereupon the Romans, who were af­frighted at the sight, made an Altar un­der ground, and when they had sacri­ficed upon it, they buried it twenty feet deep, so that it might not be discover'd by any but Romans. Now Valesius ha­ving found it, he according to order both sacrificed upon it, and kept the Vigils; from whence he was called Manius Vale­rius Tarentinus. For the Romans call [the Infernal Gods,] Manes] and [to be in good health] is [Valere]; and then he was called [Tarentinus] from [Taren­tum,] where he sacrificed. But some time after when a Plague happen'd in the City, which was the year after their Kings were expell'd, Pub. Valer. Poplicola sacrificed a black Ox and a black Heifer to Dis [Page 76]and Proserpine whereby he freed the City from the Disease, and wrote upon the Al­tar this Inscription; — I Publius Valerius Poplicola have dedicated Fire to Dis and Proserpine in the Campus Martius, and have also made Shews in honour of them to preserve the people of Rome.

But after this when Diseases and Wars lay heavy upon them, which happen'd in the year 352, since the City was built, the Senate had a mind to rid themselves of those Calamities out of the Sibylls O­racles, and therefore commanded them whose business it was, to consult those O­racles. Who having so done, they told the Senate, that if they sacrificed to Dis and Proserpine, it would put an end to all their miseries. They therefore got a convenient place, which they devoted to Dis and Proserpine according as they were commanded, when Marcus Potitus was in his fourth Consulship. And when the Ceremony was over, they, being deliver'd from their grievances, laid up the Altar again in some extream part of the Cam­pus Martius. And after that this kind of Sacrificing was for some years neglect­ed, till some misfortunes befell them, and then Octavianus Augustus renew'd the Games, which had been celebrated before, when Lucius Censorinus, and Marcus Manlius Pu­elius [Page 77]were Consuls, but were kept at that time under the Consulate of Lucius Cen­sorinus and Caius Sabinus, when Ateius Capito had explain'd the Laws concerning them, and the fifteen Men, that had the keeping of the Sibylls Books, had found out the time when the Sacrifice was to be perform'd and the Shews made. When Augustus was dead, Claudius celebrated those Games, without any regard to the due time. But after him, Domitian, who did not mind what Claudius had done, computed the years from the time that Augustus kept that Festival, and seemed to observe the original Institution. And after them Severus, in the 110th year, restored those very Games, he and his two Sons, Antoninus and Geta, when Chi­lo and Libo were Consuls. Now the man­ner of these Games is said to be this: — The Beadles went about at that time and invited all the People to such a Sight as they never had seen, nor ever were like to see any more. And in the Summer­time, a little before the Games began, the fifteen Men sate in the Capitol, in the Temple Palatine upon a Tribunal, from whence they distributed a kind of puri­fying preparations to the People (called Lustralia) which were Torches, Brimstone, and Pitch: of which none participate but [Page 78]Freemen onely. And when the People come together in the places aforesaid and in the Temple of Diana, which is upon the Aventine Hill, each one brings Wheat Barly and Beans, and keep Vigils in the Night to the fatal Sisters. But when the time of the Festival is come, which they celebrate three days and three nights to­gether in the Campus Martius, the Vi­ctims are consecrated near the bank of Ti­ber at Tarentum. And there they sacri­fice to several Deities; as Jupiter, Juno, Apollo, Latona, Diana; and, besides them to the Parcae, Lucinae, Ceres, Dis and Pro­serpine, which is perform'd in this Order. The first night that these Shews are made, about two of the Clock, the Emperour, with the fifteen Men, sacrificeth three Lambs upon three Altars that are provi­ded on purpose by the Rivers side, where having sprinkled the Altars with blood he offers up the Victims whole. Then, when they have prepared a Scene without a Theatre, they set up a great many lights and make an huge fire, by which they sing some new Hymn, to make the Games the more solemn. And those that per­form'd these things have the first fruits of their Wheat, Barly and Beans for their labour. For those, I told you, are di­stributed among the people. The next [Page 79]day they go up into the Capitol, where they offer the usual Sacrifices, and thence coming to the place appointed for it, they celebrate Games in honour of A­pollo and Diana. The day after that, the great Ladies come into the Capitol at the hour which the Oracle has prefix'd, where they behave themselves with all due reverence: and at the third hour in the Temple of Apollo near the Palace, twenty seven fine Boys with as many Girles, whose Parents are all alive, sing Hymns and speak in Greek and Latin, whereby the Roman Dominions are pre­serv'd. But besides these there were o­ther things done according to the di­vine prescript; which as long as they were kept up, secur'd the Roman Empire. And to confirm you that it was really as I say, I will add the Sibylls Oracle, which others have mention'd before my time; and it runs thus:

Now that the Empire was secure and likely to continue Lords of almost all the known World, whilst these things were duly perform'd, according to what the Oracle directs and the thing it self re­quires: and on the other side, that when these Ceremonies were neglected, about the time that Dioclesian laid down his Imperial State, it fell to decay and insensi­bly degenerated most part into Barba­rism, experience it self assures us. And that I say nothing but what is true I'll prove from Chronology. For from the Consulate of Chilo and Libo, wherein Se­verus celebrated the Secular Games, or Ceremonies, it was an hundred and one years till Dioclesian was the ninth time, and Maximianus the eighth time Consul. And then Dioclesian from an Emperor turn'd a [Page 82]private person, and Maximianus follow'd his Example. But when Constantinus and Licinnius were in their third Consulship, the 110 years were compleated, and they ought to have kept the Festival ac­cording to custom; but it was neglect­ed, and so things consequently ran to that unhappy condition wherein they now are.

But Dioclesian died in three years after, and the Emperors that were at that time, that is to say, Constantinus and Maximia­nus Gallerius declared Severus and Maxi­minus (who was Gallerius's Sisters Son) to be the rightful Cesars, giving all Italy to Severus and the Eastern Provinces to Maximinus. But when things were all setled, and the Barbarians at quiet since the Romans had been so successful against 'em, Constantinus, who was begotten by Constantius of a Concubine, and had for­merly an ambition to be Emperor, but was enflamed the more with that desire, since Severus and Maximinus had gotten the name and honour of Cesars, was now resolv'd to leave the place where he dwelt, and go to his Father Constantius, who was beyond the Alps, most commonly in England. But fearing, lest he might be taken by the way (for a great many knew very well, how much he was in love with [Page 83]Dominion) he maimed all the Horses that were kept for publick Service, as fast as he came to any Stable where they were, and took the next for his own use. And so he did continually; by which means he stopp'd those that pursu'd him from going farther, whilst he himself went on toward the Country where his Father was.

But it happen'd that the Emperor Con­stantius died just at that time, and there­fore the Guards, who thought none of his legitimate Children fit for the Imperial Dignity, as soon as they considered that Constantinus was a person capable of it, con­ferred the honour upon him, in hopes of great Presents by way of remuneration. But when his Image was shewn at Rome as the custom is, Maxentius, the Son of Maximianus Herculius could not endure to see, that Constantinus should succeed so well, who was born of an Harlot, where­as he himself who was Son of such an Em­peror, lay at home and idle, whilst others enjoy'd his Fathers Empire, wherefore he made Marcellianus and Marcellus, two Tri­bunes of the Soldiers, and Lucianus (who distributed the Swines flesh, which the Treasury provided for the people of Rome) and the Court-Guards, called the Praeto­riani, his Accomplices in the Attempt, and by them was promoted into the Im­perial [Page 84]Throne, having promised to reward all those that assisted him in it, very libe­rally. Now the first thing, that they did in order to it, was the killing of Abellius, because he being Prefect of the City, seem­ed to resist their Enterprise.

When Maximianus Gallerius heard this, he sent Severus Cesar with an Army to fight Maxentius.. But whilst he came from Millain with several Legions of Moors, Maxentius corrupted most of his Soldiers with Money, even to the Prefect of the Court, called Anullinus, and thereby con­quer'd him with great facility. Upon which Severus fled to Ravenna, which is a very strong and populous City, furnish'd with provisions enough for him and his Soldiers. When Maximianus Herculius knew that, he was mightily concern'd for his Son Maxentius, no question, and there­fore leaving Lucania,, where he then was, he went for Ravenna. And seeing Severus could by no means be forced out of the City, because it was well fortified and stored with all necessary provisions, he cheated him with false Oaths and per­suaded him to go to Rome. But as he was agoing, and came to a place, called the Three Taverns, he was taken by a Trick of Maxentius's contriving and hang'd. But Maximianus Gallerius could not well bear [Page 85]those injuries done to Severus, and so re­solv'd to come out of the East to Rome, and punish Maxentius according to his de­merits. But when he was come into Italy, he found the Soldiers about him so false, that he went back into the East without fighting so much as one Battel.

At that time Maximianus Herculius, who could not endure the tumults which disturb'd the publick peace, came to Dio­clesian, who lived then at Carnutum, a Town in Gallia Celtica; and endeavour'd to persuade him, that he would resume the Empire, and not suffer that Govern­ment, which they had preserv'd so long with so much difficulty, to be exposed to the madness and folly of those who had possess'd themselves of it, and made it shake already. But Dioclesian did not hearken to him; for he preferr'd his quiet before all business in the World (and per­haps he foresaw the trouble that would ensue, being a man much conversant in religious matters) and therefore Hercu­lius seeing he could do no good upon him, came as far as Ravenna and so back to the Alps, to meet Constantinus who lay thereabout. And being naturally a busie, faithless man, he promised Constantinus his Daughter Fausta (which he perform'd) but withal persuaded him to pursue Maxi­mianus [Page 86]Gallerius who was going out of Italy, and lay wait for Maxentius. To all which Constantinus consented, and then he left him, with a Design if possible to recover the Empire, because he hoped to set his Son-in-law Constantinus and his Son Maxentius together by the Ears.

But whilst he attempted these things, Maximianus Gallerius, made Licinnius, his old acquaintance and friend, Emperor, by whose assistance he design'd to cope with Maxentius. But whilst Gallerius was consulting about these things, he died of an incurable Wound, and then Licinnius also claim'd the sole Dominion. But Ma­ximianus Herculius, as I told you, endea­vour'd to recover the Empire by aliena­ting the Soldiers affections from Maxen­tius. In order whereunto he wheedled 'em with gifts and pitiful addresses, and having brought 'em over to him, he would have laid a Plot against Constantinus, in which his Soldiers should have conspir'd. But Fausta discover'd it to Constantinus; and so Herculius, who was now at his Wits end through so many disappoint­ments, died of a Distemper at Tarsus.

Maxentius having escaped this Danger, and being now of Opinion that he had setled the Empire well enough, he sent certain Persons into Africa, to Carthage [Page 87]in particular, to carry his Image about that Country. But the Soldiers that were there, forbad it, out of their love to Gal­lerius Maximianus, and their honour to his memory, till they heard that Maxen­tius was coming to make War against 'em upon the score of that insurrection, and then they went to Alexandria: but meeting with a great Army which they were not able to deal with, they return'd to Carthage. Hereupon Maxentius being disturb'd, resolv'd to sail for Africa, and punish those that occasion'd such commo­tions. But when the Soothsayers had sa­crificed and told him ill signs, he was af­fraid to go, not onely because the en­trails appear'd in that manner, but also lest Alexander, who was the Prefect of the Court in Africa, should be his Enemy; and therefore to secure his passage thi­ther from all suspicion, he sent to Alex­ander to desire him, that he would send him his Son for an Hostage. For Alex­ander had a Son of a good bigness, and very personable. But he suspecting that Maxentius did not desire his Son, to make an Hostage of him, but to deceive him, he deny'd his request. But after that, when Maxentius sent other Agents to him to take him off by Stratagems and Wiles, the Plot was discover'd; and then the [Page 88]Soldiers having gotten a good opportuni­ty to rebel, conferr'd the Purple Robe upon Alexander, though he were not one­ly a Phrygian born, but a fearful, coward­ly man, and one that was unfit for any difficult undertaking, besides his being Old.

At that time there happen'd a fire at Rome (whether it came out of the Air, or the Earth, is uncertain) which caught in the Temple of Fortune; and whilst the People ran together to put it out, a cer­tain Soldier that was there speaking bla­sphemy against the Goddess, the Com­monalty kill'd him out of their zeal: which caus'd a mutiny among the Sol­diers, who were like to have destroy'd the whole City, had not Maxentius soon appeased their fury.

After these things Maxentius sought all occasions to wage a War with Constanti­nus; and pretending grief for his Fathers death, which Constantinus was the cause of, he design'd to go toward Rhetia, which is near both to Gallia and Illyricum too. For he dream'd that he should sub­due Dalmatia and Illyricum by the assist­ance of the Generals in those parts, and with the help of Licinnius's Army. But though he had these Affairs in his thoughts, yet he conceiv'd it was better for him [Page 89]to settle matters in Africa first. Whereupon having raised an Army of men, and made Rufius Volusianus, Prefect of the Court, their General, he sent 'em into Africa; but sent Zena also, along with Rufius, who was a Person not onely well skill'd in Mi­litary Affairs, but also cry'd up for an extraordinary affable, courteous man. And upon the first Onset Alexanders men gave way toward another body of Soldiers, to whom they and Alexander at last ran a­way together: nor did that other Party go off unconquer'd by the Enemy, or he himself either, for he was taken and stran­gled.

The War being thus ended, there was room enough for Sycophants or Informers to impeach (I had almost said) all the men of Africa, who were either of good Families or Estates, as friends of Alexan­der: nor were they any of 'em spared, but some of them were put to death, and others lost all they had. And after that he triumph'd at Rome for the mischief which was done at Carthage.— Now this was the state of Maxentius's Affairs, who did what I have told you, behaving himself like a Lecher and a Tyrant to all the Inhabitants of Italy and even Rome it self.

In the mean time Constantinus who had suspected him long before, was then much more inclined to fight him; therefore when he had raised an Army out of the Barbarians, Germans and Celtae whom he had conquer'd, and gotten some out of England too, to the number of 90000 foot and 8000 Horse in all, he march'd from the Alps into Italy, and those Towns that surrender'd, he pass'd without doing 'em any damage, but those that stood out he took by storm. But whilst he pro­ceeded thus, Maxentius had muster'd up a far stronger Army; for he had eighty thousand Romans and Italians, all the Tu­scanes upon the Sea-coast, and forty thou­sand men from Carthage, besides what the Sicilians sent him; insomuch that his whole Army consisted of 170000 foot and 18000 Horse.

When they were both so provided, Ma­xentius made a Bridg over the Tiber, which was not all of a piece from one side to the other but divided into two parts, so that in the middle of the River, that which fill'd up the middle of the Bridg was made to fasten with iron But­tons, as it were, which might be drawn back as oft as a man had a mind to dis­joyn it. And he gave the Workmen Or­der, that as soon as ever they saw Con­stantine's [Page 91]Army upon the juncture of the Bridg, that they should draw back the Buttons and dissolve the Bridg, so that the Enemy who stood upon it might fall into the River. And this Maxentius de­vised.

But Constantinus marching on with his Army to Rome he pitch'd his Camp in a field before the City, that is broad and therefore convenient for Horsemen. Whilst in the mean time Maxentius shut himself up within the Walls and sacrificed to the Gods, besides that he consulted the Sooth­sayers and the Sibylline Oracles too a­bout the event of the War. And finding a Prediction, that said, Whoever Design'd any harm to the Romans, should die a mise­table Death, he took it upon himself, be­cause he kept out those that came against Rome, and would have fain taken it. And indeed it prov'd true. For when Maxen­tius brought forth his Army before Rome, and was going over the Bridg that him­self had made, an infinite number of Owls flew down and cover'd the Wall. Which when Constantinus saw, he bad his men stand to their Arms. And as the two Armies stood one against the other, Con­stantine sent in his Horse upon that of the Enemy: who made such a brisk attaque that they routed 'em. And when the [Page 92]sign was given to the Foot, they likewise march'd in good order toward the Ene­my. And having engaged in a smart Bat­tel; the Romans themselves and their Al­lies out of Italy were very loth to ha­zard themselves, because they wish'd to be deliver'd from that bitter Tyranny which they were then under: though the other Soldiers were slain in great num­bers, being either trod to pieces by the Horse, or kill'd by the Foot. For, though as long as the Horse stood their ground, Maxentius had some hopes, yet when they gave way, he ran along with the rest over a Bridg into the City. But the Rafters being not strong enough to bear so great a weight, they broke, so that Maxentius and all the others were carry'd by the stream down the River.

When the news of this Victory came in­to the City, no man durst shew any joy for what was done, because some thought the report was false. But when Maxentius's head was brought in upon a Spear, they turn'd their fear and dejection into all joy and pleasure. And upon this occasion Constantinus punish'd but very few and they were some of Maxentius's best Friends; but he took off all the Praetorian Soldiers and demolish'd the Forts where they used to keep. At last when he had [Page 93]setled all things in the City, he went to­ward Gallia Celtica. But by the way he sent for Licinnius to Millain and gave him his Sister Constantia in marriage, whom he had promised him formerly, when he had a mind to make him joyn with him against Maxentius; And when that Solem­nity was over, Constantine march'd on to­ward the Celtae. Nor was it long before the Civil Wars broke out between Licin­nius and Maximianus, who had a sharp en­gagement in Illyricum, wherein at first Licinnius seemed to have the worst of it; but presently afterward he rallied again, and put Maximianus to the run: Who travelling through the East into Egypt, in hopes to get men enough to renew the War, he died at Tarsus.

The Empire being thus devolv'd upon Constantine and Licinnius, they two in a little time fell out: not that Licinnius gave any occasion for it, but Constantine, as he used to do, shew'd himself unfaith­ful in what he had agreed to, by his en­deavour to alienate some Nations that be­long'd to Licinnius's Dominions. And by that means they broke out into an open quarrel, and both prepared their Armies for a fight. Licinnius made his Rendez­vouz at Cibalis, which is a City of Panno­nia, lying upon an Hill: to which the [Page 94]way is steep and narrow, and five furlongs in breadth. In which Road or Avenue there is a deep Fenn that lies very near the greatest part of it; and the rest of it is mountainous, wherein there is an hil­lock, upon which the City stands. But from thence there is a spacious Plain, which entertains the Eye with an infinite Prospect. Now upon this did Licinnius encamp, and spread the body of his Army all along under the Hill, lest he should seem too weak for the Enemy, in the Wings. And Constantine in the mean time drew up his men near the Mountain, placing the Horse in the Front. For he thought that the best way, lest the Ene­my should fall upon the Foot, who mo­ved but slowly, and hinder their march­ing forward.—When he had so done, he presently made the attaque, gave the sig­nal and went against the Enemies. And so the fight began, which was the fiercest (I had almost said) that ever was. For when each side had shot their Darts, they fought a long time with Spears and Ja­velins; and after they had fought from Morning to Night, the right Wing, which Constantine commanded, had the better on't. And thereupon the Enemy being put to flight, Licinnius's men, when they saw him mounted, and ready to run a­way, [Page 95]durst not stay to eat their Suppers; but left their Cattel and all their other provisions behind: onely they took as much Victuals as would satisfie their hun­ger for one Night, and so march'd along with Licinnius in all haste to Sirmium; which is a City of Pannonia, by which there runs a River on both sides of it, and discharges it self into the Ister. And as he passed this Town, he broke down the Bridg over the River, and so march'd on, with an intention to raise men in Thrace.

When Constantinus had taken Cibalis, and Sirmium, and all the other Towns that Licinnius ran away from, he sent five thousand men in pursuit of him. But they being ignorant what way he took, could not overtake him. Yet Constanti­nus having re-built the Bridg over Saus, which Licinnius had broken down, was with his Army almost at his heels. And when he was got over into Thrace, he arrived at the Plain where Licinnius lay encamp'd. Where, the same Night that he came, he marshall'd his Army and gave Orders, that his Soldiers should be ready to fight as soon as it was Day. But when it was light, Licinnius, seeing Constantinus with his Army, put his men also in array, having Valens, whom he [Page 96]stiled Cesar for his Ally, ever since he fled from Cibalis. And when the two Armies engaged, they first fought with Bows at a distance: but when their Arrows were spent, they fell on with Javelins and Ponyards. So that the fight conti­nued very fierce for a good while, till those whom Constantinus had sent to pur­sue Licinnius, came down from a rising ground upon the Armies whilst they were at it. But they wheeled about an Hill, before they got to them, because they thought it best to joyn their own Party from the higher ground, and so begird the Enemy. But Licinnius's men were a­ware of 'em, and fought it out bravely against 'em all; so that many thousands were slain on both sides, and the Battel was equal, till the sign was given for 'em both to draw off.

The next Day they made a Truce, and thought fit to enter into League and Alliance one with the other; upon Con­dition, that Constantinus should have the Government of Illyricum, and all the Na­tions beyond it, and Licinnius should have Thrace, the East, and all beyond that: but that Valens, whom Licinnius had made Cesar, should be put to Death, because (I suppose) he was said to be the author of all the mischief which had [Page 97]happen'd. Which when they had done, and taken Oaths on both sides to observe those Conditions, to make the Obligation of keeping their promises the stronger, Constantinus made Crispus (his Son by a Concubine called Minervina) who was yet but a Youth; and also Coustantinus, who was born but a few days before at Arelatum, Caesars. And at the same time Licinnianus, Son to Licinnius, who was twenty years of Age, was declared Cae­sar. And this was the end of the second War.

But when Constantinus heard, that the Sauromatae, who lived upon the Fenn, Meotis, had pass'd the Isther in Boats, and pillaged his Territories, he led his Army against 'em. And the Barbarians on the other hand met him, with their King Rau­simodus; and first the Sauromatae attaqued a Town, which had a sufficient Garison in it, but the Wall of it was built partly of stone (from the ground upward) and partly (toward the top) of Wood. Where­fore the Sauromatae thought they might easily take the Town, if they burnt all the wooden part of the Wall; and to that end put fire to it, whilst, in the mean time, they shot at those that stood upon the Walls. But they that were upon the Walls threw Darts and stones down upon [Page 98]the Barbarians and kill'd 'em; so that when Constantinus came, and fell upon 'em from an higher ground, he slew many of 'em, took more alive, and put the rest to flight. Upon which occasion Rausimodus having lost most part of his Army, took shipping and cross'd the Ister, with an in­tention once more to plunder the Roman Dominions. Which when Constantinus heard of, he follow'd him over the Ister, and set upon 'em in a thick Wood upon an Hill to which they were fled, where he kill'd many of 'em, among whom Rau­simodus was one. But he also took many alive, and gave quarter to the rest that were willing to comply; so that he re­turn'd to the Head-quarters with a great number of Captives.

But he distributed them into the seve­ral Cities, and then came to Thessalonica, where having made a Port or Harbour (for there never was one in that place before) he made new preparations for a War against Licinnius. In order where­unto he fitted out two hundred Ships or Galleys of War with thirty Oars apiece, besides above two thousand Ships of bur­then, rais'd one hundred and twenty thou­sand Foot, and of Horsemen and Seamen ten thousand. Licinnius hearing that Con­stantinus was so well prepar'd, sent Mes­sengers [Page 99]into all Nations, to command 'em to prepare a sufficient number of men for the Navy, besides their Horse and Foot. And thereupon the Egyptians immediately sent out eighty Galleys; the Phaenicians, as many more; and the Jonians and Dorians of Asia, sixty: the Cyprians, thirty, the Carians, twenty, the Bythinians, thirty, and the Africans, fifty. And of Foot Sol­diers he had near 150000. but of Horse onely 15000. which were sent him out of Phrygia and Cappadocia. Now Constan­tine's Ships lay at Piraeeus, and Licinnius's in the Hellespont. And when they had both thus setled the Affairs of their Sea and their Land Forces, Licinnius was en­camp'd at Adrianople in Thrace; whilst Constantinus sent for his Navy from Piraee­us, which was built and man'd, for the most part, out of Greece. And marching with his Foot Army from Thessalonica, he encamped upon the bank of the River He­brus, which runs by Adrianople on the left hand. And at the same time Licinnius set his men in Battalia from a Mountain which is above the Town the length of two hundred furlongs, even to that place where another River joyns with the He­brus, and so the Armies continued one against another for many days. But Con­stantinus observing where the River was [Page 100]narrowest, he found out this contrivance. He order'd his Soldiers to bring Trees from the Mountain, and tie Ropes about 'em, as if he design'd to make a Bridg upon the River, whereby to get over his Army. With which invention he out­witted his Enemies, and going up into an Hill, where there were thick Woods, e­nough to hide any body that was in 'em, he planted there of foot Bowmen five thousand, and eight hundred Horse. And having so done, he took twelve Horse­men, and with them marching over the Hebrus in the narrow place, where it is most fordable, he surprised the Enemy; insomuch that some were kill'd and many fled as fast as they could, whilst others who were amazed at his unexpected ap­proach, stood gaping with Wonder, how he should come so suddenly over. But in the mean time whilst the Horse, and the rest of the Army pass'd the River for security, there was a great slaughter a­mong 'em. For there fell near thirty four thousand men; and about Sunset Constantine took their Camp, whilst Licinnius with all his Forces that he could muster up, hasten'd through Thrace to his Navy.

As soon as it was Day, all Licinnius's Army, or as many of 'em, as had fled in­to the Mountain, or the Valleys therea­bout, [Page 101]surrendered themselves to Constanti­nus, together with those that Licinnius, for haste, had left behind him. But when Licinnius was got to Bizantium, Constanti­nus follow'd him, and besieged the City, when his Navy was now come from Pi­raeeus (as I told you) and lay in Mace­donia. Wherefore he sent to his Admi­rals, and order'd that the Ships should sail into the Hellespont. And when they came, according to his command, Con­stantinus's Sea Officers thought fit to en­gage with not above eighty of their best Sailers (which were Galleys of thirty Oars apiece) because the place was too narrow to receive a greater number. But Abantus, who was Licinnius's Admiral, set out with two hundred Ships, and de­spised the smalness of his Enemies num­ber, whom he thought he could easily surround. But when the Signals were given on both sides, and they came stem to stem; Constantinus's Seamen did ma­nage their Ships so as to engage in very good order. But Abantus sailing without any method against the Enemy, his Ships being in such a straight place fell foul up­on one another, and were exposed in some measure to the Enemy, partly to be drown'd and partly to be otherwise destroy'd. In [Page 102]fine, a great many men were thrown over­board, till night came and put an end to the fight. So the one Navy put in at E­leus in Thrace, and the other at the Aean­tian Harbour. And the next Day whilst the Wind blew hard at North, Abantus put forth from the Aeantian Port and made ready for a Sea fight. But because those Galleys of fifty Oars apiece, which lay in the mouth of the Hellespont, were come to Eleus by Order of the Admirals, Abantus was affrighted at the number of Ships and stood debating, whether he should set Sail against the Enemy or no. But about Noon the North-Wind was al­lay'd, and the South-Wind blew so vio­lently, that when Licinnius's Navy lay upon the Asian Coast, it ran some on ground, bilg'd some against the Rocks, and sunk others, men and all: so that five thou­sand men were lost, besides one hundred and thirty Ships full of men, which Li­cinnius had sent out of Thrace into Asia with part of his Army, because Bizantium was too little to contain all those who were besieged with Licinnius. But when Licinnius was fled into Asia with four Ships and the Sea fight was thus at an end: as also, that the Ships were come in­to the Hellespont, and had brought all [Page 103]sorts of Commodities, and great store of provisions to Constantine's Officers, they weigh'd Anchor with the whole Navy, to go and join with those that besieged Bi­zantium, and inclose the City even by Sea also. But Licinnius's Foot were not able to endure so much as the very sight of such a Navy, and therefore got 'em Ships and sailed away for Eleus.

In the mean time Constantine continu'd close at the Siege, and made a Mound as high as the Wall (upon which he planted Wooden Towers, higher than the Wall, from which his Soldiers shot those who defended the Wall) that he might with more security bring Rams and other En­gines of War near to it, and by that means he thought sure enough to take the City. At which Licinnius being start­led and not knowing what to think, he resolv'd to leave Bizantium and the weaker part of his Army in it, and onely take a­long with him such men as were fit for service, and had given him demonstrati­ons of their love to him, and so make what haste he could into Chalcedon in Bithynia. For he believ'd he might raise an Army in Asia and try another En­gagement with his Enemies. Where­fore arriving at Chalcedon, and having made Martinianus who was Captain of [Page 104]the Court Guards (whom the Romans call Magister Officiorum) his Accomplice and Partner in the dangerous Enterprise, he declared him Caesar and sent him with an Army to Lampsacus, to hinder the Ene­mies passage from Thrace into Hellespont, whilst he himself posted his own men upon the Hills, and Avenues about Chal­cedon.

And whilst Licinnius was intent upon these matters, Constantine who had a great number of Ships for burthen as well as War, and had a mind with them to cross over and possess himself of the other shore, fearing lest the Bithynian Coast might be inaccessible to Ships of burthen especially, he immediatey built Skiffs and other Boats, and with them he sailed to the holy Promontory, as they call it, which lies upon the mouth of Pontus, two hundred furlongs from Chalcedon. And there he landed his Army; which when he had done, he went upon certain Hills hard by to set 'em in Array. At which time Licinnius, though he saw that Bithynia was already in the Enemies hands, yet was a man so harden'd by Danger that he sent for Martinianus from Lampsacus, and to encourage his men to fight, told 'em he himself would lead 'em. And when he had said what he thought necessary to [Page 105]'em, he drew 'em into Battalia, and march­ing out of the City he met the Enemy who were ready for him. And after a sharpe Engagement between Chalcedon and the Holy Promontory, Constantines side had much the better on't; for they fell upon the Enemy with such vigour and made such a slaughter of 'em, that of an hun­dred and thirty thousand men, scarce thir­ty thousand escaped. Which when the Bizantines heard of, immediately they threw open their Gates to receive Constan­tinus, as the Chalcedonians also did. But Licinnius having receiv'd this Overthrow went for Nicomedia with what Horse he had left him, and some few Thousands of Foot.

Just at this time a certain Persian cal­led Hormisdas, of the Royal Family, came over to Constantine for refuge upon this account. — His Father had been King of Persia, and on a time was celebrating his own Birth-day after the Persian way, when Hormisdas came into the Palace and brought with him a great deal of Veni­son. But the Guests that were at the Feast not rising up and paying him the respect and honour due to him, he was very angry and told 'em, he would pu­nish 'em with Marsyas's Death. Which saying a great many of 'em did not un­derstand, [Page 106]because it related to a Forein Story: but onely one Persian among 'em, who had lived in Phrygia, and heard the story of Marsyas, explain'd the meaning of Hormisdas's Menace to 'em, as they sate at Table. Wherefore they laid up Hormisdas's Menace in their memories, and when his Father happened to die, they remember'd what he had threaten'd, and so chose his younger Brother King, though the elder should have had the pre­ference according to Law above all the Kings Children: Nor only that; but they shackled Hormisdas and kept him upon a certain Hill which lies before the City. But when some time had pass'd, his Wife contrived his escape in this manner. She got a great Fish, and put a File into his belly, and then solving him up again deliver'd it to the most faithful Eunuch that she had, with a strict charge to tell Hormisdas, he must eat that Fish when no body was by, and use that which he found in his belly in order to his escape. And when she had thus contrived it, she sent out several Camels loaden with Wine, and a deal of Provision, to entertain her Husbands Keepers. And whilst the Kee­pers were merry at the Feast which she made for 'em; Hormisdas cut up the Fish and found the File; with which when he [Page 107]had cut off the shackles that were upon his Legs, he put on the Eunuchs Robe and went away through the middle of the Keepers, who were by that time Drunk; and taking one of the Eunuchs along with him he fled to the King of Armenia who was his Friend and Host. And by this means he got away safe to Constantine, who thought fit to shew him all the respect and kindness imaginable. And so much for that.

But when Constantinus besieged Licin­nius at Nicomedia also, he knew not what to do, because he was sensible he had not an Army fit to fight, and therefore going out of the City, he submitted himself to Constantine and brought him the Purple Robe, proclaimed him Emperor and Lord, and ask'd pardon for what was past. For he presumed he should certainly escape with life, because Constantinus had sworn to his Wife that he should. But Constantinus de­liver'd Martinianus to the Guards for them to kill, and sent Licinnius into Thessalonica, as if he were to live there in security; but not long after he broke his Oath (which — If all be true that o­thers say of Constantine, then Zosimus has no reason to fix the Crime of Perjury upon him; because he did not seem so much to break an Oath and Promise, as to punish the breach of it in Licinnius, who after so many Victo­ries gain'd by Constantine, when he was in a desperate low Condition, let slip no occasion to recover that Empire which he was deprived of by the just sentence of Victory, but contrived all ways he could to make ill returns for Euergetes kindness, as Euseb. says in his life of Constantine, l. 1. c. 43. & Theodor. l. 1. c. 7. To which you may add this also, that Licinnius hated Christians, as much as Constantine loved 'em, and consequently could not endure to see them expos'd to inju­ries whom he favour'd. Nor let any one Object, that these Authors are not to be credited, because they were partial; because Zosimus himself cannot be excus'd in that Point, as being a sworn Enemy to Christianity, and a great bigot in the Heathenish Religion.was an usual thing with Constantine) and caus'd him to be hang'd.

But when the whole Empire was solely in Constantine's hands, he no longer con­cealed his ill Nature, and vicious inclina­tions, but did what he pleas'd without controul. But he used indeed his former Country way of Wor­ship, though not Among the Imperial Laws or Edicts this is one which Euseb. mentions, l. 10. c. 5. — That every one may apply himself to what way of Worship he thinks suitable to his own reason. — And therefore though he did not abolish the old Heathen Ceremonies of his Country at that time, yet he favour'd the Christians most, and gave 'em their liberty which almost all other Emperors before him had used to deprive 'em of. out of honour or venera­tion so much as neces­sity. And therefore he believed the Soothsay­ers, who were expert in their Art, as men that had told him truth concerning all the great Actions that ever he did. But when he came to Rome, he was full of Pride and Arrogance, but thought fit to begin his impious pranks first at home. For he kill'd his Son Crispus, stiled (as I told you) Caesar, upon suspicion that he lay [Page 109]with his Mother-in law Fausta, without any consideration of natural Duty. And when his Mother Helena express'd much sorrow for what he had done, lamenting most bitterly the young mans Death, Con­stantinus, under pretence of comforting her, made the Remedy worse than the Disease. For having caused a Bath to be heated more than ordinary, and shut Fausta up in it, he in a while after took her out dead. Of which being con­scious to himself, as also of breaking his Oath, he went to the Priests to be purg'd from his Crimes. But they told him there was no manner of Lustration or Purgation that was sufficient to clear him from such enormities; and then a Spa­niard, called Aegyptius, who was there at Rome, very familiar with the Court La­dies, coming to discourse with Constan­tine, assur'd him, that the Christian Do­ctrine would teach him how to cleanse himself from all his offences; and would promise him, that all wicked men who receiv'd it, were immediately absolv'd from all their sins. Which Constantine had no sooner heard, but he easily believ'd what was told him, and leaving his own Coun­try Ceremonies, receiv'd those that Aegyp­tius offer'd to him, and for the first in­stance of his Impiety he suspected the truth [Page 110]of Divination. For since a great many for­tunate Chances were thereby foretold him, and really came to pass according to the Prediction, he was afraid, lest that others might be told one thing or other that should fall out unluckily to him; and for that reason apply'd himself to­ward the abolishing of all such things. And upon an usual Feast-day when the Army was to go up into the Capitol, he reproach'd that Solemnity of their going up very impudently; and treading the holy Ceremonies, as it were, under his feet, incurr'd the hatred of the Senate and People.

But being unable to endure the Curses of almost all the City, he look'd out for another City as big as Rome, where he might build himself a Palace; and there­fore when he was between Troas and old Ilium, he found a place convenient to build a City in, where he laid a founda­tion, and made some part of a Wall to a pretty heighth, which is to be seen to this Day by those that sail toward the Hellespont. But afterward thinking bet­ter of it, he left that Work unfinish'd and went to Byzantium; where he admired the situation of the place, and therefore resolv'd when he had enlarged it exceeding­ly, to make it a fit Seat for an Emperor to [Page 111]live in. For the City lies upon a rising ground, which is part of that Isthmus, which Ceras and Propontas, two arms of the Sea on each side inclose. And it for­merly had a Gate just at the end of the Porticos which Severus the Emperor built after he was reconciled to the Byzantines, who had provoked his anger by admit­ting his Enemy Niger into their City. At which time also the Wall went down from the West side of the Hill as far as Ve­nus's Temple, even to the Sea side, which is opposite to Chrysopolis. And so, on the North side of the Hill it went down after the same manner to the Port, which they call the Dock, and farther even to the Sea-side, which lies directly against the passage that carries you into the Euxine Sea. And this narrow neck of Land between that and Pontus is near three hundred furlongs in length. And this was the bigness of the old City. But Constantinus built a round Market-place where the old Gate was, and encompassed it with double-roofed Porticoes, making two great Arches of Praeconesian Marble one against another, through which there was a passage into Severus's Porticoes, and out of the old City. But having a mind to make the City a great deal larger, he made a Wall about it that was [Page 112]fifteen furlongs beyond the old one, and took in all the Isthmus from Sea to Sea. And when he had made the City in this manner much larger than before, he built a Palace not much inferiour to that of Rome: and made likewise the Hippodrome (where the Horses ran) very fine: ta­king the Temple of Castor and Pollux in­to it, whose Statues are now to be seen standing in the Porticoes of the Hippo­drome, or Horse Race. Besides which he likewise placed the Tripos, that be­long'd to Apollo of Delphi, in one part of the Hippodrome, which had on it the Image of Apollo himself. And because there was a very great Market-place at Bizantium consisting of four Porticoes, at the end of one of them, to which there are a great many steps going up, he built two Temples, and in the one of 'em he put the Statue of the Mother of the Gods, called Rhea, which Jason's Mates had for­merly set up in Mount Dindymus, which lies about the City of Cyzicum. But they say, that through his neglect of Religion he had impair'd it, by taking away the Lions on both sides, and changing the fi­gure of the Hands. For whereas it for­merly seemed to have a Lion in each hand, it was now alter'd into a praying posture, looking upon the City and ob­serving [Page 113]as it were, what men did: In the other Temple he set up the Statue of Romes Fortune. And after that he built convenient Houses for certain Senators that follow'd him from Rome. But he en­gaged in no more War, insomuch that when the Thaifalians, which are a Scy­thian Nation, came upon him with five hundred Horse, he did not onely not lead forth his Army against 'em, but when he had lost the greater part of his Soldiers, and saw the Enemies plunder all before 'em even to their Trenches, he was glad to save himself by flight.

But when he was deliver'd from the distractions of War he gave himself to voluptuousness, but distributed a Dole of Corn among the people of Bizantium, which is continu'd even to this Day. And as he laid out the publick Treasure upon unnecessary and unprofitable Stru­ctures, so he built some, that in a short time were pull'd down again, because they were erected in haste and consequently not like to last long. He also made a great bustle and changed the ancient Ma­gistracy. For whereas before that time there had been two Prefects of the Court, whose power was equal, not only the Court-Soldiers were under their care and con­duct, but those also who had the charge [Page 114]of the City with them that lay in the out­parts. For he that had the Office of Court-Prefect, which was esteemed the greatest place of Honour next being Em­peror; gave out the Doles of Corn, and corrected all Offences in point of military Discipline with what convenient Penalties he thought good.

But Constantine alter'd that good Con­stitution, and out of one Office, or Ma­gistracy he made four of it. For to one of those Prefects he committed all E­gypt and Pentapolis in Libya, besides all the East as far as Mesopotamia, with Cili­cia, Cappadocia, Armenia, and all the Sea­coast from Pamphilia to Trapezus and the Castles near Phasis: and to the same per­son was given all Thrace and Mysia which reaches as far as Hemus, Rodope, and the Town of Doberus. He likewise added Cyprus, and the Cyclades (Islands) onely Lemnos, and Imbrus, and Samothrace were excepted. — To another he gave Mace­donia, Thessaly, Crete and Greece with the Islands thereabout, both Epiruses, the Il­lyrians, the Dacians, the Triballi and the Pannonians as far as Valeria, besides the upper Mysia. — To the third Prefect he gave all Italy, and Sicily with the adja­cent Isles, besides Sardinia and Corsica to­gether with all Africa from the Syrtes or [Page 115]Quick-sands as far as Cyrene. To the fourth he committed the Celtae, who lived be­yond the Alps, as also the Spaniards and the British Island which is England. And Zosimus throws the envy of that insensible decay by which the Ro­man Empire fell to ruin upon Con­stantine; but indeed he ought to have been more cautious in what he said; if he would but have consi­der'd with himself how apt men are, who have gain'd the greatest place next to their Sovereign, to endea­vour all they can to engage the Soldiers affections, and out of hopes to be Emperors themselves to put all things out of order. And in­deed where the care of both the Military Discipline, and distribu­ting the publick money is commit­ted to one single person, 'tis odds, but he one time or other takes an occasion to possess himself of the Empire, because he has every thing in his power that the fear of pu­nishment or hopes of reward will induce the Soldiers to do. Where­fore Constantine fortified himself with that political saying, Divide and Rule. ha­ving thus divided the Power of those Prefects, he studied other ways also to lessen their Au­thority. For whereas there used to be in all places Centurions, Tri­bunes, and Generals, he made certain Officers called Magistri Militum, one over the Horse, and another over the Foot, to whom he gave Autho­rity to Discipline the Sol­diers, and punish those that offended, whereby the power of the Pre­fects was in some mea­sure diminish'd. Now that this was a great damage to the publick Affairs both in Peace and War, I'll prove immediately. For whilst the Prefects gather'd the Tri­butes in all places by their Ministers and laid them out in Warlike expences, ha­ving the Soldiers also in subjection, who suffer'd for offences according to their di­scretion, [Page 116]it's very probable the Soldiers who consider'd that the same person who gave 'em their pay, inflicted their punish­ment too whenever they offended, durst not do contrary to their Duty, out of fear, partly, lest their allowance should be ta­ken off, and partly of present correction. But now since one is Paymaster, and ano­ther to look after the Discipline, they do what they please; not to say, that the greatest part of the Corn or other provi­sions goes into the General's or his Servants Pockets.

But besides this Constantine did another thing too, that gave the Barbarians a free passage into the Roman Dominions. For whereas the Roman Empire, by the care of Diocletian was fortified (as I told you) in the most remote parts of it with Towns and Castles and Forts, where the Soldiers lived, and consequently it was impossible for the Barbarians to pass, because there was always a sufficient number of Ene­mies to withstand 'em; Constantine de­stroy'd that Security, by removing the greater part of the Soldiers out of those Frontier Places, and putting them in Towns that wanted no assistance. For he strip'd them whom the Barbarians oppressed of all defence, and plagu'd the Towns that were quiet with a multitude of Soldiers, [Page 117]insomuch that some were quite forsaken of their Inhabitants. He likewise caused his Soldiers to grow effeminate by giving themselves to publick Shows and Plea­sures. And to tell you plainly, he was the first cause, why things were brought into that miserable state they now are in.

But I must not omit to tell you, that when he had given his Son Constantinus, as likewise his other two Sons, Constan­tius and Constans the Title of Caesars, he encreased the City of Constantinople to such a vast bigness, that many of the Emperors that have come after him, and lived in it, have drawn more men thither than are necessary, who flock to it from all parts, either as Soldiers, or Merchants, or something else. Upon which account they have made the Walls about it more capacious than those that Constantine built, and have permitted the buildings to be so contiguous, that the Inhabitants whe­ther at home or in the streets are streigh­ten'd for room, and walk in danger by reason of the multitude of men and beasts. Besides, a great deal of the Sea is turn'd into dry Land, where Piles are driven into the ground, and Houses built upon 'em, enough to make a good big City of them­selves.

And truly I have often wondered, since the City of Byzantium is grown so great, that no other can compare with it either in happiness or bigness, why our Fathers had no prophesie concerning its good For­tune. And having employ'd my thoughts a long time about it, turn'd over a great many Historians and collections of Oracles, and spent some time in the explanation of them. I at last with much ado light up­on an Oracle, which is attributed to Si­bylla Erythraea, or Phaello of Epirus (for they say that she being inspired gave out some Oracles, upon which Nicomedes, the Son of Prusias relying and interpreting to his own advantage, he by the advice of Attalus, made War against his Father Pru­sias) and it is this:

Now this same Oracle does, though ob­scurely, point out (I had almost said) all the particular mischiefs which were to be­fal Bythinia through the heavy Imposi­tions that were laid upon 'em: as also how the Government was to be devolved upon them to whom the Byzantines were then in subjection, in that Distich [Page 120]

And though the things foretold did not fall out till many Ages after; let not any man for all that suppose that it was spo­ken of any other place. For all time is short in respect of God, who always is and always will be. And this is my con­jecture both from the words of the Pro­phesie, and the event also. But if any one believes there is any other meaning in it, let him enjoy his own thoughts.

When Constantine had done thus, he not onely perpetually wasted the Revenue of the Empire in unnecessary Expences, and Presents, which were bestow'd upon unworthy and vile Persons: but he like­wise oppressed those that paid the Tri­bute, and enrich'd those that were of no use or service in the Government. For We must confess that Constantine was extravagant in his Expences; from whence arose that Jeer of Julian in his Book called Caesares, where he brings in Constantine as if he were ask'd by Mercury — And what do you think is a commendable thing? That a Man, says Constantine, who has a great deal should give a great deal away.he mistook Prodigality for Magnificence.

He also laid a Tax of Gold and Silver up­on all Merchants, and Tradesmen even to [Page 121]the meanest of all: See Evagrius l. 3. Hist. Eccl. c. 39. where he mightily commends Anastasius, in whose Reign this Tax was taken off. But he in­veighs against Zosimus, for saying that Constantine was the Author of it, in these words:— Who would wonder that this should be done in the very infancy of Christiani­ty, when his Holiness the Pope suffers the very same things even now it is grown to riper years? nor did he spare so much as the poorest Whore. In­somuch that upon the re­turn of every fourth year, when the Tax was to be paid, a man could hear nothing but lamentation and complaints through all the whole City. And when the time came, there was nothing but Whips and Torments provided for them who by reason of their extream po­verty could not pay the money. Nay, Mothers were fain to part with their Children, and Fathers to prostitute their Daughters, for money to satisfie the Col­lectors of this Gold and Silver exaction. And because he had a mind to invent some plague for the richer sort of People, he call'd 'em all forth and made 'em Prae­tors, for which Dignity he demanded of 'em a vast sum of money. For which rea­son, when they whose business it was to manage this Affair came into any of the Cities, you might see the People run all away into other Countreys, for fear of gaining that honour with the loss of all they had. Now he had a Particular of all the best Estates, and so imposed a Tri­bute upon each one of 'em, which he cal­led, [Page 122] a Purse. And with such Exactions he exhausted all the Towns: for they en­dur'd so long even after Constantine's time, that the Money was all drain'd clear out of the Cities and many of 'em forsaken by the Inhabitants.

When Constantine had oppress'd and plagued the Government all these several ways, he died of a Distemper, and his Sons succeeded him who were three of 'em (not begotten of Fausta the Daughter of Herculius Maximianus, but of another Woman, whom he had put to Death for Adultery) but they devoted themselves to the pleasures of Youth more than to publick Service. For in the first place they divide the Nations among 'em, of which Constantine the eldest and Constans the youngest had all beyond the Alps to­gether with Italy and Illyricum, for their share: as also all the Countreys upon the Euxine Sea, and whatever belong'd to Carthage in Africa: whereas Constan­tius had all Asia, the East and Egypt. But there were also others that were a kind of Partners in the Government, as Dal­matius, whom Constantine made Caesar, Constantius his Brother and Anaballianus, who all wore a Purple Robe with golden Guards, and were promoted to the Order of Nobilissimate (as they call it) or No­bility [Page 123]by Constantine himself, out of respect to their being of his Family.

But when the Empire was thus divi­ded, Constantius who seemed to take pains not to fall short of his Fathers impiety, began at home to prove himself a Man by spilling the blood of his nearest Rela­tions. And first he caused Constantius his Fathers Brother to be murther'd by the Soldiers: next to whom he served Dal­matius Caesar in the same kind; as also Optatus, whom Constantine had raised to the honour of being a Patrician. For Constantine indeed first introduced that Order of Men and made a Law, that whoever was a Patrician should sit above the very Prefects of the Court. At that time also was Ablabius the Court-Prefect put to death; and fate was just in his punishment, because he contrived how to murther Sopatrus the Philosopher, out of envy that he was so familiar with Constan­tine. But as he was unnatural to all his Relations, so likewise he put Anaballia­nus among the rest, suborning the Soldiers to cry out, that they would have no other Governours but Constantine's Children onely. And these were Constantius's ex­ploits.

In the mean time Constantine and Con­stans had a dispute concerning that part of Africa that belong'd to Carthage, and Italy. And Constans who had a mind to surprise his Brother, concealed his ill will for three years together, till on a certain time when he was got into a Province that loved him, he sent Soldiers to him, upon pretence to assist him in the War against the Persians, but in reality to as­sassinate him before he was aware: which accordingly they did, and so kill'd Con­stantine.

When Constans had thus removed his Brother out of his way, he exercised all manner of cruelty towards his Subjects, exceeding the most intolerable Tyranny. For he bought some well-favour'd Barba­rians, and had others with him as Ho­stages, to whom he gave the liberty to do what they pleas'd to his Subjects, in order to gratifie his leud Eyes; and there­by brought all the Nations that were un­der him into extream misery. At which the Court-Guards were troubled, and see­ing him much given to Hunting, they put themselves under the conduct of Mar­cellinus Prefect of the Treasury, and Mag­nentius who commanded the Joviani and Herculiani (two Legions so called) and laid a Plot for him in this manner. Mar­cellinus [Page 125]gave out he would keep his Sons Birth-day, and therefore invited a great many of the Superiour Officers of the Army to the Feast, and among the rest Magnentius. And when it was mid­night (for so long the Banquet lasted) Magnentius rose from Table as if he had been going about some necessary Affair, and was not gone long before he came a­gain, as it had been in a Play, clothed in a Royal Robe and stood before 'em. Whereupon all the Guests there saluted him by the name of King, and all the In­habitants of Augustodunum (for there it was that this was done) were of the same Opinion. But when the report of it was gone abroad, the Country people also flock'd into the City: Whilst at the same time a party of Illyrian Horse that came to supply the Celtick Legions, were joyn'd with those that were concern'd in this Enterprise. And to speak plainly, when the Officers of the Army came to­gether, and heard the Heads of the Con­spiracy cry out first, they scarce knew what the meaning was, but however they all set up their Throats and saluted Mag­nentius by the name of Augustus. Which when Constans heard, he endeavour'd to escape to a certain little Town, called He­lena, that lies near the Pirenaean Moun­tains. [Page 126]But he was taken by Gaison who was sent with some other select Men up­on that Errand, and being destitute of all assistance, was kill'd.

When therefore Magnentius had gotten the Empire, and was Lord of all the Na­tions beyond the Alps, besides all Italy, Vetranio, General of the Pannonian Army, when he heard that Magnentius was pro­moted to be Emperour, was enflamed himself with the same desire, and decla­red Emperour by the Legions that he had there with him, residing at Mursa, a City of Pannonia. But whilst Affairs stood thus, the Persians plunder'd the Eastern Country, in Mesopotamia especially. But Constantius though he was worsted by the Persians, yet he resolv'd to subdue the factions of Magnentius and Vetra­nio.

But whilst he was considering of these things, and mighty intent upon his War­like preparations ( Magnentius being yet in Gallia Celtica) Nepotianus, Constan­tius's Nephew by his Sister, whose name was Eutropia, muster'd up a Compa­ny of mad Fellows, addicted to Rob­bery and all kind of debauchery, with whom he came to Rome, and appear'd in an Imperial Garb: But Anicetius, whom Magnentius had made Prefect of the Court, [Page 127]arm'd some of the common people, and drew 'em out of the City, as if he de­sign'd they should engage with Nepotia­nus, and a sharp Conflict indeed they had. But the Romans, who were undisciplin'd and observ'd no Order, were easily rout­ed: and when the Prefect saw 'em fly, he shut the Gates, for fear the Enemy should pursue 'em into the City: so that Nepotianus's men follow'd 'em, and be­cause they had no way to escape, kill'd 'em every man. But in a few days after Magnentius sent out an Army under the Command of Marcellinus, who was Com­mander of the Court-forces (whom they call, Magister Officiorum) and kill'd Nepo­tianus.

In the mean time Constantius came out of the East against Magnentius, but thought fit first to oblige Vetranio some way or other, because he knew it inconvenient to have to do with two Traitors at a time. And on the other side Magnentius did what he could to make Vetranio his friend, and thereby put an end to the War against Constantius. So they both sent A­gents to Vetranio, who chose to be of Constantius's side rather than that of Mag­nentius. Whereupon Magnentius's Embas­sadours went away without their Errand, and Constantius desired that both the Ar­mies [Page 128]might meet, to consult publickly how to manage the War against Magnentius. To which Proposal Vetranio easily agreed, and they two seated themselves upon a Throne provided for that purpose. Where Constantius according to his Dignity, speak­ing first, took all occasions in his Speech to 'em, to mind the Soldiers of his Fa­thers Munificence, and of the Oaths which they had taken to be true to his Chil­dren. And then he told 'em, they ought not to let Magnentius pass unpunish'd, who was the murtherer of Constantine's Son, with whom they had fought many Battels, and been most generously reward­ed for it. Which when the Soldiers heard, who had been before hand engaged by rich Presents, they cry'd out, They would have no mock-Emperors; and thereupon they presently strip'd Vetranio of his Pur­ple and pull'd him from the Throne; with resolutions to make him live a private life. But Constantius would not suffer 'em to do him any harm, and therefore sent him into Bithynia where he gave him enough to live upon. But he had not lived there long without any employment, before he died.

Constantius seeing his Design against Ve­tranio took so good an effect, he went a­gainst Magnentius, but first made Gallus [Page 129]his Uncles Son, who was the Brother of Julian (that afterward came to be Empe­ror) Cesar, and gave him his Sister Con­stantia in Marriage; either in order to his opposing the Persians, or (which was the truth of it) to get an opportunity of ta­king him off. For he and his Brothers were the onely persons left of Constantius's Family, who had kill'd all the rest, as I have told you. When therefore he had clothed him in a Cesarian Robe, and made Lucillianus General for the Persian War, he march'd toward Magnentius with his own and Vetranio's Soldiers all in one body. And Magnentius on the contrary, who thought fit to meet him with more Forces, declared his kinsman Decentius (who was to govern the Nations beyond the Alps) Cesar. But when the Armies met in Pannonia, and came very near one another at a Town called Mursa, Magnen­tius planted an Ambuscade in the avenues near Adrana and sent a Messenger to Con­stantius's Officers to retard their motion, that they might march into Siscia, be­cause he intended to fight thereabout, where the fields were open and spacious. Which when Constantius heard he was very glad of it, that he was to fight in a place where there was room enough for the Horse, of which he had more than [Page 130]the Enemy, and so led his Army toward Siscia. But as they went along, unarm'd and out of order (not thinking what would happen) the Troops who lay in Ambush fell upon 'em and stop'd their passage with stones which they threw upon 'em in such vast quantities as that they kill'd most part of 'em.

And now seeing many of his Enemies slain, Magnentius was so proud of this Exploit, that he muster'd up his Forces, and would not suffer the War to be de­lay'd any longer, but march'd immediate­ly into Pannonia. And when he came to the Plains before (that which was former­ly) Cius, (through the middle of which the River Draus runs, and passing by No­ricum and Pannonia discharges it self into the Ister) he led his men into Pannonia, intending to engage near Sirmium. But they say his Mother forbad him to go that way, or over into Illyricum, though he would not observe her directions, not­withstanding that he knew she had prov'd a true Prophetess to him upon many for­mer occasions. In the mean while Mag­nentius deliberated whether he should cross the Saus by a Bridg of his own making, or joyn his Boats together and so pass o­ver: and at the same time Constantius sent Philip, who was one of the greatest Men [Page 131]about him, as likewise a Person of extra­ordinary prudence, with a pretence of treating concerning Peace and an Alliance, but in reality, to observe the state of Mag­nentius's Army, and how they stood af­fected to fighting, or which way they were like to move. Who, when he came near to the Camp, met Marcellinus, who was Magnentius's greatest Favourite, and went along with him to Magnentius. Where after the Army was drawn up, Philip was desir'd to tell the reason of his coming. Nor had he sooner receiv'd the Order, than applying himself to the Sol­diers, he told 'em, it was not fit for them who were Roman Subjects to wage War against Romans, especially when Constan­tine's Son was Emperor, with whom they had erected many Trophies against the Barbarians. And as for Magnentius, he ought to remember Constantine, with all the kindness he had shewn to him and his Parents. For it was Constantine that entertain'd him and promoted him to the greatest Dignities, when he was in immi­nent danger. And having so said, he de­sired that Magnentius would depart out of Italy, and be content to govern all the Nations beyond the Alps.

This Speech of Philip had like to have made a mutiny through the whole Army: and therefore Magnentius, who was in a fright and had much ado to get the Sol­diers to hear him speak, told 'em he would willingly conclude a Peace too; but said, he would dismiss the Assembly for that present time, till he had considered what to do, and would tell 'em his Opinion the next day. Whereupon the Assembly being dissolv'd, Marcellinus entertain'd Philip, like one that he had a mind to be obliged to by the Laws of Hospitali­ty; Whilst in the mean time Magnentius debated with himself, whether he should send Philip away without the intended effect of his coming, or keep him there, contrary to the Law of Embassies. And as he was in dispute about it, he thought fit to invite all the Officers of his Army to sup with him, and tell 'em his Opi­nion at Table. Which when he had done and that it was Day-light, he called the Army together once more, and put 'em in mind, what Constans had done against 'em when he was drunk and mad: and that the Soldiers could not endure those Enormities, wherewith he oppressed the Commonwealth against all Law and Ju­stice, but enclined to that which was most advantageous to the publick; and when [Page 133]they had freed the Cities from such a sa­vage beast, they forced him to be Em­peror.

Nor had he made an end of speaking before they all rose up and shew'd their readiness for carrying on the War; by arming themselves immediately in order to pass the Saus. Of whose approach the Sentinels that were upon the Watch in Siscia (a Town that lies upon the Saus) were aware, and gave notice to the Gari­son; who shot some of 'em as they were landing upon the bank of the River, and others, that were acoming over, they stopp'd: so that many of 'em were slain, but more were trampled into the River, ei­ther by one another or by the Enemy. By which means there was a great slaughter made among 'em; and whilst the one party fell off the Bridg as they endea­vour'd to escape, the other pursu'd with all speed; so that Magnentius, who was reduced to his last shift, had onely this way to avoid the present danger. He stuck a Spear in the ground, and with his right Hand becken'd to the Enemy as if he had a mind to treat for a Peace. Which when he saw they listen'd to, He said he would not pass the Saus without the Em­peror's leave. Which he had no sooner said, but Philip told him, he must leave [Page 134] Italy and Noricum and go into Illyricum, if he would treat of Peace. And then Con­stantius, having heard what they said, commanded his Soldiers not to pursue 'em any longer, and permitted Magnentius to bring his men over into the Plains be­tween Noricum, Pannonia, Mysia and Da­cia: because he had a mind to get out of those rough, cumbersom places, and fight where his Horse might have room enough to shew themselves; for he had more than the Enemy. And his Design took effect; so that he pitch'd upon Ci­balis, which he thought a convenient place for his business, it being the same place where Constantine formerly conquer'd Li­cinnius. For that Town having the above situation, which I have told you in my Ac­count of those times, he kept part of his Army in it. And when he had raised a Bu [...]wark between the Hill where the City stands and the Plain where the River Saus runs, he enclosed all that part of it which is not encompass'd by the River, with a deep Ditch and a thick Mound. And then he made a Bridg of Boats over all that part that was surrounded by the River, which Bridg he could disjoin when he pleas'd, and put it together again with as much ease. And here he set up Tents for his Army, and in the middle of all a Tent-Royal [Page 135]which was inferiour to none of the Towns thereabout either for bigness or Ornament. But at that time the Empe­ror invited his Officers to a Feast, at which all but Latinus and Thalassius were present; but they were not there, though they were the Emperors greatest favou­rites, because they were taking care for Philip, whom Magnentius detein'd, not­withstanding he was an Embassador.

But whilst they were consulting about this Affair, Titianus, a person of the Se­natorian Order at Rome, came and brought a saucy Message from Magnentius. For he used many absurd expressions against Constantine and his Children, and charging the destruction of the Cities upon the Em­peror's negligence; he commanded Con­stantius to make way for Magnentius by quitting the Empire, and be content to have his life saved. But he onely desired the Gods and Fate to be the revengers of Constans's Death, saying that he would fight with their assistance, and so let Ti­tianus go back again to Magnentius, though Philip were still in his custody, At which time Magnentius drew out his Army and taking Siscia upon the first attaque he razed it down to the ground. And when he had over run all the Countrey near the Saus and carry'd away great sp [...], [Page 136]he march'd toward Sirmium, which he ho­ped likewise to take without bloodshed. But failing of his attempt (for he was beaten off by the Inhabitants and Soldiers that were set to guard the Town) he went with all his Army to Mursa. Where seeing those that were in the Town had shut the Gates against him, and got upon the Walls, he could not tell what to do in the case, (because he had no Engines, nor any other way to get near the Wall.) For he was pelted with stones and Darts by those that stood and fought from the Battlements. Besides which, when Con­stantius heard the Town was besieged, he came with all his Forces to relieve it, having passed by Cibalis and all that Country through which the River Draus runs.

In the mean while Magnentius got nea­rer unto Mursa and set fire on the Gates; thinking that if he could consume the Iron that cover'd the Wood (which would soon yield to the slames) he might make a passage wide enough for his Army to enter the City. But this did not suc­ceed as he would have had it, because those men that were upon the Wall put out the fire with Water which they threw down in a great quantity. When there­fore he heard that Constantius was near [Page 137] Mursa, he found out another stratagem, which was this: There was a certain Stadium or place of Exercise, before the City (assign'd formerly for those that used to fight Prizes) which was all cover'd over with Woods: in which he hid four Companies of Celtae, and bad 'em, that, when Constantius came up, and they were ready to engage before the City, they should set upon the Enemies at unawares, so as to encompass and kill 'em every man. But this being discover'd by them that stood upon the Wall, Constantius sent Scolidoas and Manadus two of his Cap­tains immediately thither. But first they pick'd out all the choice of their Soldiers (as well such as wore heavy Armour as Bowmen) out of all those that they commanded, and taking them along with 'em shut up all the Doors belonging to the Stadium. And then having possess'd themselves of the upper steps going up to the Stadium, and enclosed the Soldiers that were in it on every side, they threw Darts at 'em. And seeing some of 'em put their Shields over their heads whilst they endeavour'd to break open the Doors, they fell upon them too, nor did they cease to throw Darts or cut 'em with their Swords till they had kill'd 'em every one. And thus Magnentius's project being fru­strated, [Page 138]and falling out contrary to expe­ctation, the Armies met and fell to it in the Plain before Mursa; where there was such a Battel fought as was not known before in the whole course of this War, and many fell on both sides.

But Constantius considering that, this being a Civil War, even Victory it self would scarce be pleasant to him, now that the Romans were so much weaken'd, and not able to withstand the Barbari­ans (that attaqued 'em on every side) after so great a slaughter, he began to think that this War might be ended by some Proposals of a Peace. And whilst he was ruminating upon it, the Armies were still engaged; among whom the Magnentian party grew more furious than ever; nor would they give over fighting though Night came upon 'em, but even their Captains continu'd doing all that be­came common Soldiers, and encouraging the Soldiers to stand up stoutly against the Enemy. And so on the other side, Constantius's Captains call'd to mind the ancient courage and glory of the Romans. And so they fought on till it was dark Night; nor did they give over for all that, but wounded each other with Spears, Swords, or any thing else that came to their hands: insomuch that neither the [Page 139]darkness, nor any thing else, that uses to cause some respit in War, could make them cease to kill each other, but they thought it the greatest happiness that could befall 'em to perish by one anothers sides. And of the Captains, who shew'd themselves very stout and brave in this Battel, there fell among the rest Arcadius Captain of the Legion call'd Abulci, and Menelaus who commanded the Horse Bowmen of Ar­menia.

Now it is worth ones while to tell you what they say of this Menelaus; and 'tis thus: They say that he would have ta­ken three Darts at one time, and at one shot have hit not onely one but three mens bodies. By which way of shooting he kill'd a great many of the Enemies, and was himself almost the cause of their flight. But he was kill'd by Romulus who was Generalissimo of all Magnentius's Army; and Romulus also himself fell at the same time: Who though he were wounded by a Dart that Menelaus shot at him, yet he did not give over fighting after he had receiv'd the Wound, till he had kill'd the man that gave it him.

And now that Constantius had the bet­ter on't, by reason that Magnentius's Ar­my ran away, there was a great slaugh­ter [Page 140]of Men, Horses, and other Cattel. Wherefore Magnentius who was destitute of all hopes, and fear'd lest the remain­ing part of his Army should deliver him to Constantius thought best to leave Pan­nonia, resolving to make an excursion in­to Italy, and there raise men to try his fortune once more. But when he heard that those of Rome were all of Constan­tius's side, either out of hatred to him, or because they had heard what had hap­pen'd in the fight, and concluded to go over the Alps, and seek some sanctuary for himself among those Nations, that live thereabouts. But hearing that Constan­tius had obliged the Barbarians about the Rhine to be his Enemies, by great Pre­sents that he had made to 'em, as like­wise that there was no going into France, by reason that some Officers had stopp'd his passage that way to gratifie Constan­tius, (nor could he go through Spain in­to the Moors Country, because of those Roman Allies there who studied to ob­lige Constantius) he was in such a con­fusion, that he preferr'd a voluntary death before a dishonourable life, and chose rather to die by his own than his Ene­mies hand.

And thus died Magnentius when he had been Emperor three years and six months. He was of Barbarian extract, but lived among the Leti, a people of Gallia. He understood Latin; was bold when For­tune favour'd him, but cowardly in Ad­versity; ingenious in hiding his naturally ill inclination, and thought, by those that did not know him, to be a plain-hearted, good Man. And thus much I thought fit to say of Magnentius, because some have been of Opinion that he did a great deal of good in his time, that the World may know the truth of him, who never did any thing with a good intention in all his life.

But Decentius, whom Magnentius sent for to assist him, being now upon the Road to Italy, as soon as he heard what had befallen him, and lighting upon cer­tain Legions and Troops, from whom he saw no hopes to escape, he hang'd himself.

After these things, when the whole Empire was now in Constantius's hands, he began to be more arrogant than for­merly, and could not behave himself with any moderation in his prosperity. And then the Offices for Calumny that use to be about such men, and are design'd for [Page 142]the ruine of those that are in prosperity, were augmented. For Sycophants when they go about to pull a great Man down, in hopes to share in his Estate, or Ho­nour, they study some false Accusation a­gainst him. And this was the case in Con­stantius's time. For such kind of Rogues who had made the Eunuchs about Court their Accomplices in the cursed Affair, flocking about Constantius, persuaded him, that Gallus who was his Cousin-German, and a Cesar, was not content with that Honour, would needs be Emperor. And indeed they persuaded him that it was true so far that they made him resolve upon Gallus's destruction. Now those that laid this Design were Dynamius and Picentius, men of mean condition, that endeavour'd to raise themselves by such ill Actions. Lampadius also was in the Conspiracy, who was Prefect of the Court, and a Person that desired always to be more in the Emperors favour than any body else. Since therefore Constantius gave ear to such false Informations, Gallus was sent for, but knew nothing of that which was intended against him. And as soon as he came Constantius in the first place degraded him from the Dignity of being a Cesar, and when he had made him a [Page 143]private person, delivered him to the pub­lick Executioners to be put to death: which was not the first time Constantius had stain'd his hands in the blood of his kin­dred, but onely an addition to many for­mer instances.

A New HISTORY Written by Count ZOSIMƲS, Sometime Advocate of the Treasury. The Third Book.

WHEN Constantius had done what I have told you against Gallus Cesar, he went out of Pannonia into Italy. But seeing all the Roman Ter­ritories infested by the incursions of the Barbarians; and that the Franks, Alemans and Saxons had not onely gotten posses­sion of forty Cities near the Rhine, but also destroy'd, and ruined 'em, by carry­ing [Page 146]away an innumerable company of the Inhabitants, and a proportionable quanti­ty of Spoils; as likewise, that the Quadi and Sarmatians without any obstruction over ran Pannonia and the upper Mysia; besides that the Persians were perpetual­ly vexatious to the Eastern Countreys, though they had formerly been quiet out of fear, lest Callus Cesar should have set upon 'em: considering (I say) those things, and doubting what to do, he scarce thought himself able alone to manage Af­fairs in this critical juncture, and yet he was affraid to take a Partner in the Go­vernment, because he so much affected to rule alone, and thought no man could be his Friend. And indeed in these circum­stances he was at a great loss: but it so fell out, that when the Roman Empire was in the greatest danger, Eusebia, Con­stantius's Wife, who was an extraordina­ry learned Woman, and had more Wis­dom than is usually found in her Sex, ad­vised him to make Julianus Cesar (who was Brother to Gallus, Grandson to Con­stantius and made a Cesar by Diocletian) Governour of the Nations which lie be­yond the Alps. And because Eusebia knew that the Emperour Constantius suspe­cted all his kindred, she circumvented him in this manner: He, said she (mean­ing [Page 147] Julian) is a young Man, that under­stands no Tricks of State, but has devo­ted himself to his Book all his life-time, being altogether unexperienced in World­ly affairs; upon which account he will be the more fit for our purpose than any other Person; for either he will have good luck, and so all his success will be ascribed to the Emperors Conduct, or he will miscarry and die for it; after whom Constantius will have no body of the Im­perial Race to succeed him.

When Constantius had patiently heard what she said, he presently sent for Ju­lianus from Athens, where he lived a­mong the Philosophers, and excelled all his Masters in every sort of Learning. Who when he accordingly came out of Greece into Italy, Constantius declared him Cesar, gave him his Sister Helen in Mar­riage, and sent him into the Nations be­yond the Alps. But being naturally diffi­dent, he could not believe that Julian would be true and faithful to him, and therefore he sent Marcellus and Salustius along with him, ro whom, and not to Cesar, he committed the whole admini­stration of that Government.

And now Constantius having thus dis­posed of Julian, he march'd himself into Pannonia and Mysia, where when he had [Page 148]suppress'd the Quadi and the Sarmatians, he went into the East, and was provo­ked to Battel by the inrodes of the Per­sians. By which time Julian was gotten over the Alps into the Gallick Nations that he was to Rule; upon whom seeing the Barbarians committed as much violence as ever, Eusebia, for the same reasons as before, persuaded Constantius to put the sole management of those parts into his hands. Now of Julian's actions from that time through the whole course of his life, you may read at large in the Historians and Poets; though ne'r an one of 'em that have written of him, has wrote the heighth of his Character. But he that has a mind may see his own Orations and Epistles, and in them take a prospect of all that he did through the whole World. And indeed I would give you a full account of him, but that I ought not to interrupt the Or­der of my History. However I shall take notice of each particular relating to him in its due place; especially of such things as others have seemed to omit. — When therefore Constantius had given Cesar power to do what he thought fit in those Na­tions that were under his Command, he march'd into the East, to make War a­gainst the Persians. But Julian finding the Militia of Gallia Celtica in a manner [Page 149]quite ruined, and that the Barbarians pass'd the Rhine without any resistance e­ven almost as far as the Sea-port Towns, he took a view of the remaining part of the Army. And understanding that the men of those parts were frighted at the very name of Barbarians, whilst those whom Constantius had sent along with him (who were not above three hundred and sixty in number) knew nothing more (as he used to say) than how to say their Prayers, he listed as many more as he could and took in abundance of Volun­tiers. He also took care for Arms, and found a parcel of old ones in a certain Town, which he fitted up with all con­venient speed and distributed among the Soldiers. But when the Scouts brought him word that an infinite number of Bar­barians had cross'd the River near the City of Argentoratum (Strasburgh) that stands upon the Rhine, he no sooner heard of it, than he went forth with his Army in all haste, and engaging with the Enemy gain'd such a Victory as is above all expression; for there were sixty thousand men kill'd upon the spot, besides as many more that were tumbled into the River and drown'd. So that if a man compares this Battel with that of Alexander against Darius, [Page 150]he'll find this Victory to be no way infe­riour to that.

But we ought not silently to pass over that which Cesar did after he had gotten the Victory, which was thus. He had (you must know) a Regiment of six hun­dred Horse, that were well disciplin'd men; to whose strength and experience he so far trusted, that he ventur'd a great part of his hopes upon their performances. And indeed when the fight first began, the whole Army fell upon the Enemy with all the briskness they could shew: but some time after though the Roman Army had much the better on't, these were the onely men that ran away, and left their station so dishonourably, that when Cesar rode up to 'em with a small Party and called 'em back to share in the Victory, he could not prevail with 'em by any means. Upon which account Ce­sar was very angry with them, that they (as much as in them lay) had betray'd their Countrymen to the Barbarians. But yet he did not inflict upon them the le­gal and usual punishment. For he put 'em in Womens Cloths, and led 'em through the Camp toward another Pro­vince, because he thought such a Penalty would be worse than Death to Soldiers [Page 151]that were Men. And truly this happen'd to prove very good both for him and them: for in the second War against the Germans, they remember'd the ignominy, that was formerly laid upon them, and were almost the onely men, who beha­ved themselves bravely in that Action.

When Cesar had done thus, he raised a great Army by degrees, to make War up­on the whole German Nation. But the Barbarians opposed him in very vast num­bers, and therefore Cesar would not stay till they came up to him, but cross'd the Rhine; as judging it more advantageous that the Barbarians Country should be the Seat of War rather than that of the Romans; for thereby the Cities would e­scape being pillaged by the Barbarians any more. So therefore to it they fell, and very briskly too, insomuch that an infi­nite number of Barbarians were slain in the Battel; whilst others fled, whom Ce­sar pursu'd into the Hercynian Woods, and kill'd a great many of 'em, but took Vadomarius, the Barbarian Generals Son, alive, and brought his Army home, sing­ing triumphant Songs, and Praises to Cesar for his Exploits in the atchieving of those Victories. But Julian sent Vadomarius un­to Constantius, believing that he owed the success of that Victory to his good Fortune.

In the mean time the Barbarians, who were in very dangerous circumstances, fearing, upon the account of their Wives and Children, lest Cesar should go into those places where they lived, and quite destroy their whole Generation, they sent Embassadours to treat of an Accommoda­tion, by which they would be bound ne­ver to fight against the Romans any more. But Cesar told 'em, He would not treat of Peace upon any terms, unless he first receiv'd back the Captives whom they had formerly taken in the several Towns which they conquer'd. To which see­ing they consented and promised to de­liver up all that were alive; Cesar, to make sure that no single Captive should remain among the Barbarians, took this course: He sent for all those that were fled out of each City and Village, and re­quir'd 'em to tell him by their Names what Captives the Barbarians had taken from each of their Cities or Villages. And when they had severally named the Per­sons, whom they knew either upon the score of Kindred, Neighbourhood, Friend­ship, or upon some other account, he or­der'd the Imperial Notaries to take a Ca­talogue of them: which they did so pri­vately that the Embassadours knew no­thing of it. And then Cesar crossing the [Page 153] Rhine, commanded them to bring back the Captives: which in a short time they obey'd. But because they said, that those were all the Captives, Cesar who was seated upon an high Throne, and had plant­ed the Notaries behind him, he gave Or­der, that the Barbarians should produce their Captives, according to their Arti­cles. So when the Captives came before him one by one and told their names, the Notaries that stood hard by Cesar, look'd into their Papers to see whether they were right. But afterward comparing those which they had taken down, with those that appear'd before Cesar, and find­ing that the Inhabitants of the several Cities and Villages had named many more than were there present, they stood be­hind Cesar and told him of it. Where­upon he threaten'd the Embassadours to make War against the Barbarians, for not delivering all the Captives, and by the suggestion of the Notaries named certain Persons of such and such Towns that were yet lacking. Which the Barbarians hear­ing, they presently imagined that Cesar had all the most abstruse and secret things in Nature revealed to him by some Di­vine Intelligence, and therefore they pro­mised to deliver up all that they found alive, and Bound their Promise with [Page 150] [...] [Page 151] [...] [Page 152] [...] [Page 153] [...] [Page 154]the accustomary Oaths of their Country.

Which when they had done, and had restored as many Captives as it was pro­bable might be taken out of forty Cities which they sack'd, Cesar was at a loss what to do, because he saw the Cities quite ruined, and that the Land had been for a considerable time untilled, which caused a great scarcity of provisions among those that were delivered up by the Bar­barians. For the neighbouring Cities could not supply 'em, because they themselves had been very sensible of the Barbarian violence, and consequently had no great plenty for their own use. He therefore, being in a doubt what to resolve on, contrived it thus: The Rhine discharges it self into the Atlantick Ocean at the ut­most limits of Germany, where some of the Galls live: and from that shore the British Isle lies nine hundred furlongs di­stant. For which reason he got Timber out of the Woods that lie upon the River and built eight hundred Vessels, bigger than Skiffs; which he sent into Britain for Corn, and invented a way how to car­ry that Corn up the Rhine in Boats. And this he did so often (because the Voyage was but short) that he abundantly sup­ply'd them, that were restored to their Cities, so that they had meat enough, [Page 155]Seed-corn, and what they lacked between that and Harvest. And these things he did when he was hardly enter'd into the five and twentieth year of his Age.

But seeing the Soldiers loved him for his frugality at home and courage in the Wars, and also for his Command that he had of himself in respect to Riches with his other Virtues, wherein he excell'd, I had almost said, all the men of his Age, Constantius was full of envy to see Ju­lian do such great things; and thought that Salustius who was one of those Coun­sellours that were allotted to him, had been the Author of all that Policy which gained him so much Honour both in his Warlike and Civil Affairs. Wherefore he sent for Salustius, as if he would have made him Governour of the Eastern Coun­treys. And Julian as readily dismiss'd him, because he was resolv'd to be obe­dient unto Constantius in all points. But though Salustius were now removed, yet all that was committed to Julian's charge encreas'd every day (as I may say) in a great measure, and the Soldiers were im­proved in military experience, as well as augmented in their numbers, whilst the Towns enjoy'd Peace and the fruits of it.

And now almost all the Barbarians there­abouts began to despair, and expected little less than the utter ruine and destru­ction of all them that were lest alive, when at the same time the Saxons (who are the stoutest Barbarians in all those parts both for courage, strength and hardi­ness in a Campagne) sent out the Quadi, who are a part of themselves, into the Ro­man Dominions. But they were hinder'd from passing the River by the Franks (who lived upon their Confines, and were affraid of giving Cesar a just occasion to make another inrode upon them) and therefore built themselves a convenient number of Boats, in which they sailed up­on the Rhine beyond the French Territo­ries, and got into the Roman Empire. And when they arrived at Batavia, which the Rhine by being divided makes an Island, much bigger than any River-Island be­sides, they drove out the Salii, who are a Nation descended from the Franks and turn'd out of their own Country into this Island by the Saxons. For this Island though it had been formerly subject to none but the Romans, yet it was now in possession of the Salii. Which when Ce­sar knew, he endeavour'd to countermine the Quadi; but first commanded his Army to engage them briskly, but kill ne'r an [Page 157]one of the Salii or hinder their passage in­to the Roman Countreys, because they did not come as Enemies, but were forced thi­ther by the Quadi.

As soon as the Salii heard how kind Ce­sar was to 'em, some of 'em went over out of the Island with their King into the Ro­man Confines, and others fled to the ut­most borders of the Country, but all of 'em came and humbly committed both their lives and fortunes to Cesar's gracious protection.

But Cesar by this time observing that the Barbarians durst not fight with him any more, they were so intent upon their secret incursions and sly Thieveries (by which they did a great deal of damage to the Country) he could not tell what to do, till at the last he invented this Stratagem to baffle the Barbarians. There was a man, much bigger than any body else, and one that had courage proportio­nable to his bulk. Which Person, being by Nation a Barbarian, and having used to rob with the other Barbarians, thought fit to leave his own Country and go into Gal­lia Celtica, which was under the Romans. But whilst he sojourn'd sometime at Treves (which is the greatest City in all the Nations beyond the Alps) and saw the Barbarians beyond the Rhine over-run [Page 158]the Cities that are situate upon this side of the River, and pillage all places without con­troul (which was before that Julian was made a Cesar) he was resolving with himself to defend those Towns. But because he durst not do that for want of Law to back him in it, he at first went alone into the thickest part of the Woods and waited till the Barbarians made their incursions, and so in the Night-time when they were Drunk and asleep, he set upon 'em and cut off as many of their heads as he was able, which he brought and shew'd to those that were in the Town. And this he did continually; insomuch that he re­bated the keenness of the Barbarians, who though they could not tell how it came to pass, yet they were sensible of a pre­judice done to 'em by the Armies decreas­ing almost every Day. But after other Robbers had join'd with this same Person and of a great many single Persons had made a considerable Company, then Cha­rietto (for that was the mans Name; who first found out this way of Ambus­cade against the Barbarians) came to Ce­sar and told him all the story, which few People knew before that time. — And thereupon Cesar who could not easily re­strain the nocturnal and clandestine in­rodes of the Barbarians (for they robb'd [Page 159]in small Companies straggling from each other: and when it was Day, you could not see one man of 'em, because they hid themselves in Woods adjacent to the fields, and lived upon that which they had got­ten by robbing) Cesar therefore (I say) considering how difficult it was to subdue such an Enemy, was forced to oppose these Thieves not with an Army of Soldiers onely, but Moss-Troopers also.

For this reason he took Charietto and his men along with him, besides a good many of the Salii which he added to 'em, and sent 'em forth in the Night against the thievish Quadi, who though they lived at that time upon what they stole, yet might be less skill'd in the Art of Robbing which these men had studied. And then in the Day-time he kept Guard in the open field, and kill'd all that escaped his Robbers. And thus he did for a great while toge­ther, till the Quadi were reduced to such a streight, and so small a number that they and their General surrendered themselves to Cesar, who had taken a great many Prisoners in the former excursions and en­gagements, had got among the rest, the Kings Son, whom Charietto took. For that was the cause that when they made such miserable Petitions for Peace, and [Page 160] Cesar demanded some of their Nobility for Hostages; amongst whom he requir'd the King's Son should be one; the General [or King] broke out into a most lament­able Complaint and swore, with tears in in his Eyes, that he had lost his Son too among the rest. Which Cesar seeing, he had compassion upon his sorrow and shew'd him his Son who was kept very nobly: but told him withal, that he would keep the Youth for an Hostage, as well as o­thers of the Nobility whom he had upon that account; for he condescended to make Peace with 'em upon Condition that they should never more lift up their hands a­gainst the Romans.

When Cesar had setled things in this manner, he added the Salii, some part of the Quadi and of them that live in the Isle Batavia, to his Legions, whose Disci­pline we seem still to retain. But in the mean time the Emperour Constantius was in the East disposing onely of the Persian Affairs and intent upon the Wars in those parts. For all the Nations beyond the Alps were in good order, as being managed by Cesars Conduct: nor were either Italy or Illyricum in any danger, by reason that the Barbarians who dwelt beyond the Ister were affraid lest Cesar should come [Page 161]through Gallia, pass the Ister and set upon 'em, and therefore contein'd themselves within the bounds of modesty. Where­fore Constantius being thus employ'd, the Persians whose Kings name was Sapores, at that time pillaged the Country of Meso­potamia, and when they had wasted all places about Nisibis, they besieged the City it self with all their Forces. But Lucillia­nus the General was so well provided for a Siege that partly by the happy occasi­ons which he prudently made use of, and partly by his own contrivances the City escaped those mischiefs that beset it, and was deliver'd from extremity of danger. But how it was brought about I thought supersluous to tell you, since Cesar himself has given an account of all the transacti­ons of those times in a peculiar Treatise; which whosoever reads, will find a great deal of Oratory in that Man.

But at this juncture when the Affairs of the East seem'd now to be in a quiet posture, and Cesars mighty deeds were the publick Discourse, Constantius was sei­zed with bitter envy. And being stung with the prosperous success of all that was done in Celtica and Spain, he devised pre­tences, under which he by degrees, and with out any dishonor might lessen Cesar's Power and so deprive him of his Dignity. To [Page 162]which end he by a Messenger command­ed Cesar to send him two Legions of the Celtick Soldiers, as if he wanted their as­sistance. And Julian in obedience to his Order immediately dispatch'd 'em away, partly through ignorance of his Design, and partly because he would not give him the least occasion to be angry. But when he had so done, he took all care imagi­nable of the Celtick Affairs, whilst the Army encreas'd daily and the Barbarians even in the remotest parts of the Coun­try were so terrified at it that they did not so much as dream of making War. But after that Constantius required some other Legions to be sent him from Cesar: and having obtein'd his desire, he command­ed four Companies more to be transmit­ted to him. According to which Precept Cesar gave notice to the Soldiers that they should prepare to march. But whilst Ju­lian was at Parisium (a little Town in Germany) the Soldiers being ready to march were at Supper till Midnight in a place near the Palace which there they so cal­led, but knew not a word of what was intended against Cesar; when certain Tri­bunes, who had found that to be really true which was formerly contrived against him, dispers'd a great many Notes with­out any Name to 'em privately among [Page 163]the Soldiers, in which they gave 'em to understand, how Cesar, who by his Po­licy had so order'd the matter, that almost all of them had erected Trophies against the Barbarians, and had always fought like a private Soldier, was in extream danger from the Emperor, who would shortly rob him of all his Army, if they did not all get together and hinder the Soldiers marching. And when some of the Soldiers, having read those Notes, had discover'd the Intrigue to the whole Army, it made 'em all very angry. Whereupon they arose from the place where they were in a great hurli-burly, whilst the Cups were yet in their hands and went to the Palace, where breaking open the Doors without any Ceremony at all, they brought Cesar forth, and lifting him up upon a Shield declared him Emperor Au­gustus, and put a Diadem upon his Head whether he would or no.

'Tis true, Cesar was troubled at what they had done, but did not think it safe for him to reverse it, because Constantius would not abide by any Oaths, or Cove­nants, nor observe any other Obligation which binds mankind to keep their words; and yet he would try him. So he sent Embassadours to tell Constantius that he [Page 164]had been declared Emperour without his seeking, and if he pleased he was ready to lay aside his Diadem and keep to his honour of being Cesar onely. But Con­stantius was so enraged and so arrogant, that he told the Embassadors, That if Ju­lian loved his life, he must lay down the very Garb of a Cesar as well as his Impe­rial Dignity, and in a private capacity submit himself to the Emperors pleasure. For he should come to no harm, nor suf­fer what his audacity deserv'd. Which when Julian was inform'd of by the Em­bassadors, he openly shew'd what his O­pinion was of the Deity, and declared be­fore 'em all, He had rather trust the Gods than Constantius with his life and fortune. And from this time it plainly appear'd what a grudg Constantius bore to Julian; for Constantius presently prepared for a Civil War. When at the same Julian was trou­bled that such things should fall out; be­cause if he fought with him who had con­ferr'd upon him the Honour of a Cesar, he should be esteemed by many People but an ungrateful Man.

But whilst he was considering of these things, and revolving within himself, as being very loth to undertake a civil War, the Deity told him what should come to [Page 165]pass, in a Dream. For when he was at Vienna, the Sun seemed in a Dream to shew him the Constellations and to speak these Verses:

Now therefore relying upon this Dream, he was very diligent (as he used to be) in publick business. And because it was yet Winter-time he took all necessary care of what related to the Barbarians, that if he should have been forced to undertake any new Enterprise, the state of Celtica might have been secure. But at the same time, whilst Constantius continu'd in the East, Julian prepared to frustrate his De­sign. For it being pretty far in the Sum­mer, he had no sooner setled matters a­mong the Barbarians beyond the Rhine, (whom he had partly forced into good manners with his Sword, and partly per­swaded 'em by experience, from what was past, to love Peace rather than War) he put his Army in such a posture as if they had been just a going a long Journey. And when he had constituted both Civil and Military Officers to govern the Towns [Page 166]and the Borders, he march'd with his Army toward the Alps. And when he came into [...]tia, where the River Ister rises that runs though Noricum, all Pannonia, Dacia, Mysia in Thrace and Scythia, till it discharges it self into the Euxine Sea, he built a company of Boats, and with three thousand of his men went down the Ister, commanding twenty thousand of 'em to go by Land to Sirmium. And because they rowed continually with the stream (besides that they had the benefit of the yearly Winds called Etesiae) he arrived the eleventh day at Sirmiam. Where when it was reported that the Emperor was come, almost all People thought it had been Constantius that was meant; but seeing it was Julian, they all stood ama­zed, as if they had taken him for an Ap­parition.

But not long after when his Army that follow'd him out of Celtica was come, he wrote to the Roman Senate and to the Forces of Italy, to have a care and keep their Cities, since he was Emperor. And whereas Taurus and Florentius, the two Consuls for that year who were of Con­stantius's side, left Rome as soon as they heard that Julian was got over the Alps into Pannonia, he order'd them to be term­ed Fugitive Consuls in all publick Instru­ments. [Page 167]But he behaved himself very ob­ligingly to all the Towns that he pass'd by, though in all haste, and put 'em all in good hopes of him. He likewise wrote to the Athenians, the Lacedemonians and Co­rinthians, to let 'em know the reason of his coming. And when he was at Sir­mium there came Embassadours out of al­most all Greece to him; to whom when he had given such answers as became him, and granted 'em all that was their due, he march'd forward with his Celtick Army and another which he raised both out of Sirmium and the Legions which lay in Pannonia and Mysia.

But when he came to Naisus he con­sulted the Soothsayers to know what he had best to do. And seeing the Entrails signified that he must stay there some time, he did so, observing withal the time that was foretold to him in his Dream. Which when it was come according to the motion of the Stars, there arrived a party of Horse from Constantinople, whilst [...] was at Naisus, who told him that Constan­tius was dead; and that the Armies desi­red Julian should be Emperour.

Whereupon he accepted of what the Gods had bestow'd upon him, and so went on his Journey forward. But when he came to Byzantium, the People all re­ceived [Page 168]him with joyful Acclamations, cal­ling him their Fellow-Citizen and their Darling (because he was born and bred in that City) and gave him all other kind of respect, as a Person that was like to be the Author of very much good to Man­kind. And here whilst he took care both for the City and the Army, he gave the City the priviledg to call a Senate like that in the City of Rame. He also made a large Port to it, to secure the Ships from the South-winds; together with a Portico (resembling the Letter Sigma more than a [...]height figure) which leads to the Port. [...] this, he built a Library in [...], wherein he put all [...] he had; and having so [...] prepared for the Persian War. But when he had tarried ten months in Byzantium he made Hormisdas and Victor Generals, to whom he committed the Tri­bunes and the Armies, and so went to An­tioch. It is not necessary to tell you with what pleasure and zeal the Soldiers went this Journey. For it is not likely that they should do any thing that was un­seemly when they were under such an Emperors Conduct as Julian was. So when he came to Antioch the People re­ceived him very kindly. But being by nature great lovers of Shews and publick [Page 169]Sports, and more addicted to pleasure than serious matters, they did not very pro­bably so well like the Emperors prudence and modesty in all sorts of things; be­cause he would refrain from coming into the publick Theatres, nor would he often see Plays, or when he did, not sit at 'em all Day. Upon which account they spoke very strange words of him that vex'd him. But he was reveng'd upon 'em, not by in­flicting any real punishment, but by com­posing a very gentile Oration upon them and the City; which has so much of Sa­tyr in it mix'd with Gall, that it may serve for a Lampoon upon the Antiochians through the World. But they were sorry for their faults: and therefore the Empe­ror when he had done for the City as much as in equity he was able, and grant­ed to it a great number of Senators who should succeed in that Office by descent from Father to Son; and likewise admit­ted those that were born of Senators Daughters to be of the same number, (which is a priviledg that few Cities have) and done many other just and good Acti­ons, he prepared for the Persian War.

And when the Winter was over, ha­ving muster'd his Forces together, and sent 'em before him in the regular way [Page 170]of marching, he went out of Antioch though he had no encouragement from the O­racle. But what the reason of that was I can tell; though I had rather hold my Tongue. Now therefore when he was come to Hierapolis upon the fifth day, where he had order'd all the Ships to meet, both Men of War and those of Burthen too, from Samosata and other places that used to sail in Euphrates; and having made Hierius, a Captain of Foot, his Ad­miral, he sent him before, but stay'd him­self three days and no more in Hierapolis. After which time he went to Batnae a little Town in Osdroena, where the Ede­senes met him in whole Droves, present­ing him with a Crown, and bidding him welcome into their City with joyful accla­mations. He accepted of their kindness, and coming into the City, made what Or­ders he thought good and so went on to Carrae. But because from hence there were two ways; the one through the River Tigris and the City of Nisibis, till you come to the Provinces of Adiabene, and the other by Euphrates and Circesium (which is a Castle encompassed by the River Aboras and Euphrates it self, and lies upon the Confines of Assyria) the Emperor was at a stand which way to [Page 171]take, and in the mean time news was brought that the Persians had made an in­cursion upon the Roman Dominions. At which the Camp was somewhat disturb'd; But the Emperor understood they were Robbers rather than any others, who took what came next to their hands and went their way with it; and therefore he resolv'd to leave a competent Guard upon the places near the River Tigris, lest if all the Army should go along with him the other way through the Persian Terri­tories, the Persians should pillage Nisibis and all those parts without being disco­ver'd, especially when they found 'em de­stitute of all Defence. He therefore thought fit to leave in that Country eighteen thou­sand men, of whom Sebastianus and Proco­pius should be the Chief Commanders, whilst he himself with the main Body of the Army went over Euphrates with his Forces divided into two Parties; that they might be ready to resist the Enemy as soon as they saw 'em, and not suffer 'em so licentiously to over-run whatever came in their way.

When he had thus order'd his Affairs at Carrae, (a Town that parts the Roman from the Assyrian Dominions) he had a mind to view the Army from some more eminent place, and admire the Foot Com­panies [Page 172]as well as the Troops of Horse, which were in all full sixty five thousand men. And therefore marching out of Carrae, he presently pass'd the Castles be­tween that and Callinicum, from whence arriving at Circesium (of which I told you before) he cross'd the River Aboras and so sailed over Euphrates. The Soldiers also follow'd him who had brought provi­sions along with them, and they likewise took shipping who were enjoin'd so to do. For by this time the Navy was arriv'd, in which there was a great many ships; that is to say, six hundred made of Wood, and five hundred made of Skins. Be­sides which there were fifty ships of War, and others also that follow'd along with 'em, to make Bridges, if occasion were, for the Army to pass the Rivers on foot. There were also a great number of other Ships or Vessels that follow'd, which serv'd partly to carry provisions for the Army, partly Timber to make Engines, and part­ly battering Engines for a Siege, that were ready made. Now of all this Navy Lu­cilian and Constantius were Admirals. And when the Army was thus disposed of, the Emperor sate upon a Throne, and from thence spake to 'em all that was requisite for him to say or them to do; which when he had done, he gave each of 'em an hun­dred [Page 173]and thirty pieces of Silver, and so march'd toward Persia, where Victor com­manded the Foot, but Hormisdas and A­rintheus together, the Horse. Of that Hormisdas I told you before, that he was a Persian and a Kings Son; but persecuted by his Brother and fain to run away to the Emperor Constantine, from whom his approved fidelity and friendship deserv'd the greatest honours and preferments.

When therefore the Emperor was come into Persia, the Horse was placed in the left Wing, and march'd along the bank of the River, whilst part of the Foot attend­ed upon the right, and the rereguard of them was seventy furlongs off. Between whom and the foremost march'd the Beasts of Burthen, that carry'd the heavy Ar­mour with other Provisions and Atten­dants; that they also might be secure, as being enclosed on every side by the Army. And now having so contrived his march forward, he thought fit to send one thou­sand five hundred of his men before him, to scout and see whether any Enemy ap­proached either in open view or by way of Ambuscade, of whom he made Luci­lianus Captain. Then moving forward sixty furlongs, he came into a place cal­led Lautha; and from thence to Dura, [Page 174]where you might have seen the ruins of a City, which was at that time deserted, as likewise the Sepulchre of King Gordia­nus. In which place also the Soldiers found a multitude of Deer, which they shot and eat with great satisfaction. From thence he went seven Days march to a place called Phathusae, over against which there was an Island in the River, where­on stood a Castle that had a great many men in it. He therefore sent Lucilianus thither with a thousand of his Vanguard under his Command, to besiege the Castle. And though as long as it was dark the besiegers went undiscover'd, yet as soon as it was Day, being espied by one that came out of the Castle to fetch Water, they put those that were within into a grievous fright. Upon which immediate­ly they all got up upon the Wall, till the Emperor came over into the Island with his Engines and the other part of his Army, and promised those that were with­in, that if they would deliver up them­selves and their Castle they should escape certain Death. Accordingly they did sur­render, and the Emperor sent them, Men, Women and Children into the Roman Do­minions with a Guard of Soldiers to con­duct 'em: and made Puseus, their Cap­tain, [Page 175]not only a Tribune in his own Army, but, for his fidelity, made him one of his familiars ever after.

Some distance from this, he arrived at another Island in the same River, where there was another very strong Castle; which the Emperor attaqued but found it impreg­nable on every side, and therefore de­manded of 'em that they would surren­der, and not run the risque of being sack'd. To which they reply'd, That they would do as others did; and so he went forward to other Castles, which he pass'd by, as being satisfied with the like promises. For he did not think it worth his while to spend too much time about small things, but look'd upon it as his best course to hasten and prepare for the main business of the War. So then after some days march he came to Dacira which is a Town on the right hand as you sail along Eu­phrates. Which when the Soldiers found forsaken of its Inhabitants, they took a­way a great deal of Corn that was laid up there, and no small quantity of other things. And when they had kill'd all the Women that were left in it, they razed the Walls so low, that no one who saw the place would think there ever had been a Town there. But to conclude the account of this place and the parts adja­cent, [Page 176]give me leave to tell you by the by, That upon the opposite shoar there was a Fountain, that flow'd with Pitch or Bitumen. From thence he came to Sitha, Megia and the City Zaragardia; in which there was a lofty Throne, made of Stone; which the Inhabitants used to call, Tra­jans Throne: where when the Soldiers had easily plunder'd and burnt the City, they spent that Day and the next in Recrea­tions.

In the mean time the Emperor won­der'd that his Army had march'd so far and met no Persians either in Ambuscade or the open Field; wherefore he sent Hor­misdas with his Scouts to look out, be­cause he knew that Country best. In which Expedition Hormisdas and his Sol­diers had all been like to have perish'd if it had not been for one lucky accident that unexpectedly saved 'em. For a Per­son called Surenas (which is a Title of Honour among the Persians) had plant­ed an Ambuscade in a certain place, ex­pecting Hormisdas and his men to come that way, and designing to surprize 'em as they pass'd by. And indeed that hopes had taken effect, if Euphrates had not broken out of its usual course and run­ning between the Enemy and Hormisdas impeded the passage of him and his Sol­diers. [Page 177]And upon this account being for­ced to defer their Journey, the next Day they discover'd Surenas and all his Accom­plices in the Ambuscade, with whom they wheeled about and engaged. And having kill'd many of 'em, they put some to flight, but mingled the remaining part a­mong their own Army. From thence they went on to an Arm of Euphrates, which reaches as far as Assyria, and all along till you come to Tigris. Where being the Soldiers met with a stiff Clay and marshy ground, in which the Horses had the worst on't, nor could they themselves swim the River in their Armour, or wade over ei­ther, it was so deep and muddy, they could not imagine what to do. And that which made the danger greater, was, that they saw the Enemy on the other side, who were ready to stop their pas­sage with Darts and Stones which they threw out of Slings. But when no body else could think of an Expedient to free them from those imminent dangers, the Emperor himself, who was a man of great sagacity in all things and very well vers'd in Military Affairs, resolved to order Lucil­lianus and his fifteen hundred Scouts to go and attaque the Enemy behind, there­by to give 'em a Diversion, till he and his Army had pass'd the River. To which [Page 178]end he sent forth Victor, one of his Cap­tains, with a competent number of men: who lest the Persians should see him set out, began his Journey in the Night-time, and when he had gone so far, that the Enemies could not see what he did even in the Day, he cross'd the Channel to seek Lucillianus and his Party. And go­ing on still forward but finding no Enemy by the way, he call'd out to his Coun­try-men not onely with a loud Voice, but gave 'em notice also with Trumpets to come to him. But indeed he met him according to his desire, and Lucillianus who guess'd what his business was, joining his with Victors Forces, went and sur­prised the Enemy behind. Who being ta­ken so unprepared were either slain or made their escape which way soever they could. By this means the Emperor, see­ing his stratagem succeeded, pass'd over the River without any resistance. And having got his Horse over in Boats that he light upon there, and the Foot in o­ther Vessels, which he found in many parts of the River, he continu'd his Journey forward, without any dread of an Ene­my, till he came to a certain City called Bersabora, whose bigness and Situation he took a view of. For it was enclosed with two round Walls, and in the middle [Page 179]of it there was a Castle, with another Wall about it, much like the Segment of a Circle; to which there was a Way from the inner Wall of the City, that one could hardly get up to. And then upon the South and West side of this City there was a crook­ed winding way out: whereas upon the North part they had made a broad Wa­ter-graff out of the River, from whence they convey'd Water for the use of the In­habitants. And lastly upon the East side it was encompassed with a deep Ditch and a Mound born up with strong cross pieces of Timber; about which Ditch great Towers stood, which were built from the ground half way with Brick ce­mented by a kind of bituminous Loam; but above the middle they were made of the same kind of Bricks and Plaister.

Now the Emperor having resolv'd to take this City, he encouraged his Soldiers to the attempt, who were so far from being backward that they obey'd his Or­der with all alacrity. Whereupon the Citizens desired that the Emperor would please to receive 'em into his favour and friendship; begging one while that he would send Hormisdas to treat of Peace with them, and anon reviling the same Person as a Fugitive, a Renegado, and a [Page 180]betrayer of his Countrey. At which the Emperor having good cause to be angry, he commanded all his Men to mind their business, and carry on the Siege with all their vigour. Nor did they fail each one to do his part, till the besieged seeing themselves unable to defend their Walls fled all into the Castle. Which when the Emperor saw, he sent his Soldiers into the City that was now bereft of its Inhabi­tants; who pull'd down the Walls, burnt the Houses, and planted Engines upon the most opportune places, from which they threw both Darts and Stones upon them that were got into the Castle. But because the besieged from the Castle kept off the besiegers with Darts and Stones which they continually threw back; in­somuch that there was a great slaughter on both sides, the Emperor either by his own ingenuity upon consideration how the place was Situated, or out of his ex­traordinary experience, made this kind of Engine: He fasten'd great pieces of Timber together with Iron, in form of a square Tower, which he placed against the Castle Wall, till by degrees it was made as high; and into that same Tower he put Bowmen with Engineers that use to sling Darts and Stones. So that the Per­sians [Page 181]who were pelted on all sides, both by the besiegers, and those that were upon the Engine, were forced after a short resistance, at last to promise, they would surrender the Castle, if the Empe­ror would offer any reasonable Terms. And thereupon they agreed, that the Per­sians, every man of 'em, which were with­in, should pass through the middle of the Roman Army untouch'd, and each of 'em have a certain sum of money, besides a Coat upon their surrendering the Castle to the Emperor. Which being perform'd, there were about five thousand men dis­miss'd, besides what escaped in Long-Boats over the Water; and among the rest their Captain Momosirus went out at the same time. And when the Castle was thus taken, the Soldiers who sought for what might pro­bably be left in it, found an immense quan­tity of Corn, all kind of Arms and Engines, together with Houshold furniture and o­ther Provisions in abundance. All which they disposed of as they thought fit, only the greatest part of the Corn was put in­to the Ships to maintain the Soldiers, and the rest they divided among them over and above their ordinary allowance. And as for the Arms, as many of 'em as were fit for the Roman use were distributed a­mong the Army; but those that were one­ly [Page 182]adapted to the Persian manner of fight­ing were partly burnt and partly thrown down the River.

From this Action did the Roman glory receive no small addition; That so great a City, even the greatest in Assyria next to Ctesiphon, and so well fortified, should be taken by storm in onely two days. And for that reason the Emperor was very kind to his Soldiers, as he shew'd by a lau­datory Speech that he made in their com­mendation, as much as it was convenient for him to say, and by the hundred pieces of Silver which he gave to each one of 'em. And so much for these Affairs: whilst in the mean time Surenas, coming with a great Army out of a Town in As­syria, surprised the Roman Scouts that went before the rest of the Army, kill'd one of the three Tribunes with some of his Sol­diers, and put the rest to flight, so that he carry'd off an Ensign Military, which was like a Dragon, and such as the Ro­mans use to carry in War. Which when the Emperor knew of he was very much troubled, and in a rage, just as he was, fell upon Surenas's men, made 'em all run that could get away, re-took the En­sign which the Enemy had taken away, and coming immediately to the City, where Surenas had surprised the Scouts, [Page 183]he storm'd, took, and burnt it. And as to the Captain of the Scouts; because he left his Ensign with the Enemy, preferring his safety before the bravery and honour of a Roman, he took away his Girdle from him, and look'd upon him as a scandalous, pitiful Fellow, as well as all the rest that ran away along with him.

But going forward over the River he came to a place near which there is a City called Tissenia: about the Walls whereof there was a Ditch, which though it were very deep the Persians fill'd with a great deal of Water which they derived into it out of the neighbouring River, which is called the Kings River. But they pas­sed this City without any stay (because there was nothing in it that had the face of hostility) and went through a place where there was an arrificial Fenn, made out of a fancy which the Persians con­ceiv'd, that if they cut a Sluce for the River to come in, it was impossible for an Army to pass that way. Yet the Em­peror running before (as much as men use to do over such a wet ground) the Army follow'd him, though they were up to the knees. For they could not for shame but do what they saw the Emperor did be­fore 'em. But when the Sun was set, the Army rested hard by; whilst the Emperor [Page 184]commanding some of his Soldiers and se­veral Artificers to follow him, cut down Trees and Wood wherewith he made a Bridg over the Sluces, and throwing earth into the Fens fill'd up the deep places, and in some measure widen'd the streight pas­sages. After which coming back he led his Army through with great facility, till he came to a Town called Bithra, in which there was a Palace and room e­nough to receive not onely the Emperor but his Army also.

But he departed thence too, and with the same pains as before, went before his men, making the way thereby more to­lerable to 'em. And by this means he carry'd 'em all over with him, till he came to a place, where there was ne'r a House, but onely a Grove of Palm-trees; in which there were also Vines growing, that ran up to the top of the Palm-trees, and pre­sented their Eyes with the sight of Palm-fruit mix'd with Grapes. And when he had spent the ensuing Night in this place, the next Morning he went forward. But coming too near to a certain Castle he had like to have receiv'd his Deaths-wound. For a Persian that came out of the Castle with his Sword in his Hand strook full at the Emperors Head; which he foreseeing clap'd his Shield upon his [Page 185]Head and so broke the blow. Upon which the Soldiers immediately fell aboard the Persian and kill'd him together with all his Companions, except some few, that by chance escaped through the Enemies and fled into the Castle. And now the Emperor being extreamly enraged at this bold action, walk'd round the Castle to see if it were any where pregnable. But whilst he was busie about this Affair, Su­renas set upon the Soldiers that remain'd in the Palm-grove before they were aware of him, as hoping by that means not only to get all their beasts of Burthen and Car­riages, but to divert the Emperor from besieging the Castle, as soon as he heard of it; though he was deceiv'd in both parts of his Project. For the Emperour thought it a matter of great consequence to take the Castle; because there was a City near it called Besuchis, which was very populous; besides a great many o­ther Castles, whose Inhabitants were fled away into that which the Emperor was a besieging because their own were not strong enough to protect 'em; excepting some that fled to Ctesiphon, or hid themselves in the thickest part of the Grove.

Upon this account the Emperor laid close Siege to it; whilst in the mean time that part of the Army which was sent [Page 186]out to Scout or assist their own Party, if any Enemy appear'd, did not only defeat all those that opposed 'em, but killed some and made others shamefully run for their lives, insomuch that they secur'd the Emperor whilst the Siege lasted. And be­cause some of those that fled had gotten into the Fens that are in the Grove, the Scouts did not spare even them neither, but kill'd some and took the rest Priso­ners: whilst those that were besieged in the Castle kept off the Enemy with Darts of all sorts which they threw at 'em. And because they had no Stones within, they made Balls of Pitch which they set fire to and flung upon them; nor was it hard to hit them they aimed at, because they threw from above and at a great multitude together. Yet notwithstand­ing the Roman Soldiers, though they had the disadvantage of the lower ground, o­mitted no kind of Warlike Policy, or true Valour. For they threw and shot great Stones and Darts at the Enemy, not onely out of Bows but Engines also; and those so contrived, that they would hit not onely one, but two, three, or more at a time. But seeing the Castle stood upon an Hill, and was fortified with two Walls, sixteen great Towers and a deep Ditch a­bout it, which at one part of it brought [Page 187]in Water for them that were in the Castle to drink, the Emperor bad the Soldiers get Earth enough and fill up the Ditch, and then raise a Mound upon it as high as one of the Towers. He likewise re­solv'd to dig in another place through (under) the Wall toward the middle of the inner Wall, with intention to surprise the Enemy out of a Mine. But the Ene­my hinder'd them that were to raise the Mound by continual flinging of Darts upon 'em; and therefore the Emperor him­self undertook the main Battery by seve­ral contrivances for defence against either Darts or Fire-balls: but he left the care of the Mines and raising of the Mounds to Nevita and Dagalaiphus. Then giving Victor the Command of so many Foot and so many Horse, he order'd him to Scout out in all places betwixt that and Ctesiphon: and if any Enemy appear'd, with design to di­vert the Emperor from his Siege, that he should frustrate any such attempt by the help of those he had with him: and likewise that he should make the way from thence to Ctesiphon, by Bridges and other Methods more easie for him and his Army.

Having thus given his Captains their several Charges, he planted his Rams a­gainst a certain Gate, which he did not [Page 188]onely shake but broke to pieces. And seeing those that had the care of the Mines committed to them, were lazy and did not mind their business, he removed them by way of Disgrace for their remissness, and substituted others in their places. After which he brought a second Ram before another Gate, which was not strong e­nough to bear the shock of it; when at the same time there came a Messenger to tell him, that they who were order'd to dig a Mine from the Ditch into the Town had done their work, and were just ready to spring in. Now the men concern'd were three Companies, that is to say, the Mattiarii, Laccinarii, and the Victores. But the Em­peror kept a little in suspense, whilst he commanded an Engine to be brought with all speed against another Gate, where he planted all his Army: to make the Ene­my believe, that on the morrow with that Engine he would take the Castle. For his Design indeed was, to keep the Per­sians from any thoughts of being surpri­sed through a Mine. And therefore all those that were in the Castle were whol­ly intent upon destroying that Engine; whilst at the same time the Parties, who had the care of the Mines having dug quite through even to the Surface of the Earth, they came forth at mid-night in [Page 189]the middle of an House, where there was a Woman a grinding Corn; whom he that first appear'd immediately kill'd, because she was a going to cry out. His name, that did so, was Superantius, a notable Soldier in the Regiment of the Victores: and next to him came Magnus; then Jo­vianus a Tribune in the Regiment of the Notarii, with many more that follow'd 'em. And when by degrees the passage was made wider they were all got pre­sently into the middle of the Town. From whence they ran to the Wall and surprised the Persians, who were singing after their Country fashion in praise of their own King's Valour, but condemning the Roman Emperors vain attempt: for they said he might sooner take Jupiter's Palace than their Castle: till the Romans came upon 'em, and killing all they met with, by tumbling 'em down from the Wall, they pursu'd the rest and cut 'em off with all manner of Deaths; nor did they spare either Women or Children, except some few that they had a mind to make Slaves of. But Anabdates, the Governour of the Castle, being taken, as he ran through it, together with all his Guards which were eighty in number, was brought to the Emperor with his Hands bound. Now [Page 190]the Castle being thus taken by force and all the People in it, of what age soever, slain, except a few that were unexpe­ctedly preserved, the Soldiers fell to plun­dering; and when they had taken all they could find they razed the Wall to the very ground with Engines which they planted against it. Nor did they stop there, but pull'd down and burn'd all the Houses in such a manner that no body could imagine there had been ever any there.

From hence he march'd on and pass'd by other Castles of no great Note, till he came to an enclosed Place which they call the Kings Hunting [Chase,] where there was a Wall, containing within it a large space of ground, planted with all sorts of Trees, in which there were all kinds of wild Beasts, which wanted no food, be­cause it was brought in to 'em, and they were only kept for the King to Hunt when he pleased. Which when Julian saw, he or­der'd the Wall to be broken down in se­veral places; and by that means the Sol­diers shot the Deer as they ran by 'em. But besides this place he saw somewhere nigh unto it a Palace magnificently built after the Roman fashion: which when he heard was erected by the Romans, he left [Page 191]it, and would not suffer the Tribunes to spoil any part of it, out of respect to the Romans who were said to be the Founders of it.

From hence when the Army had pass'd by several Castles, they came to a City of Armenia called Sabatha, which is thirty furlongs from that which was formerly called Zochasa, but is now Seleucia. And whilst the Emperor tarried with most part of his Army in a place near to it, the Scouts that went before had storm'd the Town. The next Day the Emperor walk­ing about the Walls of it, he saw several Bodies hanging upon gibbets before the Gates; whom the Natives said were the kinsmen of one that had been accused for betraying a Town of the Persians which the Emperor Carus had taken. And that put the Emperor in mind to sum­mon Anabdates the Governor of the Castle, to his Trial; who though he had often deceiv'd the Roman Army, by his pre­tences to assist 'em in the War against Persia, yet he had then a fresh Crime laid to his Charge, for speaking scandalously of Hormisdas, as, calling him Traitor be­fore a great many People, and saying he was the cause of that Expedition against the Persians: for which he was taken and put to death.

Soon after his Execution, the Army marching on Arintheus search'd all the Fens and finding a great many men in 'em, he took 'em Prisoners. But it was here, that the Persians first muster'd up their Forces and set upon the Scouts that went before the Army; though they were soon routed, and glad to save their lives by flying into a neighbouring City. But the Persians on the other side the River attaquing the Servants that look'd to the Beasts of Burthen, and others also as ma­ny as they found with 'em, kill'd part of 'em and took the rest alive: which was the first loss the Romans happen'd to have had, and therefore put the Army in some kind of consternation. From thence they removed to a certain Sluce or Chan­nel which was very large, and cut (as the Country People say) by Trajan, when he made War against the Persians: Into which the River Narmalaches runs and discharges it self into the Tigris. This therefore the Emperor caused to be cleans'd and search'd, to make way for his Ves­sels to pass into the Tigris, and, if pos­sible, to make Bridges for the carrying of his Army over. And whilst these things were in agitation there, a great Body of Persians upon the opposite Bank, both Horse and Foot, were got to­gether, [Page 193]to hinder their passage if any such thing were attempted. Which preparati­on of the Enemy when the Emperor dis­cover'd, he was extreamly eager to be over with 'em, and in a sury commanded his men to go aboard the Vessels. But they seeing the other Bank somewhat higher than ordinary, and besides that a kind of an Hedg along it, which was for­merly made for a fence to the King's Gar­den, but at that time serv'd for a Wall, they said they were affraid of the Darts and Fire-balls which were thrown down from it. Whereupon the Emperor being very earnest with 'em, two Ships full of Foot Soldiers went over; which the Per­sians presently set on fire by throwing a great quantity of flaming Darts upon them. At which the Army was so much more dismay'd, that the Emperor was fain to tell a lye to hide his errour; They, says he, are got safe over and have made them­selves masters of the Bank: I know it by the fire that is in their Ships, which I or­der'd the Soldiers, that went over, to make in token of Victory. Nor had he sooner told 'em so, than, just as they were, they went into the Ships and over as fast as they could; till they came where they could wade, and then leaping into the Water, they engaged the Persians so briskly that [Page 194]they not onely got possession of the Bank, but also retrieved those two Ships which came over before, being now half burnt, and saved all the men that were left in them. And then the Armies fell upon each other so fiercely, that the Battel continu'd from twelve a Clock at Night till twelve a Clock at noon next Day; till at length the Persians gave way, and fled as fast as their Legs would carry 'em, their Captains being the first that began to run; that is to say, Pigraxes (who was a Person of greatest Birth and Quality next to the King,) together with Anareus and Surenas himself. But the Romans and the Goths ran after 'em and kill'd a great many, from whom they took a deal of Gold and Silver, besides all kind of Or­naments either for Men or Horses, with Silver Beds and Tables, whatever they found which the Officers had left upon the Rampires. Now they reckon that in this Fight there fell of the Persians twen­ty five hundred, and of the Romans not above seventy five. But Captain Victor seemed in some measure to abate the Armies joy for their Victory, by being wounded from an Engine.

The next Day the Emperor got his Army over the Tigris without any diffi­culty, and the third Day after the fight [Page 195]both himself and his Guards went after 'em. And coming to a certain place (which the Persians call Abuzatha) he stay'd there five days, whilst he consulted concerning his Journey forward, and found, it was better to march farther into the Country than to lead his Army by the Rivers side, because there was now no necessity of their going by Water. And having con­sider'd of it, he imparted his mind to the Army, whom he commanded to burn the Ships: and they accordingly were all consumed, except eighteen Roman and four Persian Vessels, which were carry'd along in Waggons, to be made use of upon oc­casion. And now, their way lying a little above the River, when they came to a place call'd Noorda, they made an Halt, where they kill'd and took a great num­ber of Persians. But from thence going forward to the River Durus, they made a Bridg over it for their own passage: and seeing the Persians had burnt up all the forrage of the Countrey, so that the Ro­man Cattel were ready to starve for want of it; as also, that they were gathered into several Companies to wait for the Romans, whom they imagined to be but few; and then, soon after, drawn up into one Body, they made toward the River. Where whilst the Scouts that went be­fore [Page 196]the Army engaged with a Party of the Persians, one Macamaeus, a stout, brisk Blade, got among 'em and kill'd four, though they were naked. But for that bold act they all fell upon him and slew him. Which when his Brother Maurus saw, he ventur'd to rescue at least his dead Body from amidst the Persians; and kill'd the Man that gave him the first Wound; nor did he give out, though he were frequently shot at, until he had brought his Brother off and deliver'd him to the Army, yet alive.

Afterward when they came to the City Barrophtha, they found the forage (as before) burnt up by the Barbarians: and seeing a Party of Persians mix'd with Sa­racens, who durst not so much as look upon the Roman Army, but were imme­diately gone, the Romans could not tell what to think of it, till the Persians by gathering themselves into a considerable Body, made the Romans believe they had a design upon their Cattel of Burthen. Whereupon the Emperour was the first that putting on a Coat of Mail march'd toward 'em with more speed than all the rest of the Army. But the Persians, not able to endure the shock of his Charge, thought best to fly into such places as they well knew. And so the Emperour [Page 197]went on to a place called Symbra, that lies between two Towns whose names are Nisbara and Nischanabe, which are sepa­rated from each other by the Tigris; though the Townsmen have frequent and easie intercourse by a Bridg over that Ri­ver. But that Bridg the Persians burn'd down, lest the Romans by help of it should do 'em both as much injury as they pleased. And here it was that the Scouts who went a foraging before the rest, de­feated the Persian forces as soon as they saw 'em; whilst the Army finding great plenty of provisions [...] the Town, took what they had occasion for and destroy'd the rest.

From thence they march'd to a place between the Cities of Danabe and Synca, where the Persians set upon the Rear of their Army and kill'd a great many, but lost more and ran away, as having the worst of it upon several accounts. For in this fight one Daces, a great Satrape [a Nobleman of Persia) was kill'd: being the same Person that formerly had gone Embassador to the Emperor Constantius, to treat of Peace and make an end of the War. But when the Enemies saw, that the Romans came near to a Town call'd Acceta, they burn'd up the fruits of the [Page 198]Countrey; till the Romans ran in and by quenching the fire, saved what was left for their own use.

In their march from this place they came to a Town called Maronsa; where the Persians again attaqued the Rere-guard of their Army, and in the Engagement kill'd one Brettanio (among the rest) who was Captain of a Troop and fought bravely. They also took several Ships, which fell in their way by being a great deal behind the Army. But from thence the Romans passing hastily along by certain Villages, came to a place called Tummara; where they all repented the burning of their Ships. For the Cattel were not able to carry all their necessaries, they were so tired with travelling in an Enemies Country; and then the Persians got all the forage that they could, and laid it up in their best fortified places that the Roman Army might not come at it. And when they were in this condition they saw the Persian Army; with whom they engaged, and having much the better of it, they kill'd a great many of the Persians. But the day after about the time when it was full Change [about noon] the Persians drew up in a great Body and fell upon the Reer of the Roman Army once more; [Page 199]who being at that time out of their Ranks, were surprised and startled at the sudden­ness of the attaque, but yet they made a very brisk defence, whilst the Emperor went round about the Army (as he used to do) encouraging them to stand boldly to it. And when by that means they were all engaged, the Emperor who went one while to the Captains and Tribunes, and another while was among the common Soldiers, received a Wound with a Sword in the very heat of the Battel, and being laid upon a Shield was carried to his Tent, where he lived till Midnight and then died, after he had almost ruined the Per­sian Empire.

Now whilst the Emperors death was conceal'd, the Roman Army had so much the better of it, that fifty of the greatest Satrapes [ Persian Nobles] were slain, be­sides an infinite number of ordinary men. But when the Emperors death was dis­cover'd, and the Soldiers came back to the Tent where his dead Body lay, some few of the Romans indeed fought on, and conquer'd their Enemies; whilst certain Companies coming out of a Persian Gari­son engaged with them that were under the Command of Hormisdas. And after a smart Battel, Antonius fell, who was Captain of the Court-Guards, and call'd [Page 200]by the Romans [Magister Officiorum.] And at the same time Salustius, the Prefect of the Court, who fell from his Horse, had like to have been kill'd by the Enemies, who were just upon him, if one of his Servants had not alighted and made way for his escape. With whom also those two Legions that were about the King and are called the Scutarii [Shield-men] gave way. But out of those that turn'd their backs there were onely sixty Men, who being concern'd for their own and their Countreys honour exposed them­selves to death, till they had taken that Castle, from whence the Persians sallying out upon the Romans had seemed to have gotten the Day. And though it was after besieged three days together by the Ene­mies, yet those within were preserv'd by a considerable Party that set upon the be­siegers. But afterward there was an As­sembly summon'd, both of the Nobility and Soldiery, to consult, who ought to succeed in the Empire; because it was im­possible for 'em to avoid those dangers that might happen in the middle of an Ene­mies Country without a Governor. Where they Voted that Jovianus should be Em­peror, who was the Son of Varronianus, Tribune of the Domestici Forces.

Now all that was done till Julian's death is just as I have told you. But when Jovian had put on the Purple and the Diadem, he went homeward as fast as he could. And when he came to the Castle of Suma, the Persian Horse fell upon him not onely themselves, but also with Ele­phants that they brought thither in great numbers, and did a deal of hurt in the Right Wing of his Army, where the Joviani and the Herculiani were posted. Which two appellations of Joviani and Herculiani belong to two Legions that were so called from Diocletianus and Maximianus, the one of whom surnamed himself Jove, and the other Hercules. And though at first they could not sustein the shock of the Elephants, but were forced, many of 'em, to fly and fall by the way, yet when the Persians came up against 'em with their Horse and Elephants together, they hap­pen'd to come into a rising ground where the Roman Carriages lay and those that look'd after 'em: who being now made sharers in the danger assisted 'em by throw­ing Darts from above upon the Persians, wherewith they wounded their Elephants. Which when the Elephants felt, imme­diately as their manner is, they ran a­way roaring and put the Horse all out [Page 202]of order: so that the Soldiers kill'd not onely the Elephants, as they fled, but many also of the Enemies died in the Con­flict. There died also of the Roman side three Tribunes, who had fought bravely, to wit Julianus, Maximianus, and Macro­bius. And when they had sought among the dead, and found the body of Anato­lius, they gave him as honourable a Fu­neral as the time would then permit, when the Enemy was round about 'em.

And having so done they march'd on four days, being continually harass'd by the Enemy, who follow'd 'em if they went forward, but fled away if the Ro­mans made any resistance; till at length having got a good way from 'em they re­solv'd to cross the Tigris. To which pur­pose they tied bottles together in rows like Yokes, and upon them went over. And when they were most of 'em gotten upon the opposite Bank, then the Cap­tains came safe over with the rest. Yet for all this the Persians would not leave 'em, but follow'd close with a great Army wherever they went; so that the Romans were in perpetual danger both from their ill circumstances, of Place and Persons, and also from their want of Provisions. But though this were the state of the Ro­man [Page 203]Army, yet the Persians were willing to treat for a Peace, and sent Surenas with other Officers to the Roman Camp about it. Which when Jovian heard of he sent Salustius, Prefect of the Court together with Arinthaeus to 'em, who after some mutual Discourses about the Affair, made a Truce for thirty years. But it was a­greed between 'em both that the Romans should deliver up the Country of the Rab­diceni to the Persians, as also that of the Cardueni, Rhemeni, and Zaleni, beside fif­teen Castles that were there, with their Inhabitants, Lands, Cattel and all their Goods: but that they should surrender Nisibis without its Inhabitants, because they were to be transplanted into what Colony the Romans pleased. But the Per­sians also took away from the Romans a great part of Armenia and left 'em but small share in it. Now therefore when the Truce was made upon these terms and confirm'd by Instruments on both sides, the Romans thereby had opportunity to return home in quiet, so that the two Parties neither offer'd nor receiv'd any da­mage one to or from the other, by open force or Ambuscade.

But now that I am come to this part of the History, it puts me in mind of looking back into former Ages, to en­quire, [Page 204]whether the Romans ever gave a­way any of their Dominions to other Na­tions, or ever suffer'd any one to possess what they had once Conquer'd. For when Luc. Lucullus had defeated Tigranes and Mithridates, and had first made the whole Country even to the middle of Armenia, and Nisibis it self an addition to the Ro­man Empire, besides the adjacent Castles; then Pompey the Great to Crown all his great Deeds, establish'd and confirm'd the possession of them to the Romans by a Peace which he made. And when up­on another Commotion in Persia, the Se­nate chose Crassus for their Plenipotentiary and General, who by his ill Conduct has left a blot ever since upon the Roman Name, because he was taken Prisoner and died in Persia, Antonius was made the General; but being in love with Cleo­patra, he was very remiss and careless in all Warlike Affairs; insomuch that he al­so went off with some things charged up­on him unworthy of the Roman Name. And yet though the Romans had all these mischances, and miscarriages they did not lose so much as one of those Provinces. Nay when their Republick was turn'd in­to a Monarchy, and Augustus made Tigris and Euphrates the limits of the Roman Empire, even that did not deprive them [Page 305]of this Country: But so far it was from that, as on the contrary, a great while after when Gordianus the Emperor fought against the Persians, and was kill'd in the middle of the Enemies Country, the Per­sians were not able even after that Victo­ry to gain any thing upon the Roman Dominions; no not when Philip was Em­peror, who made a most dishonourable Peace with the Persians. And not long after, when the Persian Fire had enflamed all the East, and that great City Antioch was taken, so that the Persian Army march'd as far as Cilicia, Valerianus the Emperor undertook an Expedition against 'em, and though he were taken by 'em yet they durst not pretend to be Masters of these Countreys. Onely the death of the Emperor Julian was cause enough for us to lose 'em, and that so irrevocably, that the Roman Emperors could never re­cover any part of 'em even to this day, but by degrees have lost more and more still, of which some have made themselves perfectly free, others have surrender'd themselves to Barbarians, and others have been almost quite deserted: all which I will demonstrate in the progress of this History as they severally happened.

But to return from whence I have di­gress'd.— When this Peace was made with the Persians in the manner that I have told you, Jovianus the Emperor and his Army were coming home securely, but met with many difficulties through the roughness of the Way and want of Wa­ter, besides his loss of many Men in the Enemies Country through which he pass'd; wherefore he sent Mauricius, a Tribune, and commanded him to bring Provisions for his Army from Nisibis, and meet 'em with it as far off as he could. He also sent others into Italy to tell of Julian's death and how he himself was declared Emperor. And when he was come with a great deal of pains and much ado near unto Nisibis, he would not go into the Town because it was surrender'd to the Enemy, but lay all night in a Piazza before the Gate, and the next morning receiv'd the Crowns and Complements that were offer'd to him, whilst all the Townsmen besought him, that he would not forsake them, and force 'em to degenerate into Barbarism, who for so many Ages had lived under the Roman Laws. Besides, they told him it was a dishonour to him, that Constantius, who had been engaged in three Persian Wars and was defeated in every one of 'em, had notwithstand­ing [Page 207]always protected Nisibis, and even when it was besieged and in extream dan­ger, done all he could to save it, and yet that he, when there was no such necessity for it, should give up the city to the E­nemy, and shew the Romans such a day, as they had never seen before, as being forced to suffer such a Town and such a Country to be surrender'd to an Enemy. Which when the Emperor heard, he ex­cused his not complying with their desires by telling 'em what Articles he had en­ter'd into: and then Sabinus, who was the chief Man of their Council [their Recorder] went on with what the People had said before by way of Petition, and told him farther, That they wanted neither Mony to carry on a War against Persia, nor any forein Aid, but that they were able with their own Bodies and their own Purses to de­fend themselves from any War that should be waged against 'em: and likewise as­sur'd him, that whenever they were Vi­ctorious and had regain'd their Liberty, they would again be subject to the Ro­mans and obey their Commands as for­merly they had done. To which when the Emperor reply'd, that he could not break his Covenants, the Townsmen beg'd of him a thousand times that he would [Page 208]not deprive the Roman Empire of such a Bulwark as that was. But all was in vain, and away the Emperor went in a fury; whilst the Persians desired to have posses­sion of the Countreys, Castles, and of that City according to the Conditions agreed upon. And thereupon the Inhabitants of some Countreys and Castles, that could not privately escape, let the Persians do with them what they pleased; but the Nisibini, having gained some time to prepare for their removal, they went, most of 'em, to Amida, though some few inhabited in other Towns. But all places were full of lamentation and mourning, because they thought themselves exposed to the incursions of the Persians, now Nisibis was surrender'd to them. And among others the Carreni were so sorry when they heard of Julian's death, that they stoned him to death who brought the news, and threw a great heap of Stones upon his Carcass; so great an alteration of Affairs was one mans death then able to create.

But Jovianus therefore march'd through the Towns with all speed, because they were so full of grief that they could not give him one pleasant look, (which is the custom and nature of those People) and [Page 209]along with him as many Soldiers as belong'd to the Imperial Guard, he went to Antioch; whilst the whole Army attended upon Julian's Body, which was carry'd into Cilicia and buried in a Royal Sepulchre in the Suburbs of Tarsus; up­on whose Tombstone there is this Inscri­ption;

And now Jovian, being mindful of his Imperial Affairs, disposed of other mat­ters, and among the rest sent Lucillianus his Father in law, Procopius, and Valenti­nian (who was afterward Emperor) to the Armies in Pannonia; to tell 'em of Ju­lian's Death, and how that he was cho­sen Emperor. But the Batavi that were at Sirmium, and were left there for a Guard to it, as soon as they heard the news, they kill'd Lucillianus who brought 'em such ill tidings, without any regard to that Relation which he had to the Em­peror. But they let Procopius go un­touch'd, out of the respect they bore to Julian's Kindred; whilst Valentinian made his escape and deliver'd himself from that Death, which they intended to inflict [Page 210]upon him. But when Jovianus was go­ing from Antioch toward Constantinople, he was taken sick of a sudden at Dada­stana in Bithynia, and died after he had been Emperor onely eight months; in which so short a time he was not able to do any signal Service to the publick. And when he was dead, there was a Consultation proposed, concerning who should be his Successor, which occasion'd a great variety of Discourse and of seve­ral Persons, among the Soldiers as well as Officers; till at length they all with one accord pitch'd upon Salustius, Pre­fect of the Court. But he pretending he was too old and therefore could not serve 'em in those their ill circumstances, they desired his Son might be Emperor in his stead. But he told 'em, that his Son was young, and upon that as well as other accounts unfit to undergo the weight of an Imperial Diadem; so that they missed the choice of such a Man, who was the best in that Age. Upon which reason they voted for Valen­tinian, who was born at Cibalis, in Pan­nonia, and an excellent Souldier but no Scholar at all. However they sent for him, being then at some distance; nor did the Common-wealth long want an [Page 211]Head. And when he came to the Army at Nicea in Bithynia, he there took upon him the Imperial Authority, and march'd forward.

A New HISTORY. Written by Count ZOSIMƲS, Sometime Advocate of the Treasury. The Fourth Book.

HOW things were managed un­til Jovians death, after whom Valentinian was chosen Em­peror, you may find in the foregoing Book; [but we have not yet inform'd you, that] whilst Valentinian was on his way toward Con­stantinople, he fell sick of a Distemper, which to his native, cholerick humour added much cruelty and even madness it [Page 214]self; insomuch that he, though falsly, su­spected the reason of his Illness to pro­ceed from some Charm or Poison that Ju­lian's friends had out of malice prepar'd. And upon that ground there were Accu­sations drawn up against some great Men, which the Prefect of the Court, who as yet was Salustius, by his discretion and prudence took off. But after his Distem­per abated he left Nicaea and came to Constantinople. Where when the Army and his other friends advised him to choose himself a Partner in the Empire, that if there should be occasion, he might have some body to assist him, and not let them suffer as they did at Julian's death; he took their Counsel, and having consi­der'd of it, chose, among all that he could think of, his Brother Valens, who, he thought, would prove most faithful to him. Him, therefore he declared his Partner in the Empire. And whilst they both lived at Constantinople, all those who were Ene­mies to Julian's friends, continually gave out at Court, that such and such Persons had a Design upon the Emperors, and made the brutish Rabble also roar it out. Upon which the Emperors, who for other reasons hated all Julian's Acquaintance, were raised to a greater degree of animosi­ty, and therefore invented such Charges [Page 215]against 'em, as had no shew of reason in them. Particularly, Valentinian was very severe upon Maximus the Philosopher, who had formerly indicted him, in Juli­an's time, for prophaning or neglecting holy things upon the score of Christiani­ty. But their care and concernment for Affairs both Civil and Military at that time drew 'em off from these kind of things.

Then did they apply themselves to ma­king of Governors over the several Na­tions, and consulted who should have the charge of the Palace. By which means all who had been Governors of Countries, or in any other Office under Julian were turned out: among them, Salustius, Pre­fect of the Court. Onely Arintheus and Victor continued in their Military Com­mands, which they had before, as Cap­tains, whilst others who had a desire for this or that preferment, got it by mere chance. And this indeed was the onely reasonable thing which they seemed to do: for if any of the Officers were found guil­ty upon just Informations against 'em, they suffer'd most certainly beyond all hopes of a pardon.

When things were thus setled, Valenti­nian thought fit, since he and his Brother were Partners, to put the East Countries [Page 216]as far as Egypt, Bithynia, and Thrace under his care, and take charge of Illyricum him­self. From whence he design'd to go over into Italy, and to keep all the Cities there, together with the Nations beyond the Alps, all Spain, Britain, and Africa in his own hands. And when the Empire was thus divided Valentinian began to be more severe in his Government, correcting the Errours of the several Magistrates, being very rigorous in collecting the Taxes, and seeing that the Soldiers had their due out of 'em. But because he resolv'd likewise to set forth certain Laws, he began at home (as they say) and forbad the no­cturnal Sacrifices: intending thereby to restrain and hinder a great many ill acti­ons. And yet when Praetextatus, Pro­consul of Greece, who was a person adorn'd with all Virtues, told him that the Greeks could never live under such a Law, where­by they were kept from performing those most Sacred Mysteries, that were the ve­ry bond of humane Society, he suffer'd 'em to be perform'd according to Order, without any regard to his own Law, and took care every thing should be done after the ancient custom of the Coun­try.

In the mean time the Barbarians beyond the Rhine, who as long as Julian lived, still fear'd the Roman Name, and were content to be quiet in their own Domini­ons, as soon as they heard of his Death, immediately march'd out of their Coun­try and were prepared for a War against the Romans. Which when Valentinian heard, he disposed of Forces both Horse and Foot with those also that wore light Armour, as it was fit he should, and put convenient Garisons in all the several Towns upon the Rhine. But these things were thus order'd by Valentinian because he had some skill in Military Affairs: whilst Valens was beset with troubles on every side, who having lived an unactive life and come to the Empire of a sudden could not sustein the weight of business. For not only the Persians, who were proud of their condition which was much better since the Truce made by them and Jovian, and made inroads upon the Country with­out controul, since Nisibis was subject to 'em, by disturbing the Eastern Towns con­strain'd the Emperor to go against 'em, and at that very time when he parted from Constantinople did the Rebellion of Procopius break out. For him Julian had trusted with some part of his Forces, as being akin to him, and given him charge, [Page 218]that he and Sebastianus should go through Adiabene, and meet Julian who went a­gainst the Enemy another way: and gave him leave to wear an Imperial Robe for a reason that no body else knew of. But when it had pleas'd God to order things another way, and that Jovian had succeed­ed Julian in the Imperial Throne, Procopius ran immediately and delivered the Impe­rial Garment, that was given to him, to Jovian, confessing why he received it, and intreating the Emperor to absolve him from his Military Oath, and let him live at quiet, that he might mind nothing else but Husbandry and his own private bu­siness. Which having obtain'd he went to Cesarea, in Cappadocia, with his Wife and Children; because he resolv'd to live in that place, where he had a good Estate. But whilst he stay'd there, Valentinian and Valens being chosen Emperors and ha­ving formerly had a suspition of him, they sent immediately to take him. Nor was there any difficulty in that, for he surrender'd himself up to 'em, and bad let 'em carry him whither they pleas'd, so they would but suffer him to speak with his Wife and see his Children first. Which they consenting to, he prepared a Feast for 'em, and when he saw they were Drunk, he and all his Family made their [Page 219]escape toward the Euxine Sea: whence he took shipping and went over into Cherro­nesus Tauriana. And having stay'd there some time, he found the Inhabitants to be a faithless sort of people, which made him fear, lest one time or other they would deliver him up to those that sought for him; and therefore seeing a Merchant Ship sail by, he put himself and Family on board of it and in the Night-time arrived at Constantinople. Where lodging at an old Acquaintant's House of his, and consi­dering the State of the City since the Em­peror's departure, he attempted to make himself Emperor, and this was the founda­tion of his Design.

There was a certain Eunuch, called Eu­genius, not long before turn'd out of the Court, who had no great love for the Emperors. Him therefore Procopius made his friend, because he found him very Rich, and told him who he was, why he came thither and how things ought to be managed. Whereupon, the Eunuch ha­ving promised him to bear a part in all Attempts whatever, and to lend him Money, if he wanted it; the first thing they undertook was, with Money to cor­rupt the City-Guards, which consisted of two Legions. And then arming the Slaves and mustering up with ease a vast multi­tude [Page 220]of Men, who were many of 'em Vo­luntiers, they sent 'em, in the Night, into the City, and made a general disturbance; for that the people came every one out of their several Houses and gazed upon Procopius as if he had been a King made of a sudden in a Play. But the City be­ing all in an uproar, and no Man in his right mind, or that could tell what to do by reason of the surprise, Procopius thought he was yet undiscover'd by a great many, and that he might secure the Power to himself, if the business were but so far unreveal'd. Then having taken Cesarius, whom the Emperors had made Prefect of the City, and Nebridius, to whom they had committed the Government of the Court after Salustius, he forced 'em to write to the Subjects of the Empire what­ever he pleased. But he also kept 'em asunder, that they might not advise with one another. And when he had contrived things thus, he went toward the Court in a splendid manner, where getting up upon a Tribunal before the Gate, he fill'd all people with hopes and large pro­mises, and then march'd into the Palace to take care for the remaining part of his Affairs.

And because the new Emperors had di­vided the Army between 'em, Procopius [Page 221]thought it requisite to send certain persons to the Soldiers, who were yet in Disorder, and went by the Emperor's Command, from place to place as they pleased, to bring over as many as they could to his Party. Nor did they fail with ease to accomplish their Design, by giving Money to them and their Officers: insomuch that they muster'd up a considerable number, and made themselves ready openly to set upon the Enemy. After which Procopius sent Marcellus with an Army into Bithy­nia to take Serenianus and the Imperial Horse that he had with him, in hopes to destroy 'em. But they flying to a Town called Cyzicum, Marcellus took it, as be­ing too strong for 'em both by Sea and Land; and having caught Serenianus who was fled into Lydia, he put him to Death. With which first lucky hit Procopius was so exalted that he raised more Men by de­grees, and was able in the Opinion of ma­ny people to fight the Emperors; for both the Roman Legions, and the Barba­rian Forces flock'd to him. And then be­sides the very honour of being akin to Julian, and having been his Fellow-Sol­dier in all the Wars that he was ever en­gaged in, drew people to his Party. Nor was that all, but he likewise sent certain [Page 222]Noblemen to the Prince of Scythia which lies beyond Ister, who contributed ten thousand Men to fight in his service. So also did the other Barbarous Nations send in their Quota, to make themselves sha­rers in the Expedition. But yet Proco­pius consider'd that it was not fit for him to engage with both the Emperors toge­ther, and therefore thought it the best way to fight him first that was nearest, and then consult farther, what was to be done.

And thus was Procopius employ'd: whilst the Emperor Valens, who heard of this Rebellion at Galatia in Phrygia was frighted at the news and fill'd with con­sternation. But Arbitio bad him have a good heart, and then he made those Men that he had, ready for the War; and sent likewise to his Brother, to let him know what Designs Procopius had in hand. But Valentinian did not think fit to send Au­xiliaries to him who was not able to de­fend that Empire which was committed to him. So Valens was fain to prepare for a fight, and made Arbitio General of his Army against Procopius. But when the Armies were just ready to engage, Ar­bitio circumvented Procopius by a strata­gem, and brought over a great number of [Page 223]his Men, from whom he learn'd before­hand whatever Procopius design'd to do. And when the Emperor and Procopius came toward each other, the two Armies met near Thyatira: where Procopius had like to have had the better on't, and made him sole Lord of all, because Hormisdas (which was his Father's name too) seem­ed in the fight to be too many for the Enemy. But Gomarius, another of Pro­copius's Captains, imparting his intention to all Procopius's Soldiers that loved the Emperor, cry'd out in the midst of the fight, Augustus, with a shout, and gave the signal for all the rest to do the same; so that all Procopius's Men went over to Valens.

And he as soon as he had gotten the Victory march'd to Sardeis, and thence into Phrygia, where in a Town called Nacolia he found Procopius; and there a­gain one Naplo, a Captain of Procopius, having order'd every thing for the Empe­rors advantage, Valens had much the bet­ter of him; insomuch that he took the Traitor, and, not long after him, Marcel­lus, whom he put both to Death. But finding an Imperial Robe in Marcellus's possession that was given him by Proco­pius, he was so angry at it, that he fell foul upon all and inquired after not one­ly [Page 224]those that were Actors in the Rebel­lion, but those also that were Counsellers in it, or so much as heard any thing of it, which they did not presently discover. By which means he was very severe up­on all sorts of Men, without any justice; whilst all that either conspired or were but even kinsmen or friends of the Con­spirators, though otherwise altogether in­nocent, were sacrificed to the Emperours fury.

Now this being the state of Affairs in that part of the Empire, which was allot­ted to Valens, the Emperor Valentinian, who dwelt in the Countries beyond the Alps, fell into very great and unexpected dangers. For all Germany recollecting what they had suffer'd in those Days when Ju­lian was a Cesar, as soon as they heard of his Death, shook off all fear from their Souls, and resuming their natural audaci­ty they went one and all and invaded the Countries that were subject to the Roman Empire. Where when the Empe­ror met 'em, they had a smart Battel, in which the Barbarians won the Day and put the Roman Army to a shameful flight. But Valentinian was resolv'd he would not run away to save his life; and there­fore bore the fortune of the fight with seeming satisfaction, till he had found out [Page 225]who were the cause of their misfortune by beginning first to fly. And having made strict enquiry so as at last to prove the Batavian Legion guilty of it, he order'd all the Army to come together in all their habiliments of War, as if they had been to hear some Speech that might have been for their instruction in some matter of consequence. And when they came, he made such an Oration to 'em, as brought perpetual shame upon them that began to fly; and commanded that the Batavi should be strip'd of their Arms and sold for fugitive slaves to any publick Colony or Plantation. Whereupon they all fell flat upon the ground and begg'd of him not to inflict so shameful a punishment up­on his Soldiers, promising that hereafter they would shew themselves men and worthy of the Roman Name. To which he comply'd, and bid 'em shew by their actions, they meant what they said; whilst they arose from the Earth, and arming themselves, as they ought to do, they renew'd the fight, and going without the Trench shew'd such alacrity and courage, that of an infinite number of Barbarians there were but few went home again. And thus the War against all Germany end­ed at that time.

But the Emperor Valens, having put many men to death after Procopius's death and confiscated the goods of many more, was hinder'd from his expedition into Persia by a party of Scythians, that live beyond the Ister, who infested the Roman Territories. Against whom he sent out a competent number of men and stopp'd their progress; nor onely so, but forced 'em to surrender their Arms, and sent 'em to inhabit in several Towns of his, that lie upon the Ister: with Orders, that they should be kept in a Prison without Chains. Now these were the Men that the Scythian Prince had sent Procopius as Auxiliaries to him, and therefore when he desired of the Emperor that they might be dismiss'd, be­cause they were sent at the request of Em­bassadors from him who had then the power in his hands, the Emperor Valens would by no means hearken to it. For, he said, they were neither sent to him nor taken as friends, but as Enemies: which was the cause of the Scythian War. But when the Emperor perceiv'd the Enemy had some thoughts of invading the Roman Dominions, and that upon the same ac­count they were muster'd up together with all speed, he drew his Army up a­long the bank of Ister, and lying himself at Marcianople (which is the biggest City [Page 227]in all Thrace) he took care both of his Ar­mies being well exercised, and also that they wanted no provisions. At which time also he made Auxonius Prefect of the Court, Salustius having leave to lay down his Commission by reason of his Age, after he had been twice in that same Office. Auxonius therefore, though such a dange­rous War was at hand, was not onely just in collecting the Tributes, and seeing that no Man was oppress'd beyond what was his right and due to pay; but he like­wise got a great many Ships of burthen, wherein he carry'd the Soldiers provisions through the Euxine Sea as far as the mouth of the Ister, and thence by Boats convey'd it to the several Towns upon the River­side, so that the Army might easily be supply'd.

But after these things were thus trans­acted in the Winter-time, the Emperor in the beginning of the Spring march'd out of Marcianople, and going over into the Enemies Country with those Soldiers, that were engarison'd about the Ister, he at­taqued the Barbarians. But they not da­ring to fight a pitch'd Battel, absconded themselves in the Fenns, from whence they made secret sallies; and therefore he or­dered his Men to stand their ground, whilst he muster'd up all the Servants a­bout [Page 228]the Camp, with all those that had the charge of the Carriages, and promised to give that Man such a sum of Money who brought him the head of a Barbarian. Whereupon they were all in hopes to get the Money; and going into the Fenns and tge Woods kill'd all they met, and bringing the heads of those that were slain receiv'd the Sum appointed. By which means there were such a multitude destroy'd, that the rest petition'd the Emperor for a Truce. Nor did he reject their desire, but a Peace was made between them, which was no dishonour to the Roman Name. For it was agreed that the Ro­mans should enjoy with all security what­ever they formerly had, and the Barbari­ans were sorbid to pass the River or come at all into the Roman Dominions.

Having made this Peace, he went to Constantinople, where seeing the Prefect of the Court was dead, he gave Modestus the Place; and when he had so done, made haste toward the War in Persia.

But whilst he was employ'd in his pre­parations for that, the Emperor Valenti­nian, having put the German Affairs into a good posture, thought fit to make pro­vision for the future security of the Cel­tick Countries. To which end he raised a vast multitude of young Men both of the [Page 229] Barbarians near the Rhine and of the Hus­bandmen that lived in Countries subject to the Romans; all whom he muster'd a­mong the Legionary Soldiers, and disci­plin'd them so well, that out of meer dread of that skill and experience in mi­litary Affairs, there was not one of all those who live beyond the Rhine, who durst attempt the Cities which were under the Romans, for nine years together; About which time one Valentinian was banish'd for some misdemeanours into the Island of Britain, where whilst he endeavoured to make himself absolute, he lost his hopes and his life together. And Valentinian the Emperor also fell sick of a Distemper, which had like to have cost him his life: but yet he recover'd, and then the Cour­tiers came about him, desiring that he would declare who should be his Succes­sor, lest any thing should happen to be­fall him, and thereby the Commonwealth be endamaged. To whom the Emperor assented, and declared his Son Gratianus Emperor and his Partner in the Govern­ment, though he were young, and not yet ripe of Age.

But the Affairs of the West being in this condition, the Emperor Valens pre­pared to go for the East against the Persians, [Page 230]whither he was first bound. And as he went gently onward, he assisted the Towns that sent Embassadors to him as much as was convenient: besides his doing many other good actions, and easily granting their requests to all such as made just De­mands. And when he came to Antioch he order'd all matters relating to the War with great caution and security; but ha­ving stay'd the Winter-season in the Pa­lace there, he went in the Spring to Hie­rapolis; from whence he led his Army a­gainst the Persians, and when Winter came again return'd to Antioch. And thus was the War against the Persians protracted. But whilst the Emperor was at Antioch, there happen'd an unusual accident which was this. There was one Theodorus a­mong the rest of the Imperial Notaries, a Person well born and bred, but very young and easily drawn into Vice by the gla­vering delusions of dissembling Knaves, as being in the heat and vigour of his Age. Him therefore did a parcel of such Fel­lows set upon, and persuaded him that they were excellent Scholars; particular­ly that, by their skill in Divination, which they very well understood, they could fore­tell things to come; and having enquired who should be Emperor after Valens, they [Page 131]had set up a Tripos, which in a secret manner revealed to them what was to come: and furthermore, that in that Tri­pos there appear'd the Letters θ. ε ο and δ [i. e. Theod.] which did as good as say in plain terms that Theodorus should suc­ceed Valens in the Empire.

With these fooleries he was so taken, that he was mighty desirous to be conti­nually conversant with Juglers and Con­jurers, consulting what was to be done; but was complain'd of to the Emperor, who made him suffer for it according to his desert. After which there was also a­nother accident. One Fortunatianus, who was the Emperors Treasurer, had sen­tenced one of his Soldiers to be whip'd for Sorcery; who having been put to the Torture and forced to accuse some others that were his Accomplices, the Trial was removed before Modestus who was Prefect of the Court, because there were some persons brought in, that were not subject to the former Judges jurisdiction. For Justice and Judgment take place among all sorts of Men; and the Emperor, who was extreamly incensed, suspected all the most famous Philosophers, or any other persons that were bred up to Learning, besides some Men of Quality in the Court, who were accus'd as Conspirators against [Page 232]the Empire. And upon this score all places were full of weeping and lamentation; for all the Prisons were cram'd with Men that did not deserve to be in them, and there were more Men upon the Roads, than were left in the Cities. Nay, the very Guards that were set to keep the Prisons where such poor Innocents lay, confest themselves unable to secure those that were under their charge, and were affraid lest they should one time or other escape from 'em by meer force, they were so many. And in this case the Informers went off without any danger, being onely forced to accuse others; whilst the convicted were sometimes put to death without lawful proof, and some of 'em lost their Estates, insomuch that their Wives, Children, and other Relations were reduced to extream necessity. For the Design was by these several wicked arts to raise a great sum of Money for the Treasury. Now the first great Philosopher that was taken off, was Maximus; and after him Hilarius of Phrygia, who had plainly interpreted some obscure Oracle, with Simonides, Patricius the Lydian, and Andronicus of Caria, who were all men of incomparable Learning, and condemn'd rather out of envy than by any just proceeding. Whereby all things were in so great a confusion, [Page 233]that the Informers and the Rabble along with 'em would go without controul into any mans House, rifle all they met, and deliver 'em to those that were appointed to kill 'em all without hearing what they could say for themselves. And of these Rogues one Festus was the Ring-leader, whom the Emperor, knowing to be very ready at all kind of cruelty, had sent Pro­consul into Asia, that no learned Man might be left alive, but his Design might succeed. For Festus having made what search he could, kill'd all that he found without any tryal of 'em, and forced the rest to fly their Country.

Now the calamity which befell the Cities upon the account of Theodorus was thus removed. Whilst Valentinian who thought he had pretty well managed the German War, was very severe upon his Subjects, in exacting of Tributes, and ex­torting from 'em much more than ever they used to pay. Though he pretend­ed that the Military expences forced him to lay out Money from the publick Stock. And thus having caused every body to hate him, he was more bitter than before: nor would he either inquire whether the Magistrates kept themselves from bribery, but envy'd all that had the reputation of leading a blameless life. And, to speak [Page 234]plainly, he was quite another man from what he appear'd to be at the beginning of his Reign. For which cause the Afri­cans who could not endure the Avarice of that Roman who was the Magister Mi­litum, [Master of the Soldiery or Gene­ral] among the Moors, they gave the Purple Robe to Firmus and declared him to be Emperor. Which being told, no doubt but it troubled Valentinian: who immediately commanded certain Legi­ons from the Garisons in Pannonia and Mysia to sail into Africa. And thereupon the Sarmatians with the Quadi, who were long before offended with him that had the charge of those places (whose name was Celestius) when the Soldiers were gone over into Africa, invaded the Pan­nonians and the Mysians. For since Cele­stius had broken his Oath and not onely deceiv'd, but kill'd their Prince by trea­chery, before they rose from Table, the Barbarians very wisely took the opportu­nity of this Expedition and plunder'd all the Country about the Ister, carrying all away that they found out of the Cities, or Towns. By which means the Panno­nians were exposed to the Barbarian cruelty, whilst the Soldiers were very neg­ligent in defending their Towns, and did as much damage as the Barbarians them­selves [Page 235]to all places within the River. But Mysia suffer'd no injury, because Theodo­sius, who was the Magister Militum, so valiantly withstood 'em and routed 'em when they came against him. And from that Victory he not only gain'd great Ho­nour, but afterward came to be Emperor. But of that we shall speak in due time.

But Valentinian, not able to endure the news which he heard, march'd out of Cel­tica into Illyricum, with a Design to make War upon the Quadi and Sarmatians; and made Merobaudes, who seemed to have more experience in Military Affairs than any other, General of his whole Army. But seeing that the Winter wea­ther lasted a little longer than ordinary, the Quadi sent Embassadors to him with such instructions as were not modest or becoming: at which the Emperor was so angry, that being almost mad the blood came down from his head, into his mouth and stop'd his breath, so that he died, af­ter he had lived in Illyricum nine months wanting some few days, and in the twelfth year of his Reign.

When he was dead a Thunderbolt fell upon Sirmium which burnt both the Palace and the Market-place, and seemed to such as are Critical Judges of those things to be [Page 236]an ill Omen concerning publick Affairs. There also happen'd Earthquakes in some places; and Crete was shaken very much as likewise Peloponnesus and all Greece, so that many places were ruin'd by it, yea almost all tumbled down, except Athens and the Country of Attica, which they say were saved by this means. Nestorius, who at that time was the chief Sacrist there, saw a Vision that commanded him to pay publick Honours to that Heroe, Achilles: for it would be a safeguard to the City. But he having communicated this to the Magistrates of the City, they thought he was so old, as to doat, and regarded not what he said, wherefore he consider'd of it within himself, and recei­ving instructions from Divine Contempla­tions, he set up the Heroes Image which he made in a small House under the Statue of Minerva which was placed in the Vir­gin Chamber. And as often as he did sacrifice to the Goddess, he at the same time duly perform'd what belong'd to the Heroe. And by this means having satis­fied the desire of the Vision, the Athe­nians were free from the Earthquake which fell upon every body else excepting onely the Country of Attica which partook of the Heroes kindness. Now that this is [Page 237]true you may read in Syrianus the Philo­losopher, who has written an Hymn up­on this Heroe. And these things I thought fit to add as not altogether impertinent to our present business.

But now that Valentinian was dead, and Merobaudes and Equitius, two Tri­bunes, saw Valens and Gratian lived then at a great distance (for the one was in the East, and the other left by his Father in the West of Gaul) they fear'd lest it should so fall out, that the Barbarians beyond Ister might make some effort whilst the Country was without a Governour, and therefore sent for Valentinian's younger Son, whom he had by his Wife, that was Magnentius's Widow, and not far off with the Child. Whom when they had cloth'd in Purple they brought him into the Court, being scarce five years of Age. And when it came to pass that Gratian and this young Valentinian divided the Empire between 'em, according to their discretion who were their Guardians or Protectors (for they were not of age to manage their own Af­fairs) the Celtick Countries, all Spain and the Island of Britain was given to Gratia­nus, and Valentinian was to have all Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Whilst in the mean time many innundations of Wars ore­flow'd the Emperor Valens from all parts. [Page 238]Of which the first were, the Isauri (who are by some called Pisidae, by others Soly­mi, and by others Cilices montani or Moun­tain Cilicians, of whom we will speak more accurately when we come to the pro­per place for it) who plunder'd the Towns in Lycia and Pamphylia, and though they could not get possession of the Walls and Houses, yet they took away all that was in the Streets, or Fields. But the Empe­ror who was yet at Antioch, sent a suffi­cient number of Men (as he thought) a­gainst 'em, and then the Isauri fled with all their spoils into the craggy Mountains, where the Soldiers were either so lazy as not to follow 'em, or otherwise unable to remedy those misfortunes which the seve­ral Towns had undergone.

But whilst these things were thus ma­naged, a certain barbarous Nation, which was never known till then, but appear'd all of a sudden, attaqued the Scythians be­yond Ister. They are called Hunni, [and we know not] whether you may say, they were Scythians, that lived under a Kingly Government, or those whom Herodotus says lived near the Ister, and were a sort of flat-nosed, weak people, or whether they came out of Asia inro Europe. For I have read a Story that tells us, The Cimmerian Bosphorus was made firm ground [Page 239]by mud brought down the Tanais and af­forded them a Land-passage over out of Asia into Europe. But however, there they were, with their Wives, Children, Horses and Carriages, and invaded the Scythians that live upon the Ister: and though they neither could nor understood how to fight on foot (for how should they? when they are not able to set their feet firm upon the earth, but live continually, nay sleep on Horse-back) yet by their wheel­ing about upon their Horses, by their ex­cursions, and timely retreats, and by shoot­ing as they rode, they made a great slaugh­ter among the Scythians. And this they did so continually, that the surviving Scy­thians were forced to leave their Habita­tions to these Hunni, and passing over the Ister to go and beseech the Emperor to re­ceive 'em, upon their promise to be his true and faithful Fellow-Soldiers. Which petition of theirs seeing the Officers of Garison Towns near the Ister deliberated upon till the Emperors pleasure was known, Valens permitted them to be re­ceived but without their Arms. In order whereunto the Tribunes, and other Com­manders went over to fetch the Barba­rians unarm'd into the Roman Territories: but spent their time onely in looking af­ter handsom Wenches, hunting out pret­ty [Page 240]Boys for beastly uses, or making them­selves masters of Slaves and Country hinds (for they minded nothing that concern'd the publick good) so that a great many pass'd over with their Arms, through meer negligence; who as soon as they were got into the Roman Dominions, remember'd neither their Petitions nor their Oaths, but fill'd all Thrace, Pannonia and the whole Country as far as Macedonia and Thessaly, with Barbarians that pillaged all before 'em.

When therefore they were in such ex­tremity of danger, certain persons went to the Emperor and told him what had happen'd. Whereupon having setled his Affairs in Persia as well as he could, he made haste from Antioch and went for Constantinople: from whence he march'd into Thrace to fight those fugitive Scy­thians. But as the Army and the Em­peror himself were going forth, they saw a strange sight, which was this. There was the body of a Man lying in the Rode, stone-still, that look'd as if it had been whip'd from head to heel, onely its eyes were open, and stared upon all that came near it. Of whom when they had de­manded, What he was, and whence he came, or who had slash'd him so, and re­ceiv'd no answer; they thought it some [Page 241]prodigious thing and shew'd him to the Emperor as he passed by. Who though he ask'd it the same questions, yet it re­main'd speechless; nor could it be thought a living creature because it was void of all motion, or quite dead, because the Eyes were seemingly well. At last it vanish'd of a sudden. Which when the standers­by beheld they could not tell what to think; but those, that have skill in such things, said, it foretold the future State of the Empire, That the Commonwealth should look as if it were beaten and whip'd, like those that are just expiring, till by the ill-management of Magistrates and Ministers it were quite dead. And indeed if we consider every thing, this prediction will appear to be true.

But the Emperor Valens seeing the Scy­thians plunder all Thrace, resolv'd to send those men whom he had brought along with him out of the East, and knew to be very good at fighting on Horse back, to make the first charge upon the Scy­thian Horse. They therefore having re­ceiv'd the Word from the Emperor went in small numbers out of the Gates of Con­stantinople, and killing the stragling Scy­thians with their Spears, brought many of their Heads each day into the City. And because the nimbleness of their Horses, [Page 242]together with the force of their Spears made the Scythians think it hard to over­come them, they intended to circumvent the Saracens by a stratagem, which was thus: They planted Ambuscades in several places of three Scythians to one Saracen: but failed of their Design; for that the Saracens through the swiftness and agility of their Horses could get away whenever they saw any considerable number of them acoming. But if they came up to 'em softly, and hit 'em with their Spears, they com­monly made such a slaughter among the Scythians, that at last they chose rather to pass the Ister, since they despair'd of doing any good of it, and surrender them­selves to the Hunni, than be all knock'd on the head by the Saracens. When there­fore they forsook all the places near Con­stantinople, and were gone farther into the Country, the Emperor had room to draw his Army forward. But whilst he stood considering how he should manage the War (when such a multitude of Barbari­ans were at hand, and the ill conduct of his own Officers gave him such trouble, that as he was affraid to casheer 'em in such tempestuous circumstances; so also he was doubtful who he should put in their places, since no one appear'd that was fit for such employments) Sebastia­nus [Page 243]left the West (though the Emperors there did not understand how things went by reason of their nonage, but gave them­selves wholly up to hearing of Calumnies from the Eunuchs that attended in their Chambers) and came to Constantinople. Which when Valens heard of, and was sa­tisfied how skilful a person he was both in military and civil Affairs, he made him General, and trusted him with the ma­nagement of the whole War. Whereupon Sebastianus considering the effeminacy and sluggishness of the Tribunes as well as the Soldiers, how that they were bred and taught onely to run away, and to desire things that were base and more fit for Women than Men to wish for. He beg'd that he might have but two thou­sand Men of his own choosing. For he knew it was a difficult matter to com­mand a multitude of men that had been dissolutely govern'd, though it was easie enough to teach a small number, and re­claim 'em from their effeminacy into man­hood: besides that it was more expedi­ent to run the risque of a few than of all. By which Arguments having persuaded the Emperor and obtain'd his desire, He took not such who had been bred up in cowardice and used to run away, but a [Page 244]party of men that had been lately taken into the Army, who were lusty hale Fel­lows, and seemed to him who could judg of men, to be fit for any service. He therefore presently made trial of each one among 'em, and what was wanting he sup­ply'd by continual exercise, commending and rewarding all those that were obe­dient, but seeming severe and inexor­able to all that were disobedient. And when he had by this means taught 'em all military Art, he took possession of cer­tain walled Towns, as having a great re­gard to the safety of his Army. But from thence he attaqued the Barbarians by fre­quent Ambuscades as they came out to forage: and sometime when they were loaden with Spoils he kill'd 'em, and made himself Master of what they had; and at other times destroy'd 'em whilst they were Drunk or washing in the River.

But when he had taken off a great part of the Barbarians by these methods, and that the rest were so much affraid of him that they durst not come to forage, he was extraordinarily envied. And that envy began an hatred of him, till at length he was accused before the Emperor by those that had lost their Commands, and therefore set the Court Eunuchs on to do [Page 245]him a diskindness. And by this means the Emperor being perverted into an un­reasonable suspicion of him, Sebastianus sent the Emperor word, that he would have him stay where he was and not march forward: For that it was no easie matter to come to a pitch'd Battel with such a vast number of men; but it was better to protract the time by circumven­tions and Ambuscades till they despair'd for want of necessaries, and either surren­der'd themselves, or departed out of the Roman Territories and put themselves un­der the Hunns rather than be exposed to all that misery and destruction which does attend a Famine. But whilst he advised the Emperor to this, the adverse party persuaded him, to march forth with his whole Army: for that the Barbarians were almost all destroy'd, and the Em­peror might gain a Victory without any trouble. And this counsel of theirs though it were the worse of the two so far prevail­ed, that (as ill fortune would have it) the Emperor drew forth his whole Army with­out any order at all. Which when the Barbarians boldly met they got the bet­ter of it by far and kill'd almost all of 'em, except some few, with whom the Emperor fled into an unwalled Village; about which the Barbarians piled Wood [Page 246]and setting fire to it burnt all that ran thi­ther together with the Inhabitants, in such a manner that no one could ever find the Emperor's body.

Now when Affairs were reduced to this low ebb, Victor who commanded the Roman Horse, escaping the danger along with some of the Horse, went into Mace­donia and Thessaly, and from thence ma­king an excursion into Mysia and Pannonia, he told Gratian, who then lay thereabout, how things had fallen out, as also of the loss both of the Emperor and the Army. Which Gratian heard with patience, and was not much concern'd for his Uncles Death (for there had been a grudg be­tween them two) but seeing himself un­able to manage his Affairs, since Thrace was over run by the Barbarians, as like­wise Mysia and Pannonia, and that the bar­barous Nations upon the Rhine infested the Neighbouring Towns without con­troul, he chose Theodosius to be his Part­ner in the Empire, who was born at a Town called Cauca, in that part of Spain called Hispania Callaecia, and had good skill as well as experience In Military Af­fairs. And having made him Governour of Thrace and of the East Countries, He went himself into the West of Gallia, to compose things there if it were possible.

Whilst therefore the new Emperor Theo­dosius remain'd at Thessalonica, there was a great concourse of people from all parts that flock'd thither both upon private and publick business, and having obtain'd of him as much as it was fit for him to grant, went away again. But since a great multitude of the Scythians that lived be­yond the Ister (I mean the Gotthi, and the Taiphali, and the rest of those Nations which formerly lived among 'em) had pas­sed the River, and were forced to infest the Roman Dominions, because the Hunni had gotten into their Country, the Em­peror Theodosius prepared for a War with all his Forces. But seeing all Thrace was in the hands of the aforesaid Nations, and those that guarded the Towns and Castles there durst not move out of their Walls, much less engage in the open field, Moda­res, who was of the Royal Family of Scy­thia, and had not long before come over to the Romans, who, for his fidelity to 'em, had made him Magister Militum [ i. e. a General] having drawn the Soldiers to the top of an Hill which was even and plain like a Meadow, of a great length, with spa­tious fields at the bottom of it, he lay there unknown to the Barbarians. And understanding by his Scouts that all the Enemies were in the fields below, luxu­riously [Page 248]wasting and destroying all the fo­rage and provisions that they found ei­ther in the Fields or in the unwalled Vil­lages, so that they lay there Drunk, he commanded his Soldiers so as not to be heard by the Enemy, to go with their Swords and Bucklers onely, without their heavy Armour or joyning of their Shields together, as they used, and set upon the Barbarians whilst they were drown'd in pleasure. Which they accordingly having done, in one small part of a Day kill'd every one of 'em; among whom some were never sensible who hurt 'em, others just felt their Wound and died, and the rest were taken off by several sorts of Death. And afterward when they were all slain, they fell to risling the Dead, from whence they proceeded to the Women and Children and took four thousand Wag­gons and as many Captives as may pro­bably ride in so many Carriages, besides them that went on foot and only rode now and then (as 'tis usual) by turns, to ease themselves.

Thus when the Army had made use of all that Fortune offer'd to it, the Affairs of Thrace, which had been upon the very brink of ruin, were then at rest, since the Barbarians there were destroy'd be­yond all hopes. But the Dominions of [Page 249]the East had like to have utterly been ruined by this means: After the Hunns had invaded the Nations beyond Ister (as I have told you) and that the Scythians could not withstand their incursions, they beg'd of the Emperor Valens who was then in being, that he would take 'em into Thrace, and they would do all the Duties of Fol­low-Soldiers and good Subjects, in perfect obedience to all his Commands. With which Promise of their Valens was so far persuaded as to admit 'em: and thinking it would be a sufficient caution for their fidelity if he caus'd all their Children who were yet very young to be brought up in another Country, he sent a great number of little Brats into the East, and made Julius the Overseer both of their Educa­tion and keeping, because he thought him sufficiently qualified with understanding for both those Offices. He therefore di­stributed them into several Towns, lest the Barbarian Youth, being such a vast number together, might have any oppor­tunity to rebel or being out of their own Country, to form a Conspiracy. Now the news of what had befaln their Coun­try-men in Thrace was brought to them whilst they lived at the several Towns and were grown to Mans estate. At which they were much troubled, and met toge­ther, [Page 250]as many of 'em as lived in one City, who privately sent word to those that in­habited in other places, that they had a mind to set upon the Roman Towns in re­venge for what their Parents and Coun­try-men had suffer'd. In the mean time Julius hearing of the Barbarians inten­tion, and doubting what to do, though he at the same instant feared the expedite Attempts of the Barbarians when they were once set on, he resolv'd not to let Theodosius know of the Design, not onely because he was then in Macedonia, but also because this Charge was committed to him by Valens and not by Theodosius, who was then Emperor, but yet hardly knew Julius: and therefore sent Letters pri­vately to the Senate of Constantinople, from whom having Authority to do what he thought most conducing to the publick good, he removed the danger that threa­ten'd the several Towns in this manner. He sent for all the Military Officers and gave 'em an Oath of secresie before he told 'em his Design. Which when they understood and were instructed what to do, they spread a report among all the Barbarians of each Town, that the Em­peror had a mind to present 'em with large gifts, and give 'em every one not onely Money but Land too, to oblige [Page 251]'em to love himself and the Roman Nation. In order whereunto they bad 'em all meet at their Metropolises or chief Cities upon a certain Day. With which news the Barbarians were so pleas­ed, that they remitted something of their fury and the destruction which they in­tended to their several Cities: And up­on the Day appointed they all flock'd to the places where they were order'd to meet. Where when they arrived, the Soldiers who knew the signal, got up upon the tops of Houses that were near the several Market-places (where the throng of 'em was) and as the Barbarians came in did so pelt 'em with Stones and Darts that they kill'd 'em every man and freed the Eastern Cities from all their fears.

And thus did the sagacity of their Of­ficers put an end to those misfortunes which happen'd both in the East and Thrace. Whilst at the same time the Em­peror Theodosius living in Thessalonica was very accessible to all that had a mind to see him; but having begun his Reign in pleasure and idleness, he put the Magistra­cy into disorder, and made the Military Officers more than they were before. For whereas there had been formerly but one General or Master of the Horse, and one other of the Foot, he distributed those Of­fices [Page 252]among above more than five, and thereby put the publick to greater charges for provisions. For every one of those five or more had as much allow'd him, as either of 'em had when there was but two: besides that it was oppression upon the Soldiers to be exposed to the avarice of so many Officers. For every one of 'em would get as much out of the Soldiers allowance as one of two should. But this was not all: for he encreased the number of Captains, Lieutenants and Tribunes to such a degree, that he left 'em twice as many as he found 'em, nor had the Sol­diers one farthing of their allowance out of the Treasury. All which was occa­sion'd by the Emperors negligence and ex­cessive covetousness. Nay farther, it was He that introduced such a vast expence at the Imperial Table, that to serve in such a quantity of provisions and furnish a Table so richly, there were whole Legions of Cooks, Butlers, and other attendants, whom if a man would reckon up he must spend a great deal of time in taking down their names. For as ro the multitude of Eunuchs about the Court employ'd in the Emperors service, and how most of 'em, especially such as were more beautiful than others called any Magistrate or Of­ficer to account whom they pleas'd, and [Page 253]how they had in effect the sole Govern­ment of the Empire, disposing of the Em­peror as they thought fit, and changing his mind to whatsoever they desired. As to these things why should I speak much, I say, when I am to shew the particular causes of that destruction which happen'd through such means. For as he would squander away the publick Stock with­out any consideration and bestow it up­on fellows that had no worth in 'em, till he was like enough to want Money; So he sold all Commands of Provinces to any one that would buy 'em, without any regard either to the reputation or conversation of the party, and thought him best qualified that brought him most Gold or Silver. So that you might see Goldsmiths and Bankers and others that are of the most sordid professions, with the Ensigns of Magistracy about 'em, and selling the Provinces to those that had most Money.

And now since there was such a change in the State and so much for the worse, the Soldiery was soon lessen'd, and came even to nothing at all: besides that all the Money was gone out of the Towns, partly to pay excessive Taxes, and partly to satisfie the covetousness of the Magi­strates. For whosoever did not endea­vour [Page 254]to please and humour their insati­able desire, they suborn'd fellows to ac­cuse him, and did as good as say, they must get up what they paid for their places. By which means those that lived in Towns led a very miserable life through their own poverty and the iniquity of the Magistrates, and onely pray'd to God to deliver 'em from such afflictions; for as yet they were permit­ted to go in to the Temples and worship the Gods after their Country fashion.

But the Emperor Theodosius seeing the Army very much diminished, permitted the Barbarians beyond Ister, as many as would to come to him, and promi­sed to make all the Fugitives, Soldiers. Upon which terms many of 'em went to him and were muster'd among the Le­gions; conceiving within themselves when they were more of 'em together, they might easily attaque the Government and make themselves Lords of all. But the Emperor having taken a view of the Fu­gitives who were a great multitude, and more already than the other Soldiers that were there; and considering also how it were possible to curb 'em if they had a mind to break their promises of Obedi­ence, he thought best to mingle some of 'em with those Legions that were in E­gypt, [Page 255]and take a Detachment from thence to supply their places in his Army. Which when he had done, so that one party came and the other went according to the Emperor's Order, the Egyptians in­deed march'd through the several Towns very quietly and paid for what they had, but the Barbarians behaved themselves very rudely, and disposed of all that was in the several Markets as they pleas'd. But when they both met at Philadelphia, which is a Town in Lydia the Egyptians who were far fewer than the Barbarians observ'd their Officers Orders, whilst the Barbarians who exceeded them in num­ber, pretended to a greater priviledg. And therefore when a certain Tradesman in the Market place demanded his Money for Goods that he had sold to a Barbarian, but the Barbarian drew his sword and cut him, whereupon the man cry'd out, and there was another also hurt who came to assist him, the Egyptians being sorry to see such an ill action, they modestly admonish'd the Barbarians to refrain from such un­unhandsom and unjust deeds; for that it did not become men that resolv'd to live under the Roman Laws. But they were never the better for their advice but drew upon them too, so long till the Egyp­tians [Page 256]giving way to their passion fell upon 'em, kill'd above two hundred, and woun­ding some of 'em compelled the rest to fly into Sinks where they died. But when the Egyptians had done thus to the Barbarians at Philadelphia, and persuaded them to be more modest, as being never like to want Enemies, they held on their way: and the Barbarians march'd toward Egypt whither they were bound. Now their General was Hormisdas, a Persian, the Son of that Hormisdas, who was with the Emperor Julian in the Persian War. But when the Egyptians came into Mace­donia and were joyn'd with the Legions there, no Order was observ'd in the Camp, nor any distinction between a Roman and a Barbarian, but all conversed promiscu­ously together, neither was there so much as a Muster Roll kept of the Soldiers names. Nay farther, it was permitted that the Fugitives might go back into their own Countrey, though they were listed among the Legions and send o­thers in their stead, and when they pleas'd come again and be Soldiers under the Romans.

When the Barbarians saw such disorder in the A [...]my (for the Fugitives-inform'd 'em of it, [...]des the tree access which [Page 257]they had to it) they thought this a fair opportunity to make an Attempt upon the Romans, who were so careless in the con­duct of their Affairs. And therefore ha­ving passed the River with ease, and march'd as far as Macedonia (for no body hinder'd 'em, being the Fugitives could let 'em pass without molestation as far as they pleas'd) when they found that the Emperor was coming to meet 'em with all his Forces, by a great fire which they saw at Mid-night and guessed to be near the Emperor and his Retinue (which they also understood so to be from the Fugitives that came to 'em) they ran by the light of that fire up to the Emperor's Tent. Where being joyn'd by the Fugi­tives, the Romans onely (except some few fugitives that were on their side) opposed 'em. Yet being so few against so many, they made indeed a shift to give the Em­peror time to escape, but themselves were all slain; not but that they fought brave­ly and kill'd a great multitude of the Bar­barians. Upon which occasion if the Bar­barians had follow'd their blow, and pur­su'd those that fled away with the Em­peror, they had certainly vanquish'd 'em every man upon the first attempt. But being satisfied with what they had won, and made themselves Masters of Macedo­nia [Page 258]and Thessaly, which no body guarded, they left the Towns to their own liberty, and did 'em no damage, out of hopes to have a Tribute from 'em.

But the Emperor, when he heard they were march'd home upon that account, secured the Castles and walled Towns with Guards, and went himself to Con­stantinople; having sent Letters to the Emperor Gratian to tell him what had happen'd, and that it was necessary with all speed to send Relief in such extremity of danger. And when he had dispatch'd away Couriers, Posts or Letter-Carriers upon that Message, he took notice of what Macedonia and Thessaly had suffer'd, but made such Collectors of Tribute, as were severe and rigid in their exactions of it: so that a Man might have seen all that which was left through the humanity of the Barbarians, gather'd up for Tribute. For they paid not only Money, but gave in their Womens Attire, and all their Clothes, even to that (I was going to say) which cover'd their nakedness, to satisfie Taxes. Insomuch that every Town and Country was full of lamentation and tears; whilst they all called out upon the Barbarians and desired their assistance.

And this was the State of Macedonia and Thessaly: whilst at the same time the Emperor Theodosius made his entrance into Constantinople with splendour, as if he had Triumph'd for some great Victory; with­out any regard to the publick miseries, but making his luxuriant pleasures pro­portionable to the bigness of the City. P. Diaconus says quite otherwise of him în his 12th Book. But (says he) those things, where­with Theodosius is aspersed, to wit, that he was a Drunkard, and very ambitious to Triumph, he so much abhor'd, that he wag'd none, though he found Wars; and prohibited by a Law all lascivious actions, as also Minstrels to be used at Feasts. But we must pardon Zosimus in this, because with him it was the greatest Crime meerly to be a Christian. But the Emperour Gratian being mightily troubled at the news sent forth a suffici­ent Army under the com­mand of Baudo, accom­panied by Arbogastes, who were both of 'em Franks, but loved the Romans very well, were free from all bribery, or covetousness and wise as well as stout Soldiers. Who when they came with the Army into Macedonia and Thessaly, the Scythians that were there a plundering all before 'em, as soon as they perceiv'd the resolution and Design of these two Men, immediately left the Country and ran back into Thrace, which they had former­ly pillaged. Where being in doubt what to do, they made use of such a stratagem as before, and endeavour'd to cheat the Emperor Theodosius with the same trick a­gain. [Page 260]For they sent unto him Fugitives of the meanest rank, to promise him all friend­ship and obedience; whom he believing entertain'd. And therefore, least his for­mer experience should have made him sen­sible of his own advantage; they were follow'd by a great many more, whom he in like manner receiv'd: till by the Em­peror's folly the Fugitives had once more got the power into their own hands. And that folly of his was daily encreas­ed by his voluptuous way of living; for whatsoever contributes to the debauching of good Manners receiv'd such additions in his Reign, that every one who affe­cted to be like the Emperor placed all humane happiness in such kind of things. For there were Mimichs, and those cursed Caitiffs the Dancers, with every thing else that conduces to obscenity or that lascivious and dissolute Musick, which was in use both in his time and after; inso­much that the Empire was utterly ruined by those that imitated that fort of folly and madness. Nay more, they violated the Temples of the Gods in all places, nor was it safe for any one to profess there were any Gods, much less to look up to Heaven and adore what they saw there.

But whilst Theodosius was thus em­ploy'd, the Emperor Gratian sent Vitalia­nus to be General of the Illyrian Legions, who was a Man that could not any way relieve 'em in that their languishing con­dition. And whilst this Vitalianus was in Office there were two Regiments of Ger­mans that lived beyond the Rhins, the one of which was commanded by Friti­gerne, and the other by Allothus and Sa­fraces, who lay so hard upon the Celtick Nations, that they forced the Emperor Gratian to give 'em leave that if they would quit the Celtick Countries they might cross the Ister and march into Pannonia and the upper Mysia: For his Design and endea­vour was to be freed from their continual inrodes. Whereupon they passed the Ister with an intention to go through Pannonia into Epirus, and crossing the River Ache­lous to attaque the Cities of Greece; but first thought fit to get good store of pro­visions, and remove Athanaricus who was the chief of all the Scythian royal Fami­ly, that no body might be left behind 'em to hinder or obstruct their Enterprise. Accordingly they set upon him and easily beat him out of the places where he lay: which made him betake himself with all speed to Theodosius who was just then re­cover'd from a Disease that had like to [Page 262]have been the death of him. And Theo­dosius entertain'd very kindly both him and all his Barbarians that were come a­long with him, going out a good way from Constantinople to meet him. Nor was he less respectful to him afterward, but when he died (which was within a little while) he interred him in a regal Se­pulchre; which was so sumptuous, that all the Barbarians stood amazed at the ex­cessive richness of it, and went again in­to their own Country, without molesting the Romans any more, they so much ad­mired the Emperors goodness and magni­ficence. And as many of 'em as came a­long with the dead Prince, continually guarded the bank of the River, lest any incursions should be made upon the Ro­mans.

At the same time Theodosius had more good fortune still. For he beat off the Scyri and Carpodaces who were mix'd with the Hunni, and so subdu'd 'em that he forced 'em to cross the Ister and return into their own Country. From which suc­cess of the Emperor his Soldiers reassumed their courage and seemed a little to reco­ver out of their former calamities, and the Husbandmen also had free liberty to manure the Earth, as likewise the Cattel fed without fear. And thus did Theodo­sius [Page 263]seem to make up their losses; whilst in the mean time Promotus, who was Ge­neral of the Foot in Thrace, but at this time made use of Boats as well as Land­forces, met with Aedotheus, who had rais­ed a mighty Army not onely of the Na­tions that live upon the Ister, but such as live a great way off in places unknown, and was then just coming with 'em over the River; where Promotus (I say) met him and made such a slaughter among his men, that the very River was fill'd with the dead bodies, and those that fell upon the Land could scarce be number'd.

The Affairs of Thrace being in this con­dition, made Gratian's circumstances very difficult: for he, taking the counsel of those Courtiers who use to corrupt tho manners of Princes, receiv'd certain Fugi­tives called Alani, whom he not onely listed among his Army, but honour'd with large Presents, and trusted with his grea­test secrets, not valuing his own Soldiers at all. And this begat in his Soldiers an hatred of him; which being enflamed, and augmented by degrees, incited them to­ward innovation, but most of all that part of 'em which was in the British I­slands, as being the more resolute and sur­ly fellows. To which also Maximus, a [Page 264] Spaniard, who had been the Emperor Theo­dosius's Fellow Soldier in Britain, gave 'em some farther encouragement. For he took it very ill that Theodosius should be thought worthy of being made Emperor, whilst he himself had no honourable Employment, and therefore incensed the Soldiers with greater animosity against the Emperor. Upon which they were easily persuaded and in a mutiny declared Maximus, Em­peror. To whom having presented the Purple Robe and Diadem, they went by Sea as far as the mouth of the Rhine: Where seeing the German Army and all the rest that were in those parts appro­ved the choice very well, Gratian prepa­pared to fight him with a considerable part of the Army which he yet had on his side. But when they came to engage, they onely skirmish'd for five days; till Gratian perceiving that, first of all, the Moorish Horse forsook him and declared Maximus, Augustus; and then that the rest revolted to Maximus by little and little, he bad adieu to all good hopes, and taking along with him three hundred Horse, fled with them to the Alps as fast as he could. And finding those parts un­guarded, he went toward Rhetia, Nori­cum, Pannonia and the upper Mysia. Which [Page 265]when Maximus understood, he neglected not his opportunity, but sent Andragathius General of the Horse, who was born near the Euxine Sea, and always seemed to be his Friend, with the stoutest Horses that he had, to pursue him. And he accord­ingly follow'd him with such speed, that he overtook him as he was just passing the Bridg at Sigidunus and kill'd him: by which means he strengthen'd Maximus's Dominion.

Now it is worth while upon this oc­casion to tell you a Story, not altogether forein from my present Narration. A­mong the Romans the Pontifices were the persons who had the chief management of holy things: whom we may term Gephy­raei; if we translate the word Pontifices [which signifies Bridg-makers] out of Latin into Greek; and the reason of that appella­tion was this. When men as yet knew not how to worship by Statues, there were some Images of the Gods first made in Thessaly: but because there were then no Temples (for the use of them also was yet unknown) they set up those Pictures of the Gods upon a Bridg that went cross the River Peneus, and called those that sacrificed to the Gods, Gephyraei [Bridg Priests] from the place where the Images were first set up. From whence the Ro­mans, [Page 266]who take it from the Greeks, called those that were the chief Priests, Ponti­fices, and made a Law that Kings, for their Honours sake, should be reckon'd among 'em. Of whom Numa Pompilius was the first that ever enjoy'd this Dignity; but after him all had it, not onely that were called Kings, but even Octavianus himself, and those who succeeded him in the Ro­man Empire. For when any one came to be Emperor the Pontifices [chief Priests] brought him the Priestly Habit, and presently he was stiled [Pontifex Maxi­mus] or chief Priest. And indeed all o­ther Emperors seemed very well pleased with the Honour, and were willing to use the Appellation or Title, yea even Con­stantine himself when he was Emperor [admitted of it] though he were pervert­ed from the right way in regard to holy matters, and embraced the Christian Faith. So likewise after him did all the rest in order, to Valentinian and Valens. But when the Pontifices [chief Priests] brought the holy Robe to Gratian (as it was the custom to do) he rejected their offer; as thinking it an unlawful Garb for a Chri­stian to use. And when the Robe was gi­ven back to the Priests that brought it, they say, the chief Person among 'em said, If the Emperor will not be called Pontifex, we'll soon make one.

And thus did Gratian's Reign come to an end: whilst Maximus, who now oppo­sed himself to have sure footing in the Em­pire, sent an Embassy to the Emperor Theo­dosius, not to beg pardon for what he had done against Gratian, but rather to give a farther provocation. In which Negotia­tion, the Person sent was the Imperial Chamberlain; yet no Eunuch (for Maxi­mus would not have an Eunuch to go­vern his Court) but a grave Person that had been his familiar Acquaintance ever since he was a Child. Now the business which he went about, was, to ask Theo­dosius if he would enter into a League, be friends, and make an Alliance against all common Enemies that should oppose the Romans, and if he would not, to de­clare against him open Hostility. Where­upon the Emperor Theodosius admitted Ma­ximus to be Emperor with him, and to par­take both of his Statues and his Imperial Title; though at the same time privately he levied War, and endeavour'd to cir­cumvent him by all manner of flattery and observance: insomuch that he com­manded Cynegius, Prefect of his Court, whom he sent into Egypt, to prohibit all worship of the Gods there, and shut up their Temples, that he should shew the Alexandrians Maximus's Image, and set it [Page 268]up in some publick place, and declare to the people that he was to be his Partner in the Empire. In which Affair Cynegius did as he was commanded; shutting up the Temple-door throughout the East, all Egypt and Alexandria it self, and prohibi­ting all their ancient sacrifices together with their customary Rites. But now as to those things which from that time to this have befaln the Roman Empire, a par­ticular account from matter of fact will be a Demonstration.

About this time a cetain Nation of Scy­thians appear'd from beyond the Ister, who were never before known to any of the inhabitants thereabout; though the Barbarians, of that Country called 'em, Prothingi. Who being a vast number of 'em, furnish'd with all convenient Arms, and very lusty men besides, they easily over-ran the mid-land Barbarians, came down as far as the banks of Ister, and de­sired leave to cross over the River. But Promotus, the General of the Armies that lay there, drew his men out in lenght as far as he could along the bank of the River and stopped the Barbarians passage. And whilst he was so doing he found out also another way, which was this. He called together some of his own Soldiers who understood their Language, and were such [Page 269]as he could trust in things of that nature, and sent 'em to treat with these Barbari­ans about betraying their own Party. But they that went, demanded a large Re­ward, to give up the Roman General with the whole Army into the Barbarians hands. And when the Barbarians told 'em they were not able to give so much, yet to create belief of what they had said, they stood upon their first Proposals, and would not abate one farthing of their price. At last being both sides agreed of the Sum, they made secret compacts con­cerning the Treachery: in which it was conserted, that part of the Money should be paid immediatey, and the rest when the Victory was obtained. But when they had order'd how the Signal should be gi­ven and the time when the Treason should be put in execution, they told the whole story to the General; how that in the Night-time, the Barbarians were to go a­bout the work and cross the River to at­taque the Roman Army.

The Barbarians therefore putting all their best men into a great many Wher­ries, commanded them to go over first and set upon the Soldiers whilst they were yet asleep. And next to them, they sent the midling sort, to assist the first when [Page 270]they had begun the Attaque, as likewise, after them, the useless multitude of all Ages, who would be sure to brag of a Vi­ctory when others had gotten it. But Promotus being inform'd of all this before­hand by those whom he sent to contrive this pretended Treachery, was prepared a­gainst the Barbarians Designs, and set his Ships with their Stems one against ano­ther no more than three deep, but rang'd 'em as long as he could, even to twenty furlongs upon the River-side. By which means he not onely kept the Enemy from coming over, but sunk all the rest that he met coming over in the Wherries. But being a dark, Moonless Night, the Barba­rians knew nothing of what preparations the Romans had made, and therefore go­ing to work they went very silently on board their Wherries, supposing that the Romans were altogether strangers to their Designs. But when the Signal was given, those Men that devised the Treachery ha­ving fore-warn'd the General of every par­ticular intention, and made a preparation proportionable to that of the Enemy; they sailed up to 'em in great, strong Ships with stout Oars and sunk all they met, among whom there was not one man that was saved by leaping over board, their [Page 271]Arms were so heavy. And those Wher­ries, that escaped the Romans who sailed to and fro, if they fell into the hands of those that lay along the shoar, were pelt­ed so fast with any thing that came to hand, that they and the men in them were cast away at the same time, nor could any pass that Wall of Roman Ships.

This caused a mighty slaughter among 'em, and such an one as was never seen in any Sea fight before, insomuch that the River was fill'd with dead Bodies and Arms which would naturally float upon the Water. And if any of 'em could swim over, they light upon those that lay by the Rivers side, and by them were de­stroy'd. But when all the flower of the Barbarians were slain, the Soldiers be­took themselves to plundering, and not onely carried away their Children and Wo­men, but made themselves Masters of all their provisions. And then the General, Promotus, sent for the Emperor Theodosius who was not far off, to be a witness of his brave Atchievement. Who, when he saw the number of Captives, and the quantity of spoils, set the Captives at li­berty and by gifts that he bestow'd upon 'em, endeavour'd to entice 'em over to his own side, because he knew their help [Page 272]would be of consequence to him in a War against Maximus.

Thus did Promotus continue in his Duty as the Defender and Governour of Thrace, and put himself privately in readiness for a War. But it is worth while to tell you a­nother thing that fell out at the same time. There is a Town in that part of Scythia, which lies in Thrace, called Tomi; where Ge­rontius, who was a very strong Man and an excellent Soldier, commanded a Garison. And before this same Town there was planted a choice Company of Barbarians, who were not onely very hale, well-tim­ber'd Men, but also mote couragious than any of the rest. But these Men though they were presented by the Emperor with greater allowance of Corn and other things, than any of the other Soldiers, yet they did not intend to requite those honours that were done to 'em with good will, but with contempt of the Governor and scorn of the Roman Soldiers. Which Design of theirs when Gerontius perceiv'd; how they intended to attaque the Town, and put the Government into confusion, he advised with the wisest of his Soldiers about a way to revenge himself upon those insolent, and unjust Barbarians. But see­ing them fearful and consequently flow [Page 273]to give their assent, as dreading the very motion of the Barbarians, he himself took his Arms and a few of his Guards along with him to fight the whole body of the Barbarians. And having open'd the Gates he march'd out to meet 'em, whilst his Soldiers were yet either asleep and fet­ter'd with fear as with a Chain, or got upon the Wall, to see what passed. In the mean time the Barbarians laughed at Gerontius's madness, and thinking him de­sirous of death, sent men against him who were extraordinary strong. Where­upon Gerontius engaging with the first that charg'd up to him, and presently catching hold of his Buckler fought very stoutly, till one of the Guards that were about him, who saw them closed, cut off the Barbarians Arm, and made him tumble from his Horse. And whilst the Barba­rians stood amazed at the courage and au­dacity of the Man, Gerontius attaqued some others of the Enemy: insomuch, that when the Soldiers upon the Wall saw what their General did, they remember'd they were Romans, and sallying out kill'd most of the Barbarians, who were asto­nish'd to see so sudden an eruption. Only some few escaped into an Edifice which was highly honoured by the Christians, and e­steemed as an Asylum or Sanctuary.

And now Gerontius having deliver'd Scy­thia from all impendent dangers and from the Barbarians that attempted it, but were subdu'd by his extraordinary valour and magnanimity, he expected some reward from the Emperor. But instead of that Theodosius was very angry, that the Barba­rians whom he had honour'd so much, were cut off, though they had been a very plague to the publick weal; and therefore presently sent for Gerontius into custody, to give him an account for what he had so bravely perform'd upon the score of the Romans. Upon which occasion Gerontius accused the Barbarians of Rebellion a­gainst the Romans, with a relation of what spoil and ravage they had committed a­mong the Inhabitants of that place: but the Emperor did not mind one word that he said, nor was he moved from his for­mer Opinion, but persisted in his thoughts, that he did not remove them for the good of the publick but for the lucre of what the Emperor had given 'em, that so when he had got their goods into his hands, there might be no body to accuse him. To which Gerontius reply'd, that he had sent them to the publick Treasury even after their Death (now the things that he had taken from 'em were golden Neck­laces which the Emperor gave 'em for Or­nament) [Page 275]but notwithstanding that, he had much ado to escape the dangers which be­set him, though he gave all he had a­mong the Eunuchs, and paid a Sum pro­portionable to his good will toward the Romans.

When things had thus run to ruin un­der the Reign of Theodosius, in whose time no virtuous action was thought commen­dable, but all manner of luxury and wan­tonness increased every day beyond all measure (as they use to say) those that inhabited that great City of Antioch in Syria, not able to endure the continual addition of new Taxes which the Colle­ctors invented, rose up in Arms, and shamefully pulling down the Statues both of the Emperor and Emperess, gave out such words as were not unbefitting the actions that had passed, but were more­over mix'd with Drollery and that kind of Raillery which is usually among them. But when the Emperor, who was displea­sed at what they had done, threaten'd to punish them for that fault according to their demerit, the Senate of the City, for fear of his anger, thought fit to send Embassadours, to excuse what the people had done. So they chose Libanius, the Sophister or Professor (whose Writings that he left declare his praises) and Hi­larius, [Page 276]a Man of a nobly Family, and ex­cellently well vers'd in all kind of Learn­ing. Of which two the Sophister made a Speech before the Emperor and Senate concerning the Insurrection, in which he so far prevailed as to appease the Empe­ror's anger which he had conceiv'd against the Antiochians, and (which was more than he expected) made the Emperon, who was now altogether reconciled to their City, enjoyn him to make a second Ora­tion upon the same Subject. And Hila­rius, who was highly commended for his great Virtue, was by the Emperor made Governour of all Palestine.

But whilst the Affairs of the East, of Thrace and Illyricum were in this posture, Maximus, who thought things were not carry'd as he deserv'd, who was onely Governour of those Countries which were formerly under Gratian, contrived how to depose the young Valentinian from the Empire, and that totally if he could; but if he failed in the whole, to make sure of some part at least, as much as he could get. And being overborn with this Re­solution, he prepared to pass the Alps and go into Italy. But seeing that he must of necessity travel through a streight passage, and over craggy, pathless Mountains, with Marshes and Fens beyond 'em, which ad­mit [Page 277]of no Passengers but such as travel ve­ry slowly, much lefs of such an Army, he deferr'd the enterprise till he had better Counsel in it. But when Valentinian sent Embassadors from Aquileia, to desire a far­ther security of Peace, Maximus comply'd with his requests, and pretended that he also was very well pleased with it. Va­lentinian therefore sent Domninus upon that Negotiation, who though he was a Syrian born, yet he was the Emperor's very good Acquaintance, and Friend. For as he was the next Man to him in Power and Authority, so he seemed to excell all others in fidelity and experience; and be­sides, what the Emperor had a mind to do without any other bodies knowledg, he resolv'd to impart to this person onely. When therefore Domninus came to Maxi­mus, and had told him the reasons of that Embassy, he received him with all re­spect and kindness imaginable. For he conferr'd such extraordinary honour upon him, and gave him such a load of Presents, that Domninus thought Valentinian would never have such an other friend. Nay so far did Maximus proceed to cheat Domni­nus, that he sent along with him some part of the Army which he had, to help the Emperor against the Barbarians; who oppress'd the Pannonians that were under [Page 278]his Dominion. Thereupon Domninus took his leave, and being well pleased not one­ly with the great quantity of Presents that he received, but the company of those Allies who were sent along with him, he, like an unwise Man, made the way over the Alps that led to his own home more pervious for Maximus. Which that he would do being Maximus foresaw, and therefore had prepared all things in a readiness, he followed him with all his Forces, and secretly sent out Guards before him, who took all the care they could lest any one should pass by that way, and tell Domninus's Retinue of Maximus's coming over into Italy. And indeed this Guard upon the pass was very easie to be made; for it was impossible that any one should go through the narrowest place upon the Alps but he must needs be seen. When therefore he understood that Domninus and his Attendants had pas­sed the streights of the Alps, with all those invious Mountains, besides the Fen­ny places beyond the Alps, that are so difficult for an Army to march through, and did not fear meeting any Enemy in those cumbersom places, he immediately went into Italy without any resistance, and marched to Aquileia.

At which Valentinian was so surprized, and in such a desperate condition, that his Courtiers were affraid, lest Maximus should take him Prisoner and kill him; for which reason he immediately took shipping and sailed to Thessalonica along with his Mo­ther Justina, who had been Wife (as I told you before) to Magnentius, but, af­ter his decease, was married to the Em­peror Valentinian upon the account of her extraordinary beauty. But she did not go alone without any other Woman; for she carry'd her Daughter Galla along with her. And when they had passed so many Seas and were arrived at Thessalonica, they sent an Embassy to the Emperor Theodo­sius, to beg of him, that now at least he would revenge the insolent injuries done to all Valentinian's Family. Which when he heard, he was immediately astonish­ed, and began a little to forget his ex­travagancy, laying some restraint upon his wild-inclination to pleasures: and ha­ving advised about it, 'twas thought fit that He with some of the Senate should go to Thessalonica. And so accordingly they did; and there consulted again what was to be done, till it was agreed as the unanimous consent of the Assembly, that Maximus should be punish'd for his offences. For they were of Opinion, that such a [Page 280]Man ought not to live, who had not one­ly kill'd Gratian, and usurped his Empire, but having succeeded in that, had made some farther progress, and deprived his Brother also of that Dominion which was left him. But though Theodosius was ve­ry much displeased at these things, yet through his natural effeminacy, and the negligent manage of his former life, he was loth to undertake a War, and told 'em the inconveniences that arise from civil broils, and how the Cowmonwealth must of necessity receive some fatal Wounds from both sides. Wherefore he said, it was best first to send an Embassy; and, if Maximus would deliver up the Empire to Valentinian and be quiet, that the Empire should be divided amongst 'em all as it was before; but if he would suffer himself to be overcome by covetousness, they would fight him without any more ado. Now ne'r a Man in the Senate durst speak a word against all this, because it seemed advantageous to the publick.

In the mean while Justina, who was a Person of good experience in things, and knew how to conduct her Affairs to the best purpose, understanding that Theodo­sius was very much inclined to Love, brought her Daughter Galla, who was a very beautiful Lady, into his presence, [Page 281]and clasping the Emperor about the knees, most humbly beseeched him that he would not suffer either Gratian's Death (who gave him that Empire) to go unre­veng'd, nor let them lie neglected, and destitute of all hopes. And as she spake those words, she shew'd him the Damsel, who was all in tears, bewailing her mis­fortunes. When Theodosius had heard this supplication of hers, and withal observ'd the beauty of the young Lady, he disco­ver'd by his eyes the Wound that she had made in his Heart; but notwithstanding deferr'd that business till another time; and in the mean while gave 'em some cause to hope the best. But being more and more each day enflamed with a desire to the Damsel, he went to Justina, and requested of her that he might have her Daughter, since Placilla his former Wife was Dead. To which Demand of his she made answer, That she would not let him have her, unless he would levy War a­gainst Maximus to revenge Gratian's Death, and restore Valentinian to his Father's Throne. He therefore resolving to get her consent by these means, made it his whole business to prepare for a War. And being incited by a Woman, he not onely obliged the Soldiers by increasing their Allowances, but he likewise corre­cted [Page 282]his own remissness in other cases, since necessity forced him to it, resolving to take care of some things that would want looking after when he was gone. To which end, seeing Cynegius, the Pre­fect of the Court, had happen'd to die by the way as he was coming back from E­gypt, he consulted who was fit to succeed him in that Office. And having taken frequent views of many Men, at length he found out one for his turn, called Ta­tianus, whom he sent for from Aquileia. For this Tatianus had born other Offices under Valens and was a good Man in all respects; wherefore Theodosius declared him Prefect of the Court all over the Countrey, and sending him the Ensigns of Magistracy made his Son Proclus Prae­tor or Governour of the City. And truly in this he did very well, in committing the greatest Offices to such good Men, who knew how to dispose of things very skil­fully for the good of the Subjects when the Emperor was gone. He likewise took a care for the Army and made Promotus General of the Horse and Timasius of the Foot.

But just when all things were ready fot his Journey, he heard, the Barbarians, who were mix'd among the Roman Le­gions, had been solicited by Maximus [Page 283]with promises of great Rewards if they would betray the Army. But they per­ceiving that the Design was discover'd, fled into the Fens and Bogs of Macedo­nia, where they hid themselves in the Woods. But being pursu'd, and search'd for with all diligence, they were most of them slain. So that the Emperour being freed from this fright, march'd with all re­solution and his whole Army against Ma­ximus; having first put Justina, with her Son and Daughter on Ship-board, and committed 'em to the care of those, who would see 'em safe at Rome. For he be­liev'd that the Romans would receive 'em very gladly, because they were disaffected to Maximus. But he with his Army de­sign'd to march through the upper Pan­nonia, and over the Apennine Mountains to Aquileia, that he might surprise the E­nemy before they were prepared.

But whilst Theodosius was on his way, it happen'd that Maximus having heard that Valentinian's Mother with her Chil­dren, was like to cross the Ionian Bay, got together a convenient number of swift Chase-ships and gave 'em to Andragathi­us, whom he sent to hunt 'em out. But Andragathius, though he sailed to and fro to all places, yet miss'd of his aim (for they were passed the Ionian Streight be­fore) [Page 284]and therefore getting together a com­petent Navy, he sailed to all the Coasts thereabout, because he thought Theodosius would attaque 'em in a Sea-fight.

But whilst Andragathius was thus em­ploy'd, Theodosius having passed through Pannonia and the Streights of the Apen­nine Mountains, set upon Maximus's Army before they expected, or were provided for him. And when some part of his Army, who ran as fast as they could, had got to the Walls of Aquileia and forced their passage through the Gates (for the Guards or Sentinels were too few to resist 'em) Maximus was pull'd down from his Imperial Throne, whilst he was beginning to distribute Money among his Soldiers, and being strip'd of his Imperial Robes was brought to Theodosius: who having recounted some few of his Crimes against the Publick by way of Reproach, deliver'd him to the common Hangman or Execu­tioner, to suffer due punishment.

Now this was the end of Maximus and his usurp'd Dominion; who when he had craftily conquer'd Valentinian, dream'd he should easily subdue the whole Roman Em­pire. But then the Emperour Theodosius having heard that when Maximus came over the Alps he left his Son Victor there, whom he had honour'd with the Title of [Page 285] Caesar, he presently sent his General, called Arbogastes, who deprived the Youth not onely of his Dignity but his life too. Which when it was told to Andragathius, who was then a cruising in the Ionian Bay, it made him so sensible of ten thousand dangers which were like to befal him that he never stay'd to expect the Enemies coming, but was the Executioner of his own punishment; for he threw himself in­to the Sea, as chusing rather to trust the Waves than Men that were his greatest Enemies.

Then did Theodosius deliver to Valenti­nian as much of the Empire as ever his Father had; which was indeed but what a Man ought to do to those that have de­serv'd well of him. And afterward having mingled all the choice of Maximus's Sol­diers among his own, he sent Valentinian away into Italy, Celtica, and other parts to order such things as concern'd his share in the Empire. His Mother also went a­long with him, to supply, as much as in a Woman lay, what prudence he through want of age might lack.

But going himself back to Thessalonica, he found no small confusion in the Affairs of Macedonia. For all the Barbarians who had hid themselves in the Fens and the Woods lying near the Lakes, and had e­scaped [Page 286]the former incursion of the Romans, having got an opportunity when Theodo­sius was engaged in the Civil War, plun­der'd all Macedonia and Thessaly without any opposition. But when they heard of the late Victory and that the Emperour was coming back again, they once more hid themselves in the Fens, and from thence stealing out privately at break of Day they carry'd off all that came in their way, and then they repaired to their usual places. Insomuch that the Emperor thought at last, that these, whoever they were, that sally'd out thus to pillage the Countrey, were rather Devils than Men. Where­fore being very doubtful in his mind he told no body his Design; but taking along with him five Horsemen, whom he or­der'd, each of 'em to lead three or four Horses (that so if any Horse tired, the Rider might have another to get upon, and the Horses by that means be able to sustein the fatigue of that enterprise which he intended) he gave no ground for su­spicion that he was the Emperour, but went about the Countrey like any ordi­nary person: and if he or his Retinue at any time wanted meat, he begg'd of the Country people. At last he came to a small Inn, where an old Woman lived, and desired that she would let him into her [Page 287]House and give him some Drink: both which she did; and by that time she had entertain'd him very kindly with Wine and other things that she then by chance had in the House, it was almost Night, and so he desired her to let him lie there; to which the old Woman likewise con­sented; and the Emperour lay in a certain Room, where he saw a Man that said ne'r a word, but look'd as if he had not a mind to be known. At which the Empe­rour wonder'd, and calling the old Woman to him, demanded of her who he was and whence he came? To which she reply'd, that she could not tell him either that, or why he came thither: but this she said she knew, that since the Emperour Theo­dosius and his Army return'd home, he had been her Guest and paid her every Day for his Diet, but had gone out every Day from Morning till Night and walk'd where he pleased, till Night, and then he used to come back again, as from some hard la­bour, and after he had eaten something, lay down in that posture which he now saw him in. When the Emperour had heard what the Woman said, he thought it con­venient to make a farther enquiry into the business; and taking hold of the Fellow bad him tell, who he was. And being he would not answer so much as one word, [Page 288]he whip'd him out of design to make him confess. But the Fellow not yielding to that torment, he commanded his Horse­men to prick him with their Swords, and told him withal, that he was the Empe­rour, Theodosius. Whereupon, when the Man said he was the Spy for those Bar­barians who were hid in the Fens, and gave 'em notice where he was, as also what Men or places it was convenient for 'em to attaque, the Emperour immediately out off his Head.

And after that going to his Army which lay encamped nor far off, he brought his Soldiers to the place where he knew the Barbarians lived, and falling upon 'em kill'd every one of what age soever, drag­ing some out of the Fens where they were hid, and murthering others in the Water; so that there was a great slaughter of the Barbarians. Now the Ge­neral, Timasius, who admired at the Em­perours Valour, desired of him that he would let the Soldiers who were by this time hungry and not able to toil any longer in the Fens, have time to refresh themselves; to which the Emperour con­senting, the Trumpet sounded a Retreat, which made the Soldiers leave their work and persecuting of the Barbarians. But when they had eaten and drank very plen­tifully, [Page 289]they were so overcome with Wine and weariness, that they fell fast asleep. Which when the Barbarians that were yet left perceiv'd, they took up Arms, and falling upon the Soldiers, who were alrea­dy subdu'd by sleep and drunkenness, they punch'd 'em with Spears and Swords and every mortal Instrument, so long, till the Emperour himself had like to have been kill'd with all his Army, if some of those who had not yet Dined had not ran to the Emperours Tent, and told him what had happened. At which the Em­perour being much troubled together with those that he had with him, resolved to avoid the approaching danger by a timely flight. But Promotus meeting 'em as they fled away (for the Emperour had sent for him) desired the Emperour to consult the safety both of himself and those that were about him; for that he would take care of the Barbarians and punish them for their obstinacy according to their de­serts. Nor had he sooner said so, but he attaqued the Barbarians: and finding that they were still upon the sleeping Soldiers, made up to 'em with all speed, and kill'd so many of 'em, that few or none at all escaped safe into the Fens.

Now these were the most remarkable accidents, that befel the Emperour Theo­dosius after his return from killing Maxi­mus. But when he came back to Constan­tinople, he was very proud of his Victory over Maximus; though he was so much concern'd for what the Barbarians in the Fens had done both to himself and all his Army, that he resolv'd to bid adieu to all Wars and fighting. Wherefore committing the care of those things to Promotus, he him­self began to recollect his former way of living, and in rich Banquets, exquisite Pleasures, Theatrical Shows, and Horse-Races created to himself a great deal of delight. Which makes me wonder at this Mans inclination to both sides. For tho he were by nature slothful, and given to all idleness, as well as other Vices, which I have told you of before, yet whensoever he had no sad accident, or formidable Ob­ject to molest him, he gave the loose to his Nature; but when he was in any stress, whereby the state of Affairs was like to be shaken, he laid aside his sluggish­ness, and bidding farewel to pleasures prepared himself for manly, hardy and troublesom enterprises. And notwith­standing that he was such a Man by what experience tells us, he would, when free from care, make himself a Slave to his na­tural Vices of ease and luxury.

Now of those that were Magistrates un­der him, Rufinus was counted the chiefest, who was by Nation a Celtick, and Master of the Court Guards: for the Emperour trusted him with all manner of things, and had little esteem for any one else; which vexed Timasius and Promotus, who after so many dangers that they had un­dergone for the publick good, were placed onely in the second rank of Favourites. And this made Rufinus so proud and high-minded, that in a publick Assembly he cast forth very bold words against Promo­tus: Which Promotus being not able to endure gave him a swinging blow in the Face and wounded him. Whereupon Ru­finus went immediately to the Emperour, and, shewing him his Face, put him into such a fury, that he said, If they had not lad aside their envy to Rufinus, they should ere long see him Emperour. Which when Rufinus heard, who was upon other ac­counts also an Enemy to many more, through his excessive ambition to be above all, he persuaded the Emperour to com­mand Promotus out of the Court to some place where he might live and exercise the Soldiers. And having obtain'd his desire, he set an Ambuscade of Barbarians to wait for him as he was going into Thrace: who as they were commanded, attaqued him [Page 292]on a sudden and kill'd him. Him, who was a Man above the love of Riches, and had behaved himself sincerely both to the Commonwealth and the Emperours; but had the just reward of his folly, for ser­ving those who disposed of the publick Affairs with so much sloth and impiety.

When this Action was noised abroad, and got into every bodies mouth, though every modest, sober Man was troubled at such enormities, yet at the same time Ru­finus, as if he had done some glorious Deed, was made Consul. And then Ta­tianus, with his Son Proculus (who had offended Rufinus upon no other score, than that, being Prefects, the one of the Court, and the other of the City, they had discharged their Offices without any bribery and as much as possibly they could, according to their Duty) were called into question without any reason. And to essect what was designed against them, Tatianus be­ing first put out of his Place, was brought to his Trial, whilst Rufinus was made Pre­fect of the Imperial Court. Now though in appearance there were others commis­sionated as Judges in this Trial besides Rufinus, yet he alone had Authority to pass the Sentence. But when Proculus had discover'd the Design, he made his escape: upon which Rufinus, who thought him an [Page 293]industrious Man, and feared lest he might study some new way to give him distur­bance, came to his Father Tatianus, and by deceitful Oaths made him believe what­ever he said; nay, he persuaded the Em­perour to give both the Father and the Son all hopes imaginable, till by this means he had cheated Tatianus out of a well grounded suspicion into vain dreams of safety and made him by Letters recal his Son. But as soon as Proculus came, he was laid hold on and put in Prison; and Tatianus being sent to live in his own Country, they had several Hearings of Proculus's Cause, till at last the Judges, according to agreement between them and Rufinus, commanded him to be carried in­to the Suburbs, called Sycae, and there put to death. Which when the Emperour heard of, he seat, forsooth, to recal the Sword from his Throat; but the Messen­ger went so slowly, by the Order of Ru­finus, that Proculus's head was cut off be­fore he came to the place.

Now whilst these things were in action, the news was brought that the Empe­ror Valentinian was dead, and this was the manner of his death: Arbogastes, a Frank, who was made Lieutenant to Baudo by the Emperour Gratian, had, upon Baudo's [Page 294]decease, in confidence of his own industry, made himself General, without the Empe­rour's leave. And being thought fit for the place by all the Soldiers under him, upon the account both of his Valour and knowledg in Military Affairs, as also his contempt of Riches, he grew into great Power; and was so very high, that he would speak his mind freely to the Em­perour, and what he thought not well done, or as it ought to be, he would find fault with. Which Valentinian took so ill that he opposed him several times, and would have done him a diskindness but could not bring it about: for Arbogastes was fortified with the love of all the Sol­diers. At length Valentinian who could no longer endure to be under his corre­ction, seeing Arbogastes coming toward him as he sat in his Imperial Throne, look'd sternly upon him and gave him an Instrument whereby he casheered him from his Command; which when Arbogastes had read, he reply'd, Thou (said he) neither gavest me my Command, nor canst thou take it from me; and having so said, tore the Instrument in pieces, threw it down and went away. Now from that time they did not keep their suspicions to themselves, but their ill will to each o­ther was publickly known: and Valenti­nian [Page 295]sent frequent Letters to the Emperour Theodosius, to acquaint him with the ar­rogant saucy behaviour of Arbogastes to­ward the Majesty of an Emperour, and desired him withal to send him very spee­dily some assistance, or he swore, he would suddenly come and visit him. In the mean time Arbogastes, being in debate what course to take, came at last to this reso­lution. There was in the Court a certain Person, called Eugenius, who was so ex­cellent a Scholar, that he professed Rhe­torick and kept a School. This Person Richomeris had commended to Arbogastes as a kind, civil Man, to his own know­ledg, and desired him to make him his fa­miliar, being one that would not be use­less to him if any thing should happen where the assistance of a real Friend were needful. By which means, when Richo­meris was gone to the Emperour Theodo­sius, the daily conversation of these two made Eugenius Arbogastes's very great Friend, nor had he any secret but he trusted him with it. At this juncture therefore re­membring Eugenius, who by his extraor­dinary Learning and gravity of Conversa­tion, seemed very fit to manage an Em­pire, he communicated to him his inten­tions. But seeing him not well pleased with what he proposed to him, he pro­ceeded [Page 296]to induce him by all the Arts he could, and begg'd of him not to reject what Fortune had so favourably offer'd. And when he had persuaded him, he thought it best in the first place to remove Valentinian, and so to deliver up the sole Power to Eugenius. To which end he went to Vienna, a Town in Gaul where the Emperour was, and as he was playing at certain Sports near the Wall of the Town with some of the Soldiers, think­ing nothing of it, he fell upon him, gave him a mortal wound and kill'd him. Which bold action of his the Soldiers said ne'r a word to, not onely because he was so great a Person, and such a Warlike Heroe, but because they loved him too for his contempt of Riches. Wherefore as soon as he had done the deed he declared Eu­genius Emperour, and put 'em all in good hopes that he would prove a good Gover­nour, because he was so extraordinarily qualified.

When these things were related to the Emperour Theodosius, his Wise Galla put the whole Court into disorder by lament­ing for the death of her Brother. And the Emperour also was full of grief and care, having not onely lost his Partner in the Government, who was a young Man and so nearly related to him, but like­wise [Page 297]fallen into the hands of Men that were both disaffected to him, and besides that, invincible; for Arbogasles was bold and valiant, as Eugenius was learned and vir­tuous. But though he said thus to him­self and often revolv'd it in his mind, yet he resolv'd (as it were) at once to throw the Dice for all he had, and therefore made all manner of preparation for a War. And in pursuance of his Design, he in­tended to make Rictomeris Commander of the Horse, having had experience of his courage in many Wars, and to make o­ther Officers for the Legions. But Ricto­meris dying of a Disease whilst he was consulting about these Affairs, he was fain to make choice of other Men. But whilst the Emperour was considering of it, there was news brought of an Embassy from Eugenius, to know of the Emperour Theo­dosius, whether he would admit Eugenius to Reign, or declare his Election void. Now the Person sent upon that Embassy was one Rufinus, an Athenian, who neither brought any Letters from Arbogastes, nor made any other mention of him. But whilst the Emperour delay'd the time to consult what he should do, or what An­swer to make to the Embassadors, it hap­pen'd that another thing also intervened, which was this: When Theodosius first [Page 298]came to be Emperour, he received some Barbarians into his friendship and Alli­ance, whom he obliged both with hopes and large Presents; nor was he wanting by all civilities to endear the Officers of each Nation, but admitted 'em even to his Table with him. But there arose a debate among 'em in which they main­tain'd two different Opinions. For some of 'em said, it was better break their Oaths, that they had taken, when they made themselves subject to the Romans; whilst others, on the contrary, said, they ought by no means to do any thing a­gainst their own agreement. Now he that was for trampling upon his Promise, and persuaded all his Countrymen to do the same, was one Priulfus; as on the other side, Fraustius maintain'd that they ought to stand by what they had sworn. But it was a long time before any one knew, that there was such a Controversie among 'em; till on a time when they were at the Emperour's Table, and had drank more than ordinary, they broke out into a quar­rel with each other, and declar'd their Opinions; so that the Emperour, when he knew the mind of every particular Man, put an end to the Entertainment. But as they went from the Court, they grew into such an heat, that Fraustius, not [Page 299]able to endure it any longer, drew out his Sword and kill'd Priulfus. And seeing his Soldiers would have set upon Frau­stius, the Emperour's Guards stood be­tween and would not suffer the mutiny to proceed any farther: though when the Emperour heard of it, he did not much regard what they had done, but let the quarrelsom fools kill one another as they would. In the mean time having deceiv'd the Embassadors with Presents and fair words that seemed to have a great deal of moderation in them, he sent 'em home; and, as soon as they were gone, went on with his Warlike preparations. But think­ing that his chief business was, the choice of Captains, as indeed it is, he made Ti­masius Commander of the Roman Army; and next to him, Stilico (who married Serena the Daughter of Theodosius the Em­perour's Brother) putting his Allies the Barbarians under the conduct of Gaines and Saul, with whom also Bacurius was in the same Commission; who was of Ar­menian extract, but a Man free from all ill inclinations, besides his skill in mili­tary Affairs.

When he had thus made choice of his grand Officers, and was making what haste he could toward his marching out, it [Page 300]happen'd that his Wife Galla died in Child­bed, and was no sooner eas'd of her bur­then but she was deprived of her life also. Upon which occasion when the Emperour had mourned for her a whole Day (ac­cording to Homers rule) he went away with his Army to the War; but left his Son Arcadius behind him, who was some time before made Emperour. But because he was young his Father thought fit to cure, as it were, the defects of his nonage, by leaving Rufinus with him, who was not onely Prefect of the Court, and did what he pleased, but even as much as the power of Majesty enabled the Emperour himself to do. And having done thus, he took his younger Son Honorius along with him, son pass'd the intermediate Coun­tries, and having beyond all hopes got o­ver the Alps, he arrived where the Enemy lay, insomuch that Eugenius was amazed to see him there whom he so little expected. Now since he was there and con­sequently must fight, He thought it best to put his Barbarian Forces, in the Fore­lorn-Hope, and exposed them first, and therefore commanded Gaines with the Na­tions under his Command to make the first attaque, and that the other Captains should follow him as many as command­ed [Page 301] Barbarian Soldiers, whether Horse, Horse Bowmen, or Foot. Then did Eu­genius also draw out his Men, and when the two Armies were engaged, there was such an Eclipse of the Sun at the very time of the Fight, that above half the while it look'd more like Night than Day. And therefore seeing they fought a kind of a nocturnal Battel, they made such a mighty slaughter, that the same Day the greater part of Theodosius's Allies were slain, and their Commander Bacurius also, who fought very stoutly in the head of 'em; whilst the remaining part of 'em escaped very narrowly with the rest. When therefore Night came on and the Armies had rallied their Forces, Eugenius was so proud of his Victory that he distributed Money among those that had behaved themselves best in the Battel, and gave 'em time to sup: as if, after such a Defeat there were like to be no fighting. But whilst they wore at Meat, the Emperour Theodosius, who saw it was almost break of Day, fell upon the Ene­mies with all his Forces, whilst they were yet lying down upon the ground, and kill'd 'em before they could tell who hurt 'em. And then going on even to Euge­nius's Tent, where he set upon those that were about him, killing many of 'em, he also took some of 'em that were running [Page 302]away for fear; among whom Eugenius was one: whom when they had gotten into their hands, they cut off his Head and carry'd it upon a long Spear about all the Camp, to shew those who were yet his Friends, how they ought, as Romans, to be reconciled to the Emperour, especially now, since the Usurper was removed. Whereupon almost all those that were left after the Victory ran over to the Empe­rour, and shouting call'd him Augustus, beseeching him likewise to pardon 'em for what they had been guilty of: to which the Emperour very easily assented. But Arbogastes who had no mind to try the Emperour's good nature fled up into the most craggy Mountains; where when he perceiv'd that they went about in all places to search for him, he stabb'd himself, as choosing rather to die a voluntary death than to be taken by the Enemy.

When things had thus succeeded to the Emperour Theodosius, he went to Rome, where he declared his Son Honorius Em­perour, made Stilico General of all the Forces there, and left him as Tutor to his Son. But before he went away he call'd the Senate together, (who stuck close to their ancient Country Rites and Customs, nor could be persuaded to joyn with them, that seem'd any way to incline to­ward [Page 303]a contempt of the Gods) and in an Oration exhorted 'em to relinquish their former Error (as he call'd it) and em­brace the Christian faith, which promises remission of all sins and impieties. But seeing ne'r a Man of 'em would be per­suaded to it, nor recede from their ancient Ceremonies which had been deliver'd down to 'em ever since their City was built, and prefer an irrational assent before 'em (for they said, they had lived almost one thou­sand two hundred years in the observa­tion of 'em, in all which time their City was never conquer'd, and therefore if they should change them for others, they could not tell what might come of it) Theo­dosius told 'em, that the Treasury was too much drain'd by the expences that were occasion'd in holy Rites and Sacrifices, and that he would therefore abolish them, be­cause he neither thought what they did there commendable, nor could the Sol­diers necessities spare so much Money. To which though the Senate reply'd, that Sactifices were not rightly perform'd un­less the Charges were from the publick Stock, yet for this reason the Law for performance of holy Rites and Sacrifices was repealed and is out of date, besides other things that lay neglected which they received from their Forefathers; in­somuch [Page 304]that the Roman Empire being wa­sted by degrees is become the habitation of Barbarians, or rather having quite lost all its Inhabitants is reduced to such a form, that a Man cannot tell where the Cities formerly stood. Now that things were brought into such a sad condition will ap­pear by a particular account of them. But the Emperour Theodosius having deliver'd up Italy, Spain, the Celti, and all Libya to Honorius his Son, died of a Distemper in his return to Constantinople: but his Body was embalm'd and buried in the Imperial Se­pulchres at that City.

A New HISTORY Written by Count ZOSIMƲS, Sometime Advocate of the Treasury. The Fifth Book.

NOW when the whole Empire was in the hands of Arcadius and Honorius, they seemed indeed by their Stile and Title to be invested with Power, though in reality the universal ad­ministration of Affairs was managed, in the East, by Rufinus, and in the West, by Sti­lico. And by them were all Causes de­termined, even as they pleas'd; for he [Page 306]that bribed lustily, or by any other means of friendship or Relation could make the Judg his Advocate was sure to carry the day. From whence it came to pass, that all those great Estates, which made the Possessors of 'em so generally accoun­ted happy Men, devolv'd unto these two; since some by reconciling gifts sought to avoid false accusations, and others part­ed with all they had to get an Office, or any other way to purchase the ruin of such and such Cities. Whilst therefore all sort of iniquity reign'd in the several Cities, the Money flow'd from every quarter into the Houses of Rufinus and Stilico: as, on the contrary, Poverty still prey'd upon the habitations of them who had been former­merly Rich. Nor did the Emperors know of any thing that was done, but thought all that Rufinus and Stilico commanded, was done as it were by virtue of some un­written Law. But after that they had ga­ther'd upon an infinite mass of Wealth, Ru­finus began to dream of getting to be Em­perour by a design which he had of ma­king his own Daughter, who was now marriagable, the Emperor's Wife: for that he thought would be a good ground for his pretensions to the Government. In order whereunto he privately mention'd the thing through some of those that wait­ed [Page 307]upon the Emperour, supposing himself that no body saw what he aimed at, though the report of it was spread all over the Town. For all Men guessed at his inten­tions by his pride and arrogance, which swell'd and increased every day so much, that he was generally hated more and more. Yet he notwithstanding, as though he had a mind industriously to disguise small faults with greater enormities, was so bold as to do another thing, which was this:

Florentius, who had been Prefect of the Court in the Countries beyond the Alps, when the great Julian was Caefar, had a Son call'd Lucianus, who had made use of Rufinus as his Patron, and given him the best part of his Estate. For which Rufinus upon all occasions professed a great deal of kindness to the young Gentleman, and was always a commending him to the Emperour Arcadius: who made him Count [or Earl] of the East; which is a Dignity that impowers every one on whom it is conferr'd, to govern all Prefects of Pro­vinces through the East, and to correct whatever is done amiss. Lucianus there­fore shewing all that virtue which becomes a Governour toward those that are under him, was famous for his Justice, tempe­rance, and all other endowments that can [Page 308]adorn a good Magistrate; having neither respect to persons, or any other thoughts but what the Law suggested to him. And this was the reason that when Eucherius the Emperour's Uncle desired him to do a thing which was not fitting for him to comply with, he gave him a repulse, and thereby vexed him to such a degree that he traduced him to the Emperour. Where­upon seeing the Emperour said, Rufinus was the cause of it, who had bestow'd so much power upon such a Person, Rufinus took an occasion (as if forsooth he had mightily resented the blame which the Emperour laid upon him) and without telling any body what his design was, went with a very small Retinne to An­tioch: where having enter'd the City at midnight he laid hold upon Lucianus and without any accusation at all, brought him to his Trial. After which he commanded him to be drubb'd in the Neck with lea­den balls till he fainted; and then caused him to be caried in a Litter, all cover'd over, to make people think that he was not yet dead, and should receive some real act of humanity. But the City was so very much disgusted at the unusual manner of his proceeding, that he was fain to sweeten the people by building an Imperial Portico, than which there is no [Page 309]finer structure in the whole City. And when he had so done he return'd to Con­stantinople, where he solicited his Affairs in order to an affinity between him and the Emperour, to whom he endeavour'd now more than ever to give his Daughter in marriage. But Fortune order'd the matter another way, Rufinus fail'd of his expectation by this means. Promotus had two Sons, who whilst Theodosius was yet alive, were brought up along with his Children. Now the one of these Persons had a Damsel in his House who was ex­traordinary beautiful; whom Eutrepius one of the Eunuchs that waited upon the Emperour, advised him to make his Wife, not without great commendations of her beauty. And seeing that the Emperour took what he said with some kind of re­lish, he shew'd him the Damsels Picture; whereby he enflamed Arcadius with a passion so much greater for the Lady that at last he persuaded him into a resolution to marry her: whilst Rufinus, in the mean time, knew nothing of the matter, but thought his own Daughter would very shortly be Emperess, and that he himself should ere long be a Partner in the Em­pire. But the Eunuch as soon as he saw tha he had made up the match which he himsel'f design'd, commanded the people [Page 310]to dance about and carry Garlands in their hands, as they used to do upon their Em­peror's Wedding-days; and having gotten an Imperial Robe with other Attire fit for an Empress out of the Palace, which he gave to the Emperor's Servants to carry, he went through the City with the people before him. And whereas they all supposed that those things were to be presented to Rufinus's Daughter, and ran along with those that carry'd 'em, yet when they were come to Promotus's House, they went in there with the nuptial Presents, and de­livering them to the Damsel, that lived there with Promotus's Son, they shew'd who was like to be the Emperor's Wife. By which means Rufinus being frustrated of all his hopes, when he saw another Woman Emperess, made it his business to find out a way how to remove Eutropius.

And thus did things stand in that part of othe Empire which was under the Government of Arcadius; whilst Sti­lico, who was Governour of the Western Empire, gave his Daughter, that he had by Serena, in marriage to the Emperour Honerius. Now this Serena was the Daugh­ter of Honorius, who was Brother to Theo­dosius, the Father of the two Emperours. by which Relation to the Emperour Sti­lico having strengthen'd his Authority, [Page 311]he had likewise almost all the Roman Army under his Command. For Theodosius dy­ing in Italy after he had taken off Euge­nius, this Stilico was general of the whole Army, out of which he selected all the strongest and most Warlike Soldiers, whom he kept with him, sending all the weaker part and the very refuse into the East. Which when he had done, being very an­gry with Rufinus, who had a mind to be invested with a Power in the East, that might ballance his in the West, he re­solv'd to go to Arcadius, desiring to have the disposal of all his Affairs too accord­ing to his own will and pleasure. For he said, That when Theodosius was upon his Death bed, he gave him charge to take a special care of all the Affairs belonging to both the Emperours. Which when Rufinus understood, he endeavour'd by all the art he could to hinder Stilico's ex­pedition into the East; as likewise to di­sperse and weaken the Military power of Arcadius. And indeed whilst he was a contriving all this, he found Men for his turn more wicked than he desired, by whose assistance he was the cause of great calamities to the Romans: As how, I'll tell you.

Musonius, a Grecian, who was an in­comparable Scholar, had three Sons, whose names were Musonius, Antiochus, and Axio­chus: of whom Musonius and Axio­chus endeavour'd to out do their Fathers Vir­tues both in their Learning and integri­ty. But Antiochus was pleased with all the contrary courses, being an instrument of wickedness onely. Wherefore Rufinus finding him fit for his purpose, made him Pro-Consul of Greece, because he had a mind that the Barbarians when they came in should have no great trouble in laying of it waste; and committed the Garison at Thermopylae to the care of Gerontius, who would be serviceable in all his De­signs against the Commonwealth. And when Rufinus had devised these wicked projects, seeing Alarichus grew seditious and disobedient to the Laws (for he took it very ill, that he was not made Cap­tain of some other Military Forces, besides those Barbarians which Theodosius gave him, when he help'd to remove the Ty­rant Eugenius) he gave him private no­tice, that he would have him bring forth his Barbarians, and all other assistance of what Nation soever they were for that he might easily make himself Master of all that Countrey. Whereupon Alarichus march'd out of Thrace into Macedonia and [Page 313] Thessaly, destroying all things by the way. But when he came near to Thermopylae, he sent a private Message to Antiochus the Pro Consul, and Gerontius the Governour of the Garison at Thermopylae, to inform 'em of his approach. Which news Gerontius no sooner heard, but he and his Guards march'd off, and left a free passage for the Barbarians into Greece. Where when they were arrived, they immediately fell to plunder the Country, and sack all the Towns, killing all the Men both young and old, and carrying away all the Wo­men and Children (together with all the Money) in whole ldroves. In which ex­pedition all Baeotia, and whatsoever Greek Countries the Barbarians passed through after their entrance at Thermopylae, were so depopulated, that the ruins are to be seen even to this day, excepting onely Thebes, which was saved partly by its own strength and partly by the haste which Alarichus was in to go and take Athens, and therefore would not stay to besiege this City. Wherefore the Thebans having, thus escaped him, he went to Athens, sup­posing he should easily take that City, which by reason of its largeness could not well be defended; nor being contiguous to the Pyraeeus, could it long hold out for want of necessaries before it would surren­der.

Thus did Alarichus hope: but the An­tiquity of the City, even amidst all these impious designs, was able to call forth the very Divine Providence to its aid, and thereby preserve it. Concerning which it is worth ones while to give you an ac­count of the cause whereby the City was saved, as being supernatural, godlike, and apt to excite all those that hear it to De­votion: [and thus it happen'd.] When Alarichus came with all his Forces to the City, He saw Minerva, their Tutelar God­dess walking about the Wall in that very shape that you may see her among the Statues of the Deities, [which is] arm'd, and ready to attaque all those that oppose her: and before the Walls [he saw] A­chilles standing in such an Heroick posture, as Homer shew'd him to the Trojans when he fought against them so furiously to re­venge the death of Patroclus. Which Sight Alarichus being not able to endure, desisted from all attempts upon the City, and sent out Heralds to offer terms of peace: which they receiving, and having mutually given their Oaths to each other, Alarichus enter'd Athens with a small num­ber of Men. Where being entertain'd with all kind of civility, he wash'd him­self, and was treated by the best of the City; after which also he received cer­tain [Page 315]Presents and went away, leaving the City and all Attica unhurt, untouch'd. Now the City of Athens was the onely place which was saved in the Earthquake that happen'd under the Reign of Valens, and shook all Greece, as I told you in the precedent Book; and escaped also at this time, though it was in such extremity of danger.

Alarichus therefore having left all At­tica unwasted, for fear of the Apparitions which he saw, pass'd on to Megaris; which he took upon the first attempt, and so went toward Peloponnesus, having no body in his way that would resist him. And when Gerontius had given him leave to pass over the Isthmus, all the Towns beyond that were capable of being taken without the trouble of a fight, because they were unwalled, and confided onely in the security which they receiv'd from the Isthmus. For which reason Corinth was first storm'd and immediately taken, with the small Towns adjacent: and af­ter that, Argos, with all the places between that and Lacedaemon. Nay even Sparta it self came in for a share in the common captivity of all Greece, as being no longer fenced either with Arms, or Warlike Men (though the covetousness of the Romans) but exposed to Magistrates who [Page 316]were treacherous, and would readily serve their Governour's voluptuous inclination in all things that conduced to publick ruin, and destruction.

Rufinus, when he heard of the calami­ties which had befallen Greece, was still more desirous to be Emperour. For now that the Commonwealth was in an up­roar, he thought there would be nothing in the way to hinder such an enterprise. But Stilico, having put a considerable num­ber of Soldiers on board a convenient number of Ships, made haste to assist the Achaians in their Affliction. And being arrived at Peloponnesus, he forced the Bar­barians to fly into Pholoe, where he had easily cut 'em all off for want of provisi­ons, had he not given himself to luxury, mimickry, and lewd Women; and permit­ted his Soldiers not onely to plunder what the Barbarians left, but thereby also to give the Enemy time to depart out of Pelopon­nesus, and marching with all their Spoils into Epirus to pillage all the Towns in that Country. Which when Stilico heard that they had done, he sailed away into Italy without doing any execution, save onely, that he brought upon the Grecians much greater and more grievous calamities by means of the Soldiers that he took thi­ther along with him.

And when he came into Italy, he im­mediately resolv'd to contrive Rufinus's death, and that in this manner. He told the Emperour Honorius that it was con­venient for him to sent some Auxiliary Legions to his Brother Arcadius, to defend the miserable Nations under his Dominion, And being by the Emperour order'd to do as he thought fitting, he gave command what Men should be sent in that Affair; making Gaines their General, to whom he told what his Design was upon Rufinus, When therefore the Soldiers were come near to Constantinople, Gaines went before and told the Emperour Arcadius of their approach, and how they came with a de­sire to assist him in his necessity. Where­upon the Emperour being pleas'd at their coming, Gaines advised him to go and meet 'em as they were just entring the City: for he said, it was a customary ho­nour which was usually bestow'd upon the Soldiers in such a case. Insomuch that the Emperour was persuaded to it, and going out to meet 'em before the City they all paid their obeisance to him, which he on the other side as graciously received; till at last, when Gaines gave the Signal, they all sell upon Rufinus, and getting him among 'em so slash'd him with their Swords that one cut off his right hand, another [Page 318]his left, a third divided his head from his sholders and went his way singing Tri­umphant Songs. Nay they reproach'd him so much even after he was dead, as to carry his hand all about the City, and ask all they met to give something to an insa­tiable Miser.

And thus Rufinus, who was the cause of many intolerable calamities to private persons, as well as author of publick mis­chief, suffer'd the just punishment due to his wicked Deeds. Whilst in the mean time Eutropius, who was an Instrument in all Stilico's Designs against Rufinus, was Overseer and Ruler of all things that were done in the Court. Who though he made Rufinus's Estate for the most part his own, yet he permitted others also to take as much of it as it was fit for them to have. But Rufinus's Wife with her Daughter ran into a Church belonging to the Christians, for fear of perishing with her Husband; till Eutropius promised 'em that they should sail unmolested to Jeru­salem, which was once a receptacle and habitation for Jews, but since the Reign of Constantine has been adorn'd with Stru­ctures built by the Christians. And here did they two spend the rest of their days. Whilst in the mean time Eutropius having a mind to remove all persons who were [Page 319]of any account, that no Man else might be so great with the Emperour as himself, he laid a Plot against Timasius, who had been a General ever since the Reign of Valens and in many a Battel, without any reason of it: and the false Accusation was this:

One Bargus, a Native of Laodicea in Syria, who sold Sauceages, being caught in some misdemeanors there fled from La­odicea to Sardeis: where seeing he ap­pear'd in his own colours, he was fa­mous for his Roguery. Timasius there­fore, coming to Sardeis, and seeing this Fellow, who was a witty Villain and cun­ning enough to flatter any body into a kindness for him, he made him his fami­liar, and in a short time gave him the Command of a Company. Nor onely so, but took him also along with him to Con­stantinople: where though the Magistrates did not approve of his so doing, (for Bar­gus had been formerly banish'd Constanti­nople upon the account of some Villanies which he had committed) yet Eutropius [was well enough pleas'd that] he had found a Man fit for him to make use of in his false Accusation against Timasius, and therefore set him up for the Informer, with a Libel in his Hand, to impeach Timasius of Treason for aiming and desiring to be [Page 320]Emperour. Now in this case the Emperour sat as President of the Court; but Eutro­pius stood by him, who was the Imperial Chamberlain, and had full Authority to pass the Sentence. But seeing all the peo­ple were displeas'd, that a Sauceage-mon­ger should accuse a Person who had been so great, and honourable, the Emperour went out of the Court, and left the whole matter to Saturninus and Procopius. Of whom the former was very old and had born several Offices of great importance, though not without flattery, and being used even in judicial Cases to humour them who were the Emperour's chief Creatures. But Procopius, on the other hand, who was Father-in-law to the Em­perour Valens, was a morose, stubborn Man, and in some things seemed to speak the truth boldly: insomuch that upon this occasion being brought in for a Judg in the case of Timasius, he objected to Sa­turninus, That Bargus was not a fit person to accuse Timasius, or that a person who had born so many great Offices and a Man of so much honour should be de­stroy'd upon the false accusation of such a pitiful, base Fellow, or (which was the greatest absurdity of all) that a Benefa­ctor should suffer by him that he had been kind to. But Procopius got nothing [Page 321]by taking this freedom to speak; since Saturninus's Opinion prevail'd and was commended.

Timasius therefore was sentenced to live in Oasis, and sent thither with the common Guard upon him. Now this Oasis was a sad barren place, from whence no Man could ever return that was once carry'd into it. For the way thither being sandy, desert, and uninhabited, makes people who go to Oasis that they cannot tell which way they travel, or where the Road is; because the Wind fills the tracts of peoples feet with sand, nor is there any Tree or House to direct 'em. Yet there was a common report that Timasius was rescu'd by his Son Syagrius, who having escaped from those that were sent to search for him, made use of certain Robbers to re­scue his Father. But whether that be true, or whether they spread such a ru­mour abroad to gratific Eutropius, no body certainly knows; save onely thus much, that neither Timasius nor Syagrius have ever been seen from that time to this. In the mean time Bargus, who had freed Eu­tropius from all suspition, or fear of Ti­masius, was made Colonel of a Legion, which brought him in a good sum of Mo­ney, though he was so foolish to hope for more still by way of Present. For he did [Page 322]not consider, that Eutropius, who had found him to be such a Rascal to his Benefactor Timasius, expected him to be no less to­ward him also. When therefore Bargus was gone from home about the Affairs re­lating to his Office, Eutropius persuaded his Wife, who was fallen out with him a­bout something or other, to present an Information to the Emperour, with many Accusations in it, to impeach Bargus of the greatest Crimes imaginable. Which when Eutropius heard [read over before the Emperour] he immediately brought Bargus to his Trial, and upon conviction, deliver'd him over to be punish'd accord­ing as he deserv'd. Whereupon all Men both admired and praised the Eye of A­drastia [ i. e. the All seeing Justice of God] which no wicked Man can escape [as the word Adrastia signifies.]

But whilst Eutropius was, as it were, drunk with Riches and seemed in his own con­ceit to be elevated even above the Clouds, he had his Spies in almost all Countries to make enquiry how things were carry'd, and what every particular Mans condition was; nor was there any thing at all but brought him in some profit, or other. Wherefore his envy and his covetousness together set him against Abundantius also; who was born in that part of Scythia [Page 323]which lies in Thrace, but had been a Sol­dier even since the Reign of Gratian, re­ceived great Honours under Theodosius, and was at that time chosen General and Consful But Eutropius having a mind to deprive him at once both of his Estate and Honour, the Emperour commanded at least by Writing that it should be so; and Abundantius being presently banish'd the Court, was order'd to live at Sidon in Phaenicia all the rest of his days. By which means though Eutropius had no body at Constantinople that durst so much as look at him; yet he remember'd that Stilico was Lord of all things in the West, and therefore contrived how to prevent his coming to Constantinople. To which purpose he persuaded the Emperour, to call a Senate, and by a publick Decree declare Stilico an Enemy to the Empire. Which being done, he immediately made Gildo (who was Governour of all that part of Africa that belongs to Carthage) his Friend, and by his assistance dividing that Country from the Dominions of Ho­norius he added it to the Empire of Ar­cadius. Whereat when Stilico was migh­tily troubled, and could not tell what in the World to do, there happen'd an ex­traordinary accident. For Gildo had a Bro­ther, [Page 324]called Masceldelus, against whom through the barbarous fury of his dispo­sition he had laid a design, and there­by forced him to sail into Italy to Stilico, to complain of his Brother's severity. Which he no sooner had done, but Sti­lico gave him a good competent number of Men and Ships and sent him to fight Gildo. And when he came to the place where he heard his Brother lay, he set up­on him with his whole Forces before he was ready for the Battel; and after a sharp Engagement, defeated him to such a de­gree, that Gildo hang'd himself; as choos­ing rather to do so, than come into the hands of his Enemics. Now by means of this Victory Gildo's Brother restored A­frica to Honorius and sailed back into Ita­ly: where though Stilico envied him for his great Atchievement, yet he pretended a kindness for him, of which he at least gave him good hopes. But as he was afterward going one day into some place in the Suburbs, and was got upon the Bridg that is over the River there, where among others Masceldelus also attended upon him, the Guards, in obedience to the Signal which Stilico gave 'em, thrust Mas­c [...]delus into the River, whilst the former laugh'd, and the later was choaked by the violence of the stream.

Now from this time forward the en­mity between Eutropius and Stilico was very manifest, and in every bodies mouth. But though they were disaffected to each other, yet in this agreed, to insult with all security over the miseries of the Sub­ject; whilst the one [that is, Stilico] had married his Daughter Mary to the Emperour Honorius, and the other ruled Arcadius, as if he had been a Sheep, [or any other the like tame Creature.] For whether any of the Subjects had a finer Seat than ordinary, to be sure one of them was Master of it, or whether there were any Silver or Gold stirring, it all slow'd from the former possessors of it, into their Coffers: for there were great numbers of Sycophants [ i. e. false Accu­sers] in all places, who were order'd to give notice of such things.

But seeing the Emperour on both sides in this condition, all those of the Senatori­an Order were sorry that things were in such bad circumstances, especially Gaines, who had neither Honour enough for a Commander of his age, nor would be sa­tisfied with all the gifts that were or could be bestowed upon him, his barba­rous Avarice was so insatiable. But that which stung him more than all the rest, was that all the Money flow'd into Eu­tropius's [Page 326]House. For these reasons being very much enraged he made Tribigildus partner in his Design: who was a Man very daring and ready to undertake any hazardous Exploit; but he commanded Barbarians (not Romans) who were post­ed in Phrygia, where he had the care of 'em committed to him by the Emperour. Now this same Tribigildus pretending he would go into Phrygia to take a view of the Barbarians who were under his command, went out from Consiantinople upon that account. And having taken those Barbarians whom he commanded a­long with him, he attaqued all places or persons that he met with by the way, nor did he contain himself from the murder of Men, Women, and Children, but destroy'd all before him, and in a little time got together such a multitude of Slaves and other abject Fellows, that he put all Asia into extream danger. For not onely all Lydia was full of Tumults, seeing all the Inhabitants (in a manner) were fled to the Sea coasts, from whence they and their Families sailed all into the Islands or else­where; but even all Asia that lay upon the Sea expected to see such approaching danger as they had never yet beheld Nor when these things were told the Emperor did he take any pity on the common ca­lamity [Page 327](for indeed he was not capable of understanding what was fit to be done, being so extreamly foolish as he was) but gave Eutropius the whole administration of the Empire. Which when he had ob­tain'd, he chose Gaines and Leo to be his Generals, with a design to send the one of 'em into Asia to attaque the Barbarians, or other promiscuous people that had ta­ken possession of it; but to send Gaines through Thrace, and the Streights of the Hellespont, to meet the Enemy if he saw that they were troublesom in those places.

But Leo, who was appointed to assist in the emergencies of Asia, was a Man of no military conduct at all, nor endued with any other qualification, that might deserve to have raised him to his present fortune, save onely that he was Eutro­pius's familiar Friend. But however he upon that onely reason was imploy'd; and Gaines was sent into Thrace, to obstruct Tribigildus and his men from passing over the Hellespont, and to fight 'em by Sea if occasion were. Now when these Com­manders were thus instructed, they led away their Forces to their several Posts: whilst Gaines remembring the compact be­twixt him and Tribigildus, and that the time was at hand wherein he was to put [Page 328]the design in execution, commanded Tri­bigildus to draw his Army toward the Hellespont. And [I believe [had he con­cealed what he intended against the Com­monwealth, and gone quietly out of Con­stantinople with his Barbarians, his whole design had taken effect; nor was there any thing to hinder but that all Asia might have been seized by him and even the whole East at the same time destroy'd. But seeing Fortune at that time was pleas'd to preserve those Cities to the Roman Govern­ment, this Gaines was overborn by his hot furious nature as a Barbarian, and went from Constantinople, with almost all his Warlike Power. And when he came almost to Heraclea, he advertised Tribigil­dus what to do. But he resolv'd not to go toward Hellespont by any means, for fear of lighting upon the Forces that were posted thereabout; and therefore when he had destroy'd all Phrygia, he set upon Pi­sidia; where meeting with no obstacle he pillaged all the Country and went away.

Which news though Gaines heard, he was not any way concern'd for the ravage which had been committed, because he remember'd the agreement betwixt him and Tribigildus. But Leo in the mean time stay'd in the parts adjacent to the Helle­spont, and not only durst not fight Tribi­gildus, [Page 329]but said likewise, He was afraid, lest Tribigildus should send out some part of his Army another way and waste all the Country near the Hellespont before they were aware of him. By which means it so happen'd, that Tribigildus took all the Towns without any let or hinderance, and kill'd all the Inhabitants together with the Soldiers; nor was there ever a Barba­rian that fought for the Romans. For they mingled themselves in the several conflicts among those of their own Nation, and op­posed the Roman Subjects.

In the mean while Gaines, though he seemed to be sorry for the misfortunes of the Romans, yet he pretended to admire the Stratagems and Prowess of Tribigil­dus, declaring him to be invincible upon the account of his prudence, and that he overcame them more by his conduct than his strength. And therefore when he was got over into Asia, he made no attempt upon any one, but slighted and neglected the ruin of the Towns and Countries. Nor did he do any more than just follow the Enemy, and behave himself somewhat like a bare Spectator of the action, expecting when Tribigildus would go into the East, and sending forces to him privately to assist him in his enterprises, having not yet discover'd his Opinion as to the present [Page 330]state of Affairs. Now if Tribigildus had gone into Phrygia and so, not into Pisidia, but strait into Lydia, he could have met with no obstacle, but, when he had made himself Master of that, might have de­stroy'd Ionia too. And from thence pas­sing by Sea into the Isles where he might have got what shipping he had pleas'd, it had been easy for him to have over run all the East, and pillaged every Country betwixt that and Egypt, seeing there was no Army able to cope with him. But he not thinking of these things, and resolving to march into Pamphilia which borders upon Pisidia, litt into cumbersom ways, where his Horse could by no means pass. But seeing that no Army withstood them, one Valentine, of Selga (which is a little Town in Pamphilia, standing upon an Hill) who was a pretty good Scholar, and not altogether unskilful in military Affairs, gather'd together a company of Slaves and Country fellows, who had been used con­tinually to fight against the Robbers there­abouts, and posted them upon the Hills above those places through which Tribi­gildus was to march; in such a manner that they could see every one who passed that way, but no body could see them, though the Enemy march'd by in the day-time. Tribigildus therefore with his [Page 331] Barbarians, taking the plainer way into the lower parts of Pamphylia, and coming in the Night-time into the Fields under Sel­ga, the Barbarians were severely pelted with Slings that threw stones down upon 'em as much as a Man can grasp and big­ger: For from that higher ground it was ea [...]y to cast stones a little bigger than or­dinary. Now therefore seeing there was no way to escape (for on the one side of the way there was a deep Lake and Fens, and on the other a steep, narrow pass, that would scarce admit two Men a breast (which ascent because it is roundish and winding, the Natives call, The Snail, from the similitude it bears to that Ani­mal) where one Florentius was planted with Men enough to hinder all such as should attempt to come that way) the Barbarians being pent up in these places, and continually pelted with abundance of huge stones, were most of them knock'd on the head. For, being they were so streighten'd for room, the stones that fell from above could not miss of killing one or other of 'em. And therefore not know­ing what in the earth to do, most of 'em threw themselves and their Horses into the Lake, and to avoid Death by the stones, perish'd in the Fens: whilst Tribi­gildus with three hundred Men got up [Page 332]upon the Snail, where he corrupted Flo­rentius and the Guards that were with him for a vast Sum of Money to let them pass: and when he by this means had e­scaped, he suffer'd all the rest to be ut­terly destroy'd. But though Tribigildus thought that he hereby had freed himself from all the danger which Valentine brought upon him, yet he fell headlong presently into far greater perils than rhe former. For almost all the Inhabitants of the seve­ral Towns, arming themselves with what came next to hand, inclosed him and the three hundred Men who escaped along with him between the Rivers Melanes and Eurymedon, of which the one runs above Sida, and the other through Aspendus. Wherefore being thus streightned and not knowing what to do, he sent to Gaines. But Gaines though he were sorry for what had happen'd, yet having not yet reveal'd his mind as to the Rebellion, he sent Leo, the next Commander to himself, to assist the Pamphylians, and to joyn with Valen­tine against Tribigildus, so as not to suf­fer him and his Men to cross the Rivers. Whereupon Leo, though he were a Man naturally of a low spirit, and devoted all his life-time to pleasure, yet he obey'd his Orders. And this made Gaines affraid, lest Tribigildus, being beset on every side, [Page 333]and not having strength enough to fight the Enemy, might be totally destroy'd. Wherefore he sent other Troops of Bar­barians that he had with him, into the Ro­man Camp, not only by degrees to waste it, but to make way for Tribigildus's escape. So the Barbarians whom Gaines gave to Leo, as Auxiliaries, fell upon all the Ro­mans which they met with, spoiled the Country, and kill'd the Soldiers; nor did they cease to attaque all places, till they had cut off Leo with all his Army, and made almost the whole Country like a Desert: so that by this means Gaines's de­sign took effect. For Tribigildus being escaped out of Pamphylia, laid greater af­flictions than the former upon the Cities of Phrygia. From whence Gaines took oc­casion to extol his Atchievements very highly to the Emperour, and put the Se­nate together with the whole Court into such a fear of him, that he threaten'd and told 'em, he would come to the very Hel­lespont, and go near to turn all things topsy-turvy if the Emperour would not vouchsafe to take some care in satisfying his requests.

But Gaines did this out of policy, at once to conceal his inclinations from the Emperour, and by those respects which were shewn to Tribigildus to get an oc­casion [Page 334]of putting his own project in exe­cution. For it did not vex him so much that he himself was slighted, as that Eu­tropius was advanced to the highest pitch of Power, so as to be reckon'd among the Consuls, called by their Stile for a great while together, and honour'd with the dignity of a Patrician. For these were the things that most moved Gaines to Se­dition: and therefore when he was ready for it, he first thought fit to contrive Eu­tropius's death. To which end whilst he was yet in Phrygia, he sent to the Em­perour, and told him that he despair'd of any good success, since Tribigildus was so subtil a Warriour, and besides that, that it was impossible to sustein his fury or de­liver Asia from the present extremities, un­less the Emperour would be pleased to comply with his request, which was this: That Eutropius who was the greatest cause of all the mischief that had happen'd, might be delivered into his hands, to be disposed on as he thought fit.

Which when the Emperour Arcadius heard, he presently sent for Eutropius, de­graded him from his Honours, and dis­miss'd him. Whereupon he immediately ran into a Church of the Christians which by him was made a Sanctuary or Place of Refuge. But because Gaines was so ur­gent, [Page 335]and said that Tribigildus would ne­ver be quiet till Eutropius was removed, they took him by force (even against the Law for making Churches Sanctuaries,) and sent him into Cyprus, with a strict Guard upon him. But Gaines being still very instant and urging the Emperour Ar­cadius on still to take him off, the Em­perour's Attendants made an equivocating evasion upon the Oath which was Sworn to Eutropius when he was dragg'd out of the Church, and caus'd him to be sent for back out of Cyprus; and then, as if they had onely sworn not to kill him as long as he was at Constantinople, they sent him to Charcedon and there murder'd him. Thus did Fortune deal very strangely with Eutropius on both hands, in raising him first to such an heighth as no Eunuch be­fore had attain'd to, and then exposing him to death through the hatred which they who were Enemies to the Common­wealth profess'd against him.

But Gaines though he were now appa­rently inclined to innovation, yet thought himself undiscover'd: and therefore being absolute Master of Tribigildus's Soul, for that he was much above him in Power and Authority, he personated him and made a Peace with the Emperour; and after having mutually both taken and given [Page 336]their Oaths, he return'd again through Phrygia and Lydia. And that way Tri­bigildus follow'd him, marching through the upper Lydia in such a manner that he never set sight upon Sardeis, which is the Metropolis of Lydia. But when they were joyn'd into one body at Thyatira, Tribi­gildus repented that he had left Sardeis unsack'd, since it was so easy a matter to take a City, as that was, quite destitute of all defence. Wherefore he resolv'd to return thither along with Gaines and storm that City. And their design had certain­ly taken effect, if a great deal of Rain had not fallen which made a Flood upon the Land, and raised the Rivers so high that they were unpassable; whereby their jour­ney was stopp'd. Whereupon they divi­ded the Country between 'em, and led their Forces, Gaines toward Bythinia, and the other toward the Hellespont, permit­ting the Barbarians that follow'd 'em to plunder all before 'em. And by that time the one came to Chalcedon, the other had gotten possession of all the places near to Lampsacus; so that Constantinople and even the whole Roman Empire was in extream danger. And then did Gaines desire the Em­perour would come to him, being resolv'd to parley with no body but him himself in Person. To which the Emperour submitted [Page 337]and they met in a place near Chalce­don, where there is a Church dedicated to the holy Martyr Euphemia, who is ho­nour'd for her devotion to Christ. And there it was agreed, that Gaines and Tri­bigildus should come over out of Asia in­to Europe, and that the most eminent Men in all the Commonwealth should be deliver'd into their hands to be put to death. Of which number were Aurelia­nus, who was that year Consul, and Sa­turninus, who had been a Consul, and John, whom the Emperour trusted with all his secrets, and who, many people said, was the Father of Arcadius's Son.

And this request did the Emperour grant though it was so tyrannical. But when Gaines had gotten these Men in his clutches, he laid his Sword no more than just upon the skin of their Bodies, and was content to let them suffer banishment onely. After which he cross'd over into Thrace, whither he commanded Tribigil­dus to follow him, leaving Asia, that was now beginning to breath again, and like to be deliver'd from all those dangers which beset it. But whilst he lived at Constantinople, he dispersed his Soldiers in­to several quarters; insomuch, that he be­rest the City even of the very Court-Guards; giving the Barbarians certain pri­vate [Page 338]Signals, with a charge, that when they saw the Soldiers were gone out of the City, they should immediately invade it, being now destitute of all defence, and deliver up the sole Power to him alone.

Having given these Orders to the Bar­barians under his Command, he went out of the City, pretending that the fatigue of War had made him sick, and that he therefore wanted some refreshment, which he should never have, if he did not live some time without care. Wherefore he left the Barbarians in the City, who were a great many more in number than the Court-Guards, and retired to a Villa or Country-house, some forty furlongs from the City: whence he expected an oppor­tunity of invading it, as soon as the Bar­barians there should have made their at­tempt. And as Gaines was fill'd with these hopes; so had he not been carry'd away with the heat of a Barbarian, and antici­pated the proper season for it, the Barba­rians must of necessity have made them­selves Masters of the City. But he not staying for the Signal drew his Soldiers to the Wall, and thereby made the Sen­tinels who were affrighted at the sight, give an Alarm. And thereupon imme­diately there was a general tumult, with lamentation of the Women, and such pro­miscuous [Page 339]cryes, as if the City had been already taken; till at length they ran all together and fell upon the Barbarians that were in the City. And when they had kill'd 'em with Swords, Stones, and other Weapons whatever came to their hands, they ran up upon the Wall, and with the assistance of the Guards so pelted Gaines's Men, that they beat 'em off from coming into the City with every thing that fell in their way.

But when the City had thus escaped their danger, the Barbarians being enclo­sed by those within, and more than seven thousand got into a Church belonging to the Christians, that stands near the Pa­lace, making that their Sanctuary to pre­serve 'em; the Emperour commanded 'em to be slain even in that place, nor would he let it be a sufficient refuge for 'em, whereby to avoid the just penalty which was due to their bold actions. But though the Emperour commanded it so to be, yet no Man durst lay hands upon them, to pull 'em out of the Sanctuaries, for fear lest they should attempt to de­fend themselves. They therefore thought it best to take off the roof of the Church over the Altar (as they call it) and that those who were appointed for the pur­pose, should throw down fire-brands up­on [Page 340]on 'em so long till they had burnt 'em e­very man to death. And by this means were the Barbarians destroy'd; which to some that were very zealous for Christia­nity seemed a most abominable crime to be committed in the midst of such a great City.

Now therefore when Gaines was disap­pointed in this his great Attempt, he o­penly made preparation for a War against the Commonwealth. But setting first up­on the Countries in Thrace, he found their Cities well fenced with Walls, and guard­ed by the Magistrates and Inhabitants. For they having been used to Wars and taught by former incursions how to take care of themselves, were ready to fight with all their souls: wherefore Gaines, seeing no­thing left without their Walls but Grass (for they had gathered up all kind of Fruits, Cattel and other provisions) he resolv'd to leave Thrace and make haste into Cherronesus, with an intention to re­turn through the Streights of the Helle­spont into Asia. But whilst he was deli­berating upon these matters, the Empe­rour and Senate with one accord chose Fraiutus General for the War against Gaines; who though he were a Barbarian born, yet he was a Grecian in all other respects, and that not onely in his manner [Page 341]of living, but in his Mind and Religion. And therefore to him (who had been a famous Leader in many Wars and freed all the East from Cilicia to Phenice and Palestine, from the plague of Robbers) did they commit the conduct of their Army. Which when he had receiv'd, he opposed Gaines, not suffering the Barbarians to pass over the Hellespont into Asia. But whilst that Gaines was a preparing for their fight, Fraiutus could not endure his Men should be idle, and therefore kept 'em to conti­nual exercise; by which he made 'em so fit for service, that, instead of their for­mer sloth and laziness, they were dis­contented that Gaines delay'd the War so long.

Thus was Fraiutus employ'd in Asia, viewing not onely his own Camp both Night and Day, but observing also the motions of the Enemy: Besides which, he likewise took care of the shipping. For he had a Fleet enough to maintain a Sea fight, of Ships call'd [Liburnae] from a Town in Italy [called Libarnia] where that sort of Ships were-first built. And these Ships seem'd to have been as swift­sailers as those with fifty Oars, though they were much inferiour to them of three Oars to each bank, and have not been built of a long time. Yet Polybius the [Page 342]Historian seems to tell us the proportions of Six Oared Ships, which the Romans and the Carthaginians seem to have used in their fights against one another. But in the mean time Gaines having forced his way through the Long-Wall into Cherro­nesus, had ranged his Men all along that rising shoar in Thrace, that reaches from over against Parium as far as Lampsacus, Abydus, and those places that make that streight Sea. Whilst, on the other hand, the Roman General sailed all about Asia, both Night and Day to pry into the Ene­mies designs. But Gaines, for want of ne­cessary provisions, being troubled that the time was so protracted, cut down a quan­tity of Timber Trees out of a Wood in Cherronesus, which he fasten'd together very accurately, and making them fit to receive both Men and Horses, set his Men and their Horses upon them and so let 'em swim with the Stream, or Tide. For they could not be either managed with Oars, or any otherwise admit of the Pilot's Skill, being made so in haste without any Art at all, by the rude contrivance of Barbarians. But he himself staid upon the shoar, in hopes that he should quickly get the Victory, for that the Romans could not be any way strong enough to grapple with his Men in this engagement. Nor was the wise [Page 343] Roman General unaware of that truth; and therefore giving a guess what was to be done, commanded his Ships to put a little off from the Land: and seeing the Tu­multuary Vessels of the Barbarians car­ry'd down with the stream wheresoever it drave them, he first attaqued one that came in the foremost range of Timber, and having a Ship with a brazen Stem, was much too strong for it; for he not onely bore hard upon it with his Ship, but so pelted the Men that were upon it with Darts that he sunk both that and them together. Which when the rest of his Ships Crews saw, and imitated, they kill'd some with Darts, whilst some fell off the Timbers and were drown'd, nor could any one of 'em hardly escape death. At which great Overthrow Gaines being much concern'd, and knowing not what to do, since he had lost so many of his Fellow-Soldiers, he removed a little out of Cherronesus into that part of Thrace that lies beyond it. But Fraiutus at that time did not think fit to follow Gaines in his flight, but muster'd up his Men in the same place, and was content with the Victory that Fortune had bestow'd upon him. And when almost all People accu­sed Fraiutus for not pursuing Gaines, but sparing him, because Gaines and those that [Page 344]fled away with him, were Fraiutus's Coun­trymen, yet he, who was conscious of no such thing, return'd to the Emperour, very proud of his Victory, which he freely and boldly imputed to the favour of the Gods whom he worship'd. For he was not a­shamed, even in the Emperour's presence, to profess, that he worship'd and honour'd the Gods after the [...]ent way of his [...] not follow the vul­ [...] [...] case. So the Emperor receiv'd him very kindly and made him Consul. But Gaine. in the mean while, having lost most part of his Army, as I told you, ran away with the rest to the River Ister: where seeing Thrace laid waste by the former inroads into it, he plun­der'd every thing that came to his hand. but fearing, lest another Roman Army should follow him and attaque his Bar­barians, who were but few, and besides that, suspecting those Romans who went along with him, he kill'd 'em every Man, before they knew any thing of his inten­tion, and afterward with his Barbarians crossed the Ister with a design to go into his own Country and there spend the rest of his days.

But whilst Gaines was doing this, one Ʋldes, who at that time was Prince of the Hunns, believing it unsafe for him to [Page 345]suffer a Barbarian with an Army of his own at his heels, to have any habitation beyond the Ister; and at the same time supposing that he should gratifie the Em­perour if he expell'd him out of the Coun­try, provided to fight him, and having muster'd up a considerable number of Men put 'em into Battalia against the Enemy. So likewise Gaines on the other side, see­ing he could neither return to the Ro­mans, nor otherwise escape the shock that Ʋldes had threatned, arm'd those Men whom he had with him, and met the Hunns. And after several Engagements between the two Armies, in some of which Gaines's party bore up very stoutly, at last, after many of his Men were slain, even Gaines himself also was kill'd, though he fought with great courage and bra­very.

And now the War being ended by the death of Gaines, that Ʋldes, the Prince of the Hunns sent his Head to Arcadius the Empe­ror, and was rewarded for sodoing: Where­upon he made a League with the Romans. But Affairs being carry'd without any con­duct, because the Emperour had no Pru­dence at all, the Estate of Thrace was again disturbed. For there were a company of Fu­gitive Slaves, and others that had run away from their ranks, pretending themselves to [Page 346]be Hunns, pillaged all the Fields and took whatever they found without doors; till such time as Fraiutus went against 'em and killing all he litt upon, put the In­habitants out of fear.— Here is a Chasme, which 'tis in vain for any one to think of filling up, unless he gives himself the liberty of onely guessing at it. The sense therefore, such as may be deduced from the precedent passages, is this. Gaines formerly required that Au­relianus, Saturninus, and Johannes should be deliver'd into his hands, that he might punish 'em as he pleas'd; and therefore, 'tis probable, he committed 'em to Cu­stody till he should think fit to inflict some punishment upon them. But when Fraiutus pursu'd the remaining part of Gaines's Army, who was now kill'd, the Keepers gave their Prisoners free leave to escape, for fear lest they should fare but very hardly if they fell into Fraiutus's hands. Hence does Sylburgius conjecture that [ [...]] i. e. in Latin Characters [li­am] is the latter end of the word [ [...]] [Thessaliam] or [...]] Para­liam] which signifies, near the Sea-Coast; into which Country Fraiutus design'd to go over, to catch the Traitors and punish 'em according to their demerits, and then you must suppose that the next words re­late [Page 347]to them when it is said — fearing lest they should be but roughly dealt withal. But meeting with him they landed in E­pirus, where consulting how to save them­selves, (for they were in great danger up­on the account of their extraordinary Of­fence) they gave their Prisoners an oppor­tunity to escape: though others say, they gave Mony to be dismiss'd. But howso­ever they got away, they came back to Constantinople beyond all expectation, where they appear'd before the Emperour, the Se­nate and all other People.

Now from this time was the hatred which the Emperess had conceiv'd against John (who was a Christian Bishop) very much increased; for though she had been displeased at him formerly, for being some­what sharp upon her in his publick Homi­lies before the People, yet at this juncture, when he and the other two were come home again, she broke out into an open abhorrence of him. Wherefore to satisfie her passion, she did both what she pleased, and what she could to make the Bishops in all places consent to John's removal; of whom the first and chiefest was Theo­philus Bishop of Alexandria in Egypt, who was the first that opposed the ancient holy Rites and Ceremonies. And though in­deed there was a Debate proposed to be [Page 348]held about it, yet John seeing that things did not proceed with such equity as they ought to have done, went out of Constan­tinople of his own accord. At which the People being disturb'd (for he was excel­lent good at obliging the brutish common People) the City was in a Tumult, and the Christian Church was fill'd with them, that they call Monks. Now these are a sort of Men that abstain from lawful mar­riage, and furnish populous Colleges, in several Cities and Villages, with unmar­ried Men, who are not fit for War, nor any other service in the Commonwealth: save onely, that by going on in their way, from that time to this, they have gotten a great deal of Land into their possession, and under pretence of charity to the Poor, have made (I had almost said) all other Men, Beggars. And these Men having gotten into the Churches, hinder'd the People from coming to their usual Devotion. At which the People and the Soldiers too were so vex'd, that they desired to correct, and lop off (as it were) the luxuriant boldness of the Monks. And having the Signal given 'em for the same purpose, they march'd out boldly and with­out any tryal or examination put 'em all to the Sword, till they fill'd the Church with dead bodies, and pursuing those that [Page 349]ran away wounded every Man that they met in black Clothes. Among whom many died by mistake, who either were in mourning, or upon any other occasion were in such a habit.

But by this time John being returned attempted the same things over again, and stirr'd up the like troubles in the City: where the number of Sycophants being now greater than ever they had been, and always attending upon the Court-Eu­nuchs, if any rich Man died, they brought an account of his Estate, as if he had had no Children or Relations. Whereupon the Emperour's Letters were issued out, to command that John Doe should have Ri­chard Roes Estate. Nay, Mens Inheri­tances were disposed of to any that beg'd 'em, though the Children of the Party stood by lamenting and calling upon their Parents. In fine, there was nothing but fill'd the Cities and Towns with sorrow, and did the Inhabitants an unreasonable deal of injury. For the Emperour being a meer Fool, his Wife, who was arrogant above all the rest of Woman kind, and de­voted both to the insatiable avarice of Eu­nuchs and the Women who were about her, and ruled her most, made every body weary of their life; insomuch that to mo­dest People nothing was more eligible than Death.

And as if these things were not suffi­cient, there was misfortune that fell upon Constantinople much greater than can be express'd, in this manner. John, as I told you, coming home again after his banish­ment, and instigating the People against the Emperess in his usual Homilies or Ser­mons, and seeing himself expell'd both from the Sea Episcopal as also from the City, took shipping and left the Town. But those that were of his Party, endeavour­ing to procure that no Man should be Bishop after, resolv'd to destroy the City by Fire. And to that end having private­ly set fire to a Church in the Night-time, and got them out of the City at break of Day (whereby they prevented the disco­very of who they were) as soon as it was broad day they shew'd all the People in what extremity of danger the City was. For not onely that Church was burn'd to the ground, but the contiguous Houses also were consumed, especially those upon whom the violence of the Wind drove the fire. But besides them, the fire caught in the Senate-House, which stood before the Palace, and was a most beautiful, mag­nificent Structure. For it was adorn'd with the Statues of famous Artists, that look'd very gloriously, and with such co­lours in Marble, as are not now to be found [Page 351]in any Mines. Nay, they say, that those Images, which were formerly consecrated in Helicon to the Muses, and in the time of Constantine were sufferers by that uni­versal Sacriledg, being set up and dedica­ted in this place were burn'd at the same time, to signifie that disaffection which all Men should one day bear to the Mu­ses.

But because there was a kind of Mi­racle wrought at that time, I think it worth the relating. This Temple of the Senate, for the sake of which I tell you this Story, had the Statues of Jupiter and Minerva before the doors of it, stand­ing upon two stone Pedestals, as they do to this day. Now they say, that of Ju­piter is Jupiter Dodonaeus, and the other, of Minerva, the same which was former­ly consecrated in Lindus. When there­fore the fire had consumed all the Temple, the Lead upon the roof also being melt­ed ran down upon the Statues, as like­wise all the stones that could not resist the force of the fire fell upon them, till at last when the beauty of the building was all turn'd into one heap of rubblish, it was the common Opinion that these two Statues also were reduced to ashes. But when the place was cleansed and rea­dy to be rebuilt, upon it shew'd the Sta­tues [Page 352]of those two Deities onely, which had escaped the universal ruine. Which Accident gave all those who were above the ordinary rank of Men some better hopes of the City, as if these Deities re­solv'd to take continual care of it.

But let these things go as God will have 'em; [whilst I return thither from whence I digress'd.] Now all People being sorry for this calamity of the City, though they found no reason for it but blind Chance (as the saying is) the Emperour's Atten­dants were intent upon the rebuilding of the ruinated Houses. But at the same time it was reported at Court, that a great number of Isaurians, who live above Pamphylia and Cilicia continually in the craggy inaccessible Mountains of Taurus, being divided into several Bands of Rob­bers, invaded the adjacent Champaign Country. And though they were not strong enough to attack the walled Towns, yet they over-ran all the unwalled Vil­lages and plunder'd all before 'em. For the former ravage which was committed there by Tribigildus and his Barbarians, made their present incursions the more easy. But when this news was brought, Arbazacius was sent out as General, to assist the oppressed Pamphylians. Who ha­ving got a good competent Army along [Page 353]with him, and pursu'd the Robbers up in­to the Mountains, he took most of their Villages, and kill'd abundance of Men. And indeed he might easily have perfectly subdu'd 'em, and put the Towns in absolute security, had he not remitted great part of his vigour by giving himself up to luxury and filthy pleasures, or through his cove­tousness preferr'd Riches before the pub­lick good. For which his treacherous be­haviour being summon'd to appear before the Emperor, he expected to be try'd, but by giving part of that which he took from the Isaurians to the Emperess, he not onely escaped the Law, but spent the rest of his Money in such pleasures as that City afforded.

Thus did the Isaurians content them­selves with private Robberies, and were not yet broken out into an open invasion upon the neighbouring Nations. But in the mean time Alarichus, being departed (as I told you before) out of Peloponne­sus, and all that Country which the River Achelous passes through, he made an Halt in Epirus, where the Molossians, the Thes­protians, and other People live, as far as E­pidamnus and the Taulantians Country, to wait till Stilico had brought about what they had agreed upon, which was this: Stilico seeing that Arcadius's Ministers of [Page 354]State were disaffected to him, intended, by the assistance of Alarichus, to add all the Illyrian Countries to the Empire of Honorius. And having made a compact with Alarichus to that purpose, he expe­cted shortly to put his design in execu­tion. But whilst Alarichus waited his Commands, one Rhodogaisus having mu­ster'd up four hundred thousand of the Celtick and the German People that live beyond the Ister, and the Rhine, made pre­parations to pass over into Italy. Which News when it was first told put all People into a consternation; and yet though the several Towns were fallen into despair, and even Rome it self very apprehensive of its extream danger, Stilico took all the Forces with him which were at Ticinum in Liguria (which were some thirty Companies) with all the Auxiliaries that he could get of the Alani and the Hunni, and without staying for the Enemies coming, cross'd the Ister with his whole Army. By which means setting upon the Barbarians before they were aware, he ut­terly destroy'd their whole Forces, inso­much that none of 'em escaped except some few that he added to the Roman Auxiliaries. Now Stilico being, as you may guess, very proud of this Victory, he re­turn'd with his Army and had Garlands [Page 355]given him by almost all People, as having so strangely deliver'd Italy from the dan­gers that she so much fear'd or expected. But at Ravenna (which is the Metropolis of Flaminia [Romagnia] an ancient City, and a Colony of the Thessalians, called Rhene, because the Water runs round it [as the word Rhene imports] and not as Olympiodorus of Thebes says, that it was so called from Remus, Brother to Ro­mulus, who was the builder of it; for he must leave that to Quadratus, who hath mention'd this very matter in his Hi­story of the Emperour Marcus) at this same Ravenna, I say, Stilico being intent upon his preparations to attaque the Illy­rian Cities, and by the help of Alarichus not onely to draw 'em off from Arcadius, but to joyn 'em to the Empire of Hono­rius, there happen'd two impediments to fall at once in his way: which were, a report that Alarichus was dead, and Let­ters of the Emperour Honorius from Rome, that gave him account how Constantine was turn'd Rebel and come out of the Island of Britain into the Countries be­yond the Alps where he carry'd himself in their Cities like an Emperour. But the discourse concerning Alarichus's death seem­ed to be doubtful, before certain Persons came and assured him how it really was. [Page 356]But what was said of Constantine's setting up for the Empire was believ'd by all Men. By which means Stilico being hinder'd from his intended expedition against the Illyrians came to Rome, to consult with o­thers concerning the present State of Af­fairs.

But after Autumn, when Winter was come on ( Bassus and Philippus being cho­sen Consuls) the Emperour Honorius, who had long lost his Wife Maria, desired to have her Sister Thermantia. But Stilico seemed not to approve of that Proposal, though Serena promoted it, as having a mind it should be a Match, upon this score: When Mary was to be married to Honorius, her Mother seeing the Damsel too young for an Husband, and yet being unwilling to defer the Marriage, though she thought that, to let a Man lie with such a tender Crea­ture, was to offer violence to Nature, she got a certain Woman who knew how to manage such Affairs, and, by her means contrived it so, that Maria should live with the Emperour, and be his Bedfellow, but that he neither should nor could do Family duty to her. But, in the mean time the Damsel died a pure Virgin, and so Serena, who, you may well imagine, was desirous to be Grandmother to a young Emperour or Emperess, for fear [Page 357]of having her great Power lessen'd, did what she could to marry her other Daugh­ter to Honorius. Which being brought to pass, the Girl not long after died, in the same manner as the former did. And a­bout the same time Stilico was informed, that Alarichus having left Epirus, and got through those Streights that obstruct the passage from Pannonia to Venice, had pitch'd his Camp at a Town called Emo, which lies between the upper Pannonia and Noricum. Now it is worth while to remark, what is observable concerning this same Town, and how it came first to be built. They say, that the Argonautes being pursued by Aeetas, arrived at the mouth of the Ister where it disembogues it self into the Pontus, and thought it the best way for 'em to go up this River against the stream with the help of Oars, and a convenient gale of Wind together till they came nearer to the Sea. And when they had so done, and were ar­rived at this Place, they left a memorial of their coming to it, which was the building of this Town, and afterward put­ting their Ship, the Argo, upon Machines or Engines for the purpose, they drew it four hundred furlongs off, even to the Sea side and so arrived at the Thessalian shore, as Pisander the Poet says, who has comprehended almost the whole Story in [Page 358]a Poem, called The Heroick marriages of the Gods. But Alarichus having march'd out of Emo, and, crossing the River Aqui­lis, got over the Apennine Mountains, came into Noricum. Now the Apennine Mountains lie just upon the borders of Pannonia, and make the way to Noricum very narrow; and therefore though the Pass be kept by a small Guard, a great number must labour hard to get through it. But notwithstanding the difficulty, Alarichus marched through into Nori­cum and from thence an Embassy to Sti­lico, to desire a supply of Money not only upon the account of his stay in Epirus, which he said was made by the persua­sions of Stilico, but also to defray his Journey into Noricum and Italy. But Sti­lico, though he receiv'd the Embassy, left the Embassadours at Ravenna and went himself to Rome, with a design to consult the Emperour and the Senate in the Af­fair. But when the Senate met at the Imperial Palace, and proposed to debate whether they should proclaim a War or no, they were most of 'em for fighting. Onely Stilico and some few others, who comply'd with him out of pure fear, were of a contrary Opinion, and voted for a Peace with Alarichus. Now therefore when those that were for a War, desired [Page 359]to know of Stilico, why he was more for Peace than War; nay, to the dishonour of the Roman Name and glory, would mean­ly purchase it with Money. He reply'd; Alarichus has stay'd thus long in Epirus, that he may joyn with me in a War a­gainst the Emperour of the West, and drawing the Illyrians from under that Do­minion, make them additional Subjects to Honorius. And this had been done be­fore that time [he said] if the Emperour Honorius's Letters had not come in the mean while and stop'd his Journey into the East, in expectation whereof Alarichus had spent so much time in that Country. And as Stilico said these words, he produced an Epistle from the Emperour, and said, Se­rena was the cause of all, as being minded to preserve an inviolable friendship be­tween the two Emperours.

Since therefore they all thought Stilico spoke nothing but reason, the Senate was pleas'd to order that Alarichus should have three thousand pounds upon the ac­count of a Peace, though most of 'em gave their Votes more out of fear to Stilico than their own judgment or inclination. For that was the reason that Lampadius, a Person of great Birth and Quality, ha­ving utter'd this Latin Sentence [Non est ista Pax, sed Pactio Servitutis] which in [Page 360] English is thus [This is not the bond of Peace but of Slavery] was fain, as soon as the Senate was dismiss'd, to fly into a neighbouring Church belonging to the Christians, for fear of suffering for the freedom, that he took in so saying.

When therefore Stilico had made the Peace with Alarichus after this manner, he prepared himself very earnestly for his Journey, to put his designs in execution. But the Emperour said that he would go also from Rome to Ravenna, to view and congratulate the Army, especially since such and so great an Enemy was come in­to Italy: though he did not say so of his own inclination but was persuaded to it by Serena. For she had a mind to have him live in a securer City, so that if Ala­richus should break the Peace and invade Rome, he might not take the Emperour too: but she was the more zealous to preserve him, since her own safety depend­ed upon his. But Stilico, being much a­gainst the Emperours going to Ravenna, contrived many Obstacles to hinder it. To which seeing the Emperour for all that would not give way, but was still intent upon his Journey, one Sarus, a Barbarian, and Captain of a Company of Barbarians at Ravenna, made a mutiny before the City at the instigation of Stilico: not [Page 361]that he really design'd to put things into a confusion, but to frighten the Emperour out of his intention of coming to Raven­na. But seeing the Emperour persisted in his resolution, Justinianus, an excellent Lawyer at Rome, whom Stilico made his Assistant and Counsellor, through the sa­gacity of his judgment, seemed to give a shrew'd guess at what the Design was up­on which the Emperour took that Jour­ney; and that the Soldiers who were in Ticinum, and disaffected to Stilico (when the Emperour came thither) would reduce him into very dangerous circumstances. Wherefore he continually advised him to persuade the Emperour out of his present intentions. But when he saw the Empe­rour would not hearken to Stilico's Coun­sel, he went away from him, lest he through his familiarity with Stilico should have suffer'd under the same misfor­tune.

But before this time there had been a report at Rome. that the Emperour Arca­dius was dead, which was confirm'd after the Emperour Honorius went for Ravenna: and therefore seeing Stilico was at Ra­venna, whilst the Emperour was at a City in Aemilia, called Bononia, some seventy Miles (as they call 'em [in Latin, Septua­ginta Millarium spatio] he sent for Sti­lico [Page 362]to chastize the Soldiers who mutiny'd by the way among themselves. Where­upon when Stilico had gather'd the muti­nous Soldiers together, and told 'em that the Emperour had not onely commanded him to correct 'em for it, but to make a Decumation or Tithing, among 'em, and punish all the most guilty with death [by picking out every tenth Man] he put 'em into such a fright, that they all burst out into tears, and desiring him to take pity on them, made him promise them the Emperour's Pardon. And when the Em­perour had performed what he had pro­mis'd they apply'd themselves to publick business. For Stilico was desirous to go into the East, or manage Affairs for Theo­dosius (Son to Arcadius) who was very young and wanted a Governour. And Honorius himself also was a thinking to go the same Journey, with a design to secure that young Emperour's Domini­ons. But Stilico, being disgusted upon that account, and shewing him by com­putation what a vast Sum of Money it would cost him to defray such an expe­dition, deterr'd the Emperour from that enterprise. But he told him likewise that Constantine's Rebellion would not permit him to go so far off as not to take care of Italy and Rome it self, since that U­surper [Page 363] Constantine had over-ran all Gallia and lived then at Orleance. Nay more, that, though what he had said was enough to deserve the Emperour's care and Pre­sence, Alarichus also was acoming with such a vast Army of Barbarians; who as he was a Barbarian and a faithless Fel­low, so when he found Italy destitute of all assistance, would certainly invade it. Wherefore he thought it the best Counsel, and most conducing to publick good, for Alarichus to undertake the Expedition a­gainst that Rebel Constantine, along with part of his Barbarians, some Roman Le­gions and their Officers, who should be sharers with him in the War; and then, for Stilico himself to go into the East, if the Emperour commanded it, and would give him instructions what to do there.

The Emperour, who thought that Sti­lico said nothing but what was right, gave him Letters both to the Emperour of the East and to Alarichus, and so departed from Bononia. But Stilico stay'd there, and went neither into the East, nor did any thing else that was design'd. Nay he did not so much as send over any of those Soldiers, that were in Ticinum, to Raven­na, or any other place, lest they should meet the Emperour by the way and set him upon doing something to his prejudice.

But Stilico being in these circumstances, though he were conscious of no ill inten­tion either against the Em­peror or Soldiers, one When Stilico did what he could to put the Court into Confusion, as Sozomen says, b. 9. c. 4. Olympius, discovering his design, acquainted Honorius, that Stilico endeavour'd to get the Empire into his own hands, and make his Son Eucherius his Partner in it, who was no doubt a Gentile and an Enemy to the Christians. And there­fore we may the less admire why he is painted in such co­lours by Z [...]simus, with whom it is equivolent to all other Crimes, meerly to be a Chri­stian. O­lympius, who was born near the Euxine Sea, and a great Officer in the Court Guards, concealing a great deal of wickedness in his heart under the disguise of Christian Religion, and being used to have fre­quent Discourses with the Emperour upon the ac­count of his pretended modesty and good carriage, said many a stabbing word (to speak Poe­tically) against Stilico, and that he desi­red to go into the East for no other reason but to get an opportunity of removing young Theodosius, and putting the Empire into the hands of his own Son, Eucherius. And these things he told the Emperour as they travelled along, having a good occa­sion then to do it. But when the Em­perour was at Ticinum, Olympius, using to visit the sick Soldiers (which was the ve­ry Masterpiece of all his hypocritical vir­tue) he dispersed such incantations [or false insinuating Stories] among them too. But when the Emperor had been four days [Page 365]at Ticinum, all the Soldiers being call'd to­gether into the Court, the Emperour ap­pear'd before 'em, and encouraged 'em to a War against the Rebel, Constantine. And seeing no body was moved at any thing concerning Stilico, Olympius was observed to nod toward the Soldiers, as if he would have put them in mind of what he had said to 'em in private. At which they were almost mad, and kill'd Limenius, who was Prefect of the Court in the Na­tions beyond the Alps, and with him one Chariobaudes, who was General of the Le­gions in those parts. For these two had by chance escaped the Tyrants hands and were come to the Emperour at Ticinum. But besides these two there were slain, Vincentius and Salvius, the one General of the Horse, and the other Commander of the Domestick Forces. But seeing the Tu­mult encreased, the Emperour retired into the Palace, and some of the Magistates e­scaped, and then the Soldiers dispersing themselves about the City, kill'd as many of the Magistrates as they could, pulling them out of the Houses into which they had fled: and plunder'd all the Town: Insomuch that when the Disease was past all cure, the Emperour put on a short Coat, without either his long Robe or his Dia­dem; [Page 366]and coming forth into the midst of the City, had very much ado to restrain and curb the fury of the People. For those Magistrates also, who were taken even after their flight, were cut off; as Naemorius, Master of the Court-bands, and Petronius, the Treasurer and Stewart of the Emperor's private Patrimony; besides Sal­vius, whose Office it was to declare what the Emperour thought fit to do [upon any occasion] and was called Quaestor e­ver since the time of Constantine. Nor could this Man escape Death, though he embraced and hugg'd the Emperour's feet. But the Tumult continuing till late at Night, and the Emperour fearing lest any thing should be committed against his own Person also, (for which reason he withdrew) they happening to find Loa­ginianus. who was Prefect of the Court in Italy, kill'd him. Now all these Magistrates were slain by the mad Soldiers: but there perish'd of promiscuous people also so great a number as cannot easily be computed.

When this news came to Stilico, who was then at Bononia, a City of Aemilia (as I told you) it troubled him extream­ly. And therefore calling together all the Commanders of his Confederate Barba­rians who were with him, he proposed a [Page 367]Consultation concerning what was most fit to be done. And there it was agreed by common consent, that if the Emperour were slain (which was yet doubtful) all the Confederate Barbarians at one time should joyn together and fall upon the Roman Soldiers, and by that means make all others more modest and civil. But if the Emperour appear'd to be safe, though the Magistrates were taken off, that then the Authors of the Tumult should be brought to condign punishment. And this was the result of that Consultati­on into which Stilico enter'd with his Barbarians. But when they knew that there was no indignity offer'd to the Empe­rour's Person, Stilico resolv'd to proceed no farther in punishing or correcting of the Soldiers, but to return to Ravenna. For he consider'd both the number of the Soldiers, and saw likewise that the Empe­rour was not stedfastly his Friend; not did he think it either honest or safe to set Barbarians upon the Roman Army.

Now therefore Stilico being very an­xious about these things, the Barbarians that were about him were very desirous to make their former resolutions valid, and therefore endeavour'd to persuade him from those things that he afterwards thought fit to be done. But being not able to [Page 368]persuade him, all the rest determined to stay in some place or other till they were better inform'd what the Emperour's Opi­nion was of Stilico; onely Sarus, who ex­cell'd all the other Confederates in strength and dignity, together with those Barba­rians that were under him, having kill'd all the Hunns that were Stilico's Life­guard (whilst they were asleep) and ta­ken all his Carriages that follow'd him, went into his Tent, in which he stay'd to expect what would be the issue [of such actions.] Whereupon Stilico seeing his Barbarians fell out among one another, went away to Ravenna, and engaged the Cities, in which there were any Women or Children belonging to the Barbarians, to receive ne'r a Soul of the Barbarians, if they came to 'em [for shelter.] But in the mean time Olympius being now grown Master of the King's Will, sent the Imperial Letters to the Soldiers at Raven­na, to command 'em presently to appre­hend Stilico and keep him in Prison with­out Fetters. Which when Stilico heard of, he got into a Church of the Christians which was near, whilst it was yet Night; and his Barbarians, as also his other fami­liars, who, with his Servants were all arm'd, seeing that, expected what would follow. And when it was Day, the Soldiers go­ing [Page 369]into the Church and swearing before the Bishop, that they were commanded by the Emperour not to kill him, but onely to keep him in custody. But when he was got out of the Church and in the Soldiers custody, there were other Let­ters deliver'd by him that brought the former, wherein the penalty of Death was inflicted upon Stilico for his offences a­gainst the Commonwealth; insomuch that whilst Eucherius his Son fled away at this juncture toward Rome, Stilico was led to execution. But when the Barbarians a­bout him, with his Servants and other Friends or Relations (of whom there were a vast number) were prepared and re­solv'd to rescue him from the blow, Sti­lico deterred 'em from the enterprise with all fearful menaces imaginable, and in a manner submitted his Neck to the Sword, being the most modest and justest Person of almost all those that were Men of great Authority, in his time. For though he mar­ried Theodosius the elder Brother's Daugh­ter [or Theodosius the elder's Neece by his Brother's side] and was entrusted with both the Empires of his two Sons, yea, had been a Commander twenty three years, yet he never appear'd to make mi­litary Officers for Mony, or to convert the Soldiers allowance to his own use. And [Page 370]being the Father of one Son onely he pro­posed a dignity, or preferment to him, which was to be Tribune of the Notaries (as they call that Officer) and limited him that he should never desire or seek after any other Power or Authority. Now therefore that studious Men or Astrolo­gers may not be ignorant when he di­ed, it was under the Consulship of Bas­sus and Philippus, in which also the Em­perour Arcadius submitted to Fate, upon the 22d of August.

When Stilico was dead, all the Affairs of the Court were managed by Olympius, according to his own will and pleasure; and Olympius too had the Office of Magi­ster, i. e. Master of the Court, whilst the Emperour distributed the rest to those whom Olympius thought fit to recommend. But in the mean while not onely all his Friends, but even all others that had any kindness for Stilico were sought out; and of that number Deuterius who was Cap­tain of the Guard of the Imperial Bed-Chamber was called in question, as also Petrus, Tribune of the Company of No­taries: and when they had been put to the publick Torture, to make 'em con­sess something concerning Stilico, yet, they having nothing to say either against him or themselves either, Olympius failed of [Page 371]his desire, but caused them to be drubb'd to Death with Cudgels. And though many others that were suspected to be Stilico's Friends and conscious of his De­signs, were call'd to question and put to the Torture, to make em confess whether they knew of his Ambition to be Empe­rour, yet seeing ne'r a man of 'em would say any such thing, the curious enquirers into such matters desisted from their en­terprise, But in the mean time Honorius the Emperour commanded his Wife Ther­mantia to be taken from the Imperial Throne and restored to her Mother, who for all that was not at all suspicacious: and order'd Eucherius, Stilico's Son, to be search'd for and put to death. Whom when they had found in a Church at Rome, into which he had fled, they let him alone out of respect to the place. Whilst at the same time and in the same City of Rome one Heliocrates, who was the Treasurer, produced the Emperour's Letter, commanding that all who had born any Office in the time of Stilico, should be confiscated, and thereby was totally imploy'd in gathering Mony into the Treasury. But as if these things were not enough to satisfie that evil Genius that captivated mankind in Chains of Wickedness and confounded all things [Page 372]by a neglect of holy Rites, there was an addition made to all their former misfor­tunes, which was thus:

The Soldiers that were in the City, when they heard of Stilico's death, [...]ell upon all the Women and Children, that were in the City, belonging to the Barba­rians: and having, as it were by a Signal, destroy'd 'em every Soul, they plunder'd 'em of all they had. Which when the Relations of those that were slain came to hear, they met together from all quar­ters; and being mightily incensed at the Remans for such an impious breach of their words which they had passed in the pre­sence of the Gods, they all resolv'd to joyn themselves to Alarichus, and be his assist­ants in the War against Rome. Where­upon having muster'd up something more than thirty thousand Men, they Rendez­vouz'd where they pleased. But Alari­chus was not sufficiently excited even by these Men to undertake a War, but still preferr'd Peace, remembring the League which he made with Stilico. He therefore sent Embassadours and desired to purchase a Peace, though with a small sum of Mo­ney, as likewise to have Aetius and Ja­son, the former, Son to Jovius, and the latter, to Gaudentius, for Hostages: and therewithal told 'em, that he would send [Page 373]them two under the like circumstances out of his Nobility, and having made peace upon such terms would lead his Army out of Noricum into Pannonia. But Ala­richus demanding Peace upon these con­ditions, the Emperour refus'd him his Re­quest, although he must have of necessity done one thing or other of two that were before him, if he would have disposed of his Affairs the right way. For he must either have deferr'd the War, and procured a Peace for some small sum, or if he would rather fight, he ought to have muster'd up all the Legions that he could, and po­sted them in the Enemies way to obstruct the Barbarians from coming any further on. Besides which, he should have cho­sen a fit Man to lead 'em and made Sarus General of the War, who in his own per­son was sufficient to strike a terrour into the Enemies, upon the account both of his courage and his experience in Warlike Affairs, and had also a number of Barba­rians under him enough to make a good defence. But he, on the contrary, nei­ther embracing the offers of Peace, not making Sarus his Friend, nor mustering up the Roman Army, but placing all his hopes in the desires and wishes of Olym­pius, was the cause of so many calami­ties [Page 374]to the Commonwealth. For he made such Men Commanders as were contem­ptible in the esteem of the Enemy; to wit, Turpilio, whom he made General of the Horse, Varanes of the Foot, Vigilan­tius of the Domesticks, and so of all o­ther things accordingly. Upon which ac­count all Men despaired and seemed to have the utter ruin of Italy even then be­fore their Eyes.

Now seeing these things were thus or­der'd, Alarichus began his expedition a­gainst Rome, and laugh'd at the preparations made by Honorius. And because he would not go about such a weighty business with onely equal but rather far greater Forces than his Enemy, he sent for his Wifes Brother, called Ataulphus, out of the up­per Pannonia, to be his Partner in the Action, as having a very considerable num­ber of Gotths and Hunns to bring along with him. Yet nevertheless he did not stay for his Brother-in law's coming, but marching forward in haste, passed by A­quileia and all the other Cities in order that lie beyond the River Po, I mean Concordia, Altinum, and Cremona. And when he had cross'd the River, being as it were at some Festival, and having no Enemy to stop him, he came into a cer­tain [Page 375]Castle of Bononia, which they call Oecubaria. From whence passing by all Aemilia, and leaving Ravenna behind him he [...]arne to Ariminum, a great City of Fla­ [...]nia. But moving by that also with [...]eed, as he did by all the rest that were in that Province, he came into Picenum, which is a Nation lying in the extremity of the Ionian Bay. And from thence marching towards Rome, he sack'd all the Castles and Towns that were in his way; insomuch that if Arsacius and Tarentius, the two Eunuchs, had not made haste and so prevented the coming of the Barbari­ans into those parts as to bring Eucherius, Stilico's Son, before that time to Rome, to die according to the Emperour's Order, and executed what the Emperour command­ed, the Youth had certainly fallen into the hands of Alarichus and been saved. But the Eunuchs having fulfilled what was en­joyn'd 'em upon that score, and deliver'd Thermantia, Honorius's Wife, to her Mo­ther, they took shipping and went over to the Emperour in Gallia Celtica, where he then lived, because they could not go unto him the same way they came. Now upon this account the Emperour thinking he should do good service to the Com­monwealth, if he rewarded these two Eu­nuchs for their great exploits in resto­ring [Page 376] Thermantia to her Mother, and kil­ling Eucherius, he made Tarentius Impe­rial Chamberlain, and gave Arsacius the next Place under him. Then having ta­ken oft Bathanarius, who was Master of the Soldiers [ Militum Magister, General] in the greater Libya, and Husband to Sti­lico's Sister, he gave that Command to Heraclianus who was the Man that kill'd Stilico, and receiv'd his Honour as the re­ward of that Action.

But when Alarichus was near Rome, besieging those within, the Senate suspect­ed Serena for bringing the Barbarians a­gainst their City. And therefore both the whole Senate and Placidia, who was the Emperour's own Sister by the Mothers side thought fit that she should die for it, as being the cause of all the present mis­chief. For Alarichus, said they, when Se­rena is removed, will draw off from the City, because there will be no body left from whom he can hope to have the City betray'd into his hands. But this suspi­cion was really salse; for Serena never thought of any such thing. However she suffer'd justly for her impieties toward the Gods, as I am now agoing to tell you. When Theodosius the Elder, having defeated the Rebel Eugenius, came to Rome, and created in all people a Con­tempt [Page 377]or neglect of divine Worship, de­nying to defray the charge of holy things out of the publick Stock, the Priests of both Sexes were turn'd out and banish'd, and the Temples bereft of all their Sacri­fices. Whereupon Serena, scoffing at 'em, would needs see the Temple dedicated to the Mother of the Gods. In which when she saw certain [ Bracelets and] attire a­bout the neck of Rheas Statue, suitable to the divine Worship which was paid to her, She took it off of the Statue and put it about her own Neck. And when a cer­tain old Maid, that was the onely person left of all the Vestal Virgins, upbraided her with such a wicked Action even to her Teeth, she not onely gave her very ill Language, but commanded her Attendants to carry or drive her away. But notwith­standing, the old Woman, as she was go­ing from the place, pray'd that whatso­ever was due ro such impiety, might fall upon Serena, her Husband and Children. But Serena took no notice of what she said, and went out of the Temple well pleas'd with the Attire that she had got­ten; though afterward there often ap­pear'd to her something not onely fanta­stick, in a Dream, but real, when she was awake, which did foretel her Death. But others too, besides her, saw the like [Page 378]things: and so far did that just Venge­ance, which uses to punish the wicked, discharge its duty, that though Serena knew what would happen, she took no care of her self, but submitted that Neck about which she had put the Goddesses Attire, even to What Death Serena died I cannot learn from those Authors that I have by me. But I should wonder, if Zosimus did not refer such accidents to these to a contempt of the Gods, for there is no fitter defence for false worship than what is deri­ved from Tables. But it is indeed credible that Serena hang'd her self, though up­on far different occasions, as, the fru­stration of her ambitious hopes, and the un­expected diverce of her Daughter, who be­ing now sent home again, Serena had no hopes left of being an Emperess, nor any reason to cherish her exalted thoughts. He likewise in the same Comma or paragraph tells you such an other Story of Stilico, though we may easily demonstrate the cause of his Death. For he had rais'd the Alemans, Suevians, Vandals, and Burgundians to extort the Empire from his Son-in-law to his Son. For he is noted with this Character in Paul. Diac. l. 13. He gave the blood of all mankind to purchase a Purple Garment for one Boy. an Halter. It is like­wise said, that Sti­lico, for another im­piety not much un­like this of Serena, did not escape the secret hand of Ven­geance. For he al­so is said to have commanded the Doors of the Capi­tol at Rome, that were cover'd with a great quantity of of Gold, to be un­cased; and that those who were employ'd in that Affair, found upon some part of the Doors, this Inscription, [These things] are kept for a wretched Prince. And so it prov'd, even as the Inscription foretold, for he died most wretchedly and most mi­serably too.

Yet notwithstanding Serenas death did not remove Alarichus from the Siege, but he block'd up the Gates all round, and having possess'd himself of the River Ti­ber, obstructed the supply of necessaries from the Port to the City. Which when the Romans saw, they resolv'd yet still to persevere, because they expected almost every day to have Auxiliaries sent 'em from Ravenna. But when they found no body came, and that they were disap­pointed of their hopes, they thought good to retrench the measure of the allowance of Corn [or other provisions] and to or­der that there should not be dress'd [or prepared for eating] above one half of what was formerly for each day; and af­terward, when their scarcity encreased up­on them, a third part onely. And seeing there was no remedy for their Relief, but that all their Belly timber [Succours of the Belly, [...]] was spent, a Plague, as was probable it would, suc­ceeded their famine, and all places were full of dead bodies. And because the dead could not be buried without the City (for the Enemies kept all the Passes or Ave­nues) the City was their Sepulchre. So that it was like to be dispeopled upon a­nother account, and, though there had been no want of Victuals, yet the very [Page 380]stench arising from the dead bodies was enough to infect and corrupt their bodies. But Laeta, Wife to Gratian, who had been sometime Emperour, and her Mo­ther Pissamena supply'd a great many with necessary food for some time. For, since the Treasury allowed them the Provisions of an Imperial Table, through the gene­rosity of Theodosius who gave 'em that priviledg, a great many receiv'd the kind­ness of those two Women, and from their House got that which fortified 'em against a Famine. But the malady was come to that extremity, as that they were in dan­ger to eat one another, they try'd all ways which are abominable in the eyes of mankind, and then resolv'd to send an Embassy to the Enemy, and acquaint them, that they were ready to accept of any reasonable conditions of Peace, and at the same time more ready for War, since the Roman People had taken up Arms, and through their continual exercise in Mili­tary Affairs were grown very much incli­nable to fight. Now Basilius being cho­sen their Embassador, who was a Spaniard, and Governour of a Province, Johnannes went out along with him (who was the chief of the Imperial Notaries, called Tri­bunes) because he was acquainted with A­larichus, and [might be] a means to re­concile [Page 381]them. For the Romans did not certainly know, whether Alarichus him­self were come thither or no, or whether it were he that besieged Rome. For they were cheated with a former Report that it was another Person who had been Sti­lico's Friend, and brought him to the City.

When therefore the Embassadors came to him, they were ashamed of that igno­rance in which the Romans had been so long kept, but deliver'd the Senates Mes­sage. Which when Alarichus heard, and that the people having been used to Arms were ready for a War; The thickest grass, says he, is more easily cut than the thin­nest: and having so said, he laugh'd at the Embassadors most excessively. But when they came to talk of Peace, he used such expressions as were beyond all barbarous Arrogance, or insolence. For he said, He would not relinquish the Siege upon any other Condition, than that he should have all the Gold and Silver in the City, together with all the Houshold goods in it, besides the Barbarian Slaves. Whereupon when one of the Embassadors said, If you take all these things, what will you leave for the Citizens? He re­ply'd, Their Souls. So when the Embas­sadors had received this Answer, they de­sired [Page 382]time to communicate it to the Ci­tizens and advise with them what was to be done. Which leave having ob­tain'd, they related all the Discourse that had pass'd in that Embassy. Whereupon the Romans being persuaded that it was really Alarichus who fought against 'em, and despairing of all things that conduce to humane strength, they call'd to mind that help which the City had formerly found in insurrections; and that they, by transgressing their ancient Ceremonies were left destitute of it.

But whilst they were considering of these things, Pompeianus the Prefect of the City, litt by chance upon some Men, that came out of Tuscany to Rome, and said, That a certain Town, called Neveia, had freed it self from imminent dangers, inasmuch as it had beaten off the Barba­rians, who beset it, by Thunder and Lightning which was caus'd through their Devotion to the Gods in the ancient man­ner of Worship. And therefore when he had discoursed with these Men, he did what he well could do out of the Books belonging to the Chief Priests or Pontifies. But when he remember'd what Opinion was then prevalent, he resolv'd to go a­bout his business with more security, and proposed the whole matter to the Bishop [Page 383]of the City, whose Name was Innocen­tius. And he truly preferring the safety of the City before his own Opinion, per­mitted 'em privately to do whatever they knew how to do. But they pretending that what they could do would do no good unless the publick and usual Sacri­fices were perform'd, the Senate went up into the Capitol, and there, as also in the several Markets of the City, did all that was to be perform'd; but no body da­ring to communicate in their Religious, ancient Worship, they dismiss'd those Men who came out of Thuscany, and apply'd themselves to reconcile the Barbarian as well as they could. To which end they a­gain sent Embassadours; and after they had made long Speeches on both sides, they agreed that the City should give five thou­sand pound of Gold, and thirty thousand of Silver, with four thousand Silk Coats, three thousand Fleeces or Fells of a Scarlet die, and three thousand pounds of Pepper. But because the City had no publick Stock, there was a necessity for those Se­nators who had Estates, to undertake the collection of it by way of Assessment. Now Palladius being impower'd to rate every one according to his Estate, but not able to make up the whole sum out of all, either upon the account that some [Page 384]concealed part of their goods, or because the City was otherwise impoverish'd through the continual covetousness and exactions of the Emperours Magistrates; that wicked Daemon or Genius, who at that time presided over mankind, and stirr'd up the Persons employ'd in this Affair to the highest pitch of all wickedness. For they resolv'd to supply what was want­ing, out of the Attire that was about the Statues [of the Gods]: which was in ef­fect no other, than to render those Images (that had been set up, and dedicated to holy Rites and Ceremonies, and were adorn'd with decent Attire, for that they had kept the City in perpetual happiness) when that ceremonious Worship should be in any degree diminished) inanimate and in­efficacious. And because all things must then needs conspire to ruin the City, they not onely robb'd the Statues of their Or­naments, but also melted some of 'em down that were made of Gold and Silver: among which was that of Fortitude, or Valour, which the Romans call, Virtus. Which being destroy'd, all the Roman Va­lour and Courage that remained, was quite extinguish'd; according to that which Men who were conversant about holy Rites and ancient Ceremonies from that time foretold.

Now the Money being raised in this manner, they thought fit to send an Em­bassy to the Emperour, to confer with him about the ensuing Peace [and to inform him) that Alarichus did not re­quire Money onely, but certain Noble­mens Sons likewise for Hostages: upon which Condition also he would not onely make a Peace, but enter into an Alliance with the Emperour and assist the Ro­mans against all those who had a mind to oppose 'em. Whereupon the Empe­rour resolving to conclude the Peace, the Money was paid to the Barbarians. Which being done, Alarichus gave the Citizens the Freedom of a Market for three days together, and leave to go se­curely out at certain Gates of the City, as also to bring up their Corn from the Port. By which means when the Citi­zens had taken breath again, by selling all the remaining part of their goods, or exchanging one thing for another, to buy them necessaries, the Barbarians de­parted from Rome, and pitch'd their Camp in certain places about Tuscany. And then almost all the Slaves that were in Rome, flying daily out of the City en­rolled themselves among the Barbarians, to the number of forty thousand. But [Page 386]some of the Barbarians who were strag­ling up and down attaqued the Romans as they were going down to the Port, and bringing up their provisions. Which when Alarichus understood, he used his utmost endeavour to hinder such pro­ceedings, as being done without his knowledg or consent. And now they seemed to have some small respit from their misfortunes. Whilst the Emperour Honorius at Ravenna was just entring upon the Consulship, having had that Honour eight times, and the Emperour Theodosius, in the East, three times. At which juncture the Rebel Constantine sent Eunuchs to Honorius, to beg his par­don for having receiv'd the Empire. For he did not take it of his own choice, but by compulsion from the Soldiers. Which Petition of his when the Empe­rour heard, and saw it was not easy for him, since Alarichus and his Barbarians were so near, to prepare for other Wars; besides the care that he took of his Kinsmen who were in the Rebels custo­dy (as, Verenianus and Didymius, by name) he not onely granted their Re­quest; but sent him also an Imperial Robe. But indeed his care for his Kins­men was all in vain and frustrate, they [Page 387]being kill'd before this Embassy. When therefore he had so done, he sent the Eunuchs home.

But the Peace with Alarichus being not yet confirm'd, because the Emperour had neither given him the Hostages, nor fulfill'd all his desires, there were Em­bassadours sent from the Senate to Ra­venna, [whose names were] Cecilianus, Attalus, and Maximianus. Who though they lamented the sad misfortunes that had befallen Rome, and tragically described the multitude of them that perish'd there; yet they gained no­thing by it, by reason that Olympius confounded all Affairs and put a stop to those things that seemed to go in their due course. Upon which account the Emperour dismissing the Embassadours without their Errand for which they came, he turn'd out Theodorus from being Pre­fect of the City and gave the place to Cecicilianus, commanding that Attalus should be Treasurer. But seeing Olym­pius made it his whole business to search in all places for those that were report­ed to know any thing of Stilico's Af­fairs, there were several Persons call'd in question upon that false Accusation, as Marcellianus and Salonius, two Brothers, [Page 388]belonging to the Regiment of the Impe­rial Notaries. And these two did Olym­pius deliver to the Prefect of the Court; by whose Order though their bodies were beaten or drubb'd with all sorts of se­verities in that kind, yet they discover'd no tittle of what Olympius would fain have known.

Now the Affairs of Rome being in no better a condition than before, the Em­perour thought fit to send for five Re­giments of Soldiers out of Dalmatia from their own Quarters there, to guard the City of Rome. Which Regimenrs were made up of six thousand Men, who for carriage and strength were the chief of all the Roman Army: and their Gene­ral's Name was Valens, a Person ready to attempt the greatest and most hazar­dous enterprise. He therefore would not seem so much a Coward as to go that way which the Enemy did not guard; so that Alarichus expecting till he came by and falling upon him with his whole Army, subdu'd all those that were with him, excepting only an hundred that with much ado escaped, together with their Commander. For he arrived safe at Rome, along with Attalus, who was sent by the Senate to the Emperour. But [Page 389]seeing more mischiefs were still added to the present ones, this Attalus when he came to Rome, turn'd Heliocrates out of his Office, which the Emperour had given him by the persuasions of Olym­pius. For Heliocrates was employ'd to search into the Estates of them that were banish'd upon the account of their Ac­quaintance or Relation to Stilico, and return 'em into the Treasury. But he being a moderate, good-natur'd Man, look'd upon it as an impiety to insult upon the unfortunate; and therefore did not make any strict enquiry into things, but on the contrary sent many of the Parties notice by a private Messenger to hide what they could, insomuch that being reckon'd a vile Fellow upon this score, he was brought to Raven­na, to suffer for his humanity toward those Men that were under such misfor­tunes. And he had certainly died for it, through the cruelty that then ob­tein'd, if he had not got into a Church belonging to the Christians. But Maxi­millianus who fell into the hands of the Enemy, was sold to his Father Marinia­nus for thirty thousand pieces of Gold. For since the Emperour deferr'd the Peace, and did not fulfill or perform [Page 390]what was agreed upon, the Romans could not any longer pass freely out of the City. Wherefore the Senate sent Em­bassadours a second time to the Empe­rour about the Peace, along with whom the Bishop of Rome also went. There were also some Barbarians in their Re­tinue, sent by Alarichus, to protect 'em from their Enemies who infested the se­veral Roads.

But when these Embassadours were come to the Emperour, Ataulphus, whom Alarichus sent for (as I told you be­fore) was come over the Alps, that lie as you go from Pannonia to Venice. Which when the Emperour heard, and that he had no great Army with him, he order'd all his Soldiers both Horse and Foot, as many as were in the se­veral Cities, to go with their own Of­ficers and meet him. But to Olympius, who was Captain of the Court-guards he gave the Hunns that were in Ravenna, to the number of three hundred. Who when they saw those that came — [Here is a Chasm or Balk,] which may be supply'd with these words [were ar­rived] at a City after the word [came] and then it runs thus, Who wen they saw those that came, were arrived at a City [Page 391]called Pisa, they made an attaque and en­gaging with 'em, kill'd eleven hundred Gotths, and return'd safe to Ravenna with the loss of onely seventeen Men.

But the Eunuchs about the Court made such informations to the Emperour a­gainst Olympius, as the cause of all the ill accidents that had befallen the Com­monwealth, that they procur'd his re­moval out of his present Office. Where­upon he, fearing lest he might suffer some greater misfortune, fled away into Dalmatia; whilst in the mean time the Emperour sent Attalus, Prefect of the City, to Rome, and being very solici­tous that nothing belonging to the Trea­sury should be conceal'd, he sent Deme­trius also to assist Attalus, and make a diligent enquiry into the publick Stock. And when he had made many innovations as to the Magistracy and other matters also; turning out those that were for­merly in great Authority and confer­ring their Offices upon others, he ap­pointed Generidus likewise to be Com­mander of all the Forces in Dalmatia, who was already Captain General of all the rest that were posted or engarrison'd in the up­per Pannonia, Noricum and Rhaetia, even as far as the Alps. Now this Generi­dus [Page 392]though he were of a Barbarian ex­tract, was, in his disposition inclined to all sorts of Virtues and the freest from covetousness of any Man living. But whilst he adhered to ancient Rites and could not endure to relinquish the old way of worshipping the Gods, there was a Law promulgated, that prohibited all who were not Christians from wearing a Girdle in the Court. Which Law be­ing establish'd, Generidus who was a Mi­litary Officer at that time in Rome, laid down his Girdle and kept at home in his own House. And when the Empe­rour requir'd him as being enrolled a­mong the Officers, to come to Court in his due course; He reply'd, There was a Law that forbad him the use of a Girdle, or that any one at all should be reckon'd among the Officers who did not reverence the Christian Religion. To which when the Emperour answer'd, That the Law [he cited] did indeed oblige all others, excepting him alone, who had undertaken such dangerous en­terprises upon the score of the Common­wealth; He made him this return, That he could not suffer himself to accept of such an Honour that seemed to affront all the rest who upon the account of [Page 393]that Law had been put out of Commis­sion. Nor did he execute his Office, till the Emperour being forced both by necessity and shame together, had utter­ly abolish'd the Law; and gave all peo­ple leave to enjoy their own Opinions in all Places or Offices whether they were Mi­litary or Civil.

Now Generidus, having begun with this piece of Gallantry, imploy'd and in­structed the Soldiers with continual la­bours and exercises; distributing Corn a­mong 'em, and suffering no body to take any thing of it away from them, as they were formerly used to do; besides that he himself out of his publick Allowance, gave those that took most pains conve­nient encouragement. Since therefore he appear'd so great, he was not onely a Terrour to the adjacent Barbarians, but a security also to all those Nations which he had under his care. But when the Soldiers mutinied at Ravenna, they took possession of the Port there, crying out in a rude manner, and demanding that the Emperour would come before 'em. But he, for fear of the insurrection, be­ing got into some private place, one Jo­vius came out among 'em, who was the Prefect of the Court and honour'd with [Page 394]the Dignity of a Patrician; and making as if he knew not the reason why they mutinied (although himself was said to be the cause of it, together with Illebi­chus, who was Captain of the Domestick Horse) He ask'd them what ground they had to be so violent? But as soon as he heard the Soldiers say, that by all means they must have Turpillio, and Vigilantius the two Generals with Teren­tius the Imperial Chamberlain and Ar­sacius, next to him in Dignity, deliver'd to 'em; the Emperour fearing lest the Soldiers should revolt, condemn'd the two Generals to perpetual Exile: and they thereupon being put on board a Ship were kill'd by those that should have carry'd 'em [to the place of Ba­nishment.] For so indeed Jovius had commanded them to do; as fearing lest if they ever came back again, and dis­cover'd the intrigue that was laid against 'em, they might excite the Emperour to punish him for it. But Terentius was sent into the East, whilst Arsacius was order'd to live at Millain. And when the Emperour had made Eusebius Cham­berlain in the room of Terentius, given Valens, Turpillio's Command, and chosen Ellebichus Prefect instead of Vigilatius, [Page 395]he seemed in some measure to asswage the fury of the Soldiers.

But Jovius, who was Prosect of the Court, having transferr'd all the Power of managing the Emperour into his own hands, resolv'd to send Embassadours to Alarichus, to desire him to come even to Ra­venna, and [to tell him] that there they would conclude the Peace. Whereupon A­larichus being persuaded by the Letters that he receiv'd both from the Emperour and Jovius too, and being come as far as Ariminum, thirty miles from Ravenna, Jovius made haste thither also, as having been Alarichus's Friend and familiar Ac­quaintance in Epirus, to treat concern­ing the League. Now Alarichus made these following Demands: That he would have so much Gold every year, and such a quantity of Corn; as likewise that he and the Barbarians that were with him might inhabit both the Venetias, Nori­cum and Dalmatia. Which Demands of his when Jovius had written out in the presence of Alarichus, he sent 'em to the Emperour, with others Letters which he privately convey'd to him, to advise him that he would make Alarichus Ge­neral of both his Armies; for that he might thereby induce him to remit some­thing of the severity in his Conditions, [Page 396]and make a Peace upon pretty toler­able and moderate terms. But when the Emperour receiv'd that Epistle, he con­demn'd Jovius for his forward rashness, and sent him a Letter, wherein he told him, It was fit that he indeed, as being Prefect of the Court, and under­standing the strength of the publick Re­venues, should assign the quantity of Corn and Gold, but that he would ne­ver confer any Dignity or Command either upon Alarichus or any of his Fa­mily.

Which Epistle as soon as Jovius re­ceiv'd, he open'd and read it, not one­ly to himself but in Alarichus's hear­ing: who though he bore all other things very patiently, yet when he saw the Generalship deny'd not onely to himself, but to all his Family also, he was so enraged, that immediately he com­manded his Barbarians to march for Rome with all speed, to revenge the Af­front, offer'd both to him and all his Family. But Jovius being put to a stand when he saw the Emperour's unexpect­ed Letter, went back to Ravenna. And being desirous to acquit himself of all blame, he bound Honorius under seve­ral Oaths, never to make Peace with Alarichus, but to wage War against him [Page 397]continually: as he himself likewise swore, by touching the Emperour's Head, and made all others, that were in any Office, do the same.

Affairs being thus conserted, the Em­perour, who was to make War against Alarichus, call'd ten thousand Hunns to his assistance. And being willing to have Provision ready for 'em against they came, he commanded the Dalma­tians to bring in Corn, and Sheep and Oxen; sending his Scouts also to en­quire, how Alarichus intended to march to Rome, and mustering up his Forces from all quarters. But Alarichus in the mean time repented of his intended Voyage to Rome, and sent the Bishops of each City, not onely by way of Embassadours, but also to advise the Emperour, not to suffer such a City as that, which had commanded a great part of the World for above thou­sand years, to be deliver'd up and destroy'd by the Barbarian, not such magnificent Structures to be demolish­ed by Hostile flames, but that he would rather make a Peace upon some reaso­nable Conditions. For the Barbarian [he would have 'em tell the Emperour] neither wanted preferment, nor would he desire those Provinces now, which [Page 398]formerly he had a mind to dwell in, onely the two Norici, that lie upon the extream parts of Ister, harass'd with continual incursions, and bring in but a small Revenue to the Treasury. Be­sides which he would have only so much Corn every year, as the Emperour should think fit, and would remit the Gold: so that there should be a Friend­ship and Alliance betwixt him and the Romans against every one that took up Arms, or rise in opposition to the Em­pire. Which when Alarichus had mo­destly and soberly proposed, (whilst all People admired his moderation) Jovius and those that were the Emperour's greatest Ministers, said his Demands could not be possibly granted, since all Men that were in any Commission had sworn not to make Peace with Alari­chus. For if their Oath had been given to God, they might indeed have pro­bably broke it, and left it to the Deities Goodness to pardon 'em, for their impiety, but since they had sworn by the Emperour's Head, it was by no means lawful for 'em to offend a­gainst so great a Vow: So cautious were they that then had the manage­ment of publick Affairs, as being berest of Gods Care and Protection.

A New HISTORY Written by Count ZOSIMƲS, Sometime Advocate of the Treasury. The Sixth Book.

ALARICHƲS therefore be­ing thus affronted for these his reasonable Demands, made haste towards Rome with all his Army, design­ing to lay close Siege to that City. But at the same time there came one J [...]vius. a Man of great Learning and Virtue, from Constantine, who had usurp'd the Go­vernment of Gallia Celtica, to Honerius by [Page 400]way of an Embassadour, desiring that the former Peace, which they had agreed up­on, might be confirm'd, and begging par­don for the killing of Verenianus and Didy­mius, who were kinsmen to the Emperour Honorius. For he made an Apology and said, that they were not taken off by Con­stantine's good will. But seeing Honorius much troubled, he said it was convenient for him, since he was so embarass'd with the Affairs of Italy, to make some small concessions: and that if he would suffer him to go back to Constantine, and tell him what circumstances Italy was then in, that he himself would shortly re­turn thither with all the Forces in Cel­tica, Spain, and Britain, to relieve both Italy and Rome. Upon which Conditions Jovius was permitted to depart.

But since I have not given you a just Account concerning the state of Celtica, 'tis fit I should tell you particularly how things were carried there formerly. When Arcadius was Emperour ( Honorius being the seventh time, and Theodosius the se­cond time Consuls) the Soldiers in Bri­tain made an insurrection, and promoted Marcus to the Imperial Throne, paying all obedience to him as their chief Lord in those parts. But some time after when they had kill'd him, for not complying [Page 401]with their humours, they set up Grati­an, whom they presented with a Purple Robe and Diadem, and attended upon like an Emperour. But being disgusted at him likewise, they in four months af­ter deposed and murder'd him, deliver­ing the Empire up into the hands of Con­stantine. Who, having made Justinianus and Nevigastes Commanders of the Cel­tick Soldiery, left Britain and went over; but coming to Bononia (which is the nearest City to the Sea-side, lying in the lower Germany) and having stay'd there some days, he made all the Armies be­twixt that and the Alps, which part Gal­lia and Italy, his Friends, so that he now seemed secure of the Empire. But at the same time Stilico sent Sarus, as General, with an Army against Constantine; who meeting the General Justinianus with all the Forces which he had, slew him and most of his Soldiers: and, having made himself Master of great Spoils, went to besiege Valentia, where he understood that Constantine had taken up his Quar­ters, as being a City well guarded and se­cure for him to reside at. Whilst Nevi­gastes the surviving Commander making some overtures of Peace to Sarus, he re­ceived him as his Friend; but Sarus, though he mutually both gave and took an [Page 402]Oath to the contrary, immediatly kill'd him, without any regard to what he had sworn.

But when Constantine had made Edo­binchus, a Frank by extract, but born in Britain, and Gerontius, a Britain, his Com­manders [in the room of Justinian and Nevigastes] Sarus, who was affraid of these two upon the account of their Mi­litary experience and Courage, raised the Siege from before Valentia when he had lay'n there seven days. But Constantine's Officers attaqued him so briskly with their greatest vigour that he had much ado to escape alive, and was fain to give all his Spoils to the Bacaudae, to let him pass into Italy. Bacaudae, vel Robbers, [...]t memini. Now therefore when Sarus was thus got safe into Italy, Constantine, who had muster'd up all his Forces, resolv'd to set a sufficient guard upon the Alps, in three places, which obstruct the passage out of Celtica into Italy and so onward, com­monly call'd the Cottian, the Paenine, and the Maritime Alps. And the reason why he took such care was this:

Some years before, when Arcadius was in his sixth Consulate and Probus was his Collegue, the Vandals mixing with the Alanes and Suevians came over these pla­ces, and plunder'd the Countries beyond the Alps. Where when they had made a great slaughter, they became so formi­dable [Page 403]even to the Armies in Britain also, that they forced 'em (for fear lest they might proceed as far as their Country) to choose several Usurpers, as Marcus, Gratianus, and after them Constantinus: Against whom there was a sharp engage­ment; but the Romans overcame, and kill'd most part of the Barbarians: and yet, because they did not pursue those that ran away (or otherwise they might certainly have kill'd 'em every Man) they gave 'em time to recruit, and by muster­ing up a great number of Barbarians, to put themselves once more into a fighting posture. Now upon this account did Constantine set Guards upon these places, that those People might not have so free a passage into Gallia. He likewise secu­red the Rhine, which had been neglected since the Emperour Julian's time. And having thus ordered Affairs throughout all Gallia, he put his eldest Son Constans into the Habit of a Caesar and sent him into Spain. For he had a mind to be ab­solute Lord of all the Countries there, not onely out of a desire to enlarge his own Dominions, but to retrench the Power of Honorius's Kinsmen. For he was af­fraid, lest when they had gathered toge­ther an Army of the Soldiers that were in those parts, they might, one time or [Page 404]other, cross over the Pyrenian Mountains and set upon him, whilst Honorius, [pro­bably] might send an Army out of Italy and by environing of him on every side, depose him from his [usurped] Throne. So Constans went over into Spain, having Terentius for his General, and Apollinarius Prefect of his Court. And when he had appointed all the Officers about his Court both Military and Civil; He sent his Army under their Conduct against those who were akin to the Emperour Theo­dosius and disturb'd all Spain at that time. Who when they had made the first On­set against Constans with their Lusitanian [or Portugueze] Soldiers and found them­selves overpower'd, they muster'd up a vast company of Slaves and Countrey Fellows, by whose assistance they had like to have reduced him into most dangerous circumstances; but even in this case too they failed of their expectation, whilst they and their Wives were taken Priso­ners by Constans. Which accident being told to their Brothers, Theodosius and La­godius, the one of 'em ran into Italy, and the other escaped safe into the East. Now when Constans had done these exploits in Spain, he return'd to his Father Constan­tine, carrying Verenianus and Didymius a­long with him, but leaving his General, [Page 405] Gerontius, there, with the Gallick Soldiers, to guard the Pass from Celtica into Spain: although the Spanish Soldiers did desire that they might be trusted with that Af­fair, as they had been formerly, and that the safety of their Countrey might not be committed to the care of Strangers. So Verenianus and Didymius being brought to Constantine, were immediately put to Death.

But after that, Constans was a second time sent into Spain, and had Justus for his General. At which Gerontius being dis­gusted, and having obliged the Soldiers in those parts, he incited the Barbarians that were in Gallia Celtica to rise in opposition against Constantine. Whom see­ing Constantine was not able to withstand, for that the greater part of his Army was in Spain, the Barbarians beyond the Rhine did so licentiously over run all places, and reduced not onely the Bri­tains but some of the Celtick Nations al­so to such necessity, that they revolted from the Empire, and lived no longer un­der the Roman Laws but as they pleas'd themselves. The Britains therefore took up Arms and ventur'd upon any dange­rous enterprise upon the account of their own safety, till they had freed their Cities from the Barbarians that besieged [Page 406]'em. In like manner did all the Armori­chan Countrey [ Brittaigne in France] with the other Provinces in Gallia, who, in imitation of Britain, deliver'd them­selves the same way; by turning out the Roman Magistrates or Officers, and setting up a Government, such as they pleas'd, of their own.

This Revolt or Defection therefore of Britain and the Celtick Nations, hap­pen'd when Constantine usurp'd the Em­pire, by whose neglect of Government the Barbarians were emboldened to com­mit such Ravage. But in the mean time Alarichus in Italy, seeing he could not gain a Peace upon the Conditions that he proposed, nor had receiv'd any Ho­stages, invaded Rome once more, and threaten'd to storm it, if the Citizens would not take his part and go along with him against the Emperour Hono­rius. To which proposal they so long deferr'd their Answer, that he besieged the City; and marching to the Port, though he was some days before he could take it, yet at last he made himself Ma­ster of it. And finding that all the City Stores lay there, he threaten'd to distri­bute them among his own Men, unless the Romans would forthwith consent to his Proposals. Wherefore the whole Se­nate [Page 407]met, and having consulted what they should do, comply'd with all that Alari­chus commanded of 'em. For there was no avoiding Death, since no relief of Provisions was brought in from the Port to the City. Accordingly they receiv'd Alarichus's Embassy, invited him to their City, and, as they were commanded, set Attalus, Prefect of the City, upon an Imperial Throne, with a Purple Robe and Crown: who presently declared Lampa­dius Prefect of the Court, and Marcianus, of the City, but gave the Generalships to Alarichus and Valens (who formerly commanded the Dalmatian Legions) di­stributing the other Offices to others in order. Then with an Imperial Guard about him he went toward the Court, though many ill Omens attended him by the way. The next day going into the Senate he made a Speech, full of Ar­rogance; wherein he told 'em with great Ostentation that he would subdue the whole World to the Romans, and do things greater than that too. For which perhaps the Gods were angry and design'd soon after to remove him.

But the Romans therefore were over­joy'd, having not onely gotten other Ma­gistrates that knew how to manage things very well, but Tertullus also, at whose [Page 408]promotion to the Consulship they were exceedingly pleas'd. Nor was any body troubled at these things that all Men thought conduced to publick good, but onely the Family of the Anicii; because they alone having almost all the Money in the City, were sorry to see things go so well. But when Alarichus wisely advi­sed Attalus to send a convenient Army into Africa and to Carthage, thereby to depose Heraclianus from his Dignity, lest he, who was Honorius's Friend, should obstruct their Designs, Attalus would not hearken to his Admonitions, but being possess'd with those hopes which the Soothsayers gave him, and persuaded that he should conquer all Africa and Car­thage too without fighting, he would not send forth Drumas, who with those Barbarians that he had with him, might easily have turn'd Heraclianus out of his Office; but neglecting Alarichus's Advice, gave the Command of all the Soldiers in Africa to one Constantine, yet sent no good fighting Men along with him. But in the mean time, whilst the Affairs of Africa were at an uncertainty, he un­dertook an expedition against the Em­perour, who was at Ravenna. Where­upon the Emperour was so troubled and frighted, that he sent out Embassadours [Page 409]to desire that the Empire might be di­vided between them. But Jovius whom Attalus had made Prefect of the Court, said that Attalus should not leave Hono­rius so much as the Title of an Empe­rour, no not a whole body: for that he would send him to live in an Island, and maim him in some part of his body. At which haughty expressions all Men were affrighted, and Honorius was just ready to take his flight; but when, for that purpose, he had gotten together a vast number of Ships into the Port at Ravenna, six Regiments of Auxiliary Sol­diers arrived there, which were expected whilst Stilico was alive, but came not out of the East till that time; being in number six thousand. At whose arrival Honorius being awaked (as it were) out of a dead sleep, he entrusted the keep­ing of the Walls to them that came out of the East, and resolv'd to stay at Ra­venna, till he had better intelligence con­cerning the Affairs of Africa. And if Heraclianus got the upper-hand, that then, when things were setled and secure in those parts, he would make War with his whole Army against Alarichus and Attalus: but if, on the contrary, those that he sent into Africa, were worsted, that then he would sail away into the [Page 410]East to Theodosius with those Ships which he had in readiness and relinquish the Western Empire.

And thus it was with Honorius. But Jovius, who was sent Embassadour to Ho­norius (as I told you before) began to think of treasonable Designs, being cor­rupted by Honorius through other Men. He therefore told the Senate that he would be no longer an Embassadour, and withal spoke some unhandsom words before them, as, that they ought, since those whom they had sent into Africa had failed of good success, to send Barbarians into the War against Heraclianus. For since that Constantine was slain, their hopes, from that part of the World, were in a wa­vering condition. But Attalus being en­raged, and having employ'd others to give Orders what he would have done, there were others sent with Money into Africa, to assist in the present juncture there. Which when Alarichus understood he was displeased at it, and began to despair of Attalus's concerns, who went about things so rashly as if he were a Fool, without either reason or prospect of advantage. And therefore when he had consider'd of these things, he resolv'd to draw off from Ravenna, although he [formerly] de­termin'd to prosecute the Siege, till he [Page 411]took it. For Jovius had persuaded him so to do; who when he heard that the Ge­neral sent by Attabus into Africa had ut­terly miss'd of his aim, he apply'd him­self wholly to the Affairs of Honorius, and was always speaking ill of Attalus to Alarichus, out of a Design that he had to make him believe, that as soon as Attalus had secur'd the Empire into his own hands, he would first contrive the death of Alarichus and all that were akin to him. But whilst Alarichus continu'd constant to the Oath which he had given to Attalus, Valens, General of the Horse or Cavalry, was taken off upon suspi­tion of Treason: and Alarichus in the mean time went with his Army to all the Cities of Aemilia, that had deny'd very easily to receive Attalus as their Go­vernour. And some of them he quickly reduced; but having besieged Bononia which held out many days, without be­ing able to take it, he went toward Li­guria, to force that Countrey also into an acknowledgment of Attalus for their Emperour.

But Honorius having sent Letters to the Cities in Britain, by way of advice for them to look to themselves, and re­warded the Soldiers with the Money sent from Heraclianus, he lived at all ease [Page 412]imaginable, since he had contracted the love of the Soldiers in all places. And Hera­clianus having seized and guarded all the Ports in Africa with all security, so that neither Corn, nor Oil, nor any other pro­vision could be carry'd into the Port of Rome, there fell a Famine upon the City, more grievous than the former; and the Market-men [or those that sold things in the Market] concealed all their goods, I [...]gr [...]ssers, Forestallers. out of hopes to get all the Mony to themselves, by setting what price they pleased upon their Commodities. By which means the City was reduced to such extremities, that those who hoped that Man's flesh would be eaten, cry'd out in the Hippodrome, or place for Horse-Races, Lay a certain Rate upon Man's f [...]sh.

Upon which occasion Attalus went to Rome, and call'd the Senate together, who, after some Debate, were, most of 'em of Opinion, that the Barbarians and the Ro­man Soldiers, ought to be sent into Africa and that Drumas should be their General, as being a Person that had given great te­stimonies of his fidelity and good will al­ready. Onely Attalus and a few more did not agree in judgment with the majority of the House, nor was he willing to send out any Barbarian as General of a Roman Army. Now this was the first time that [Page 413] Alarichus had an Eye upon Attalus to take him off or depose him, though Jovius had formerly by continual Calumnies and false Accusations instigated him thereunto. Wherefore to put his Design in execution, he brought Attalus out before the City A­riminum, where he then lived, and taking off his Diadem, and stripping him of his Purple Rope, he sent 'em to the Emperour Honorius. But though he reduced Attalus to the condition of a private Person before all the People, yet he kept him and his Son Ampelius at his own House, till he had made Peace with Honorius; and then he procur'd their Pardon. Placida also, the Emperour's Sister was with Alarichus, in the nature of an Hostage, but had all the Honour and Attendance belonging to the Quality of a Princess.

And this was the State of Italy, whilst Constantine gave his Son Constans a Diadem, and from a Caesar made him Emperour: after he had depriv'd Apollinarius of his Office, and made another Person Pre­fect of the Court in his room. In the mean time Alarichus went to Ravenna, to confirm the Peace with Honorius, but For­tune found out another Obstacle beyond all expectation, and pointed out, as it were, what should befal the Commonwealth. For whilst that Sarus lay with a few Bar­barians [Page 414]in Picenum, and joyn'd neither with the Emperour, nor Alarichus neither, A­taulphus who had a grudg against him, upon the score of some former difference, came with his whole Army to that place where Sarus chanced to be. But as soon as Sarus saw him coming, he, finding him­self not able to fight him (as having only three hundred Men) resolved to fly to Ho­norius and be his Ally in the War against Alarichus.—