A DISCOURSE UPON IMPROVING THE REVENUE OF THE STATE OF ATHENS.

Written Originally in Greek by Xenophon.

And made English from the Original, with some Historical Notes: By W. M. Esq;

LONDON, Printed for J. Knapton, at the Crown in St. Paul's Church-Yard. 1697.

TO THE AUTHOR OF THE ESSAY UPON Ways and Means.

SIR,

AT length the WAR, which has been carry'd on for so many Years, with such Expence of Blood, and Treasure to the Nation, is at an End; and [Page 4]we have the fairest prospect imagi­nable of a lasting PEACE, and a happy Settlement under the Go­vernment of a Prince, who after He has employ'd His Arms abroad with so much Success for the De­fence of our Liberties; will, we hope, turn all His Councils to the finishing so Glorious a Design, and be as Renown'd to future Ages, for the Peaceful Arts of Government, as for His Military Virtues: As His Courage has made us Safe, so His Wisdom, undoubtedly, will make us Rich and Happy, by the improvement of our Navigation, and the increase of our Trade: For 'tis to Trade we owe the Rise and Progress of the English Greatness, that has enabled us to support so te­dious a War against the most formi­dable Power which has been known in Europe for these many Ages, and that alone can enable us to discharge the vast Debts we have [Page 5]contracted by the WAR. Trade being of such mighty Consequence to the Interest of the Nation, will, we hope, meet with due Encourage­ment and Protection from our Laws, and will be settled under the ablest Management, and the wisest Regu­lation. These Branches of our Com­merce which have been impair'd or lost by the Piratick WAR, and the fatal Interruption of our Navigati­on, may be retriev'd by the PEACE, and other Trades, and particular­ly that with France, which the Negligence, or the mistaken Coun­sells of the last Reigns had fetled upon a Foot so distructive to our Interest, may be establish'd to our Advantage in a new Treaty of Com­merce. The great Trade to the East-Indies with some few Regula­tions, might be establish'd upon a Bottom more consistent with the Manufactures of England; but in all Appearance, this is not to be [Page 6]compass'd, unless some publick spirited Man with a Masterly Ge­nious be plac'd at the Head of out Affairs in India; and though we who are his Friends, are loath to loose him, 'twere to be wish'd, for the Good of the Kingdom, that the Gentleman whom common Fame, and the Voice of the World, have pointed out as the ablest Man for such a Station, would employ his excellent Judgment and Talents that way, in the Execution of so usefull a Design.

The general Interest of a Na­tion, ought to be the Care of par­ticular Men, the main bent of their Studies, and the chief Pursuit of their Inquiries: Every Man ought to set his helping Hand to such a a Work: And your own generous Labours upon this Subject, have set an excellent Pattern to the rest of the World. To this End I pre­sent [Page 7]you with a Translation of this Discourse of Xenophon upon the Subject of Revenue and Trade, and I fancy it will be no unwelcome Entertainment to you, to find your own admirable Observations upon these Matters; confirm'd by the Au­thority of one of the greatest Men that ever Antiquity produc'd, and the only ancient Author upon this Subject, which is now extant. You will admire the Force and Solidity of his Observations, the Exactness of his Calculations, the justness, and freedom of his Thoughts, not confin'd to the narrow Notions of Parties and Factions, and the vi­gour of his Judgment and Elo­quence at so great an Age. The general Rules for the Increase of Riches and Trade, are either di­rectly advanc'd, or may be very naturally deduc'd from this Dis­course. That admirable Maxim That the true Wealth and Greatness of a [Page 8]Nation, consists in Numbers of People, well employ'd, is every where incul­cated throughout the whole Course of the Treatise. And I believe Xenophon was the first Author that ever argu'd by Political Arithme­tick, or the Art of Reasoning up­on things by Figures, which has been improv'd by some able Heads of our own Nation, and carry'd to the highest Perfection by your own successful Inquiries.

As for what relates to my Trans­lation, I have rather chosen to ren­der the Sense and Meaning of the Author, than his Words, or his Manner: The Purity, Politeness, and the unaffected Simplicity of his Stile, are Graces not to be copy'd by the Barrenness and Barbarity of our Modern Languages.

I hope the Translation is faithful, and exact; if there are any Mistakes, [Page 9]I desire the candid Reader to forgive them: I have added some Histori­cal Notes at the End, to explain some Difficulties relating to the Law and Customs of the Grecian People. I am,

SIR,
Your very Affectionate Friend, W. M.

A DISCOURSE UPON Improving the Revenue OF THE STATE OF ATHENS.

I Always held it for a certain Maxim, that Governments resembled their Governors, and that the Prosperity, or Declension, the Vigor or Decay of all States, was deriv'd from the Vir­tues and Vices, the Abilities or Weakness [Page 12]of their Rulers: But since 'tis general­ly alleadg'd in vindication of the Athe­nian Ministry, that they understand the common Principles of Justice as well as the rest of Mankind, but that they are compell'd by the (1.) Necessities of the common People to oppress their (2.) Con­federate Cities with unreasonable Tri­butes, and Taxes: I have attempted to examin whither this Apology is well grounded, and whither they are not ca­pable by the Native Riches, and Reve­nue of the State of Athens, to maintain the whole Body of our People, which is the justest, and mos honourable Pro­vision can be thought of: For I ima­gine if such a Design could be compass'd, that the Wants of the People would be more effectually reliev'd, and the Jea­lousies, and Suspicions of our Neigh­bours would be quieted.

Upon a general view of the whole Matter, it appear'd to me that the Athe­nian Territory is capable of affording a mighty Income, and Revenue, the truth of which Assertion may be easily evinc'd by a brief Survey of the State, and Na­ture of the Country.

The Fruits of the Earth, and Native Products of our Soil, are a Proof of the temperature of our Climate, and the [Page 13]mildness of our Seasons; for we have Plants which bear in great abundance in our Country, which will never grow in others; and our Sea, as well as Land, abounds in all Things necessary for Life, or Luxury: Add to this, that all the Blessings which the Gods have made pe­culiar to the different Season of the Year, begin earlier, and end later with us, than in any Part of the World.

Besides the vast plenty we enjoy of perishable Goods, our Soil affords us some staple and permanent Commodi­ties, such as our noble Quarries of Mar­ble, out of which are drawn the best Materials for the Building, and Orna­ment of Temples, and for the Altars and Statues of the Gods, and which both the Greeks, and barbarous Nations set a high Value upon.

And where the Soil is too barren to receive the common Improvements of Husbandry, it contains hidden Treasures, which will feed a much greater Number of Mouths, than any arable Lands can doe: For the Divine Bounty has be­stow'd upon us inexhaustible Mines of Silver, an Advantage which we enjoy above all our Neighbouring Cities by Sea, and Land, who never yet could [Page 14]discover one Vein of Silver Oar in all their Dominions.

We have Reason likewise to believe that Athens is seated in the Center of Greece, and the habitable World; for all Nations are incommoded with more intense Degrees of Heat or Cold in pro­portion to their He means North or South. distance from us; and that we lie in the Heart of Greece is evi­dent, for all Travellers, that pass by Sea or Land, from one Extremity of Greece to the other, must take Athens in their Way.

And tho' Attica is no Island, yet we have the same Benefit of Trading with all Winds, for we are bounded on two Sides by the Sea, and being join'd to the Continent we have the Con­venience of driving on an Inland Traffick.

Other Cities lie expos'd to the Fury of barbarous Nations, but we are so far from having so ill a Neighbourhood, that the States that border immediately upon us, lie at a remote distance from them.

To all those Advantages which con­spire to the Felicity, and greatness, of our State, and which [...] owe to the happy Situation, and the native Wealth of our Country, a mighty Improvement might [Page 15]be made by the Institution of publick Laws, in favour of Strangers that esta­blish themselves among us; for besides the general Benefits deriv'd to all Cities from Numbers of People, our Strangers would be so far from living on the Publick, and receiving Pensions from the State as our own Citizens do, that they would maintain themselves, and be the Foundation of the Noblest Branch of our Revenue by the Payment of the (3.) Aliens Duties.

An effectual Inducement to the Set­tlement of Foreigners among us might be establish'd, by taking off all those publick Marks of Dishonour from them which are of no Service, nor Advan­tage to the State, and by excusing them from serving among our heavy arm'd Troops; for an Exemption from the Dangers of War, and from the neces­sity of being absent from their Families, and (4.) Trades, would be a very powerful Encouragement.

'Tis likewise the Interest of the Com­mon-Wealth, rather to fight our Battles with our own Troops, than to keep up in our Armies, a mixture of Lydians, Phrygians and Syrians, and all kinds of barbarous Nations, out of whom the great­est Number of our Aliens are compos'd.

Besides the Advantage of avoiding the Confusion such a Mixture of Troops produces, 'twould be more for our Repu­tation Abroad, to trust the Fortune of our State to the Courage, and Valour of our own Citizens, than in the Hands of Foreigners,

Besides all other proper encourage­ment to Strangers, the Priviledge of be­ing (5.) inroll'd among our Horse, would more warmly unite the in our Interests, and prove a solid Foundati­on of Strength, and greatness of the State.

'Twould be likewise a strong Induce­ment to greater Numbers of considera­ble Strangers to plant among us, if we gave the (6.) wast Ground with­in our Walls to be built on by such of them as deserv'd, and desir'd it of the Publick.

The Institution of a new (7.) Magi­stracy, like the (8.) publick Guardians of our Orphans, for the protection, and Security of Strangers, with Rewards of Honours, and Dignities to those, who by their Care, and Industry, procur'd the most numerous Settlements of Fo­reigners among us, would gain the Af­fections of our Aliens, and would have a very happy Effect, in drawing a vast [Page 17]concourse of Exiles, [...] Men whose Ci­ties have been de­stroy'd. Exiles, and Strangers to live under the Protection of our Go­vernment, and augment our publick Re­nenue.

That of all Cities, Athens lies the fair­est for inviting an extended Commerce, is evident from the convenience of our Stations, and Harbours, where Ships can ride secure in all Weather. And whereas in other trading Cities, Merchants are forc'd to barter one Commodity For an­other, in regard their Coin is not cur­rent abroad, we abound not only in Ma­nufactures, and Products of our own Growth, sufficient to answer the De­mands of all Foreign Traders, but in case they refused to export our Goods, in return for their own, they may trade with us to Advantage, by receiving Sil­ver in exchange for them, (9.) which transported to any other Market, would pass for more than they took it for at Athens.

'Twould be a great Encouragement to Commerce, if Prizes, and Rewards were allotted to such (10.) Judges of the Courts-Merchant, as made the quickest, and justest Determination of all Causes relating to Trader, that the Merchant might not loose the Benefit of his Market by an attendance upon the Courts of Ju­stice.

'Twould be likewise for the Honour and Advantage of the Publick, to give the first Rank (11.) and Precedence in all publick Places to Foreign Sea-men, and Merchants, and to invite to the publick Feasts of the City, such of them as by their Ships, or Commodities do service to the State; for this Distinction of Ho­nour as well as the Consideration of their own Profit, would invite them to make quick Returns from their Voyages to so friendly a Government.

And 'tis manifest beyond all Contra­diction, that our Trade and Commerce would be extended, our Exportations, and Importations increas'd, and the standing Income, and Revenue of the State improv'd, in proportion to the Number of Foreign Sea-men, and Mer­chants of all kinds that establish them­selves among us.

To the Improvement of these Arti­cles of our Revenue, nothing more is requir'd than a generous Lenity, and Indulgence in our publick Laws, and an universal Encouragement, and Pro­tection to Strangers. But the Improve­ments that may be added by other Me­thods to advance our standing Income, will of Necessity require a Settlement of some Publick (12.) Fond.

And I have good Grounds to believe that the People will make large Contri­butions in favour of such a publick Un­dertaking, when I consider what Sums they advanc'd when we sent Succours to the Arcadians under the Command of Lysistratus, and likewise of (13.) He­gesilans.

How often we have set out Squa­drons of Gallies by extraordinary Sub­sidies, without any certain Prospect of Advantage to the State, but this we were all sure of, that no particular Con­tributer would ever be repaid the whole, or any part of his Money.

But in the present Case no Man can possess a more Honourable, or Advan­tagious Revenue, than what he will re­ceive in Recompence for his Contribu­tion to this publick Fond: For a Con­tributer of Ten Minae, will receive a (14.) Triobolon a Day from the State, which in a Year's time, amounts to near 20 per Cent. which is a running In­come as high as the Produce of (15.) Nautick Interest: And a Contributer of five Minae, will at the Year's End re­ceive more than a (16.) third Part of the Capital Summ he advanc'd: As for the Body of the People, if they pay in one Mina a Piece, they will in a Years [Page 20]time very near (17.) double their Prin­cipal Money, and be paid in the City, without any hazzard, or Contingency, upon the Security of the publick, Faith, which is the most certain, and most lasting Profit.

I am of Opinion likewise, that pri­vate Strangers, and (18.) foreign Ci­ties, Kings, and Governours, if they had the Honour of being register'd to Poste­rity in our publick Monuments, and Records, as Benefactors to the State, would mutually vie in emulation who should contribute most largely to the carrying on so generous a Design.

The necessary Fonds being advanc'd, 'twould be for the Honour and Interest of the State, to build a greater Num­ber of publick Inns, and Houses of En­tertainment in our Ports, for the use of Sea-men, in the trading Parts of the Ci­ty for Merchants, and in general for the Reception of all Strangers whatso­ever.

And if we build Shops, Ware-houses, and Exchanges for common Retailers, the Rents of the Houses would be a great Addition to our publick Revenues, and the magnificence of the Buildings would be an Ornament to the City.

As the Publick builds Gallies for War, so it might likewise be for the Advan­tage of the State to make a new Ex­periment, and build Merchant-Ships for Trade, which might be farm'd out, like the other Branches of our Revenue, upon good Security; for if this Design was found practicable, it would prove a considerable Article in the Increase of our publick Income.

Our Silver Mines alone, if rightly manag'd, besides all the other Branches of our Revenue, would be an inestima­ble Treasure to the Publick. But for the Benefit of those who are unskill'd in Inquiries of this Nature, I design to premise some general Considerations up­on the true State, and Value of our Silver-Mines, that the Publick, upon a right Information, may proceed to the taking such Measures, and Councils, as may improve them to the best Ad­vantage.

No one ever pretended from Tradi­tion, or the earliest Accounts of Time, to determine when these Mines first be­gan to be wrought, which is a Proof of their Antiquity, and yet as ancient as they are, the Heaps of Rubbish which have been dug out of them, and lie above Ground, bear no Proportion [Page 22]with the vast Quantities which still re­main below, nor does there appear any sensible Decay, or Diminution in our Mines, but as we dig on, we still disco­ver fresh Veins of Silver-Oar in all Parts, and when we had most Labourers at work in the Mines, we found that we had still Business for more Hands than were employ'd.

Nor do I find that the Adventurers in the Mines retrench the Number of their Workmen, but purchase as many new Slaves as they can get; for their Gains are greater, or less, in Proportion to the Number of Hands they imploy. And this is the only Profession I know of where the Undertakers are never envy'd be their Stock or Profits never so extra­ordinary, because their Gains never in­terfere with those of their Fellow Tra­ders.

Every Husbandman knows how ma­ny Yoak of Oxen and Servants are ne­cessary to cultivate his Farm, and if he imploys more than he has occasion for, reckons himself so much a Looser; but no Dealer in the Silver Mines ever thought he had Hands enow to set to work.

For there is, the Difference between this▪ and all other Professions, that where­as in other Callings, for Instance, Bra­ziers and Black-Smiths, when their Trades are over-stock'd, are undone, because the Price of their Commodities is lower'd of course, by the multitude of Sellers; and likewise a good Year of Corn, and a plentiful Vintage, for the same Reason does hurt to the Farmers, and forces them to quit their Employments, and set up publick Houses, or turn Mer­chants and Bankers.

But here the Case is quite otherwise, for the more Oar is found, and the more Silver is wrought, and made, the more Adventurers come in, and the more Hands are employ'd in our Mines.

A Master of a Family indeed when he is well provided with Furniture, and Houshold-Goods, buys no more, but no Man was ever so overstock'd with Silver, as not to desire a further Increase: if there are any who have more than their Occasions require, they hoard up the rest with as much Pleasure as if they actually made use of it.

And when a Nation is in a flourishing Condition, no One is at a loss how to em­ploy his Money: The Men lay it out [Page 24]in fine Armour, in Horses, and in magni­ficent Houses and Buildings; Women lay it but in great Equipage, costly Ha­bits, and rich Cloaths.

And in Accidents of War when our Lands lie fallow, and uncultivated, or in a publick Dearth, and Scarcity, what Reserve have we left so apply to but Silver, to purchase Necessaries for our Subsistance, or hire Auxiliaries for our Defence?

If 'tis objected that Gold is as useful as Silver, I will not dispute it, but this I am sure of, that plenty of Gold al­ways lower'd its Value, and advanc'd the Price of Silver.

I have insisted the longer upon these general Reflections to encourage Adven­turers of all kinds, to employ as many Hands as possible in so advantageous a Trade, from these plain Considerations, that the Mines can never be (19.) ex­hausted, nor can Silver ever lose its Value.

That the Publick has known this long before, is evident from our Laws, which allow Foreigners to work our Mines upon the (20.) same Terms and Con­ditions our own Citizens enjoy.

But to draw this Discourse more im­mediately to the Subject of my present Consideration, which is the Maintenance [Page 25]of our Citizens, I will begin to propose those Ways, and Means, by which the Silver-Mines may be improv'd to the highest Benefit, and Advantage to the Publick. Nor do I set up for the Vani­ty of being admir'd for an Author of new Discoveries: For that Part of my following Discourse which relates to the Examples of the present Age, lies obvi­ous to all the World; as for what is past 'tis Matter of Fact, and every Man might inform himself that would be at the Pains of inquiring.

'Tis very strange, that after so many Precedents of private Citizens of Athens, who have made their Fortunes by the Mines, the Publick should never think of following their Examples: For we who have made Inquiry into this Matter have heard, that Nicias, the Son of Nicera­tus, had a thousand Slaves employ'd in the Mines, whom he let out to So­sias the Thracian, upon Condition to re­ceive an Obolus a Day, clear of all Charges, for every Head, and that the same Complement of Workmen should be always kept on Foot.

In like manner Hipponicus has 600 Slaves let out at the same Rate, which yielded him a Revenue of a Mina a Day, and Philemonides 300, which [Page 26]brought him half a Mina a Day, and many others made the same Ad­vantage, in proportion to the Number of Slaves they possess'd, But what need we to appeal Precedents of an elder Date, when at this Day we have so many In­stances of the same Nature before our Eyes?

In the Proposals which I offer, there is only One thing new, namely, That as private Men have a constant Revenue coming in from the Slaves whom they let out to work in the Mines, so the Publick in imitation of their Example, should purchase as many Slaves to be imploy'd in the same manner, as will treble the Number of their own Ci­tizens.

Let any reasonable Man take this whole Proposal to pieces, and examin every distinct Head apart, and then judge whether the Design is feasible or not. 'Tis plain the State can bear the Charge of the Price of the Slaves bet­ter than private Men. And nothing can be easier than for the Senate to make Proclamation for all that have Slaves to sell, to bring them in, and then buy them up for the publick Use.

And when they are bought, what should hinder any one from hiring them of the State upon the same Terms they hire them from private Men? For we see that our Revenues are farm'd by particular Men, and the repair, and the building of our publick Structures and Temples (21.) are let out to private Undertakers.

And that the Publick may be no loser by the Desertion of Slaves, or other Accidents, the Adventurens in the Mines like the Farmers of our Reve­nue should be oblig'd to give good Security to save the State harmless: Though at the same time the Com­mon-Wealth may be much more easily cheated by the Farmers of their Re­venue, than by the Hirers of their Slaves.

For how is it possible to discover the Frauds that are committed in the Ma­nagement of the Publick Money▪ there being no visible Distinction between publick and private Money▪ the same Materials, and Stamp being common to both. But when our Slaves are burnt with the publick Mark of the State, with severe Penalties to be inflicted up­on all that buy, or sell them; what Dan­ger is there of their being stole? Thus [Page 28]much of my Proposal as relates to the buying and preserving our Slaves, ap­pears practicable beyond all Contra­diction.

If any one questions whether after we have purchas'd a great Number of Work­men, there will be Adventurers enow to hire them of the Publick, let him consider, that the Undertakers who have a good Stock of Slaves will hire more of the State; for the Mines are so great, that they will require a vast Number of Hands to work them; and many of the Workmen that are grown old, and unserviceable, and many others, Athenians, and Strangers whose Bodies are not vigorous enough for Labour, yet would be willing to get their Living by easier Callings, would turn Adventu­rers in the Mines, and hire our Slaves; so that there is little danger of wanting Employment for our Workmen.

Twelve hundred Slaves, when bought, will probably in five or six Year's time, produce a Revenue sufficient to purchase as many more as will make the Num­ber 6000. This Number at the rate of ah Obolus a Day a Head, clear of all Charges, will afford a Yearly Revenue of (22) sixty Talents.

And if but twenty of these Talents are laid out in the Purchase of more Slaves, the City may employ the over­plus as they think convenient; and when the Number of Slaves is increas'd to 10000. it will produce a standing Re­venue to the Publick, of a hundred Talents a Year.

To demonstrate that the Mines would take up a greater Proportion of Slaves to work 'em, I appeal to the Authori­ty of all these living Witnesses who re­member, what Numbers of Workmen were employ'd in them before the taking of (23) Decelea by the Lacedemonians. And our Silver Mines that have been wrought for so many Ages, with such Numbers of Hands, and continue still so far from being drein'd, or exhausted, that we can discover no visible dif­ference in their present State from the Accounts our Ancestors have deli­ver'd down to us, are undeniable proofs of my Assertion.

And their present Condition is a good Argument that there never can be more Hands at work in the Mines than there is Employment for: For we dig on still without finding any Bottom or End of our Mines, or decay of the Silver-Oar.

And at this Day we may open new Mines as well as in former Ages, and no one can determin whether the new Mines may not prove more Rich than the old Ones.

If any one demands why our Miners are not so forward in pursuit of new Discoveries, as formerly, I answer, 'tis not long since that the Mines have be­gun to be wrought afresh, and the pre­sent Adventurers are not rich enough to run the Risque of such an Under­taking.

For if they discover a rich Mine their Fortunes are made, but if they fail, they lose all the Charges they have been at; and this Consideration chiefly has dis­courag'd the Adventurers from trying so dangerous an Experiment.

But in Order to remedy this Difficul­ty, I have some (24) Proposals to of­fer to the Publick. There are Ten Tribes at Athens, and to each of these I would have the Government assign an equal Proportion of their publick Slaves, to be imploy'd in search of new Mines, and the gains to be equally divided in common among all the Sharers in the Ten Tribes: For if the Mines were once settled upon this Establishment, and the whole Undertaking carry'd on by a Na­tional [Page 31]Stock, the Adventurers would run little Hazard; and if but one of the Ten Tribes succeeded in the Attempt, the whole Community would be Gainers; and if two, threes four or half the Tribes had the same good Fortune, the Profits would be proportionably greater; for 'tis a wild Supposition, and against the Ex­perience of all Ages, to imagin that not One in Ten should succeed in such an Undertaking.

Companies of private Adventures may carry on the same Trade in a Joint-Stock, nor is there any danger that they and the National Company will interfere one with another, but as Con­federates are strengthen'd by their mu­tual Assistance to each other, so the more Adventurers of all kinds are imploy'd in the Mines, so much larger will the Gains, and Advantages be to all.

Thus have I briefly propos'd some Considerations to the Publick, for esta­blishing the Management of the Natio­nal Revenue upon such an Institution as shall make effectual Provision for the whole Body of our People.

Nor let any Man be discourag'd from the Considerations of the vast Expence, which will be necessary for the perfecting so great a Work: For there is no Neces­sity [Page 32]that either the whole Design must be finish'd at once, or the Publick will receive no Advantage from it; Quite contrary, every Step we advance in our Way, the State will gain Ground; and by the gradual Progress we make in our publick Buildings in the rigging out our Trading-Vessels, or in the Purchase of our Slaves, the Common-Wealth will be an immediate Gainer.

And 'tis certainly more for the Ad­vantage of the Publick to parcel out the Design, and finish it by degrees: For when many Houses are building at once, they cost more, and are worse built: In like manner, if we purchase our Complement of Slaves all at once, we must pay more for them, and buy worse into the Bargain.

But if we proceed gradually accord­ing to to our Abilities, we shall still have the same Advantage of continu­ing any right Methods we pitch'd upon in the Beginning, and shall be at liberty to correct the Oversights, and Mistakes we made at our first setting out. And if we perfect some Parts of our Under­taking, and delay the Execution of the rest, the Revenue arising from part of our Design, which is finish'd, will be suffi­cient to answer the whole Expence of [Page 33]the Remainder. But if we resolve to execute the whole Project at once, the whole Charge of the Enterprize must be rais'd at once likewise.

And then the great Difficulty which will be objected to this whole Scheme is, that in case the Publick purchase so great a Number of Slaves, the Mines may happen to be overstock'd; but there can be no Grounds for such an Appre­hension, if we take care every Year to imploy no more than there is actually Occasion for.

Thus I think the easiest Methods of finishing this Design are the best, and most effectual. It may be objected that the immense Charges of this War have exhausted our Treasure in such a man­ner, that 'twill be impossible for the Publick to raise any new Subsidies, much less to advance the Necessary Fonds for such an Undertaking. But this Dif­ficulty may be easily remov'd, for let the State employ no more Money in the Administration of the Government the next Year after we have a Peace, than the annual Income of the Publick pro­duc'd during the War, and whatever addi­tional Improvements of our Revenue are made by the Peace, from the Incourage­ment of Strangers, and Merchants, from [Page 34]the Increase of our Exportations, and Importations, occasion'd by the resort of more People, and from a greater Vent of Commodities in our Ports and Mar­kets, let all that be appropriated to this particular Service, in order to advance the National Revenue.

If any One imagins that a War will ruine our Works, let him but consider that the Execution of this Design, will enable us to meet a Foreign Invasion, with so many Advantages on our side, that a War in such a Juncture will be less formidable to us, than to our Ene­mies themselves.

For what Advantage can better ena­ble us to carry on a vigorous and suc­cessful War, than Numbers of Men? and by such an Addition to the Stock of our People, as might be made by due care and incouragement; what Levies might be rais'd, what mighty Fleets and Armies set out to disappoint all the De­signs of our Enemies?

And I have Reason to believe that 'tis possible to work our Mines in the con­juncture of a foreign War, for they are cover'd on the South-Sea, by a strong Citadel in Anaphlystus, and on the North-Sea, by another in Thoricus and these [Page 35]two Fortresses lie at a distance of but 60 Furlongs from one another.

And if a third Fort was built upon the top of a high Mountain, in the mid­dle of the two former, the three Works would meet together, and our Silver Mines would be inclosed in a Circle, and guarded on all sides, and the Work­men at the first Notice of an Invasion might retire to a Place of Security.

But if we are invaded with more Nu­merous Armies, our Enemies may make themselves Masters of our Corn, Wine, and Cattle that lie without the Works; but if they possess themselves of our Sil­ver Mines, what can they find to carry off more than a heap of Stones and Rubbish.

But how is it possible for our Ene­mies to make an Inroad upon our Mines? For the City Megara, which lies nearest, is above 500 Furlongs from them; and Thebes, which is nearer than any but Megara, is more than 600 Fur­longs distant from them.

If they advance to our Mines in a small Body from this side, they must leave Athens behind them, and run the hazard of being cut off by our Horse, and flying Parties; for 'tis a wild Noti­on [Page 36]to imagine that they will invade us with their whole Force, and unguard their own Country, and leave it expos'd to our Inroads; for in such a Case, Athens would be nearer to their Cities than their own Army.

But suppose they march'd up to our Mines with a Numerous Army, how could they Subsist for want of Provi­sions? If they forrag'd in small Parties, they would be in danger of having their Conveys intercepted; if they forrag'd with their whole Armies, they must act upon the defensive, and we should be the Aggressors.

The Revenue arising from our Slaves would not only make a considerable Article in the Charge of maintaining our Citizens, but by the vast Concourse of People from all Parts, the Customs of the Fairs, and Markets at the Mines, and the Rent of our Publick Buildings, and Melting-houses, and many other Heads would produce a mighty Income to the State.

The State upon such an Establish­ment would be peopled with a prodi­gious Number of Inhabitants, and the value of Lands at the Mines would be as high as those that lie near Athens.

A pursuit of such Measures and Coun­cils would not only in rich the City, but introduce a habit of Obedience in the People; reform their Discipline, and revive the Courage of the Nation.

For if upon this Improvement of our Revenue, a larger Allowance was esta­blish'd for the maintenance of our Youth, they would be train'd up to the Art of War in our (25.) Publick Academies with more exactness, and performe their Military Exercises with a more regular Discipline, than the Racers in the (26) Torch-Course are taught to observe. And our Troops in Garrison, and the standing Guards of our Coasts, would do their Duty in their several Posts with more cheerfulness, if any effectual Provision was setled for their subsistence.

If it be made appear that the Reve­nue of Athens can never be improv'd, or advanc'd to the full height without a Peace, it may deserve the publick In­quiry, whether the Establishment of a (27) Council of Peace would not be for the Benefit and Advantage of the State.

For the Institution of such a Magi­stracy, would invite more numerous Settlements of Foreigners to make Athens the Place of their Abode.

For 'tis an absur'd Supposition to imagin, that Peace will weaken our Strength, and ruine our Authority, and Reputation abroad; for of all Go­vernments, those are happiest who have continued longest without War, and of all Common-Wealths, Athens lies fairest for flourishing, and increasing by the Arts of Peace.

For Athens in time of Peace, is the great Theatre to which all Man­kind have Occasion to resort: To be­gin with Merchants and Commanders of Ships, Where can the Traders in Wine, Oyl, Corn, or Cattle have a quicker Vent, or a better Market for their Commodities than at Athens? Where can Mony'd Men make a better Improvement of their Wealth; and, where is there greater Encouragement for those who live by Arts of Invention and Ingenuity?

Where is there better Employment for Artificers, and Mechanick Trades? where can the Sophists, Philosophers, Poets, and the Lovers of the Liberal Arts, resort to a more renown'd School of Learning, and Humanity? where is there a nobler Scene to gratifie the Cu­riosity of all Strangers that are delighted with Divine Rights, and Institutions, [Page 39]and the celebrations of Religious Games, and Festivals? And where can Mer­chants of all kinds whatsoever, find a better Market to make quick Returns of their Money, than Athens.

If my Opposers acknowledge all this to be true, but still imagine that we can never recover the Dominion of Greece but by a War, I desire them to look back to the Persian Invasion, and examine, whether it was by Force of Arms, or our good Offices to the Greeks, that we were plac'd at the Head of the (28.) Naval Confederacy, and the Com­mon Treasury of Greece.

And when by a Tyrannical Exercise of our Power we lost our Jurisdiction, by an Alteration of our Measures, and a milder Administration, (29.) we were restor'd to our ancient Authority by the joint Consent of all the Islands.

Did not the Thebans in Acknowledge­ment of our generous Assistance to their State, place us at the Head of the Common (30.) Alliance? and our Ri­vals, the Lacedemonians, for the same Consideration, quitted their old Pre­tensions, and suffer'd us to give Laws to the (31.) last Treaty, and dispose of the Supream Command of Greece at our own Discretion.

And at this Juncture in the general Confusion of Greece, we have the most favourable Opportunity of recovering our ancient Dominion without Difficul­ty, Hazard, or Expence, that ever any Nation had: For if we set up to be the Common Mediators of Greece, and in­terpos'd our Authority to unite all the divided Interests abroad, and reconcile all the Factions at home; and if by so­lemn Embassies to all the Neighbouring States, we declar'd for the Liberty of (32.) Delphi, all Greece would support us at the Head of so Glorious a Cause, and unite in a general Confederacy a­gainst the common Enemies (33.) who endeavour'd to make themselves Masters of Delphi, when the Phocians were re­duc'd to Extremitry.

And if we afterwards warmly interested our selves to establish a general Peace by Sea, and Land; all Greece, next to the Security of their own Governments, would desire the Preservation of Athens.

If any Man can have so wild a Notion, as to imagine, that War will contribute more to the Increase of the Riches of the State than Peace, I know no better way to decide the Controversie, than by appealing to the Experience of former [Page 41]Ages, and producing Precedents to the contrary out of our own Story.

For upon inquiry he may find that the vast Treasure we had amass'd in Peace, was all consum'd in our former Wars; and to quote Instances of a fresh­er Date, in the present War all the Branches of our Income have been de­ficient, and what Money came in upon the Publick Fonds, has been all apply'd to the pressing Occasions of the State; but since the Seas have been open, and our Trade free, every Article of our In­come is advanc'd, and the Govern­ment is at liberty to employ it as they think convenient.

Not that I would advise the Com­mon-wealth to sit down tamely by their Injuries in case of a Foreign Invasion; but this I am sure of, that we should be better inabled to revenge the Affront, if we are not the Aggressors, for our Enemies will never be able to form a Confede­racy to support them in an unjust War.

Upon the whole Matter, if nothing in this Proposal appears impossible, or dif­ficult, and if a pursuit of these Coun­cils, and Resolutions, will gain the Af­fections of Greece, and establish our Se­curity at Home, and increase our Re­putation [Page 42]abroad: if the common Peo­ple will abound in all things necessary for Life, and the Rich be eas'd of their Taxes to the Wars: If in this Univer­sal Plenty our Temples will be rebuilt, and our Religious Festivals, and Solemni­ties celebrated with more Magnificence: If our Walls, Docks, and Arsenals will be repair'd, and our Priests, Senate, Magistrates, and Cavalry, restor'd to their ancient Rights and Priviledges, is it not fit that all Engins should be set at work to promote so glorious an Un­dertaking, that in our Days we may see our Country establish'd upon a solid Foundation of Security and Happiness?

And if the Publick, upon due consi­deration, thinks fit to execute these Or­ders and Institutions, I would advise them to send Embassadors to Delphi, and Dodona to consult the Gods, whe­ther such a Reformation of our Govern­ment would not turn to the Advan­tage of the present Age, and the Bene­fit of all Posterity.

And if these Resolutions are ratify'd by the Divine Approbation, to consult the Oracle once more, to the protecti­on of what Gods we should recom­mend the Success of this Enterprize, and then to propitiate those Gods we are di­rected [Page 43]to apply to, in order to engage their Assisstance. And after this solemn Invocation to enter boldly upon the Exe­cution of this Design: For 'tis but rea­son that all Undertakings should be at­tended with more favourable Success, that are begun, and carry'd on, under the immediate Care and Protection of the Divine Providence.

The End.

NOTES UPON THE TRANSLATION.

A Table of the Attick Coins reduc'd to the Value of English Money.

  • THE Obolus was equal to 1 d. 1 q.
  • The Triobolus was three Oboli, and made 3 d. 3 d.
  • The Drachma was six Oboli, and made 7 d. 2 q.
  • The Mina was an hundred Drachma's, and made 3 l. 2 s. 6 d.
  • The common Attick Talent consisted of sixty Minae, which amounts in our Money to 187 l. 10 s.

These are the common Attick Coins, which are most frequently mention'd by their Writers, and which I have reduc'd to our English Money, to make way for the easier understanding of this Discourse.

Note (1.)

[...]. The State of Athens was at a great Charge in main­taining the Common People. They were allow'd three Oboli a Man for e­very Cause they judg'd; and this Pensi­on was call'd the [...]. Lucian. in bis accusato. And some days many Thousands receiv'd this Pension.

The [...] was an Allowance of two Oboli a-piece, to pay for the Sight of publick Shows. Liba. in argu. O­lyn. primae.

The [...] was an Obolus a-piece, paid them every time they as­sembl'd. Juli. Poll. l. 6. c. 9. And this Pension was afterwards increas'd to three Oboli. Besides, all maim'd and dis­abl'd Citizens had a Pension of two O­boli a day. Harpocra. in verbo [...].

Note (2.)

Xenophon says only [...], but the Word [...] is plainly un­derstood, as appears from the Sequel of this Discourse, and Xenophon's Treatise of the Government of Athens. This Tax upon the Confederates was at first but 400 Talents, but it was afterwards ad­vanc'd to 1300. Plutar. in Vitâ Aristi­dis. This Tribute was so burdensome, that it provok'd the Confederates to fre­quent Revolts.

Note (3.)

[...], Aliens Duties. This was an annual Tribute paid by the Aliens, of twelve Drachma's for every Man, and six for every Woman. Harpocra. in ver­bo [...]. The number of the Aliens amounted generally to 10000. Origi­nally at Athens there was no distincti­on between Strangers and Natives, for all Foreigners were naturaliz'd promi­scuously. Thucyd. l. 1. c. 2. Thus all the Plataeans were naturaliz'd at once. Thu­cyd. l. 3. c. 55. And this Custom was the Foundation of their future Greatness. But as the City grew more populous, they grew more sparing of this Fa­vour. Scholi. Thucyd. l. 1. c. 2. and this Privilege was given to such only as had deserv'd it by some extraordinary Ser­vice to the State. Demost. Oratio contra Neaeram.

Note (4.)

Trades. [...] not [...]. The Basil Edition reads it right; for most part of the Mechanick and Handicraft Trades were carry'd on by the Aliens at Athens. Xenoph. de polit. Athen.

Note (5.)

[...]. Xenophon explains this Pas­sage in his Hipparchicus, where he advi­vises the State to inroll Aliens among [Page 48]their Horse. Besides the Dignity of the Horse-Service, there was a considerable Pay in Peace and War allow'd them. Ulpianus in Timocrateam. Xenoph. in Hippar.

Note (6.)

Waste Ground. Vide Thucyd. l. 2. c. 17.

Note (7.)

[...]. Every Alien by the Laws of Athens, was oblig'd to choose a private Patron among the Citizens. Harpocration in verbo [...], but here Xenophon proposes publick Patrons for the whole Body of the Aliens.

Note (8.)

[...]. Vide Demosthen. contra Macartatum.

Note (9.)

[...]. The meaning of Xenophon is that the Athenian Money was more valuable abroad than the Coin of any other Na­tion, because it was finer, and conse­quently was worth more than its own weight of any other Silver that had more Alloy in it. For 'tis impossible that an Ounce of Athenian Silver should be worth more in Specie than an Ounce of other Silver of the same fineness. Sen­sus moresque repugnant, atque ipsa utilitas.

Note (10.)

[...]. This Court of Judicature was probably the same with the [...], mention'd by Suidas and Hesychius, in verbo [...].

Note (11.)

[...]. This was a right of Precedence in the Theatres, Senate, Assemblies of the People, and in all pub­lick places whatsoever. Schol. Aristoph. in Equ. This Custom was practis'd by the Spartans, who gave this Privilege to the Deceleans. Herodotus lib. 9. c. 72.

Note (12.)

[...], a Fond, Harpoc. Hesychius, in verbo [...].

Note (13.)

Hegesilaus commanded the Athenian Troops sent to the Assistance of the Mantinaeans at the Battle of Manti­naea; which is a Proof that this Dis­course was writ after that Battle. Diog. Laer. in Xenoph. Diodorus Siculus by Mistake calls him Hegelochus.

Note (14.)

[...]. Salmasius de modo usura­rum thinks that this was the [...] which the People receiv'd for judging Causes. But Xenophon's Com­putation [Page 50]plainly confutes this Opinion: He says that a Contributer of 10 Mi­nae, or 1000 Drachma's, at the rate of a Triobolus or half a Drachma a Day, will in a Years time receive almost the fifth part of the principal Money he advan­ced. Which is very true, for reckon­ing (as Xenophon always does in this Discourse) 360 Days to the Year, the Payment of a Triobolus a Day will a­mount to 180 Drachmae, which is near the fifth part of 1000 Drachmae. But the payment of the [...] cou'd never amount to this Summ, be­cause the Holydays, by the Confession of Salmasius, took up two Months in the Year, and on these Days the Peo­ple never heard Causes, so that 30 Drachma's must be deducted from 180, which reduces the Summ to 150, which is little more than the seventh part of 1000. So that Salmasius is mistaken, or Xenophon was a very loose Calcula­tor. The true meaning of the Passage I take to be this: Xenophon in the fol­lowing part of this Discourse, in or­der to make Provision for the Citizens, makes a Proposal to the State, to buy as many Slaves as wou'd treble the Number of their own Citizens, which [Page 51]Slaves were to be let out at the rate of an Obolus a Day to the Adventurers in the Mines, which brought in a Re­venue of three Oboli a Day to every Citizen, because the Slaves were thrice as many as the Citizens among whom this Revenue was to be divided. And this I take to be the Triobulus mentio­ned by Xenophon, which every Citizen was to receive in recompence for his Contribution.

Note (15.)

Nautick-Interest was the highest In­terest, and is here oppos'd to Land-Interest, which was considerably less. For in the former the Creditor run a greater Hazard; for if the Merchant who borrow'd the Money, and imploy'd it in Trade, lost his Ship, the Creditor lost his Money, and had no right to demand it of the Merchant; a Trade somewhat like our Bottumry. This In­terest generally amounted to 20 per Cent. or the fifth part of the Principal per annum. 'Tis true, it often vary'd, and was higher or lower according to the Plenty and Scarcity of Money, or the Danger and Distance of the Voyage. But the general Medium may be safely establish'd at 20 per Cent. There are several Contracts of Money lent upon [Page 52] Nautick-Interest, extant in the Orations of Demosth. contra Lacrit. pro Phormi. contra Pant. contra Phormi.

Note (16.)

[...]. More than a third part of the principal Money: For a Triobolus a Day in a Year makes 180 Drachmae, which is above the third part of five Minae or 500 Drachmae. The [...] was the highest Nautick-Interest, and came to above 33 per Cent. There is an Instance which comes very near this Computation, in the Ora­tion of Demosthenes contra Phormi.

Note (17.)

Almost double their Principal. For 180 Drachmae is almost double one Mina, or 100 Drachmae.

Note (18.)

Foreign Cities, &c. Foreign States of­ten contributed to the Publick Buildings of the Greeks. The Rhodians when their Colossus was overturn'd by an Earth­quake, receiv'd Contributions from all the neighbouring States in order to re­store it, Polybius, lib. 5. And there are many Inscriptions of such publick Bene­factors extant in Gruterus, and else­where.

Note (19.)

That the Mines can never be exhausted. 'Tis plain from Pausanias that these Mines were not work'd in his Time. Paus. Attic. But this does not destroy the Assertion of Xenophon, for the plun­dering the Temple of Delphi brought out two Millions of our Money, which lay dead before; and the Con­quest of Persia by the Macedonians brought such a vast quantity of Silver into Greece, and consequently made Labour so dear, that the Silver found in the Mines would in all probability scarce counter­vail the expences of the working them. Or it might proceed from the Subjecti­on of Athens to a Foreign Power, or from other Accidents, and not from any decay of the Mines.

Note (20.)

[...]. Upon the same Terms, &c. The State was the Proprietor of the Silver-Mines, and Strangers or Atheni­ans that work'd in them, were oblig'd to pay the same Tribute of the 24th Part of the Silver found, to the Publick. Sui­das in [...].

Note (21.)

The repair of our Temple, &c. [...]. 'Twas the Custom of the Greeks to let out the building and repair of [Page 54]their Temples to private Undertakers. Athenaeus l. 6. Herod. l. 5. c. 62. where he makes use of the same Word, [...]; That is, They hir'd the build­ing of the Temple upon such Terms. And the Latines us'd the Word conducunt in the same Sense. Conducunt foricas, i. e. Repurgandas. Juvenal. Sat. 3.

Note (22.)

Revenue of 60 Talents. This Compu­tation proves that Xenophon reckon'd but 360 Days to the Year: For 6000 Oboli, multiply'd by 360, make 2160'000 Obo­li; which Sum. divided by 600 (for 600 Oboli make a Mina) makes 3'600 Minae, which divided by 60 (for 60 Mi­nae make a Talent) reduces the whole Sum to 60 Talents. And the following Computation of 100 Talents a Year, produc'd by 10000 Oboli a Day, an­swers exactly to the former.

Note (23.)

The taking of Decelea, &c. Decelea was taken and fortify'd by the Lacedae­monians in the 19th Year of the Pelopon­nesian War, and lying in the Heart of Attica, it gave opportunity to 20000 Athenian Slaves to desert to the Enemy. Thucyd. l. 7. c. 27.

Note (24.)

Xenophon in his former Proposal would have 10000 Slaves let out at a certain Rate to the Adventurers in the Mines, but in this second, Proposal he advises the State it self to adventure in search of Discoveries of new Mines, which Work was to be carry'd on by another set of Slaves, and not by the for­mer 10000.

Note (25.)

There were at Athens, and in other Parts of Greece, Military Academies or Gymnasia, where the young Men ex­ercis'd. Theophrastus de Blanditiâ Ari­stoph. & Schol. in Equil. Xenoph. in 1, 2, 3, & 6th lib. de rebus Graec.

Note (26.)

[...]. Torch-course. There was a Festival at Athens, on which a certain Number of Men ran with lighted Torches in their Hands. Paus. Attic. To this Ceremony Lucretius makes that fine Allusion in his 2d. Book,

Et quasi Cursores vitai lampada tradunt.

Note (27.)

[...]. Council of Peace. This new Magistracy which Xenophon propo­ses to be instituted for the Preservation [Page 56]of the Publick Peace, was to be, in all probability, like the [...] or Faeci­ales of the Romans, who were instituted by Numa for the same considerations. Dion. Haicarn. lib. 2.

Note (28.)

[...]. After the Persian in­vasion, the Athenians had the command of the Confederate Fleet, and were made Treasurers of the Money contributed by the Greeks to the carrying on the War against Persia. Thucydides, lib. 1.

Note (29.)

The Athenians recover'd the Com­mand of the Greek Islands, (which they lost in the Peloponnesian War,) in the 4th Year of the 100th Olymp Diod. Sicul. lib. 15.

Note (30.)

This Alliance between the Thebans and Athenians, was made in the second Year of the 96th Olympiad. Diod. Siculus. lib. 14. Xenophon lib. 3. de rebus Graec.

Note (31.)

This League between the Spartans and Athenians, was made in the 4th Year of the 102d Olympiad, not long after the Battle of Leuctra. Diod. Sic. 1. 15. Xenop. 1. 7. de rebus Graec.

Note (32.)

For the Liberty of Delphi. The Greeks made it a part of their Religion, to preserve the Liberty of Delphi. Thus the Lacedaemonians enter'd into a War to restore the Oracle to the Delphians. Thucyd. lib. 1. c. 112. And the first Ar­ticle of their Leagues, often began with a mutual Engagement on both Parts, to protect the Liberty of Delphi. Thucyd. l. 4. c. 118. l. 5. c. 18. Besides their Religion, they had Reasons of State for this proceeding: For if Delphi were subject to a foreign Power, the Priestess might be forc'd to utter whatever Ora­cles the Conqueror pleas'd to impose: Nor could the Resolutions and Sen­tences of the Amphictyons, who often sate at Delphi, be free and unbyass'd as long as Delphi was under a Foreign Dominion.

Note (33.)

If we knew who these Enemies were that design'd to seize upon Delphi, it would be no difficult Matter to deter­mine exactly the Time when this Discourse was written. Jason, the Ty­rant of Thessaly, had form'd a Design up­on Delphi, but his Death prevented the execution of it. Diod. Sic. Xenop. Hist. Graec. Aelian. Frag. But this Passage can­not [Page 58]be understood to mean this attempt, for Jason was assassinated in the third Year of the 102 Olymp. Some Years before the Battle of Mantinaea, and this Discourse, as I have prov'd in a former Note, was written after that Battle. I think that this Passage (taking the Word [...] in a neutral Sense as I have rendred it, and for which there are a thousand Authorities) ought to be un­derstood of a Design the Thebans had form'd upon Delphi. The Story in short is this: The Thebans being engag'd in a War with the Phocians, upon some Dispute a­bout a Frontier, form'd a Design upon the Temple of Delphi. Demost. de Falsâ Legati­one, Ulpianus. And the Phocians at the same time being condemn'd by the Am­phictlyons to pay a great Fine for plow­ing up some Consecrated Land, the Greeks prepar'd to execute the Sentence by force of Arms. The Phocians being unable to resist such an approaching Storm, were reduc'd to great Extremi­ties, and compell'd for their own Pre­servation, to seize upon the Treasures of Delphi: This gave beginning to the Ho­ly War, and all Greece ingag'd in the Quarrel. The Athenians assisted the Pho­cians, but Xenophon advises them to break off that Alliance, and declare for the Li­berty [Page 59]of Delphi, and under that Plausible Pretence, to unite all Greece, against the Thebans who were equally Criminal with the Phocians, (as Demosthenes observes) for having form'd the first Design upon the Temple. This Counsel he recom­mends to the Athenians as the best Me­thod to recover the Dominion of Greece. I know it will be objected that Laertius places the Death of Xenophon in the first Year of the 105th Olympiad, and the Phocian War breaking out some Years after, it will be impossible to explain this Passage in my Sence. To this I answer, that this Account of Laertius is certainly false: For Xenophon, in his Greek History, mentions the Death of Alexander the Tyrant of Pherae, which happen'd, as Diodorus observes, in the 4th Year of the 105th Olymp. so that Xenophon must be a Prophet, or be a­live at that time, three Years after his suppos'd Death. Xenophon likewise in the conclusion of his Greek History affirms, that after the Battle of Mantinaea, Greece was in a greater Disorder and Confu­sion than ever. But we read of no con­siderable Commotion in Greece till the breaking out of the Holy War, in the 1st Year of the 106th Olymp. which en­gag'd all Greece in an intestine Division.

To confirm this Account of Laerti­us, it may be urg'd, that Xenophon li­ving 90 Years, according to Lucian in Macrob. and being present at the Battle of Delium, which was sought in the first Year of the 89th Olympiad, about 67 Years before the Holy War, it is highly improbable that he was living at the time of the Holy War. 'Tis true, Laer­rius says that Socrates sav'd Xenophon's Life at that Battle: But Athenaeus l. 5. says that Socrates was not at the Battle; and 'tis probable that the other part of the Story of Xenophon's being there, may be equally sabulous, especially if what Athenaeus (according to Casaubon's Correction) says be true, that Xeno­phon was but a Boy at the Banquet of Callias, which was three Years after­wards. Besides he is call'd a Young Man in his Expedition into Asia; but at this rate he must have been 50 Years old at that time, an Age at which a Man can­not properly be call'd young.

But granting that he was present at the Battle of Delium, if we allow him to be 18 Years old, the Age, if I mi­stake not, that the Athenians usually made their first Campagne, he would be but 81 Years old on the first Year of the 105th Olympiad, and consequently [Page 61]might write of the Holy War, which broke out four Years afterwards. Nor does Lucian precisely limit his Age to 90 Years only, but says he lived, above 90 Years.

Xenophon in this Discourse says, that the Athenians had been ingag'd in a War by Sea and Land; that the War by Sea was at an end, but the War by Land still continu'd. This exactly a­grees with the Bellum Sociale, or the War of the Athenians against their re­volted Islands, which was carryed on by Sea, and begun in the third Year of the 105th Olympiad, and ended in the second Year of the 106th Olympiad, two Years after the breaking out of the Holy War, which the Athenians were then engaged in.

By this Account Xenophon writ this Discourse about the third Year of the 106th Olympiad, a Year after the Con­clusion of the Peace with the Islands.

If the Account of Xenophon's Death in Laertius be true, I cannot believe this Work to be genuine; for I believe it almost impossible to explain this Pas­sage in any other sense. But the Autho­rity of all the Writers who ascribe this Discourse to Xenophon, and the Confor­mity of the Style with the rest of his [Page 62]Works, and that Character of Piety which runs thro' the whole Piece, which is so peculiar to the Works of Xeno­phon, and that particular Maxime at the Conclusion of this Treatise, of underta­king every thing under the Favour and Protection of the Gods, which he in­culcates in all his Works, and particu­larly at the end of his [...], are undeniable Proofs that this Discourse is Genuine.

The End of the Notes.

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  • Mr. Lee's Tragedies, bound or single.

And all other Modern Plays.

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