A LETTER To M r SPEAKER LENTHALL, SHEWING, THAT IT WERE BETTER TO COMPLY WITH HIS MAIESTIES OFFERS AND DESIRES OF PEACE, Then to pursue the Destruction of this Land, in the continuance of this unnaturall WARRE.
Printed in Yeare, 1646.
AS cleane Creatures were esteemed only those that chew'd the Cudde, so is it amongst men: sure I am, did not too many men in this age, like the Horse rush into the battell, not consider what it is they are doing, they could not have raised nor continued this unnaturall Warre as they do. You sit amongst that Party as a Moderator, therefore I direct this to you to thinke upon. I was one of those that conceived your late great successe promised some quiet (I cannot say Peace) to this miserable Kingdom, especially when I read His Majesties gracious Message to the two Houses But now I perceive you are a people that have Fretium in manu, The oportunity, but not the heart to lay hold on the occasion to still this storme. The sad thoughts therefore of a Mourner for this Nation, and of a constant friend to you, (if you be at leasure for such stuffe) read in what followes.
The first thing that came in my view was, from whence we were fallen. Here, I may say, I saw a very great Glory, but like a wordly pompe, my after thoughts soone clouded it. I lookt upon a lawfull King set in the glorious Throne of His Ancestors, in His owne Person of eminent virtue, mastered by no bad inclination, but like him that S. Paul saies seeks the mastery, was temperate it all things. 1. Cor. 9. 25. Nay when his Enemies were to wound him, they were forc'd to do it through other's sides, and complain of ill Counsellors that they might, as much as in them lay, make him an ill King. And yet when some of those Counsellors that had the envy of three Nations upon them, were to be condemned, it could not be by the Lawes in being, but an extorted new Bill, or an unheard of [Page 2]Ordinance of Parliament, that must cut their thread of Life. And as these few dyed thus, so the rest survived, not accused of Bribery, Oppression, &c. but questioned for opinions in Law: so as sure the Subject that was thus ruled was little opprest; & its fear'd our plenty made us collect our hard ships by Reasoning, not Sence, which former times complain'd of. God knowes there is a great difference betwixt Speculative Evills which may happen, and Practicall, or Sensitive, which men doe feele. Besides, what Government there that may not have somewhat said against it?
Doe you not remember the plenty and splendor the Jewes possest in Solomons time? And yet in his Sonnes (but marke it was because God meant to visit) a Declaration must come out, 1. King. 12. Your Father laid heavy burdens upon us. I am sure they brought one upon themselves, for they never had a good King after, and were led into Captivity, and never came out, which was not the lot of Judah,which clove to Rehoboam, Solomons Sonne. Doe you not call to mind what was written of good King Asa, one charactered like his forefather David, &c? and yet the words are, 2. Chron. 16.10. Asa oppressed some of the People in his time. Doe you say, the World is not Round, because there are some irregular Mountaines, Doe you not say, no Individuall Person is perfect in all things? Is it not a received opinion, he is best, that hath least faults, not he that hath none? And must we then look for this perfection in Government only, or cast off all obeaience? True it is, we can say there was illegall Ship mony; but converted to publick use we must acknowledge, (for give me leave to make a large Parenthesis, and rell you never a penny of that mony came to the Kings private: Nay, he spent besides it on the Navy, 40 or 50000 l per Annum of his owne Revenues) There were many Monopolies, its true, but in the hands of most of those men, that have raised their hands against their King since, and pursued Him to save themselves.
But enough of this: Next I saw as hopefull an Issue attending the Throne, and securing the succession of it as ever this Kingdome was blest with. And I cannot doubt (what ever threatens) but they were borne for the happinesse of this [Page 3]Nation, and to possesse the Splendor of their owne Birthrights; And sure, where Ingratitude dwells not, the Royall Person that brought such fruit cannot want her due reverence.
Then I looktupon the Profession of the Christian Religion in this Church: A Considerative man must acknowledge it. Apostolick and Primitive. It wore Christs seamlesse garment, more then any Church in the World, for the Rule of her Faith was the Word of God, and that (in difficult places understood (which God knowes though they be many, yet concern few persons, for their is enough without dispute, that if beleeved and practised, shall make private men sase) as expounded from the Primitive times. She proved not her truth by her opposition to either Romanist, Hereticke,, or Schismaticke, thought it not sufficient argument to prove she was true, because another was false, for she was acquainted, that most commonly too warme disputants, are often as distant from truth, as they are differing from each others opinion. Her Common Service or Liturgy, which She imposed on none for their Private Devotion, but prescribed for the Ʋniformity of the publicke, was Systeme of all Practicall Divinity, and She made the Life of Christ the Calendar of her yeare, for so did it busy her Disciples, that in every one year of their lives, they commemorated all their Saviour did in his: The matter and words of it were all Scripture phrases, or sence, and such as without all Controversie have been understood so by the learned Men of all differing professions, untill a sort of Enthusiasts, questioned some few (but by them misunderstood) passages herein: So as it may be said, God was served in this Land, in Truth, Ʋnity, Decency, and Honour. And as this blessed Reformation was made by the Prince and Clergy, with the marke of Authority, and not the brand of Tumult, so it was admitted in to and confirmed so by the Lawes of the Land, that those that will overthrow the Church, must ravell the whole Common-wealth, and if it be possible, make us more miserable them we are at present.
For the Lawes of this Land, when I consider how absolute a Monarch the King was, Power of making Warre and Peace, [Page 4]Issuing Commissions of Lievtenancy, (argument enough to whom the Sword was entrusted) Granting all Pardons and Dispensations, Coyning Mony, and Calling and Dissolving Parliaments, &c. I could not but admire the wisdome of our Ancestors, who had procured from their Kings such restrictions, as that though they could not be denied to have the single Power to all the former purposes invested in them alone, yet could they not have the free use of some of them without the generall Concurrence of the People; For though they could make Warre without their People, yet could they not Levy Mony to maintaine it without their Consents: Though the King only was said to make the Law, (notwithstanding all can be said against it, which is too long for a Letter) yet it was no Law, 'till the two Houses of Parliament had consented unto it. And so in some other things, whereby it may appeare the People sought not to Eclipse their Soveraignes due Honour, but to preserve to themselves a sober Liberty. Here I cannot but sadly contemplate how in all times some few. Persons, upon the pretence of Liberty for the People, have got the advantage and preferment of having a share in the rule of them. And Whether such Changes bring ease, this is a time that the wealiest; man may have gained experience enough to inform himselfe; To you I need not quote History to prove it, since you know nothing is more unquestionable. He that knew the danger of Innovation, Prov. 24.21. cryes loud, My Son, meddle not with those that love changes. And he that considered how naturally men degenerate, 1. Pet .2.16. gave it as a Precept, Make not your liberty at loake for Licentiousnesse.
Well Sir, but Hinc illae Lachrimae, This was the sowrce of our present miseries, for upon the calling of this present Parliament, though the Subject in generall were never in a more plentifull condition at home, by reason of his MAJESTIES strength at Sea, and their owne great Trade so considerable & rich abroad, yet the Roule of greivances is presented, and this Free People taught to beleive they were Issachers Asse, ready to couch betwixt her burthens; And fit for them to Commend new Officers to their King, they might confide in. And [Page 5]what was theirssue of it? A speedy gracious and entire remedy afforded by his Majesty (without any returne) to all complained off. Was it said frequeney of Parliaments were wanting? A Trieniall Bill was granted, nay, with such a Clause, that they might meet, if omitted to be called. Was it feared his Majesties inclinations lay not to receive Counsell from that Body? He secures that, by granting such Acts as divested himselfe in poynt of Revenue, of a Regall subsistance, without a future constant good understanding betwixt Him and them: Witnesse quitting Ship mony by a Bill, laying down His Costomes, and Impositions, and obliging himself to receive them only when granted to him by Act of Parliament. Did He not as I may say, impale all His Forrests in narrow bounds, that were so extensive before? Did He not secure His Subjects from being prest, which was little though then, would have been an occasion of so many thousands of them to be soon after, imbruing their hands in each others bloud? Were there any Courts conceived to be grievous, and not taken away? was not the Starchamber of excellent use and known necessity submitted to this fate? Was not the High-Commission takes down, so us since there hath been no legall restraint or punishment for Incest or Adultery? I'l not dwell upon repenting the Bill concerning the Court of Yorke, nor limiting the Councell Table, &c. But I'l shut up all in this, That the King gave one assurance in all, when He Consented to the Bill for not dissolving this Parliament: That He intended wholly to throw Himselfe upon the Affection and Love of His People.
Me thinks now any man living should be ready to ask me, What? after all this Purging, did the Stomack send up any Jealous Fumes to the head? yes, you know they did; and how for desiring the same Iustice and forme of proceeding against some Members, whom He accused, which they had held against some others that they had formerly impeached, They taised such popular Commotions, They drove Him from His Parliament: yet as if loth to part, willing to returne, whil'st He was at Hampton Court, and Windsor, what Gracious Messages did He send in Expostulation of that busineffe, what [Page 6]acknowledgement offered He to make upon pretended Breaches of Priviledges, and could not be hearkned too. When He was forc'd to retire further, and when He was at Yorke, attended with so many Lords, what was the whole Consultations there, but by Messages from Himselfe, Assurances from the Peeres about Him, that He sought nothing more, but a good understanding with them.
When the 19 Propositions came, that Dropsie-like thirsted after so much more, when it had bin fed so plentifully before. What were his condescentions? Did he not offer His Councellours should take a larger Oath (then was proposed) for maintaining not of any part, but the Whole Law? Did he not assure you, That there was no man so near him in place or affection, whom he would not leave to the Iustice of the Law? Was not all offered you could devise whereby Papists might be disabled to disturb the State, or Elude the Law? nay, was not the Education of Papists children by Protestants offered to you? And much more of this kind: all this had none of the Magnetick vertue, to draw you together. After this, can to minde His Majestres Message from Nottingham, when he Foot was only on the way, the hand not lifted up, for no stroak was struck, but men Marching only towards this unnaturall and Civill Warre, how doth His Majesty presse for a Treaty, to procure the peace of the Kingdom, what doth he offer for it, To call in his Proclamations, to take downe his Standard; if the like might be done by his two Houses? After a Battel, in the first, second, and third Treaties, how endeavour'd he to stanch the bloud, how in all these did he make great condescentions, whilst the Commissioners from the two Houses were Authorised to afford no Compliance, so as neither he, nor his party can surely loose this comfort, that this War was by all meanes declined by Him; That his part in it, hath been the defence of the ancient and knowne Lawes of the Kingdom, whil'st those that were against him, had nothing to pretend, but a Liberty to introduce new ones, and such as suited more with the defence of their Crimes they had run into, then any waies the good of this people. It is, must needs be now, His great content, [Page 7]that though many of those Rights He hath parted with, and since offered, are so vested in him, That he might justly have insisted to have maintained them. Yet the quiet of his people so far prevailed with him, above his owne interest. Their ingratitude cannot rob him of that inward intection, nor his owne late adverse fortune (which begins with him, but I am afraid will end with the Kingdom in generall) deprive him of the tranquillity of mind, which die former mentioned Acts, Offers, and late Messages yeelds to him.
What have you fought for all this while? did you not still pretend it was to have Him come up to His Parliament? why doe you then reject that offer? Especially accompanied with the offer of a secure Militia, Satisfaction in the businesse of Ireland; Consideration of the Publique Debts of His Scots Subjects, Citty of London and others; The Government of the Church, according to the best daies of Queen Elizabeth and King James, with full Liberty for the ease of their Consciences, who will not communicate in that Service established by Law; And likewise for the free and publique use of the Directory, to such as shall desire to use the same; To give content in the choyce of the Lord Admirall, and Officers of State and others, with many Reasons as well as Professions of his confidence of a good accord; And lastly, of disbanding His Armies, and slighting His Garrisons, &c. I know your obvtous reply; I but this was late, this was necessitated. Not late, for from the beginning you see how much was offered, had He met with any compliance, at least, such a one as might have satisfied Him what He parted with, should not have been turned to His and His Peoples harme, but security, undoubtedly they had had more, and that sooner: Besides, remember what was pretended too, was another mans Right, and which of us, without more reluctance and delay, would not have deferred the granting more to them, to whom so much gave so slender satisfaction. I perceive the last Answer to His Majesty, is a negative to all His desires and offers, and referres all to Propositions to be sent. How can I hope they will be reasonable, when your party hath been so unreasonable [Page 8]in their rejecting His Majesties Messages? How can I think they are trully meant, that have been so long deferred? I know not which party prevailes most with you; but I am afraid it's too true what I have heard a great Independent said lately to a Confident of his, That there was two things they must pretend, which they would never doe; The one was, to set up the Presbytery, the other to send down Propositions; Or if they meant the last, it must be reserved for a season, when they will have a prevailing Army to back their unreasonablenesse and insolency. Ah Sir! doth your party pretend the Law and so forget it, what is become of the Statute that forbids all men to come up with force to Parliament, was it not that nothing might either be, or seem to be Coerc't there; what is become of the great security he Subject had against the King, and by the King? Against the King, That no Law could be made but their consent must first be had by the King: That no prevailing part in one or both Houses, could make a Law, no not an Order without His consent, who was first plac'd by God over them, Then whose Personall experience in Government (or if a Minor His Councell) was likely to know best, what suited with the publick good. Am I (Sir) any whit the freer that the King cannot but the two Houses may (nay after they have driven diverse of their Members from them) make a Law at their Pleasure? Am I (Sir) the freer Subject, he King can not presse me, the Two Houses may, The King cannot use Martiall Law, the two Houses may, The King cannot impose on my Estate, the two Houses may, The King cannot make other crimes Treason then those mentioned in the Statutes, the two Houses may, nay, may make them none; And others not mentioned there to be Treason for as a Dilemma must lye upon the Subjects lives and good? If the King prevaile, the Statutes and Lawes too condemne them; if the Two Houses, their Declarations and Ordinances rise up in place of Lawes against them What am I the better the King swears to Magna Charta and the Petition of Right, if neither of these be to be observed by the Houses? If you Answer: yes but they'l doe you no harme, they are of your own body [Page 9]Pray tell me, may not I as justly say, my Head will not Harme me, as my hand: Is it in nature, a man cannot hurt himselfe, sure it is nor, we have caily enperience of Felons and Manslayers of themselves. And I am sure there is more of tendernesse and bowells of an Individuall man to his own body, then there is of a representative body to the body represented: I cannot hurt my selfe but I must feele, I may another, and be the better for it, warme my selfe by the burning my Neighbours house. God grant that at this day (though the Kings party are not very guilty of it) Divitiae pro criminibus non habeantur, that some honest men estates make them not Delinquents; That the sence of the guilt of one Party, make not the same men so rigid to inflict punishment upon another, and so flatter themselves, or at leas t satisfie the Vulgar, Justice is done, when like the Custome in the education of Princes, the Page is whipt for the Princes fault. The Innocent is punisht and the Offend or scapes.
Sir, I will conclude all. Ne glorietur accinctus ae (que) ut discinctus, Presume not on the Kings weaknesse (it led you into the Warre) nor your own strength, it may faile you before you come to your journey's end. While you may, temper your succesles by wisdome, to a dutifull compliance with your Soveraigne, Let your heart smite you, you pursue His life so violently. Zimti had no Peace, and Zadock that presu???|med all he did was by the spirit, found Micaiah told him true, That he should find it otherwise, when he should flye into the inner Parler to save himselfe. The Canon of Scripture must be the Rule, the Spirit is to be tryed by the doctrine, not the doctrine by the Spirit: No though an Angell (whether Tutelary to a Presbyterian or Independent) bring it, you have Christs word for it, He that takes the Sword shall perish by it, Mat. 26.52. Perish not only by being killed, but perish, (I am loath to write it) Everlastingly for killing. Were your quarrell just, your mannaging of it ought to be more dutifull to your Superiors, more mercifull to your Brethren, you should love the Peace of the Land, more then the pursuit of a few: Non hoe tantum respicite quas ob causas paenas sitis exacturi, sed & qui [Page 10]sint, de quibus sumenda sit paena, Qui not ipsi, & quis justus panarum modus. Remember who you are, and who we are. Remember he that slayes an Innocent man hastens his glory, and his own judgement: Leave off therefore, more for your own sakes then ours, to be cruell. Think with what unrempered Morter you build, How many forc'd into you, and not of you, are among you: How many from you: How many of you that cement not together, and leave to destroy your firme and ancient foundations, your King and Church, so may we once againe see the Structures of our Temples and Iudgement-Halls repaired, The King on His Throne, and every man sitting under his owne Vine.