THE PRESENT STATE OF EGYPT; Or, A new RELATION OF A LATE VOYAGE INTO THAT KINGDOM. Performed in the Years 1672. and 1673. By F. VANSLEB, R. D.

Wherein you have an exact and true Ac­count of many Rare and Wonderful Parti­culars of that Ancient Kingdom.

Englished by M. D. B. D.

LONDON; Printed by R. E. for John Starkey, at the Mi­ter in Fleet-street, near Temple-Bar. 1678.

TO THE READER.

Ingenuous Reader,

TO thee alone I recom­mend the perusal of this Journal, which not only my self, but some o­ther judicious Persons have thought worthy to appear in our Tongue, and amongst the Curioso's of our Nation. The Author is well known to be a Man of Integrity, and one that scorns to impose upon the World an untruth; of which, [Page]in this occasion, nothing can tempt him to be guilty. If therefore some Particulars look with a strange and un­probable Countenance, be not so unsociable in thy per­swasion, as to reject whatsoever thou hast no demonstration to prove. A ridiculous Hu­mour, and a pernicious Rule, which tends to deprive us of the benefit of many Knowled­ges, both in Divine and Hu­mane Matters. It is unlikely that such a Person of discreti­on and interest in the World, as he is known to be, should so much forget his reason, as to [Page]subscribe his Name to such fal­shoods, as may be easily dis­covered at Rome, in the place of his ordinary abode. I confess some Observations are trivial and ordinary, but o­thers will prove satisfactory to such worthy Souls as desire to know the passages of the World, and Foreign Nati­ons. This Country of Egypt hath heretofore been the rich­est Magazin of Learning, as well as of Provisions: It hath flourished in all Manual Arts, and the rarest Sciences. No doubt but that there are yet to be seen some Monuments [Page]of the Primitive Grandeur and Learning of the ancient Inhabitants: As therefore Van­slebius hath judg'd them wor­thy to be visited in his Travels, and afterwards of this account which he gives in Print, I think them not unworthy of thy knowledge; which thou mayest perhaps improve in the interpretation of some obscure passages of holy Writ, and for other purposes according to thy Profession.

Vale,
M. D.

THE PRESENT STATE OF EGYPT: OR, A New Relation, or Journal, of the Tra­vels of Father Vansleb through Egypt.

IN the Year 1671. about the 8th of May, I was at Marseilles, with an intention to sail again into Egypt: for that purpose I found an opportunity, the Ship the Three Kings, Commanded by an Aged Captain named Artaut, was ready to depart for Alexan­dretta. I went aboard, and set sail from the Port the 20th of the same Month, strait towards Malta, where we remained five days, and after directed our Course to Lernica, in the Island of Cyprus, where the French Merchants make their abode; on the Sea-side, looking towards the South, we arrived the 17th of June.

As soon as I set foot ashore, I fell desperately sick of an ordinary Disease to all Strangers, proceeding from the Infection of the Air, that is an Enemy to them: But my Distemper could not hinder me from going to Nicosia, the chief City of the Island. When I felt my Malady in­creasing every day, and the rather through the [Page 2]dangerous Infection of the Plague which was then in the Island, I resolved to be carried to Tripoli in Syria, the nearest and most conveni­ent Port where the French Nation hath a Con­sul: Whilest I was at Nicosia, Captain Artaut was departed with his Ship for Alexandretta, and the 26th of June I went aboard another Ship in the Haven of Lernica, and the next day with a favourable Wind we landed at Tripoli.

Though I had forsaken the infectious Island, the disease of my body forsook me not, but grew to that pass, that I prepar'd my self, as Christia­nity injoyns us, to leave the World: Neverthe­less, at the end of 35 days, my distemper being weary to torment me, suffer'd me to recover a little strength; and though I was but weak, I went aboard a Ship bound for Alepo the first of Septemb. arriv'd the 13th, and abode there four Months.

About the last of Decemb. I went to Damascus, where I remain'd a Month, and from thence to Seyda, where I was also two Months.

My purpose is not to give any account of the Curiosities of Lernica, of Nicosia, of Tripoli, of Alepo, of Damascus, and of Seyda. These Towns are sufficiently known to all the World, by the many Relations already published of the Levant Countries: Besides the shortness of the time of my abode there, together with the inconvenien­cy of a Quartan Feaver which kept me compa­ny sixteen Months, suffered me not to inquire in­to any such matters. I shall therefore in this Treatise give an account only of what Curiosi­ties I have seen in Egypt, where during the space of twenty Months I have had the leisure and opportunities to take a view of the most re­markable [Page 3]things, with the greatest exactness and care imaginable, which hath never been done of this famous and beautiful Country till now.

The 19th day of February, 1672. I took Ship at Seyda, a Town of Phoenicia, to sail for Da­mietta in Egypt; but a contrary Wind rose, and brought us back to Seyda again, where we re­main'd till the 16th of March. I went then a­board, and met with a favourable Gale, that drove us very happily to Bogas, which lies at the Mouth of the River Nilus.

I think it convenient, before we proceed, to give a general account and description of Egypt, that the things that I shall hereafter mention may better be understood.

A General Description of Egypt.

CHam, one of the three Sons of Noah, had four Children Males, Cus, Misraim, named by the Arabs Beidar, Fut, and Canaan. Cus was the Father of the Abyssins, Misraim of the Cop­ties and Nubians, Fut of the Africans, and Ca­naan of the Syrians, and their Neighbours.

Misraim after the Deluge, as Macrisi an Ara­bian Historian saith, pitcht upon Egypt, made there his abode, and left it and the Country, as far as the farthest part of Africa, to his Posteri­ty. He had likewise four Sons, Ischemun, Atrib, Sá, and Coptus, unto whom he divided the Land of Egypt in four equal parts; Coptus had all that tract of Land, from Isvan to the City of Coptus; to Ischemun he allotted the Country from that City to Menuf; to Atrib he gave the Heart and [Page 4]middle of Egypt, now called Delta; and to Sá he appointed all the Continent, from the Pro­vince of Beheire as far as Barbary. They all builded Cities in their several Dominions, call­ing them by their own Names. We shall mention them in the sequel of this Discourse.

After the decease of their Father, the four Brothers were at variance about the Soveraign­ty, neither of them could endure a Partner. At last they resolved to end their Controversies by a Battle, which was to give the chief Com­mand to the Victor.

Coptus the youngest overcame all the rest of his Brethren, and was acknowledg'd by them as their Chief Lord. He chose the City of Me­nuf, or Memphis, where his Father lived, as his Royal Seat. From this King Coptus all the Race of the Egyptians are now called Copties. Likewise from this first King, the Greeks have given the name of [...] to the Land of Egypt, by chan­ging the K into G; which is the custom not on­ly of this Language, but also of the Arabian, as may appear by the words Nekkade, and Dunkala, written in Arabian with a K, and nevertheless they are pronounced in discourse Neggade, and Dungala, as if they were written with a G. They are the names of two Towns; the one in the Upper Egypt, and the other in Nubia.

The Moors and Copties, Natural Inhabitants of the Country, call it Massr, from Misraim the Son of Cham, and the Grand-child of Noah, who first laid the Foundations of it after the Deluge. And from the same Misraim, the Turks have na­med it Missir, and the Jews Eretz Misraim, the Country of Misraim.

Egypt is scituate in Africa, according to the common and ordinary Opinion; nevertheless, some of the Ancient Geographers have placed it part in Africa, and part in Asia, making the Ri­ver Nilus as the Bounds between these two great parts of the World.

Egypt is bounded on the South with Nubia, and the last City of Egypt is Isvan, called by the Euro­peans Siene, which is commanded by the Bay of Girge; on the West it hath the Provinces of Vah, and Barca; and on the East are the Desarts that divide it from Palestina; and on the North is part of the Mediterranean Sea.

It stretcheth it self in length from the City of Isvan to the Mouth of the River Nilus; at Ro­setta, in a streight line, that is from South to North about five hundred and threescore miles: it is not possible to declare it precisely, because they are not wont to measure the Country by Miles, or by Leagues, but by the Camels Journeys only. I say here nothing, but according to the Relation of the Authors that have examin'd it.

It is divided, according to the accounts of the Divan, or Treasury, into three parts: 1. Into Said, or the Upper Egypt, which begins at Sint, and extends as far as Isvan. 2. Into Vostani, or the middle Egypt, in respect of the Said and Cairo: And 3. Into Bahri, or Inferiour Egypt. The mid­dle begins at Gize, a Village over against Bou­lac, and reaches as far as Momfallon▪ and the lower commenceth at Cairo, and includes Alex­andria, and Damietta.

The Upper Egypt, or that part of it which is habitable and useful, is very narrow. In the wi­dest part, a Horse in four hours may pass over it; [Page 6]in some places it is not above three hours riding: and the Country in both sides is wild, sandy, and hilly.

I cannot give an exact account of its wide­ness in the middle, but yet I am perswaded it is not much larger nor wider than the higher part; for being scituated between both, Egypt begins to grow wider about Cairo; it must needs fol­low, that the middle is not much wider than the upper part, unless it be about the Cascieflik of Fiúm, where Egypt in the middle begins to be wider; but yet I cannot give any exact account of it.

The Inferiour part is wider: The Inhabitants reckon about 70 miles from Damietta to Alexan­dria, the most Western-Town upon the Sea-Coast.

A Learned Person of this Age, in a discourse concerning the causes of the Inundation of Ni­lus, hath very well proved against the Ancient Philosophers, that the lower Egypt hath always been, and is not a new gift of Nilus. He grounds his Opinion first upon Homerus, who mentions the old City of Canopus, which was at one of the chief entrances into Nilus from the Sea. Se­condly, upon the testimony of Moses and David, Ps. 77. who have mentioned the City of Tanis, where was Pharaoh's Court, and where God per­formed great Wonders.

Egypt was always governed by Kings, but the Royal Seats have not always continued the same, for the Conquerours have altered them accord­ing to their pleasure.

The first Royal City, as Macrisi saith, was Am­sus; but the Waters of the Deluge having rui­ned [Page 7]it, the Posterity of Noah built Menuf, or Memphis, which was the Seat of the Ancient Kings of the Race of Coptus, till Nabuchodonozor had sack'd it. When Alexander the Great had built Alexandria, he made it the Principal City, where all the succeeding Kings of the Greeks made their Residence for nine hundred years, till the Arabians had taken Egypt, and made Fo­stat Metropolis. But when Giauher, the General of Meez le Din-alla had built Cairo, about the year of the Hegeira 362. he called it Dar il Memleke, that is the Royal Seat, which it hath been ever since.

Egypt hath been govern'd by three several sorts of Mahumetan Princes, since the Arabians took it from the Greeks.

The first were named Omara Massr, or Lords of Egypt, without any other Title. They were all Arabians, and Successors of Amru ibn il Ass, who was the first Conquerour, and after to Abu il Fevares, the last of that Race. We reckon one hundred and twelve Princes of Egypt, during the space of 337 Years, seven Months, and twenty Days. Their Conquest happen'd about twenty years after the Hegeira, and ended in the year 358. They all dwelt at Fostat Masser, or there­abouts.

The second Race of the Arabians were called Caliphs. They began to take that Title, when Ge­neral Abuhassein Giauher had built Cairo by the Order of Meez le Din-alba, who was then Prince of Barbary, and Conquer'd Egypt, and took it from the Arabians. Egypt was afterwards go­vern'd by its Caliphs about 108 Years, 4 Months, and 22 Days; that is, to the death of Adet le [Page 8]Din-alla, who was the last and Eleventh Caliph.

The third sort, named Sultans or Soldans, suc­ceeded immediately after; of them there have been of four Nations.

The first, who was the Posterity of a certain Eijub, were called Sultans Curdes.

The second came from beyond the Seas, & were named Mamaluk Turks, because they had been before Slaves, and sold by the Merchants of Con­stantinople to the Kings of Egypt, who caused them to be brought up and instructed in all Martial Discipline. When the King was dead, one of these Slaves was chosen to succeed in the Throne.

The third sort were stiled Mamaluks Circassi­ans, because they came originally from Circassia, and were brought thither by the Merchants as the former, and sold also as Slaves to the Kings of Egypt, who caused them to be also train'd up as the former, unto whom they succeeded in the Regal Dignity and Command.

The fourth sort, who are now in possession, are the Sultans of the Race of Ottoman, who over­came the Circassian Sultans in the year 922. of the Hegeira; for Sultan Selim Conquer'd this King­dom in the year 1517.

Egypt is inhabited at present by Copties, Moors, Arabians, Turks, Greeks, Jews, and Franks, and other strange Nations; but as they are not nu­merous, they deserve not to be mentioned.

The Copties or Copts are the Natural Inhabitants of the Country, thus called, as we have already said, of Coptus the Son of Misraim, who was King of Egypt after his Father.

The Moors, who are named by the Arabians Aulad il Arab, or Children of the Arabians, are [Page 9]likewise as well as the Copties descended from the same Father, but they are become Mahumetans, and it may be since they have Conquered Egypt, there are some amongst them yet that are come from the Arabians.

The Arabians are a people of Arabia, and though they live in Egypt, they have no commu­nication with the Moors, who are originally of the Country. They are of many differing Ge­nerations, govern'd by their several Chieftains, whom I shall mention in the sequel of this dis­course.

The Turks have establish'd themselves there since Sultan Selimus conquer'd Egypt. These go­vern the Country, defend it, and act in all Offi­ces of State.

The Greeks that live there now, and that make yet profession of the Christian Religion, have been invited thither by the great Trade of E­gypt; for there is no sign of the Ancient Greeks, who establish'd themselves there when Alexan­der the Great conquer'd Egypt; if there be any, they are mingled with the Copties, and are called by their names.

And because the Greekish Emperours that fol­lowed the Council of Chalcedonia were glad to incourage a Party in Egypt against the Copties, sworn Enemies of that Council, they protected there the Greeks that went thither from Greece, that submitted to that Council, and gave them means to establish themselves in this Kingdom; since that time the Greekish Religion hath been there professed.

The Jews have always lived there; at present they are very numerous, and are in great repute, [Page 10]chiefly at Cairo, and in the Maritime Towns: but unless it be in such places there are none to be found, for if their occasions call them into the Country, they usually disguise and hide them­selves; for when the Country-people find them out, they abuse and affront them strangely.

The Copties at present in Egypt are not nume­rous, in comparison of what they have been heretofore; for in the days of Amru ibn il Ass, who took this Country from the Greeks, there was of this Nation six hundred thousand that paid him Tribute: but now, according to the re­lation of their own Patriarch, there is scarce ten or fifteen thousand. One of the Causes of this decrease, was their constancy in the Chri­stian Religion, in the time of the Romans; their Governours were so furious against them for that reason, that they have put to death milli­ons at a time: for the Histories tell us of the Governour under Dioclesian the Emperour, who massacred in one night, at Christmas, fourscore thousand; who are buried upon Mount Achmim in the Upper Egypt. And at another time near Isna, either the same Governour, or another, put to death so many that they were not to be num­bred, for they covered fourscore Fiddans, or Furlongs, with their dead martyr'd bodies: The Fiddan in Egypt contains 400 Cassabs or Yards, every Yard is 6 Cubits.

Another Cause of their decrease in the days of the Christian Emperours, was their obstinacy in maintaining the Errour of Dioscorus, one of their Patriarchs, concerning one Nature, one Will, and Person in Jesus Christ, which caused them to suffer almost the same destructions as [Page 11]they had done formerly under the Heathen Em­perours for the Christian Faith: For when the Greek Emperours offered to force them to leave the Errour of Dioscorus, and to embrace the Faith established in the Council of Chalcedone, and when they found them disobedient and in­flexible; they made use of the Sword to compass their design. Amongst the rest the Emperour Justinian, as Macriz saith in his History of the Patriarchs, caused two hundred thousand Copties to be killed at Alexandria for that very purpose. I shall not mention the Cruelties of the other Emperours his Successors exercised upon them. So that such as survived after such like Massacres, when they saw the danger that attended the pro­fession of this Opinion, and of appearing in the Cities, they retreated into the wilderness, or withdrew themselves into the Monasteries, in de­spair, to lead a Monastical life, without marri­age, or thinking to propagate their Nation.

After this, the Mahometan Kings and Princes, that have governed Egypt since the Christian Em­perours, when they found them rebellious a­gainst their Government, have not spared them. They have killed the Chief, sold for Slaves the Wives and Children of others, so that the wea­ker sort have been forc'd to turn Mahometans. By this means, after so many evils, this Nation is reduced to a very small number.

They were anciently Heathens, every City had a God to adore.

Abusir, or the old Busiris, worshipped a Calf. Alexandria, the ancient Racotis, adored Serapis of Stone. Achmim, which is the old Panos, acknow­ledged Apollo. Bana worshipped a Dog. Bassa, [Page 12]or the old Bubastis, had for God a Lion of Stone. Eida adored Serapis. Ischemunein, which is the ancient Hermopolis, worshipped a Man of Stone. Isvan, called by the Copties Sevan, reverenced the Tree Lebaca. Cous worshipped the Moon and Stars. Mindadi the Fig-tree of Pharaoh. Memphis a Calf. Atrib, or the old Atribis, ado­red a Calf of Stone. Semennut, which is the an­cient Sebennis, worshipped a Calf of Brass. Sa a Hog of Stone. Tuba had a respect for the Water and all that is therein. I have taken all these particulars out of an old Manuscript in A­rabick, that I have seen in the Monastry of S. Anthony.

But since the coming of our Saviour Jesus Christ, they have been some of the first that have embraced the Christian Religion, at the preach­ing of the Apostle S. Mark. They have conti­nued in the right Faith, till Dioscorus their Patri­arch fell into this Heresie, That in Jesus Christ there was but one Nature, one Substance, one Will, and one Operation. This Errour with its Author was condemned in the Council of Chal­cedone, and such as receive it are counted as He­reticks by the Church of Rome; therefore they have been persecuted by the Christian Emperours in times past.

But because I treat more amply of their Be­lief and Ecclesiastical Ceremonies in another Book named the Church of Alexandria, which I composed for that purpose when I was at Cai­ro, therefore I will say no more at present.

The Egyptians have often changed their Lan­guage. The first and ancient Language of the Country was that of the Copties, which was used [Page 13]all the time that their Kings reigned in Egypt. But when Alexander the Great had subdued that Country, they were forced to learn the Speech of their Conquerour, which was the Greek, since commonly spoken in Egypt above nine hun­dred years, till the Arabians had driven away the Greeks. They brought in the Arabian Tongue, which is now commonly used.

Of Saida, or the Upper Egypt.

SAid in Arabick signifies a Place or a Country, higher and above another: Therefore be­cause the Upper Egypt is higher and above the Lower, it bears this Name. The Arabians call it yet Vogh il ard, or the Face of the Country, being situate on the South of Cairo. The Hogia's or Priests of Mahomet turn that way their Faces, when they begin to call the Congregation to Prayers, because Mecha is towards the South, in respect of all the Territories of the Ottoman Em­pire.

Giafer ibn Daleb, an Arabian Historian, saith, that it is twelve days journey long, as they march with Camels in Egypt; but it is not above four Hours travelling from side to side in the Coun­try that is inhabited: for if we should compre­hend in the breadth the Mountains of Sand on the East and West, it is a great deal broader than we have said.

The City of Isvan is the farthest Confine to­wards the South, which is in the Cascieflick of Ibrîm. On the East it stretcheth forth as far as the Red-sea, and on the West as far as the Pro­vince of Vah.

The Chief City heretofore was Hú, whereof I shall speak hereafter more at large; but now the Capital City is Girge, where lives the Sangiac-Bey that governs it.

Anciently certain Princes ruled here in the time of the Arabians, called in their Language Omara Said. They dwelt then at Hú, which is, the old Diospolis, surnamed the Upper, distant from Girgé about a days journey, and on the same side of the River Nilus as we go up: But when Girgé was inlarg'd by time, and Hú fell to decay, the Princes of Said settled their abode at Girgé, which hath been always the Chief City since that time till now.

About fifty years ago the Turks drove away from thence those Arabian Princes, and in their stead they put the Sangiac-Beys, who are Natural Turks; the first was named Soliman-Gianballat.

This puts me in mind of a mistake of James Albertus in his discourse of Egypt; he saith, that Said was about 60 years ago a Kingdom of it self, to which the Grand Seignior did usually as­sign a Pacha. This Errour hath no ground: First, because in all the Histories, ancient and new, of the Arabians, the Province of Said is never nam'd Memleke a Kingdom, nor Pachalick the Government of a Pacha, but only Arde Said, i. e. the Country of Said; and its Rulers, were not nam'd Kings, or Pachas, but only Omara Said, or Princes of Said. Secondly, because all the Governours of the Turkish Race, who have go­vern'd it since the driving out of the Arabian Princes, are never call'd in the Registers of the Divan, nor of the common people, otherwise than Sangiac-Beys, two only excepted, who were [Page 15]named Pachas, because they had been Pachas be­fore they were the Governours of this Pro­vince; and though they did bear this Title, they were always subject to the Pachas of Grand Cairo.

It is certain, the Province of Said is very large; and if it were all inhabited, and all ma­nur'd, as is the lower Egypt, its Bey might con­tend with the Pacha of Cairo for pre-eminence. They have often endeavour'd to free themselves from his Command, but because the inhabited Country is very narrow, and the Villages and Towns ruinated, they could never succeed in their design.

Nevertheless, the Government is much like that of the Pachas of Cairo, for he hath the same Officers to attend him, a Chiaoux-Bachi, or a Captain of the Chiaoux, an Interpreter, an Aga of the Janizaries, and other Aga's of the Mili­tary Orders, named in their Language Boulouks, who are taken out of the Souldiery of Cairo, and are paid out of the Reversions of the Divan. He hath likewise his Divan Catebi, or Chancellour; and in truth, he hath all the Priviledges of a Pa­cha, but he hath not the Title, nor the Quality, nor ever had.

This Bey gives to the Pacha of Cairo, as James Albertus saith, forty Purses every year; besides, he sends him fifty Horses, fifty Mules, and one hundred Camels. He gives also ten Purses to his Kehaja, and his Aga: And for the Tax of his Country, he pays to the Divan of Cairo one hundred and fifty Ardebs of Wheat; and when he gives other Grain, he delivers one Ardeb and a half, instead of one Ardeb of Wheat; and besides, he sends four hundred and fourscore [Page 16]Purses, each Purse containing five hundred Crowns: And when he is in the last year of his Government, he is bound to cause all the Lands of his Government to be sown which the River hath watered, and for his Expences the Divan gives him an Allowance.

Of the Casciefs of Egypt.

IN regard the word Cascief is often repeated in this Treatise, I have thought it needful, before I proceed any farther in the general de­scription of Egypt, to mention its Origine, and the number and imployment of the Casciefs: By this means we shall see that all Egypt is divi­ded into little Provinces, or Governments.

The word Cascief proceeds from the Ara­bik Jickscif, which signifies to discover a thing; because their Ancient Office was to visit their Province and Jurisdiction, to find out the Ara­bians, and Thieves, and Persons of an ill life, and to punish them: But now their Power and Riches increasing, they have rented the Incomes of their Provinces without altering their Names; so that at this time they are the Petty-Governours of Egypt, and are in number six and thirty.

In the upper Egypt are twenty four, namely of Sint, where the upper Egypt begins, of Abutig, of Temeh, of Tahta, of Gezire, of Sobaitg, of Minscie, of Tuh il essirat, of Girgé, where the Vali is the Cascief: All these are on the West-side of Nilus, before you come to Girgé.

These following are likewise on the West-side of Nilus; but beyond Girge, namely, the Casciefs [Page 17]of Berdis, of Fersciut, of Hu, of Bahgiura, of Jarbuksas, of Arment, and of Isne.

These following reside on the East-part of Ni­lus; namely, the Casciefs of Scierkabuet, of Ach­min, of Scierkmerg, of Limbir ve il cheijam, of Scierkfau, of Cous, of Kenne, of Luxorein, and of Ibrim.

Six dwell in the middle Egypt; namely, at Momfallot, where the Cascief Commands the o­ther of Vah; there is the Cascief of Ischmunein that dwells at Minie, the Casciefs of Behnese, of Fium, of Gize: All these are at the West-side of Nilus; and on the East there is only the Cascief of Atfieh, in the middle of Egypt.

There are also six in the lower Egypt; namely, of Menuf, of Garbie, which two Provinces are in the Isle of Delta. The Cascief of Beheire re­sides in the West-side of Nilus, as we go to Gize, over against Cairo. This Province reaches as far as Alexandria, and includes the little Cascief of Tarane that depends upon it. There is likewise the Cascief of Kel, Jub, in the same side as Cairo, and the Cascief of Mansoura on the same hand, near the Province of Keliub, and the Cascief of Bilbeis, which is on the side of Crand Cairo.

All the Casciefs of the inferiour Egypt, and some also of the middle, never abide in the Towns of their Jurisdictions, for the most part, but only eight or nine Months, from January till August. When Nilus begins to overflow the Banks, then they retreat to Cairo, where they dwell till the Waters are gone, and that the Ber­sim, or Sinfoin, is grown high enough to feed their Horses.

When the Governours are gone out of their [Page 18]Towns, there is no assurance for a Traveller, for the Arabians and Thieves having no body to fear in the quarter, they watch for their prey in the passages and high-ways; so it is not safe to travel by Land, till they be return'd to their Jurisdictions again, which commonly happens at the Feast of the Epiphany of the Copties.

They observe this order in going from Cairo; the Cascief of Garbie departs the next day after the Epiphany, of Menuf, the day following; the third day the Cascief of Beheire, the fourth of Mansoura, the fifth of Atfieh, the sixth of Ke­liub, the seventh goes away Lord of Gize. They all come back again to Cairo, in the Month of Au­gust, in the same order.

This is the Tax that was commonly paid in the year 1634. as James Albertus saith; I know not whether there is any alteration.

The Cascief of Beheire pays to the Pacha 30 Purses, to his Kehaja and Agas six Purses, and to the Divan or Treasury of the Grand Seignior, yearly in four portions, four hundred and four­score Purses. He hath at his Command two hun­dred men, half Spahis, and half Metferracas; and besides these, he hires many more to give a check to the Arabians. He is bound to make the water of the River to run into Alexandria, through the Calitz or Conduit of Cleopatra, which conveys the water from a Village called Latf; he is bound also to entertain Souldiers all along the Channel, to see that the water be not cut off: he is also bound to cause it to be cleansed at his own charges. In his Province are one hundred three­score and ten Towns and Villages.

The Cascief of Menuf pays to the Pacha five [Page 19]and twenty Purses, to his Kehaja and Agas four, and to the Divan two hundred fourscore and six­teen; and the Divan of Cairo is obliged to en­tertain one hundred Spahis to keep his Coun­try.

The Cascief of Garbia pays to the Pacha, as I understood when I was at Cairo, one and thirty Purses; two to his Kehaja, to the Emir Achour, a great Officer, eighteen thousand Medins; and in all, one hundred and twenty Purses. The Di­van of Cairo allows him one hundred and fifty Souldiers; he lives at Mohelle Kebire, or the Great Mohelle, the Chief Town of the Pro­vince.

The Cascief of Mansoura, as James Albertus saith, gives to the Pacha five and twenty Pur­ses, four to his Kehaja and Agas, and to the Di­van two hundred fourscore and sixteen. The Divan entertains a hundred Souldiers in his Pro­vince, and keeps as many more.

The Cascief of Keliub, which was the old Cal­liope, scituated on the East-side of the River Ni­lus, as Cairo, pays to the Pacha five and twenty Purses, four to his Kehaja and Agas, and to the Divan two hundred fourscore and sixteen. The Divan keeps for him, as for the former, a hun­dred Souldiers.

When the Cascief receives the Coftan, or his Commission from the Pacha, he spends about five hundred Crowns. All such persons as have been Chiaoux and Metferracas may pretend to this Of­fice: These Metferracas, amongst the Turks, are a Noble kind of Horsemen.

Of the Seasons of Egypt.

THough the Copties are much despised by all the Mahumetans, they are esteem'd because of the computation of the time; for the Mahu­metans in all their actions, either private or pub­lick, never make use of their own computation, but of that of the Copties, as the justest and the best for their business: For example, they say not, that the Rains fall such and such a day of their Month, but such a day of the Month of the Copties. They reckon Easter, called Camsins, not after their Beiram, but according to the Easter of the Copties: So that they govern all their acti­ons, and all their publick affairs, not according to their own, but according to the Copties Ca­lendar.

The Copties divide thus the Seasons of the Year: They reckon the Autumns, called by the Arabians il Charif, from the 15th day of the Month Tot, or September, till the 15th of Kija­hak, or December.

Winter, named by them il Scitte, begins on the 15th day of December, and ends on the 15th day of Baramhat, or March.

The Spring, called by them il Auvel rebie, be­gins on the 15th day of March, and ends the 15th day of Baoni, or June.

The Summer on the 15th day of June, and ends the 15th day of the Month Tot, or September: they reckon for every Season just three Months.

They begin the year the 8th day of September, according to the Gregorian stile, or on the 28th of August, according to the Calendar of the Greeks. [Page 21]They reckon this present year 1672. to be the 1398. year since the Vice-Roy of Dioclesian mas­sacred so many Martyrs, at which time they be­gin their computation.

These are the names of their Months, and the days in which they begin.

  • Tot, or September, begins the 8th day of ours.
  • Babe, or October, begins the—of ours.
  • Hatur, or November, begins the—of ours.
  • Kijahak, or December, begins the 7th of ours.
  • Tube, or January, begins the 6th of ours.
  • Amscir, or February, begins the 4th of ours.
  • Baramhat, or March, begins the 7th of ours.
  • Bermude, or April, begins the 6th of ours.
  • Besciens, or May, begins the 6th of ours.
  • Baoni, or June, begins the 5th of ours.
  • Abib, or July, begins the 5th of ours.
  • Messr, or August, begins the first day of ours.

Every Month hath 30 days, which make up 360. and because there wants yet five to com­pleat the year, they add the five at the end of all, and call them Epagomene, which signifies ad­ded, to make up the full year.

The most temperate Season hath something of the Spring and the Autumn; which two Seasons cannot well be distinguished in Egypt. Now the mild Weather begins in the Month of Septem­ber, then the people begin to breath the fresh air; but as about this time the Fields are all drown'd in water, and that there is no walking up and down by Land, the abode is not then so pleasant till the middle of November: Then the Country is dry, the Ways are free, the Waters are run into their usual Currents, the Birds are to be taken by the Fowler, the Air is pleasant, [Page 22]the heat of the Sun is supportable, the Fields grow green, and the sweet and fresh Gales blow every where. In short, the Season is then very pleasant, and continues so till the middle of A­pril.

The cold season, which is answerable to our Winter, begins about the middle of December: It is a delightful time, unless in the seven days which the Arabians call Berd il agiuz, or the cold of the old Hag; they begin about the 7th of February, and continue till the 14th; the Mornings are then very cold, the Sky is cloudy, the Rains fall, and the Winds are commonly ve­ry boisterous.

Though the Winter is there very mild, persons of Estate wear Furr'd Gowns, from the Month of November, till the Month of March, not be­cause of any great cold, for there is scarce any, but because then the Weather is variable, and they fear to be incommoded with the distempers which this changeable weather produceth.

The Summer is the worst and most troublesom season, because of the excessive heats of the hot Winds, and the dangerous diseases that are rife, chiefly at that time, which the Egyptians call Cam­sins, which we name Easter. This dangerous sea­son begins about the Easter-Monday of the Copties, and ends at their Whitson-Monday. About this time the Winds, called by the Arabians Merissi, are boisterous; they are so hot and troublesome, that they are ready to stifle the breath, and they raise in the Air so much Straw and Sand, that the Sky is darkned. This Sand is so subtil, that it penetrates through every little chink and hole.

About this time Malignant Fevers commonly reign, Dysenteries, and many other Diseases; the least is incurable, if the necessary Remedies be not applied in time: And when these winds blow, the bodies that are not distemper'd, are cast down, and not well.

These Southerly winds blow not every day in this season, nor every year in the same manner and fury; for in the year 1672. they blew but twelve times, and the next year but twice, and that very moderately; other fresher and whole­somer winds blew the rest of the time. It is not possible to express the joy of the people, when these Southerly winds favour them, and are mild.

The ordinary time of Rains and Winds, which might be compared with our Autumn, be­gins in the Month of December, and continues till January, and February; though at Rosetta, and Alexandria, the Rains fall at other times, because of the Seas that are so near. At the Eve of the Pentecost, in the year 1672. the wea­ther was full of Rain at Rosetta, and the next day followed a very thick Mist. On the 24th day of November, in the same year, the Rains fell ve­ry moderately at Cairo; the Sky was obscure, and full of wind; and on the tenth, eleventh, fourteenth and fifteenth in the same Month, ve­ry furious Rains fell. By this you may see, that it is a great errour to say, that it never Rains in Egypt.

I have often seen in my Travels, that the weather hath been so misty and moist, that my Beard and Cloaths have been so wet, that a showre of Rain could not have wetted them more; and that which is wonderful is, that this [Page 24]happened in a season that none ever expected it. During several mornings in the Month of April, in the year 1672. in my travelling from Damiet­ta to Cairo, the same thing happen'd to me in the Month of June at Rosetta; and in the Month of September at Benesuef; and in October, in my return from the Monastery of S. Anthony.

These wet Mists are more frequent about Cai­ro, than in other places. They begin usually a­bout the Month of November, before the rising of the Sun, and continue all the Winter. Some happen in other seasons of the year, and many times in Summer, as I have taken notice in the year 1672. in the beginning of August, in my re­turn back from Fium to Mocanan, a Village about four hours travelling from Cairo, I saw upon the Town so thick a Mist, that I could not dis­cover it, nor the Pyramids that are near, though the Air was clear where I stood.

In all the seasons of the year, when the nights are serene, there is so much Dew that falls, that it may very well be taken for a little showre; but when the Sky is cloudy, there falls no Dew. Were it not for these Dews, there would be no Grass nor Corn, the Trees would bear no Fruit, the wild Beasts in the Desarts could not live where there are no Fountains nor Rivers, and where the Rains fall but seldom. Thunders are not often heard; in all the time that I was in E­gypt, I heard this noise but twice, on the first day of January, and on the fourth of May, 1673.

I have already spoken of the two chief Winds that blow in Egypt, Merissi and Maltem. I must further take notice, that not only the Southern Winds are named Merissi, but also the Eastern. [Page 25]They blow commonly twice every year; at Ea­ster, called (as I have already said) Camsin; and from the Month of November, till the middle of February. They are helpful to those that tra­vel down the River Nilus, and to the Ships that sail from the Indies and Arabia through the Red-Sea to Sues: But they are contrary to those that go up the River: From hence it sometimes hap­pens, that Travellers are 30 days going up from Cairo to Girge, which Voyage is easily perform­ed in 8 or 10 days when the other winds blow.

The Winds called Maltem or Teijáb are West­erly Winds: They begin about twelve days be­fore the Rain falls, and last till the Month of November; during that time scarce any other Wind blows. The Winds called Merissi are hot, they spoil the Corn, and are hurtful to every thing; but these nourish and refresh, not only the Corn, but are comfortable to Man and Beast, for they are cooling, and give strength.

They stop the Mouth of the River, and cause the Waves to send back the water of Nilus, which makes it to stop and swell over the Banks to water the Earth, and fill all the Chan­nels with water. In their seasons they begin to blow about Noon, and continue till midnight; but between midnight, and the Noon of the next day, they seldom blow, or very faintly.

The Description of the Egyptians.

THe Egyptians generally are of an Olive-co­lour, and the farther their Country is di­stant from Cairo towards the South, their skin is [Page 26]the more tawny; such as live next to Nubia are all blackish, as the Nubians.

Their ordinary Vices are Idleness and Cowar­dise, which is so natural to them, that they are all toucht with them, whether they be Mores or Copties: Their ordinary imployment every day is to smoak Tobacco, and drink Coffee, to sleep, or lye in a place idle, or sit talking together. They are very ignorant in all manner of Sciences and Knowledges; they are very proud and vain-glorious; and though they all know that they have lost their Nobility, their Country, all knowledge and exercise of Arms, their Lan­guage, their chief Books, and publick Histories, and that instead of a famous and valiant Nation that they were heretofore, they are become meer Slaves, an odious and a contemptible people; nevertheless they are so proud, as to think that they have need of nothing. They are displeased when we Francs advise them to send their Chil­dren into our Country to learn the Arts and Sci­ences, and to understand how we live and be­have our selves.

The common people are Thieves, Lyars, trea­cherous, and so greedy of gain, that for the love of a Meidin they would kill their own Fathers. They are very negligent of their business, and changeable, troublesome in discourse, so uncon­stant in their promises, that there is no heed to be taken of their words, nor of their Oaths. In a word, they are very proper to be imployed in all evil actions; my Conversation with men of that Nation of all sorts, hath caused me to discover them to the bottom.

The Women of the Country are usually of a [Page 27]low stature, of a brown Complexion, all their Beauty consists in a lively eye; their discourses are troublesome, and their cloathing is not hand­som. The Wives of the better sort, brought from other parts of Turkie, are better bred, and more pleasing in all respects.

Of the River Nilus.

THe discovery of the Springs of Nilus, which hath caused so many Disputes a­mongst the Ancient Philosophers, and for which some great Persons were at vast expences with­out any success, seems to have been left to the Portugueses, who have found them out in our Age.

Father Telles, a Jesuite, saith in his History of Ethiopia, printed at Lisbon, That in the Kingdom of Gojam, which is about 12 Degrees from the Equi­noctial towards the West, and in the Province of Saca­hala, inhabited by the Agaus in a Field of no great extent, incompassed about with many high Moun­tains, there is a little Lake over which one may cast a stone, full of Bushes and low Trees, whereof the Roots are so thick and intangled, that in Summer one may walk upon them. In the middle of this Lake are two great and deep Fountains very near together; from hence issues out a clear water that runs under these Bushes and low Trees in two several Channels: towards the East, and about the distance of a Mus­ket-shot, they turn to the North; about half a mile from thence there appears a great deal of water, and a considerable River, into which runs many other streams; and about 15 miles from thence, it receives [Page 28]another bigger water, called Gema, which loseth then its name: a little farther, turning towards the East, it receives also two other considerable streams, called Kelti and Branti; near this place is the first fall of the River: Not much farther, in running towards the East, it enters into the Lake of the Abyssins, na­med Bahr Dembea, or the Sea of Dembea: when it is past through, without mingling its waters with the waters of the Lake, it receives many other Rivers very great; and namely, the River Tekeze near Egypt.

As soon as Nilus is out of the Lake Dembea, it turns to the South-East, leaving at the left hand the Kingdoms of Beg-amidr, of Amhara, of Vole­ca; afterwards running to the South, it hath upon the South-East the Kingdom of Sauva; afterwards turning again to the East-North-East, it hath on the South- side Ganz, Gafata, and Bizamo, and pas­seth through the Countries of Gonga and Gafre, and a little farther by Fascalo, then it enters into the Country of Funch, or Nubia, and from thence runs into Egypt, as Father Telles affirms.

We must consider besides, that when Nilus is fallen down the last Cataract near Isvan, it runs from the South to the North very slowly, and di­vides it self below Boulac into two great Bran­ches, the one meets the Sea at Rosetta, and the o­ther at Damietta. This latter divides it self into another Current at Sciobret il yemen, a Village scituate on the West-side of Nilus, about half-way between Cairo and Damietta, which runs into the Sea at Brullos.

Besides these three branches, there is a fourth which is artificial, and full of water; but about thirty days of the year, it begins at a Village [Page 29]called Latf, on the West-side of Nilus, in going to Rosetta, about thirty miles from Alexandria, where the waters of this Current run into the Sea; therefore the Egyptians reckon it amongst the true Mouths of the River Nilus.

I know not whether besides these four there be any other, as Herodotus and Strabo affirm, for they reckon about seven. But Egypt is much alter'd; so that there is no appearance nor remembrance of the seven Cities where they were, as they say.

When I was at Rosetta, I enquir'd from the Inhabitants concerning this particular, but they could not give me any account, but only of these four. Some told me, that besides the great Cur­rent at Damietta, there was another artificial Channel at Gaza, where the waters did run into the Sea, but I cannot believe it: but if this were true, Gaza is not in Egypt; therefore it cannot be one of the seven Mouths of the River Nilus spoken of by the Ancient Geographers. I could wish that some other curious Traveller would en­quire them out, and tell us the truth.

This is remarkable of Nilus: 1. That it begins to increase and decrease on a certain day precisely. 2. That when it first increaseth it grows green. 3. That afterwards it appears red; and 4. That it changeth its Channel sometimes.

The day in which it begins to increase is year­ly the 12th of June of the Copties, or the 17th day of our June, on which day they observe the Feast of S. Michael the Arch-Angel, on which day the drops fall. Now these drops are nothing else, according to the judgment of the Inhabi­tants, but the Mercies and Blessings of God: [Page 30]They believe on that day God sends the Arch-Angel S. Michael to cause the River to be fruit­ful. This is the common Opinion of the people: But the Learned say, that these drops is a kind of a Dew which falls towards the last quarter of the night, near the morning; and which causeth the River to be fruitful, purifies the Air from all the infection of Cumsin, and gives strength and vertue to all things upon which it falls.

These drops are doubtless the only cause of the fruitfulness of Nilus: this is easily seen; for as soon as this Dew is fallen, the water begins to be corrupt, and to be of a greenish colour; this colour increaseth more and more, till the River appears as a Lake cover'd all over with Moss.

This colour is to be seen not only in its great Channel, but also in all the Ponds and Branches that come from thence, only the Cisterns keep the water pure.

Some years this green colour continues about 20 days, and sometimes more, but never above 40. The Egyptians call this time, when the Ri­ver is green, il chad raviat, for they suffer much, because the water is corrupt, without taste, and unwholesome, and that good water is very rare.

These drops or Dew purifies the Air, for as soon as it falls, the Plague ceaseth to be mortal, none dies of it; the Air is wholesome, all Di­stempers cease, and if any person grows sick, he never dies.

This Dew gives life to every thing; and when it falls upon the Wheat, it causeth it to continue many years without corruption, or worms, and is far more nourishing than that Corn upon which it never falls; For this cause they never [Page 31]house the Corn of the Grand Seignior in the Barns, till this Dew is fallen upon it, that it might keep the longer without worms.

The increase of the River proceeds from se­veral causes; the first and the chief is, the fer­mentation caused in it by this Dew, which falls at the time mentioned before.

The continual Rains of Ethiopia, that come in July, August, and September, which is the Winter­quarter of that Country, and the great Torrents of water that run down from the Mountains in­to the Rivers that flow into Nilus, may be look'd upon as another cause of this increase, for I can­not conceive that the fermentation can continue 100 days, and cause it alone to increase so much as it is wont.

The third cause, in my judgment, are the We­sterly winds, called Maestrals, and by the Egyp­tians Maltem, which begin to blow, as I have said, about 12 days before the Dew falls; name­ly, the fifth day of June, and continue after­wards about four Months without alteration. They blow strait into the River Nilus, and hin­der the fresh water from coming out, so that it returns back, and causeth the River to swell.

These same Winds have caused several Tra­vellers, and namely Monsieur Burattini to affirm, that the River observes not a precise day to in­crease, but that it happens some years sooner, others later; because before the 17th day of June, the water did seem to swell; but this is no real increase, the winds Maestrals are the causes of this appearance.

The Ancient Egyptians ascrib'd the cause of the swelling of Nilus to a superstitious custom. [Page 32]They bought a young Damosel, adorned her with rich attire, and afterward cast her as a Sa­crifice into the River, on the 12th day of their Baony, or June: But when Amru-ibn il ass had conquer'd Egypt, and taken it from the Greeks, he abolish'd this damnable Custom; which was observed in that time, as Gaznevi a famous Ara­bian Historian saith. Amru commanded the Egyp­tians to forbear and leave that act of cruelty; in that year it happen'd that the River did not increase, which caus'd the people to suspect and fear a great Famine, insomuch that they resolved to depart out of the Kingdom. This caused Amru ibn il ass to write to Amru ibn il Chottab, a Califf of Mahomet, to desire his advice. This Califf sent him a Letter written with his own hand for the River Nilus, commanding him to read it, and to cast it into the water; which as soon as Amru had performed, the waters rose 16 Cubits in one night, the 14th of September, which is commonly the last day of its increase. This was sufficient to water the Country, and sa­tisfie the people.

Some of the Country that are ignorant of the true causes of this increase, imagine that it pro­ceeds from a large Pond in Ethiopia, in the River it self, which the Abyssins begin to open about the 12th of June, and by degrees let out the wa­ter more and more, till the 14th of September, at which time they begin to shut it again; but this is a foolish fancy of the Copties.

As soon as the green colour is gone, the River Nilus begins to become red, and very muddy; 'tis then no doubt but the fermentation is pass'd, and that the waters of Ethiopia are arriv'd in E­gypt, [Page 33]which are of that colour, because of the red Earth which the furious torrents from the Moun­tains carry into the River; for it is not possible that the Land of Egypt, which is very black, should give it that colour. In the year 1673. in the beginning of July, the water began to be red, which continued till the end of December, the time that the River returns to its ordinary bigness.

They have an art to make this muddy water as clear as Crystal. As soon as the Water­bearers have fill'd their Vessels, they rub them in the inside with a Paste made with pounded Almonds, which causeth the water to become in a short time very clear.

In the places where this Paste is not to be found, they use for that purpose the Kernels of Apricocks, pounded in the same manner. I was told, that the Flower of little Beans could per­form the same effect. The Egyptians believe, that the River Nilus decreaseth also at a certain day; namely, the 17th of their September, and the 24th of ours, the day which they observe in remembrance of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross. They are so fully perswaded of it, that if any should deny it, he would be look'd upon as ridiculous.

The occasion of this belief, as I conceive, is,

First, Because the next day after this Festival, all the Banks and Stoppages of the River, on this side the Cairo, which were before kept shut, and guarded by armed men, that such as need the water for their grounds might not open them, are cut and removed, and the water let into the Country. By this means the River spreads a­broad more than before, and its water returns [Page 34]not back, which makes them say, that it riseth and swells no more.

Secondly, Because the day after the Holy Cross, they do not take notice of its increase at the Pillar of Mikias, nor publish it about the Town, as before; they believe therefore that this is done, because the River never increaseth after.

Thirdly, Because when the seasons of the year in Egypt are regular, the winds Maestrals that help to make the River swell, cease after the 17th of September, and the Southerly winds rise, driving the waters out of the Fields.

Though these reasons appear strong enough, to prove the Opinion of the Copties, one cannot without offending them say, that the River may yet increase after that day, because the winds Maestrals, and the rains of Ethiopia, may some years continue a longer time than ordinary, and so the River may increase a little, not to be per­ceived: for these winds have blown till the Month of November. In the year 1672. at the Calliz of Cairo it was visible, that the water was risen three fingers higher than the day before, in the night of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross. It may be said, that this increase was not real, but only caused by some stoppage at the passage of the River, or at one of the Bridges of the Chan­nel out of the City: For my part, let every one believe what seems most likely.

From hence we may see how much some Tra­vellers have been mistaken, when they have en­deavoured to perswade us, that the River Nilus never increaseth above 40 days: For if you reckon the beginning of its increase, from the [Page 35]17th of June till the 14th of Septemb. the day of its decrease, you shall find that it increaseth du­ring 100 days at least.

There cannot be a greater Testimony of this, than the Custom of the Copties, who in their Ru­brick have a form of prayer for the increase of the River, which they say from the 12th day of Baoni, or June, till the 8th of Babe, or October, which is in all 120 days. In which prayer they desire, that God would cause the River to rise to its necessary height, to water sufficiently the Country, as Abulbaracat, a famous Author a­mongst the Copties, saith in his work called Mos­bah iddolme, which I have brought from Egypt.

The Copties altogether ignorant, ascribe this ordinary decrease to a Miracle. They observe the Festival of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, at which time they bless a Cross at the Celebra­tion of the Mass, which they cast into Nilus, and imagine that this Cross stops the increase of the River.

Their Patriarch was wont to perform this Ce­remony with great pomp and state; but because the Mahumetans suffer them not to go in Processi­on about the Cities publickly, their Priests ob­serve this Custom every one in his own Vil­lage.

The waters of this River have several Opera­tions. 1. They cause a Looseness to the new­comers, if they drink of them at their first arri­val, which continues about eight days. 2. They cause an itch in the skin, which troubles such as drink of them when the River increases. This itch is very small, and appears first about the Arms, next upon the Stomach, and spreads all [Page 36]about the Body, which causeth a grievous pain. This Itch comes not only upon such as drink of the River, but such as drink of the waters of the Cisterns filled with the River water. It lasts a­bout six Weeks. 3. About the Month of June, July, August, and September, it turns into a swet, but is not so in any other time of the year. 4. When this water covers the Earth, it fats the Land with the slime that it leaves behind. Monsieur Th. is mistaken in his Travels into the Levant, when he saith, that this slime makes the ground so fat, that if they did not mingle Sand with it, the ground would rot, and choak what is put into it; and that in Egypt they take as much pains to carry Sand into the ground, as we do to carry dung. This is not generally so; for they never use Sand, but for Melons, Cucumbers, and such like Fruits, which grow only in sandy ground; they never use Sand for other Fruits and Grains.

When the River runs over, it makes a great destruction; it carries away not only great pie­ces of the Bank, but destroys sometimes Towns and Villages near to it. This may easily be per­ceived by the ruines of the Houses, and the old Walls, seen all along the sides of the River.

Sometimes it alters its Channel. I have read in the Mekkin, an Arabian Historian, that about the time that the Arabians conquer'd Egypt, the wa­ter was so high, as to touch the Walls of the Cassr Isscémma, a part of the old Cairo; and that it ran near the Church of Mary Moncure, which is in that of the Patriarchs, in the Street called in that time Háret il bahr, The Street of the Ri­ver; [Page 37]whereas now it is above a mile off from this place.

One day as I was walking out of the old Cai­ro in the Fields, near the Church of S. Michael, the Copties shewed me a Garden near adjoyning, which was about 10 years ago upon the Banks of the River, but at present it is above a Musket shot off, because the River hath taken as much ground on the other side, as it hath lest on this.

Now let us see whether the Kings of Ethiopia are able to divert the course of the River, and cause all the Inhabitants to perish with hunger, as some imagine. I am of this Opinion, though the Father Telles supposeth and alledgeth many diffi­culties in his History of Ethiopia. These are the Reasons that oblige me to believe it possible.

1. A Letter of David, King of Ethiopia, sir­named Constantine, written to Abu seid Barcúk, King of Egypt, in the year of the Martyrs, 1193. I have a Copy of it written in Arabick, in which he threatens him in two distinct places of his Letter, to turn aside the River Nilus, and hinder it from entering into Egypt, to cause all the In­habitants to perish with hunger, if he continues to vex the Copties, whom he names his Brethren. He saith, that he hath received from God this priviledge, which he had not discover'd to any of his Predecessors.

2. Because the Kings of Ethiopia have hin­dred the Current of Nilus, and turn'd it out of Egypt, in the days of Mostansir, one of the Ca­liffes of Egypt; which obliged him to send the Patriarch of the Copties with rich Presents to the King of Ethiopia, to intreat him to take away [Page 38]the Bank which he had raised to turn aside the River. The King of Ethiopia having granted him this request for the Patriarchs sake, the Ri­ver increased in one night three Cubits, which was sufficient to water the Fields with that water that was there before; as we may see in the Hi­story of the Musulmans of George le Mekkin.

The first thing that Strangers may take notice of in sailing upon the River, is the great number of Islands, whereof some be very great, 20 miles in compass: They proceed first from the ship­wrack of Vessels that have stuck in the mud. This happens frequently through the unskilful­ness of the Mariners, and the mud of the River, the slowness of the Current, the dirt and mire gathers immediately about any thing that stops there; by this means these places increase into Islands. Almost every day new Islands are dis­coverable: And because the State of Egypt ne­ver chang'd since the Conquest of Sultan Selim, and that these Islands have been made since, they are not recorded in the Rolls of the Divan of that time. From hence it is that they pay no­thing to the Grand Seignior, but belong to the Pacha, who lets them out to the Casciefs of the Province, where these Islands are scituated, or to whom he pleaseth.

Several Pillars have been erected in divers times to measure the rising of the River.

The first was at Menuf, or Memphis, built by Joseph Jacobson. When this fell to ruine, a rich Lady of the Copties, named Deluca, erected two others; one at Insine, or Thebe, and the other at Achmin. When this last decayed, the Greeks built one at Cassr Isscemma, whereof the Ruines are yet to be seen, as some say.

Ater that Amru ibn il Ass had conquered E­gypt, he caused one to be built at Insine for the same purpose. This remained entire till the days of Abd il aziz ibn Mervan, a Califf of Egypt, who caused one to be built at Helvan, a place where he delighted to dwell.

The last of these Pillars stands in the Roude, an Island, where it remains to this very day. It was erected by the Command of Azamed ibn zid, il Nettuchi, as we may see in the Macrizi, in the Serrur, and other Arabian Histories.

Of the Pillar of Mikias, and in what man­ner they take notice of the Rivers in­crease.

THE Name of Mikias, in its right significati­on, is nothing but a place where some­thing is to be measured: But when at Cairo Mi­kias is named, they understand only the Pillar which is in the Palace of the Roude, an Island, which serves to observe the increase of Nilus. This Island is named Roude, or Garden, because it is a delightful place, and full of many pleasant Gardens. It stands over against Grand Carro, from whence it is distant about a Musket-shot. This Pillar is in the Palace of the Isle Roude; and to come to it, one must pass by a great and a beautiful Mosquée: Therefore it is a difficult matter for a Christian to see it, because the Mahumetans do not suffer them to enter into their Mosquées, chiefly in Egypt, for they believe that they would by their entrance defile and profane them. For this [Page 40]cause I could not have the liberty to see it; there­fore I cannot give any other description than that of Amer ibn il verdi, and of Macrizi, famous Hi­storians of the Arabians.

It is, as they say, of white Marble, of an O­ctogone figure, standing in a Pond of water, into which the water of Nilus enters in by a large Channel. It is divided upon the eight Angles in­to two and twenty Cubits, from the top to the bottom: The first is divided into 24 equal parts, called Fingers; the second is not divided; the third is divided as the first; thus alternatively, till the eleventh Cubit. The first Cubit of the second side is not divided, the second is divided into four and twenty thumbs, the third is not, thus, till the eleventh, which with the others, to the bottom, are divided into eighteen fingers or thumbs. All the other sides are divided in the same manner; so that all the Cubits which are divided in a side, answer to the Cubits which are not divid­ed in the other side. The increase of the River is discerned from the top to the bottom. The Cop­ties say that John Mekaukes, a famous Man of their Nation, and a Governour of Egypt, for the Emperour Heraclius, laid the Foundations of this Palace, and of the Church which is near a Mosquée.

When Christianity flourish'd in Egypt, it be­long'd to one of their Priests to examine the in­crease of the River; which action was perform­ed three hours after midnight, and after Mass. This is very likely. The last Priest of the Copties that measured it, was named Raddat, who conti­nued in that Office by making himself a Mahume­tan, that none but his Posterity might have this [Page 41]Office. Ibn Raddat, who now executes this Fun­ction, is descended from him, and is a Caddi by Profession.

Though the Mahumetans are Enemies of the Copties, they observe some Customes now which were then kept, when their Priests did measure the River; for they do this about Even-song, that is, about three hours in the afternoon. They that must examine the increase of the River, must be Cadis, or Judges, an Ecclesiastical Fun­ction amongst the Mahumetans. They do it af­ter they have first purified themselves, and said their prayers of the Even, as the Copties after Mass.

When Ibn Raddat hath taken notice of the number of the Fingers that signifie the increase of the River, he takes three times the water in the hollow of his hand, and flings it as often in­to the air: He repeats afterwards the Chapter of Fatha, and departs with the news of the rising of the water to the Pacha.

On the 29th of June, the Festival of the Apo­stles of S. Peter and S. Paul, they begin to publish abroad this increase through the City of Cairo; the manner of this publication is sufficiently de­scrib'd by Monsieur Thevenot. This day is the 26th of Baoni, or the June of the Copties, which is the Festival of the Angel Gabriel. They call this day in their Language, Besciaret innil be Massr; or, The day of the publication of the Ri­ver Nilus at Cairo.

They that are imployed in this business, ob­serve a particular Custom: They never declare exactly the number of the fingers of the in­crease, but always keep back some, till the time [Page 42]comes that the Calitz is to be cut. For example, if Nilus be increased ten fingers the first day, they will declare but seven or eight the next day, and will conceal three or four: if in ano­ther day it increaseth twelve fingers, they will discover but eight or nine, and keep back three or four. Thus they continue 20 days, till the time comes that the Bank is to be cut that hin­ders the River from running into the Channel of Cairo; then they reveal some of those fingers which they conceal'd. All which they constantly perform, until the day comes that they cry out Ouf Alla, that the River is come to its perfect in­crease to water all the Fields of Egypt. They ob­serve this method, as they say, to cause more re­joycing in the people, by discovering a great ma­ny fingers at once, at the time when the Bank is cut. This makes them expect a year of Plenty.

Of the Fishes of the River Nilus.

THe chief Fishes found in this River, which I am acquainted with, here follow.

The Fish called Variole is the best; some are taken weighing three hundred pounds: next is the Buni, and the Houd; the latter is without Scales, the Flesh is of no good taste, because it is greasie and soft.

Here are also other Fishes, called Keschue, A­beide, Mischt, Taaban-me, or Eels, Lebis, Schilan, the Crocodile, Kersche, Tirse, Buri, or Mullet, which they pickle, Kelbe me, or the Sea-dog. The Bulti next to the Variole is the best Fish of Nilus, it hath Scales. There is also the Feres-me, or the Sea-horse, the Sebuga, the Focaca, or the Orbis mari­nus, which turns himself round when he sports in the water. There is also the Reade, or the Cramp-fish. All these Fish are not so pleasing to the taste as the Variole, or the Bulti, because the flesh is soft, which proceeds from the mud of the River.

Of the Crocodile.

THE Crocodile, in Arabick called Timsáh, is the most remarkable and most curious Animal belonging to the River Nilus. I have therefore thought that it deserv'd a particular Description amongst the Fishes of this Current. That it might be the more punctual and exact, I shall first repeat what Pliny saith, and afterwards add what I have taken notice of. This Learned [Page 45]Naturalist tells us that The Crocodile is an Animal with four Legs that makes a grievous destruction both in the Water, and out upon the Land. Of all the Creatures that live upon the Earth, this alone is with­out a Tongue, and this alone moves the upper-jaw in eating. It hath two ranks of great Teeth, and com­monly it is longer than 18 Cubits. It produceth Eggs about the bigness of a Goose-Egg, that it sits upon them out of the Water, and lays them at the place un­to which the Water is to rise that Year, when it is at its highest; as if it had a knowledge of this before-hand. It is the only Creature that riseth from such a small be­ginning, to such a prodigious bigness. It is Armed with Claws to defend it self. Its Skin on the Back is so extraordinary hard that no Weapon, never so sharp, is able to enter it. In the Day-time it lies upon the Ground, and spends the Nights in the Waters. When its Belly is very full, it sleeps upon the Bank with its Mouth open; then there comes a little Bird, named Trochilos, To eat the remains of the devoured Prey which sticks between the Teeth: with this Food it nou­rishes it self, and by the picking of the Teeth it gives the Crocodile a pleasure, which causeth him to fall asleep in this posture. At that time the Ichneumon takes notice of the Crocodile at a distance, and when it sees its time it enters into the others Mouth, slides down the Throat into the Belly, and gnaws the Entrails; with this the Crocodile dies. In the Ri­ver Nilus are also, as he saith, Dolphins which have a very sharp Back, with which they kill the Cro­diles that pursue them continually. For that purpose these Dolphins seem to be afraid of the ravenous Beast, which causeth them to hide themselves in the Wa­ters under the Crocodiles; then, with their sharp backs, they rip open the others belly. This Creature, [Page 46]saith he, is very bold and daring to them that run from it, but timerous and fearful if it be pursued. It is very weak-sighted in the Water, but out of the Water it is quick. In the Winter it spends four Months in some Cave, without eating. It lives long, and grows continually till it dies.

This is the account that Pliny gives of the Cro­codile. We will a little examine what he saith, and to that we shall add our own observations.

It is true that the Crocodile is a very dreadful Creature in Egypt, because of the great destructi­ons that it makes in the Water, and out; for it devours not only all the Fish that it can catch in the River, but also the Camels, the Horses, the Sheep, the wild Beeves, the Dogs, and little Children. In short, all that it can catch upon the Land, it draws into the River, and eats it.

Concerning its length, which Pliny saith is commonly above 18 Cubits, I must needs con­fess that I know not how many Inches are his Cu­bits; for, many Hunters of Crocodiles have as­sured me that it grows never above a Cubit in length in a Year; and when it comes to twelve years old it grows no more: so that, according to this account, the longest Crocodile is not above 12 Cubits in length. If this be true, the Arabian Author, whom Ibn Beitar mentions in his Book of Animals and Plants, is mistaken, when he saith, that there are some Crocodiles that have their Tails 6 Cubits long, their Head two, and the rest of their Body 8.

The Eggs that he lays, which are sometimes in Number 30, never 100, as a certain Traveller affirms, are as big as the Eggs of Austriches; [Page 47]three-times bigger than Geese-Eggs. As soon as they are out of its Body, it carries them into some Island of Nilus, and puts them into a hole made with its fore-feet, it covers them with Sand, and smooths the place where they lye that no Person might discover them. In this conditi­on it leaves them, till by a natural Instinct it knows that the young are formed. It goes then and opens the hole and breaks the shell with its Musle for the young to creep out. As soon as they are in the Air, they run strait to the River. And because some of these Eggs are rotten, it is from this corruption that a certain Lizard, name­ed by the Arabs, Varal, is ingendred. We shall speak of this Serpent in the sequel of our Di­scourse.

That which Pliny saith of the Trochilos re­quires a further inquiry; for one might ask an hundred years in Egypt, what this Bird is, and yet none is able to give an account. Beitar saith this of it, when the Crocodile is full with the de­voured Prey, he goes out of the Water to sleep in the Sun; and because its Teeth are full of slime and filth, in which the Worms are ingen­dred; a certain Bird, as little as a Teitavi, en­ters between his Jaws, eats up the slime, and the Worms, if there be any; and when the Croco­dile feels that all is clean, he shuts his Mouth to eat the Bird also. But Nature hath provided an expedient to secure it; there are two sharp pricks on the top of the Birds Head, which when the Crocodile feels, he opens his Jaws again for the Bird to escape out.

I inquired from several Moors, whether they knew any Bird that had any pricks on the Head? [Page 48]They answered, they knew none. They told me, that there is in Egypt the Saksak, a Bird that keeps the Crocodile always company, which I have seen very often, and which lives upon the filth that sticks about, and between, the Crocodile's Teeth. Whether therefore the Saksak of the Moors, and the Bird mentioned by Beitar, be the Tro­chilos of Pliny, I leave to the Reader to judge.

Concernining the Ichneumon, named by the Arabians, Nims, by the Italians, Sorca di faraone, and by the French-men, Rat d' Egypte. It is very true that it creeps into the Mouth of the Croco­dile, enters into its Belly, which it gnaws to the very Entrails; the like happens to the Camels, and wild Beeves, and other Animals, when they sleep in the Fields.

That which Pliny speaks concerning the Dol­phins is not likely, for there be none in the River. But it may be it is the Tirse, which is the only Fish that assaults the Crocodile. This Tirse is as round as a Buckler which eats the young Croco­diles when it can meet them.

That the Crocodiles can live a long while with­out eating, as Pliny saith, is a truth which I have seen by experience by two that I have kept alive a long while. I had one in my Closet about a Foot long, and another six in my Cellar. I cau­sed the latter to be tied with a great Cord about the Jaws, that it might not offend such as came to see it. They lived both about a Month without eating. The Moors told me that they could sub­sist forty days without any nourishment.

They have, in all, three-score and twelve great Teeth, very sharp; six and thirty in the upper-jaw, and as many in the lower: So that Ibn Beitar [Page 49]is mistaken, when he saith in his History of Ani­mals, which I have sent to the King's Library, that they have threescore in the upper-jaw, and forty in the lower; and that between every two sharp and great Teeth, there is one square and little one; for I have seen many alive and dead, but have never found this difference in the Teeth, but rather I have always found them to be sharp and uniform.

Its four Paws are furnished with great Hooks, or Claws, very sharp; the two Fore-feet having five distinct, separated the one from the other; the two hinder but four, which are all joined to­gether by a very thin skin, as are the Feet of all Sea-fowl, as Geese and Ducks.

The Arabian Authors say, That it casts out its Excrements by the Throat, because it hath no hole under the Tail, and its Stones have the smell of Musk; but as I have had no experience neither of one nor t'other, I refer my self to their Re­lation.

Because the Crocodile cannot well turn it self up­on the Belly when it lies upon the Back, and that it is needful that the Female be in that posture when the Male covers her. The Male takes care when he hath laid her upon her Back and perform­ed his duty, to turn her again upon her Belly, for fear of the Hunters.

I have also taken notice, that from the City Cairo, towards the upper Egypt, there are many Crocodiles to be found, where they do much mis­chief; but from thence towards the lower Egypt are very few, and they say, that they be not dan­gerous.

The Moors give two Reasons of this; they say, [Page 50]That one of their Saints, named Sidi Ibrahim il Zuphi, or The Lord Abraham of Zug, hath con­jur'd them to hinder them from passing beyond the City Cairo, and bound them to hurt no body. The other Reason is, as they say, because under the Pillar or Mikias there is a Talisman that kills them as soon as they draw near.

But it is most certain that there are some on this side the Cairo to be seen, though not so fre­quently as on the other. This proceeds, as they say, from the Talisman that is turn'd up-side down in this Pillar, and therefore loseth its great­est vertue; therefore they can pass beyond it, swimming upon their Backs.

An exact Account of all the Pacha's that have Govern'd Egypt since Sultan Selim, who took it from the Mammeluc Circassi­ans, till the year 1673.

I Think that this general Description of Egypt would be imperfect, did I not add a List of all the Pacha's, or Turkish Rulers, that have Go­vern'd Egypt till this present time, since Sultan Selim gain'd it with his Sword from the Circassi­ans. I have taken it from an Arabian Historian of good credit, named il Serrûr; I have brought his Book from Egypt.

The first Pacha that Sultan Selim made himself, before his departure out of Egypt, was nam'd Cheirbek: He Govern'd five Years, two Months, and one and twenty Days.

The second was Mustapha, who entred into his Office in the Year of the Hegeira, 928, and [Page 51]continued in it nine Months, and fifteen Days.

The third was Ahmed, who Govern'd Egypt a­bout one Year.

The fourth was Cassem, who was made Pacha in the Year 931, and cashier'd in the following Year. He Ruled three Months, and four and twenty days only.

The fifth was Ibrahim, who entred into the Go­vernment in the Year 932, and continued in it two Months, and twenty four Days.

The sixth was Soliman, who was made Pacha in the Year 932, and removed in the Year 941. He Commanded nine Years, eleven Months, and seven Days.

The seventh was Cosrof, who began to Com­mand, as Pacha, in the Year 941, and Ruled one Year, ten Months, and seven Days.

The eighth was Soliman, who was made Pacha the second time, after his return from Arabia, in the Year 943, He Govern'd afterwards one Year, five Months, and one and twenty Days.

The ninth was Davud, who was made Pacha in the Year 945, and cashier'd in the Year 946. He Rul'd eleven Years, ten Months, and seven and twenty Days.

The tenth was Ali, who was made Pacha in the Year 956, and discharg'd in the Year 961. He Rul'd four Years, five Months, and twenty Days.

The eleventh was Mohammed, who was made Pacha in the Year 961, and cashier'd in the Year 963.

The twelfth was Iscander, who was made Pa­cha in the Year 963. He Ruled three Years, three Months, and ten Days.

The thirteenth was Ali, who was made Pacha in the Year 966, and cashier'd in the Year 967. He Govern'd one Year, four Months, and seven Days.

The fourteenth was Mustapha, who was made Pacha in the Year 967, and discharg'd in the Year 971. He Govern'd three Years, three Months, and four and twenty Days.

The fifteenth was Ali il Sophi, who was made Pacha in the Year 971, and Govern'd two Years, and three Months.

The sixteenth was Mahmúd, who was made Pacha in the Year 973. He Govern'd one Year, seven Months, and four and twenty Days.

The seventeenth was Sinan, who was made Pacha in the Year 975, and cashier'd in the Year following. He Rul'd nine Months, and a little more. He Conquer'd the Country of Yemen.

The eighteenth was Cirkes Alexander, who was made Pacha in the Year 976, and Rul'd two years, six Months, and seven days.

The nineteenth was Sinan, who was made Pacha the second time, after his return from the Country of Yemen, in the Year 979, and dis­charg'd in the Year 980. He Govern'd one Year, and ten Months.

The twentieth was Hussein, who was made Pacha in the Year 981. He Govern'd one Year, and three Months.

The one and twentieth was Messieh, or Messie, who was made Pacha in the year 982. and ca­shier'd in the year 988. He Govern'd five years, seven months, and fifteen days.

The two and twentieth was Hussein, who was made Pacha in the year 988, and discharg'd in [Page 53]the year 991. He Rul'd two years, ten months, and one day.

The three and twentieth was Ibrahim, who was made Pacha in the year 991, and discharg'd in the year following. He Rul'd one year, and five months.

The four and twentieth was Sinan, who was made Pacha in the year 992, and Govern'd one year, sev [...]n months, and twenty days.

The five and twentieth was Avíz, who was made Pacha in the year 994, and died suddenly in the year 999. He Rul'd five years, five months, and ten days.

The six and twentieth was Ahmed, who was made Pacha in the year 999, and cashier'd in the year 1003. He Rul'd four years, and three days.

The seven and twentieth was Curd, who was made Pacha in the year 1003, and discharg'd in the following year. He Govern'd one year, and eight days.

The eight and twentieth was Mohammed, who was made Pacha in the year 1004, and cashier'd in the year 1006. He Govern'd two years, one month, and twenty days.

The nine and twentieth was Chidr, who was made Pacha in the year 1006. He Govern'd three years, and twelve days.

The thirtieth was Ali il Selehtár, or Ali the Sword-bearer of the Grand Seignior, who was made Pacha in the year 1010, and cashier'd in the year 1012. He Rul'd two years, and two months.

The one and thirtieth was Ibrahim, who was made Pacha in the year 1012, and murder'd the [Page 54]next year at Cairo. He Govern'd four months, and seven days only.

The two and thirtieth was Mohammed il Gurgi; he was made Pacha in the year 1013, and cashier'd in the year following. He Rul'd seven months, and twelve days only.

The three and thirtieth was Hussein, who be­ing Pacha of the Country of Yemen, was taken from thence and made Pacha of Cairo in the year 1014, and put out in the year 1016. He Rul'd one year, and eleven days.

The four and thirtieth was Mohammed, who was made Pacha in the year 1016, and cashier'd in the year 1020. He Rul'd four years, four Months, and twelve days.

The five and thirtieth was Mohammed il Sophi, who was made Pacha in the year 1020, and dis­charg'd in the year 1024. He Govern'd four years and six days.

The six and thirtieth was Ahmed, who had been Testerdar, or Treasurer, of Egypt; he was made Pacha in the year 1024, and discharg'd in the year 1027. He Govern'd two years, ten months, and twelve days.

The seven and thirtieth was Mustapha, who was made Pacha in the year 1027, and cashier'd in the same year. He Govern'd eight months, and nine days only.

The eight and thirtieth was Giafer, who was made Pacha in the year 1028, and cashier'd in the same year. He Rul'd five months, and fourteen days only.

The nine and thirtieth was Mustapha, who was made Pacha in the year 1028, and cashier'd the next year. He Rul'd eleven months, and twen­ty days.

The fortieth was Hussein, who was made Pa­cha in the year 1029, and discharg'd in the year 1031. He Rul'd one year six months, and two and twenty days.

The one and fortieth was Mohammed, who was made Pacha in the year 1031, and cashierd the same year. He Govern'd only a month and a half.

The two and fortieth was Ibrahim, who was made Pacha in the year 1031, and put out of his Office in the year 1032. He Rul'd only one year.

The three and fortieth [...]as Mustapha, who was made Pacha the year 1032, and cashier'd in the same year. N. B. The Manuscript is here ambi­guous.

The four and fortieth was Beiram, who was made Pacha in the year 1035, and discharg'd in the year 1038. He Rul'd two years, four months, and twenty days.

The five and fortieth was Mohammed, who was made Pacha in the year 1038, and cashier'd in the year 1040. He Rul'd two years, and one day.

The six and fortieth was Muse, or Moyse, who was made Pacha in the year 1040, and cashier'd the same year, by the Souldiery of Cairo, when he had Govern'd the Country six months, and eight days only.

The seven and fortieth was Chalil, who was made Pacha in the year 1041, and discharg'd the next year. He Rul'd one year, six months, and two days.

The eight and fortieth was Ahmed, who be­ing Emir Achour, or Great Master of the Grand [Page 56]Seignior's House, was made Pacha in the year 1042, and cashier'd in the year 1045. He Rul'd three years, six months, and three days.

The nine and fortieth was Hussein, who was made Pacha in the year 1045, and cashier'd in the year 1047. He Rul'd one year, and eleven months.

The fiftieth was Mohammed, who was made Pacha in the year 1047, and discharg'd in the year 1050. He Rul'd two years, nine months, and four days.

The one and fiftieth was Mustapha, who had been chief Gardiner of the Grand Seignior, he was made Pacha in the year 1050, and cashier'd in the year 1052. He Govern'd almost two years.

The two and fiftieth was Maksud, who was made Pacha in the year 1052, and put out the next year. He Rul'd one year, six months, and eight days.

The three and fiftieth was Eiiub, who was made Pacha in the year 1054, and cashier'd in the year 1056.

The four and fiftieth was Mohammed, who was made Pacha in the year 1056, and discharg'd in the year 1058. He Govern'd two years, five months, and seven and twenty days.

The five and fiftieth was Mustapha, who was made Pacha in the year 1057. In the same year the former Mohammed was restor'd.

The six and fiftieth was Ahmed, who was made Pacha in the year 1059, and cashier'd in the year 1061. He Govern'd full two years.

The seven and fiftieth was Abd il rahmán, who was made Pacha in the year 1061, and cashier'd the next year.

The eight and fiftieth was Mohammed, who was made Pacha in the year 1062. He Govern'd E­gypt three years, and nine months.

This is die last Pacha mentioned in the Serrúr. These that follow, I have taken them out of the Memoires of a learned Person of Cairo.

The nine and fiftieth was Mustapha, who was made Pacha in the year 1066. He Rul'd one year, and six months.

The sixtieth was Gazi, who was made Pacha in the year 1067. He Govern'd three years.

The sixty first was Mustapha, who was made Pacha in the year 1070. He Rul'd one year.

The sixty second was Ibrahim, who was made Pacha in the year 1071, and continued in his Of­fice three years.

The sixty third was Omar, who was made Pacha in the year 1074. He Govern'd Egypt two years.

In the time of this Pacha I was in Egypt in my first Voyage to Cairo, in the year 1664.

The sixty fourth was Ibrahim, who was made Pacha in the year 1077. He Rul'd one year, and four months.

The sixty fifth was Ali, who died at Cairo in the year 1079, after that he had Govern'd, as Pacha, one year.

The sixty sixth was Ibrahim, who arriv'd at Cairo in the year 1081, and was cashier'd in the year of our Lord 1673, when I was in Egypt the second time. If any will see a large Account of their Actions, let them read the Arabian Histo­rian, named before, which is very exact.

Of the Sangiac-Beys of Egypt.

IN Egypt, as well as in other Countries subject to the Grand Seignior, there are several Sangiac-Beys, who be Governors of great Pro­vinces.

They are so called in the Turkish Tongue from two words, Sangiac, which signifies an Ensign, and Bey, a Prince; because when the Grand Vi­zier, or the Pacha, makes them, he delivers into their hands an Ensign, as a mark of their Dig­nity.

They that may pretend to this Dignity are the Agas of the Boulouks, the Chieftains of the seven Orders of the Militia of Cairo, and the Metferracas.

The greatest part of these Lords are Meltesi­míns, or Farmers of the Provinces that they hold from the Divan, at the rates mentioned in the Rolls: heretofore some Beys have Farmed four­score Villages, or Towns. They Lett these Vil­lages to under Farmers, and the usual Rent of every Town, is known to every one, chiefly to the Mebascicríns, or Scrivners of the Copties.

About twenty years ago this honour was pur­chas'd with the expence of twenty Purses, or thir­ty: This was called Chidmet il Sangiakie. And as soon as any Person was made Bey, the Divan did allow him half a Purse every Month, as his Sal­lary; and when he travell'd to any Place, for the service of the Grand Seignior, at his return to Cairo the Divan did give him half a Purse more for his Reward. In that time these Beys wore in great Credit, and Power; for when they de­clar'd their opinion in the Divan, the Pacha's [Page 59]were afraid to contradict them. They did some­times depose them, when they did not amend their manners after a reproof. They were wont to be six and thirty in Number.

But now they are a great deal less, and are re­duc'd to that condition, that they are not much esteem'd. This Honour now costs them fifteen Purses, and their Allowance given to them by the Divan is one thousand Aspers every day. So Aspers is 4 s. 6 d.

Their Office is, to Conduct the Hazna, or Trea­sure, of the Grand Seignior to Constantinople, or to Command the Caravan that travels towards Mecha; and to go to War, when required. Four of them are to watch always round about Cairo, with a Company of Janissaries. The first keeps Guard at Adelía, where the way leads to Sues; the second at Caraffa; another at the second Bridge of the Calitz, near its Mouth; another watches at the old Cairo, to prevent Tumults and Murders.

In the Year 1672, when I was at Cairo, there were sixteen Beys, here be their Names.

Sulfucar was Bey of Girge, but he was cashier'd in the Month of September in this Year. Jezbee was made Bey of Carge in his stead. Mohammed Abu Sciaváreb, or Mahomet with the great Whisk­ers. Mohammed Abu-Gura. Gazem, Bey of Sues. Juseph of Constantinople, who was Emir-hag, or Commander of the Caravan to Mecha. Juseph of Cairo. Delaver, who carried the Grand Seig­nior's Treasure to Constantinople. Mohammed il ghindi, who had Rented Bébe. Ali. Omar, Hus­sein of Constantinople. Canzo, who was Serdar, or Colonel. Torna Mustapha, the Cascief of De­kahlie. [Page 60]Eivaz, who had been Treasurer of E­gypt. Abdolla, who was Treasurer this Year 1672, of all Egypt.

Of the Trees, Plants, and Birds of Egypt.

I Shall now speak something of the rarest Trees, Plants, and Birds of Egypt, which are come to my knowledge; for this belongs to the General Description of this Country: I shall afterwards return to my Journal.

Of the Trees.

IN Egypt are to be found several Trees very rare, which are not in Europe. Lebaca is one which, as the Copties Stories relate, worshipped our Saviour Christ when he came first to Ischemu­nein, a City scituate in the middle Egypt near Me­lave, towards the North. This Tree is now very rare; for I have not seen any in all my Travels.

The Hilélgie is a great Tree full of prickles. I have seen one in the Monastery of Abuhennis, scituate in the middle Egypt, almost over against Melave. I was told that it bears a Fruit like to yellow Dasies. The Sycamore, named by the A­rabians, Gomeize, is one of the ordinary sort of Trees; as also the Fig-tree, which is of four sorts, 1. The common Fig-tree; 2. The Fig-tree of Fium; 3. Of Europe; 4. Avodlis. The Palm-tree, in Arab. Temer, is one of the most vulgar Trees; it bears above fifty differing sorts of Fruits. There is also the Nebeca, a kind of [Page 61] Gum-tree. Zante, which is called Acacia. The Mastick, I have seen too in the Monastery of St. Anthony. Carobis, Atles, and Tamrhennes. There is also a Tree called Seiials, a wild kind of Aca­cia. The Cinamon-tree, named in Arab. Cheiiar Scembar. The Pomgranate, Orange-tree, the Lemon-tree, the Cedar, the Quince-tree, the Sefsafs, a kind of Withy, the Apricock tree, the Almond-tree, the Cypress-tree. The Tree called Mocheits, or Sebeste; the Fruit whereof is good for Food, and to make Glue. The Tree called Alats, the Myrhe, the Fig-tree of Adam, named in Arab. Mouz. The Kebbads, a Tree that bears Oranges of a strange bigness. The Keffe Mariam, or the holy Virgin's Hand.

The Doum, or the Gum-tree, is a rare Tree in Egypt; I have never seen but three in all my Travels: one in the Monstery of St. Athanase, di­stant from Siut about three hours travelling, to­wards the South. In this Tree are two things re­markable: 1. That its Leaves burst forth only at the end of its Branches, and in the thick Bunches. 2. That they are so equal, and even at the end of the Branches, that to look upon them one would think that some have cut, and even'd them with Scissers. The Leaves are very thin and long, and are like the Leaves of the Palm-tree. The Body of this Tree hath many Branches of a con­siderable bigness, from them proceed others of a lesser size; every one is forked, and the end of these Leaves appear in Bunches, as we have said.

Of the Plants.

AMongst all the Curious Plants of Egypt, I have taken notice of these following.

Belsen is a Plant, or Herb, that bears a Medici­nal Grain, good to heal Wounds. Sabbara; the Leaves whereof are very thick, and full of sap; there are two sorts, the Male, and the Female. Vudne is like Purslan, but its Leaves are very great, and its taste is fourish, and it's eaten raw. Sedab, is Rue; Filfil, Garden-Pepper. Gesalaht is a Plant that grows as big as a Tree. Verdhomar is our Rosa asini. Morian is called in Latin, Hali­cacabus. Kilu, otherwise named Alcali. Rabl is an Herb of a fragrant smell, full of Oyl; grow­ing upon Hills. Barnub is a Plant that contains a Powder that Dyers use; I shall speak of it in the sequel of this Journal. Here be also Jesse­mins, both single and double. Katife, or the Vir­gins-Bower, whereof there are two sorts; the single, and the other named in Arab. Katife Kodsi, or the Virgins Bower of Jerusalem. Ri­han is our Origanum. There are several sorts; 1. Of Kodsi, or Jerusalem: 2. Sciami of Da­mascus: 3. Hindi of the Indies: 4. Miski, of the smell of Musk: 5. Ascickrihan, or the love­ly Origanum. Leblab is another Plant, called by the Italians, Convolvolo; by the French, Liseron, and by the English: Bengiar, are our Beets. Men­tur, otherwise named Chobeize, are our Mallows. Here are also Gilly-flowers, Lillies, and Roses of all colours, and in abundance. Merdekusch is our Marjoram. Mersciénné — Lisan-hammel is our Plantain. Lisant Tor is our Bugloss. Neane, Mint: [Page 63]Bamie, and Meluchie are ordinary Pot-herbs in Egypt. Amberboy, is Amber. Seseban is a tall Plant, sown about the Sugar-Fields; it serves instead of a Fence. Sciebeh, is Rue of Rome. Cheschach is the Pavots. Hendal, or Colocinthis; Helbe, named by the French, Fenugrec by the English. They have a Proverb in Egypt, that saith, Blessed are the Feet that walk upon that Ground where the Helbe is sown. They eat it raw, and sodden. Carrots, called in Arab. Gissr, are no bigger than Radishes. Succory, called in Arab. Hindibe. Lettuce, called Chas Melieh. Pease. Tormus, are Lupins. Ber­sim, or Sinfoin. Il Nile, is Indigo. Scich, is Ab­synthium Ponticum. Gabbar was an Herb that I found in abundance upon the Mountains, near the Monastery of Abuhennis. Homos gebeli, are the wild Pease of the Mountains; for they are like Pease. Roiet gassal, or Harts-Foot: so cal­led, because it is like the Foot of this Animal, and both are oily. Selguem, called by the Germans, Rubsamen: Zabuz, Oats, Saffron, Simsim, or the Sesame, Heb-il-sode, called Jugeolin. Tabacco, Rice, Sugar, Linni; Coulangian, called in Latin, Gulange; and in French, Galangu.

Of Birds.

THE rarest Birds that I have seen in Egypt, are these; Sciamta is the biggest, next to the Austrich. It is so strong, that some say, it can carry up a Man into the Air. Next to these are the Eagles, the Vultures, named in Arab. Akab, which are very big. Gaddafs, Havams, Baz, Heddahs, Sa­kers, [Page 64]Sciahins, Bascieks, Rachms; all these are several sorts of Vultures, Faulcons, and Hawks. There be also Mezaz, and Begas, otherwise cal­led Gemel il Bahr, or the River-Camel; or the Pelican. The Saksaks have a Bone strong and sharp, at the joint of each Wing. The Guinney-Hens, Cranes, Wild-Geese, and many other Birds; which are ordinary amongst us.

There are also many Austriches, and chiefly in Desarts, that lead to the Monastery of St. An­thony, I have seen there Herds together.

I have read in an Arabian Manuscript, called Giauharet innefisse, a remarkable thing concern­ing the Austrich, which I cannot pass over with­out publishing.

When it intends to Hatch its Egs, it sits not upon them, as other Birds; but the Male and the Female Hatches them with their Eye only; and when either of them hath need to seek for Food, he gives notice to the other by crying; and the other continues to look upon the Egs, till it be return'd: likewise when the other hath the same desire to seek about for Food, he gives the same notice, with the same shriek, that its Companion might remain still to look upon the Egs, till they be all Hatch'd: For if they did but look off a moment, the Egs would spoil and rot.

The Church of the Copies hath learn'd an ex­cellent Custome from the Practice of this Bird: They hang up a lighted Lamp, between two Egs of an Austrich, over against the Priests that of­ficiate, to advise them to be attentive about their Devotions; that their Prayers might be more efficacious, and might not lose their strength, for want of attention.

It is now time to bring back my Reader to my Journal, to Damietta, where I left him; that I might give him first a General Description of Egypt.

The Continuation of the Journal.

I Set Foot in Diametta the 18th day of Feb. 1672. where I abode till the 8th day of the next Month: Sometimes lodging in the City, some­times in the Barque that had brought me, because it was loaden with Wine for the Consul, and French Merchants of Cairo: And the Aga of the City would not suffer the Wine to be carried a-shore, nor into the Haven, until the Pacha had sent him an express Order to that purpose. He dealt in this manner, because the Grand Seignior had sent very strict, and severe orders, to forbid the Im­portation of Wines in all his Dominions. And Because I was in the company of a Servant of the French Consul, whom I could not leave with Ci­vility, because he could not understand the Ara­bian Tongue; I was therefore ingaged to be his In­terpreter, by the Obligations that he had laid upon me in my Voyage: For his, and his Masters sake, I abode with him till the orders were come, and a Janissary to Guard the Wine to Cairo. They loaded therewith two great Barques, and we de­parted immediately for Damietta, on Saturday, the 8th of April; and were at Boulac, a Suburb of Cairo, the Eve of Wednesday before Easter.

Here follows the most remarkable Passages, and the Description of the Towns, and Places, which are from the Mouth of the River at Damietta, [Page 66]as far as Grand Cairo, as they lye in order.

As soon as we enter into the River, from the Sea, we find on the East-side, at the Mouth, an old Castle ruinated, but small; which, as the Francs say, was built by S. Lewis, the French King, when he had Damietta. It is square, and divided into four round Turrets, upon which some Ar­tillery have been planted to command the Passage, and where a few Moors are upon the Guard.

A little further into the River stands a poor Village, named Bogas, or Mouth of the River; because it is there scituated. The Arabian word Bogas signifying so much.

In this Village dwell the Owners of the Germes (being Long-Boats made to un-load Ships and draw them out of the Sands) that guide and tow along the Ships that sail in or out of the River; and discover to them the Banks of Sand, which are very ordinary in this Road.

In this Village is to be seen the Foundation of another square Fort, the Walls whereof are not yet finish'd, and never likely to be. There are also here two Calitz, or Artificial Channels, full of the River-water all the year; made on purpose to water the Fields.

About an hundred Paces from this Village, on the other side, is another Castle to command the Mouth; so that the two Castles that are there planted for this purpose, are not over against one another.

A Description of the City of Damietta.

DAmietta, called by the Arabians, Damiát, a famous City of Egypt, is scituate upon the East-side of Nilus, about eight Miles from the Mouth. Next to Cairo it is the greatest, most beautiful, the richest, the most populous, and the fullest of Merchants of all Egypt; for the con­veniency of Trade draws thither a great number of People form all parts of Turkie.

It is built upon the River Nilus, in the form of an half Moon. The Waves of this River that wash the Foundations of their Houses on that side, and the great number of beautiful Mosques, together with the Fleet of Ships and Barques that ride in the Haven, yield a most delightful Pro­spect.

There are no Walls, nor Fortifications, only a round, and very high Tower, that stands at the end of the Town towards the Sea; where there is neither Watch nor Ward, nor Guns.

In this City there is great Trading in Linen, Rice, Coffee, and Stuffs. I was told, that eve­ry year, about five hundred Ships go out of this Haven, small and great, loaded with Rice for Turkie.

Here are made many beautiful sorts of Linen of all kinds and colours, which are Transport­ed to Foreign Countries. Here is also a great deal of Fish salted. The Mullet that are here pickled are highly esteem'd all over the Le­vant.

The Town is Governd by an Aga, sent thither from the Pacha, and therefore nam'd by the Turks, [Page 68]Pachagasi, or the Aga of the Pacha. Besides his other Incomes, he takes from every Tavern of Aqua­vitae ten Pora's, in the City are a great many such Taverns. From every Carache (it being a little Ship) he receives five Pora's; and from greater Ships six and thirty, and forty, when they go out of the Port: Besides many Casualties which a­mount to a great deal, through his extortion, as the manner of the Turks is: for, out of our Ship he took six Barrels of Cyprus-wine, containing each six Metres, and every Metre holding twenty Pots, though this was not his due. I had some difficulty to save from his greedy hands a Box of excellent Wine of the Country of Kesrovan.

The Souldiery, and chiefly the Janissaries, are very insolent. There be but two hundred, and about twenty Spahins.

Of the Christians, the Grecks are the most nu­merous. They be about two hundred Families, and have a considerable Church.

Of the Copties there be about eight Families. The Turks, about a year since, took Possession of their Church, because they had not paid them a certain Tax that they had laid upon them.

There are no Francs that dwell there in the Ci­ty for want of Trade; because this Haven is at a little distance from all the Christian Countries, and because they are settled at Rosetta, which lies more convenient for them, and nearer. There is only a Chamber which the Franciscans of the ho­ly Land have hired in the Apartment of the Greek Patriarch, which is a little House, very filthy, yet they Lodge there when they pass to and fro from Jerusalem to Cairo. The greatest Traffick in this City, by Sea, is of Wood and Timber which [Page 69]is Imported as well for Fewel as for the building of Houses and Ships; for Wood is very scarce in Egypt, chiefly in the Inferiour.

During my abode in this City I met with an old Ship-Captain, by Religion a Maronite, who told me, that between this City and the Town of Bogas, the River Nilus grew shallower every year; and that he had taken notice, that about fifteen years ago it was fifteen Cubits deep; but now scarce fifteen Foot. This proceeds from the Earth, which the Water loosens from its sides and washes into the middle; about the Mouth of the River there the Earth stops. He gather'd from thence, that it was to be fear'd, that in this River great Ships would not be able, one day, to pass from the Mouth to Damietta.

The Town of Mansoura, i. e. Victorious, the a­bode of the Cascief of Dekahlie, is a great and beautiful Town, scituate upon the East-side of Nilus. Its Houses are not builded as those of Damietta, upon the Water, but there is a large Street between them for to walk; but because we Landed not then in that place, I had not the opportunity to view it, nor to give an exact De­scription of it.

I shall only say this of it, That in this Town the French King, S. Lewis, was taken Prisoner by Sul­tan Saleh, negm iddin, eiiub ibn il Kamel. All the particulars of the end, and carrying on of this War, are to be seen in the Macrizi, and in Ibn Zulak. I could wish these Histories of the Ara­bians were Translated into any known Languages, for here are several remarkable Circumstances mentioned in them, with which we are not ac­quainted. Here are likewise many Verses full [Page 70]of Wit, but Satyrical, made then by the Moors, upon the taking of S. Lewis, and the conclusion of this War, so happy for their Nation.

Between Damietta and Grand Cairo, are to be seen, upon the River side, a prodigious number of Pigeon-houses, which is here remarkable, be­cause there are not found so many in any other part of Egypt, nor builded in the same manner.

These Pigeon-houses begin at Mitbedri, a Vil­lage near Mansoura, on the same side, in sailing towards Cairo. In one days Journey and a half I saw so many, that I wondred at it; for there is scarce a House in all the Villages but there is one, or more Pigeon-houses. At the Foundati­on the Walls are of Earth only, and round on the top, very spacious within, full of Earthen Pots for the Pigeons Nests; and without are ma­ny Poles for them to pitch on, and rest them­selves. It is easie to judge whether the sight, and Prospect of so many Pigeon-houses be not very delightful.

The Moors that were in our Boat told us, that in these Villages fifteen Pigeons were commonly sold for one Para; forty Para's make 4 s. 6 d. So that I reckon, that about two hundred and for­ty Couples were sold for that Money.

Semennut is a great Town, scituate on the West-side of Nilus, in the Cascieftik of Garbie, not far from Mohelle Kabíre, or the great Mohelle. It is built in a Triangular Form; the lower part stretches it self along the River. The Barques that sail towards Cairo are bound to stop here, and pay Custome: The Custome-house is built upon a Ship, in the River, at which the Vessels ne­ver stop above an hour.

In the middle Way, between Diametta and Cairo, is Mitgamr, a very beautiful and large Town, scituate upon the East-side of Nilus. We landed, and I found there many fair Houses, and a spaci­ous Bazar, or Market-place, where all manner of Provisions were to be sold. Here are also a great many Christians of the Copties.

Over against Mitgamr, that is on the West-side Nilus, is Sitfe, a beautiful and big Town, belong­ing to to the Cascieftik of Mohelle Kebíre; where we beheld a pursuit of some Peasants, whom the Cascief of that Province chas'd. They were come to demand a certain Tribute, which he was wont to pay them: and upon his denial of it they rose up in Arms against him: But as soon as he had sent out the Spahins against them, they ran all away. These poor Caitiffs being on Foot, and finding themselves followed by Horse-men; that they might not fall into their hands, they cast themselves, in haste, into the River to swim over; six were unhappily drown'd before our Eyes.

In the upper Egypt is a Village, named also Sitfe; which I shall mention in another place.

The 12th of April, about two a-Clock in the Afternoon, we left one of the Branches of Ni­lus that leaves the main River and runs to Dami­etta, and entred into the Bogas, or Channel of Boulac. The clear Weather gave me the liberty to take notice of the separation of the two Bran­ches of the River: I found that the Branch that goes to Rosetta stretches it self to the North-East, and that of Diametta to the North. In respect of this last, Cairo stands to the South-East, and its Castle to the South.

At this Bogas the two great Pyramides of Egypt [Page 72]are first discover'd: They appear here to be equal, though one is far higher than the other.

From this separation, or division of Nilus, as far as Boulac, there is but an hour and a halfs travelling, though Monsieur Thevenot tells us of six Leagues.

We landed at Boulac, the Wednesday before Easter, at Night. I staid there till the next Morn­ing, and entred into Cairo about Noon. At my entrance I paid a Crown, at the Custome-house of Boulac, which is an ordinary Tribute demand­ed of all Francs many years ago.

A Description of the City of Cairo.

MY design at first, was to publish a large De­scription of all the Rarities of this great and famous City, before I proceed on in my Jour­nal: But since I have considered that great Vo­lumes are wont to nauseate, rather than to delight the Reader, chiefly in these days that Men are pleas'd with the reading of short and small Vo­lumes: I have therefore taken notice of those things only which other Travellers have omitted, and could never know perfectly for want of an insight into the Arabian Tongue. He that will know more, may peruse the second Part of the Chottats of Macrizi.

The City of Cairo borrows the Name from the Planet Mars, called by the Arabians, Kaher; which Name was given to it, as saith the Serrúr, an Ara­bian Historian, because the Foundation of its Walls were laid when this Planet was in its a­scent; which hapned unhappily in this manner.

Giauher, the General of Meez le dín allá, one of the Cailiffs of Egypt, having resolved to build a new City for the abode of his Lord, in the Year 362 of the Hegira; he gave orders to the Astronomers, to observe the time of the rising of a good Star, when the Foundation might be laid; that the City might be the more happy, and of a longer continuance.

The Astronomers accordingly encompassed about with Ropes, all that space of Ground that was to be shut into the Walls; tying to the Ropes a great many little Bells, to give notice to the Builders when they were to cast the Foundation: The signal was, the sounding of the Bells; which was to be given when they saw the rising of a good Star.

By chance it happen'd, that a Crow pitch'd up­on the Ropes that was stretch'd along, when Mars was in its rising; and with the motion of the Ropes caused the Bells to sound: As soon as the Masons heard the signal given, they cast all, with one consent, the Foundation: which when the Astronomers had understood, they declar'd by unlucky rising of Mars, that govern'd at that Instant, that the City should be one day taken by a Conqueror that should come out of Roma­nia, where Mars governs: Which hath proved true about five hundred and threescore years af­ter, when Sultan Selim came from Constantinople, the chief City of Romania, and took not only the City, but the whole Country; and destroyed the Race of their Kings, by hanging the last.

Though they conceived that this Star would prove unlucky, they called the City neverthe­less Kahera, or Cairo, as we name it in Europe: [Page 74]which Name continues till this day. This City is become very rich, powerful, and great, by its Trade; insomuch, that of all the Cities of the Levant, this alone hath deserv'd the name of Great.

It is scituate in a Champain, very delightful, at the Foot of a Mountain of Sand, named in Arab. Gebel il mokattam, or the Mountain cut through, which stands on the East-side, and incommodes the City; because it deprives it of the benefit of the fresh Winds that blow from thence. This Ci­ty hath another inconveniency, it is far from the River.

There is nothing in the World more delight­ful, than to take a prospect of it from some emi­nent place: for you might from thence view an infinite number of Houses, which, instead of Coverings, have Turrets; and see an innumera­ble company of Mosques with their various co­lours of differing Buildings intermingled, and surrounded with Palm-trees, and Gardens; all which together represents a most beautiful Prospect.

It hath seven Gates. The Names are, 1. Bab zucile; 2. Bab innassr; 3. Bab il fetúb; 4. Bab il Kántara; 5. Bab isscia a ríe; 6. Bab issaade; 7. Bab il mahrúk.

There are eight Lakes, very large, that belong to it: 1. Birket ittemálgie; 2. Birket inassríe; 3. Birket ibn il ademe; 4. Birket il fil; 5. Birket il kar-a; 6. Birket il ferrain; 7. Birket il Ezbe­kie; and 8. Birket il kassarin.

There is a Channel cut through this City, from the West, to the North-East, called the Calitz of Cairo. It is very ancient, Ibn abd il hokm, an [Page 75] Arabian Historian, saith; That Tarsis ibn Malia, one of the Pharaoh's; and, as he believes, the King that took the Wife of Abraham when he was in Egypt, caused it first to be cut. Since the Ara­bians conquer'd Egypt, and took it from the Em­perour Heraclius, they have named it Calitz Emir il Muminin, or The Channel of the Prince of the faithful, because of Amru ibn Chottab, the second Califf after Mahomet, who was the first sirnamed The Prince of the faithful, because he command­ed Amru ibn ass to lead him as far as Colzim, a Town scituate near the Red-Sea, that he might convey the Provisions of Cairo as far as this Ci­ty, and from thence by the Red-Sea to Mecha; where there was, at that time, a great want of Food. It continued in this manner till the Year 150 of the Hegira, when Ciafer il Mansur, a Califf of Egypt, of the Race of Abbas, caused it to be stopt on that side which is towards the Sea.

Now it is called Calitz il Hakemi, or the Calitz of Hakem; because Hakem-be amr ille, another Califf of Egypt, caused this Channel, which was decayed through the negligence of his Predeces­sors, to be repaired. It is called also Merachemi, or the Calitz paved with Marble; as we may see by some Passages of the Serrúr, an Arabian Histo­ry which I have brought with me from Egypt.

In my Relation of Egypt, Printed in Italian at Paris, 1671. I said that the Turks, Copties, and Jews, open, in their turns, this Channel every Year: but I understand since, that this Office be­longs only to the Soubaschi of Cairo, who strikes the first three, or four blows upon the Bank that hinders the River from entring into the Channel, [Page 76]afterwards all that will work have liberty granted.

The Copies have but two Churches at Cairo; one in the Street named Haret Zuele, and the o­ther in the Greek's Street. The first is Dedicated to the Virgin Mary, and was built by a renown­ed Physician, named Zabulon. He lived about two-hundred-seventy years before the Arabians became Masters of Egypt. He is yet famous for his wonderful Riches. They say that he hid them in a Well which is in the same Church, and se­cur'd them with a Talisman, that none might have them after his decease. The Patriarch of the Copties House is joining to this Church.

The other in the Greek's Street is Dedicated to S. Barba. It is but small, and obscure. I went to see it the 4th of November 1672.

Heretofore they had many Churches, and Mo­nasteries; and a Bishop in the Chandak, an old Suburb of Cairo, but now ruinated. But now they have but two; one Dedicated to the Arch-Angel Gabriel; the other to the Abbot Mercu­rius, sirnamed Roes. Here the Copties of Cairo have a Burying-place.

Of the many Mosques at Cairo, that which is called Giama ill assar is the richest, and the great­est. It was built by Giauher, the first Founder of the City: It is yet the Cathedral, where the four Mouftis, or Doctors of the Mahometan Law re­side. It is a Refuge for Offenders, and a School for to teach the Law of Mahomet, with its Reve­nues it entertains no less than eight hundred Per­sons of that Profession; and receives for that pur­pose two thousand Ardebs of Corn, from the Store-houses of the Grand Seignior; and seven [Page 77]thousand more from other Benefactors.

There are four Mouftis at Cairo that borrow their Names from the four chief Sects of Mahe­met: 1. Of Sciaffeí 2. Of Maleki; 3. Of Hambali; 4. Of Hanefi. They are all equal in Dignity, because their Sects, whereof they are the chief, are likewise equal.

They have power to excommunicate the Pa­cha's when they attempt to do any thing against their Religion, or their Mosques. For Instance, they excommunicated Pacha Ibrahim in the year 1672, because he offered to take away some of the Gifts, and Rents, belonging to the Mosques of Cairo: By that means they hinder'd him from executing his sacrilegious design. When the Excommunication prevails not, they shut the Gates of this Mosque, which causes the People to rise up in Arms; and they never are quiet, till they have kill'd the Offender.

In Cairo, and in its Suburbs, there are nine pub­lick Shambles belonging to the Grand Seignior: 1. That of Hasseníe, which is the greatest: 2. That of Haret Jehúd, or of the Street of the Jews: 3. That of Bab illuk, or of the Whore's Quarter: 4. That of the Lions Bridge: 5. That of old Cairo: 6. That of Gíze: 7. That of Haret il sakkain: 8. That of Telun: 9. Two that are at Boulac; whereof, in one the Oxen are killed; in the other, the Sheep and Goats.

The Heads, and the Skins of all the Beasts that are kill'd in these Markets, unless it be of the Goats, belong to the Grand Seignior: out of this Custome he receives a great profit.

It is very true, that in Cairo are seven differ­ing Orders of the Militia. Amongst these, the [Page 78]Montrosses, and Gunners, are not reckon'd; but only the Metferracas, three Cornets of Spahins, which be il Giúmulli, il Tefakschi, and il Cércassi. The Janissaries, the Chiaoux, and the Azapes, be­long to them.

The Janissaries, the Spahins, the Azapes, and the Gebegis, are paid only every three Months; but the Chiaoux, and Metferracas, the Jetams, or Orphelins, the Giavalis, the Kescie, and the Met­kaeds receive their pay every Month, without a­ny delay.

A Description of Old Cairo.

OLD Cairo, so called erroneously by the Francs, is named by the Arabians, Massr, from Massr, or Mizraim, the Son of Cham, and Grand-child of Noah, that caused it to be built. It is the ancientest City of Egypt, next to Mem­phis; after the destruction of this, Old Cairo be­came the chief. It is scituate on the East-side of Nilus, over against the place where Memphis stood, next to New Cairo. It was heretofore a stately City, but now it is almost all ruinated.

In the 18th year of the Hegira, which is about 1033 years since that Amru ibn il ass, General of Amru ibn Chottab, a successor of Mahomet, took this City. John Mekaukes, a noble Coptie, was then Governour for the Emperour Heraclius. When Amru had taken it, he made Peace with Mekaukes, upon condition that every Coptie should pay him, and all his Successors, two-pence a-year as a Tribute; and that he should give entertain­ment, for three days, to all the Arabians that [Page 79]should pass through Egypt; as may be seen more fully in the Macrizi.

This City hath been increas'd many times, as the Conquerors, and Lords of the Country, did think convenient to pitch upon a more pleasant place for their abode.

The places where the Fostat, the Cassr iscémma, the Quarter of the Patriarch of the Copties, Baby­lon, Cateia, the Caraff, and others.

Fostat is a Greek Name, which signifies a Tent of Goat-skins. The Arabians name one side of Old Cairo thus, because the Tent of Amru ibn il ass, of this substance, was planted there when he was busie in Conquering Egypt.

The same Amru caused it to be inclosed in with Walls; after that he had taken the City of Alex­dria, he settled there his abode, and that of his Successors: Alexandria, that had been the Royal City of the Greeks for about nine hundred years, was then forsaken; and the Fostat was the chief City of Egypt. It continued so till Ahmed ibn Tou­lon built Cateia very near Fostat. His Successors of his Race forsook it, and settled themselves in Cateia.

But when this Race was extinct, and Grand Cairo being built by Giauher, as we have said, the Califfs chose it for their abode, causing Fostat to be burnt, that the new City might be stronger, and fuller of People; and they left Cateia, as we may see in Macrizi.

Cassr Isscémma, is a Castle, or Suburb, inclosed with Walls, near adjoining to Fostat, built by Ar­taxerxes, King of Persia. Now only Christians inhabit there. They have many Churches which we shall describe in this following Journal; for I [Page 80]went to see them on the 18th day of July, 1672.

There are two differing Opinions concerning the Origine of this Name. Some would have it written, Cassr iggiama; that is, the Castle of the Assembly: for they say, that here the great Wits did meet to increase Learning; but this Opinion is not well grounded. Others write it Cassr is­scémma; this is likely to be the truest; for I find it thus written by all Arabian Historians.

The Granaries and Store-houses, of the Grand Seignior, are adjoining to this Castle. They are named by the Arabs, Scióne. The Provisions of Corn, and other necessaries for the Food of the Malitia, are here kept; not only for the Mali­tia of Egypt, but also for all the other Countries that depend upon Egypt.

And that this Corn might be better distributed, there are four Aga's, or Officers, named in Arab. Agavat beta il ghelàl, or Aga's of the Stores in the upper Egypt: One dwells at Benesuef, another at Minie, the third at Momfallat, the fourth at Girge. Their Office is, to gather up the Provisi­ons of Corn, and to send them to the Emin il Scióne, the Master of the Store-houses of the Grand Seignior, who upon a certain day of the Month, causes these Provisions to be distributed according as the Divan appoints.

But because sometimes this allowance is not sufficient, every one hath liberty to buy more, by paying for every Ardeb a thousand Meidins. When this Money is once paid, every year one may fetch this allowance, during the Buyer's life.

Near this Cassr isscemma, on a side of Cairo, is the Quarter of the Patriarch of the Copties, [Page 81]named in Arab. Haret il Batrak. It is separated from this Castle with an high Wall, with which it is inclosed. The Patriarch hath his Abode a lit­tle above the Church of Mary Moncure; con­cerning which, I shall take notice of some curiosi­ties in the sequel of this Discourse.

Babylon was further towards the South of Cai­ro. Now there appears nothing but great Moun­tains of its Ruines, and three Churches of the Copties; one dedicated to the Virgin Mary, a­nother to S. Theodorus, the third to S. John Aba­kîr.

The Church of the Virgin, as the Copties re­late, was the first that was built at Cairo, after the coming of our Saviour Christ. They say that S. Mark hath preach'd there; and that S. Peter mentions it at the end of his Epistle, when he saith, that the Church elect which is in Baby­lon Massr, or Babylon near Cairo, salute you, as well as my Son Marcus. I did not go into it at this time, but I saw it, and lay there one Night in my first Voyage to Egypt, in the year 1664.

Cateia was built near Fostat, by Ahmed ibn Tou­lon, Prince of Egypt, as we have already said.

The Caraffa is the Burying-place of the Ma­hometans; highly esteem'd, because there be some Kindred of Mahomet, and some of their Saints, buried. In the flourishing days of Egypt there were above three hundred and sixty Tombs, and Mosques of Great Men; every one endowed with a sufficient allowance for poor People, and the Pilgrims of that Religion that came thither. So that a Pilgrim, at Cairo, could have subsisted a whole year without spending an Asper, by vi­siting every day the Mosques and Tombs of this [Page 82]place; but in process of time the Revenues being devoured, by the wickedness of the Pacha's, the Tombs and Mosques are since gone to decay.

The Continuation of the Journal.

THE 16th of April 1672. Saturday before Easter, the French Consul went to visit the Pacha, who was then in a Garden at the Village Besestein: he went to speak to him about a business of his Nation. I took this occasion to offer him my Letters of re-commendation which Ishac, Pa­cha of Seida, had given me to deliver to him. In consideration of them, he promis'd me his pro­tection and favour.

The way of Hatching Chickens at Cairo.

The 21st of this Month I went to see the O­vens where the Chickens are hatched. These Ovens are builded in the same manner as the O­vens of France, made to bake Bread, only with this difference; they are not so high, nor so big as ours, nor of burnt Brick, but of Brick dried in the Sun. They have also, on the top, a round hole, as big as the circumference of a French Hat, through which the heat mounts up and goes out, which Ovens for Bread have not.

In the House where I saw them, they were plac'd in this manner. There were four and twenty: twelve on the right hand, and twelve on the left; six one upon another. At the first sight one would have thought them to be so many Sleeping-cells of Monks: but the Alley that was between [Page 83]was so narrow, that when I enter'd in, the smoak and heat that came out had almost stifled me.

Now, to cause the Egs to be hatch'd, they put them all in the lowermost Ovens; and in the up­permost they kindle a small Fire, for eight days, with Straw. Afterwards they stop them, and leave them so six other days: Then they take a­way the Egs from the lowermost Ovens, and sepa­rate the good from the bad, by examining them in the Sun-shine. Afterwards they cast away the addled, and put all the good in the upper­most Ovens; making, with Straw, a small Fire in the lowermost, for two days. They leave them in that condition one and twenty days, without medling with them: at which time the Chickens begin to break the Shell; so that in two and twenty days they bring forth Chickens in this manner.

This is not to be practis'd, but during four Months in the Year; namely, from the Month of December, till the Month of April: The other part of the Year is not fit for this purpose, be­cause of the excessive heats.

Of the Pyramides.

IN my first Voyage to Egypt I had seen the Py­ramides; but, having another opportunity offer'd to me, I went thither to view again these rare Monuments of Antiquity, to see whether I might not observe something more than I have taken notice of in my first Relation.

On the 27th of April I went thither, in the Company of the French Consul, and many other [Page 84]Merchants, and with almost all his Houshold: we had with us three Janissaries to guard us, so that we were in all about fifty Cavaliers, well mounted upon Asses; taking with us Provisions sufficient for three days.

When we were come to the Pyramides, and had observ'd exactly every thing: I took notice that the place where they stood was a Burying-place. This is plain to any that see the place; and doubt­less it was the burying-place of the old City Memphis; for all the Arabian Histories inform us, that this City stood where the Pyramides now are, over against Old Cairo.

2. I took notice that all the Pyramides have an entrance that leads to a low Alley, which is very long; and at the end is a Chamber, where the ancient Egyptians did place the Bodies of those Persons, for whom the Pyramides was built. This entrance is not to be seen in every one of the Pyramides, because the Wind hath stopt them with Sand. I saw upon some of them some Hierogliphick Characters, but I had not time to write them out.

3. I took notice that all the Pyramides were builded in very good order; and that each of the three greatest were at the head of ten lesser, which are not well to be distinguished, because of the heaps of Sand: one may yet imagine, to see the place, that in former Ages there have been here one hundred Pyramides, little and great.

4. I took notice that they are all builded upon an even Rock, covered over with white Sand; so that it is very probable that the Stones have been taken from the place, and not brought from [Page 85]far, as some Travellers imagine, and old Wri­ters: for the greatest is nothing but a Rock cut as a Pyramide, and covered over with a Wall of Stone.

5. I took notice that of all the Stones of the greatest, there is scarce one entire, but either worn out with the Weather and Time, or bro­ken by some other Accident; so that, though one may ascend on all sides to the top, yet not in all places with the same ease.

6. I have taken notice that none of the Pyra­mides are alike, or perfectly square; but that all have two sides longer than the others. I intend­ed to measure the greatest: for that purpose I had with me a String of about thirty Land­yards; but because the Winds have heap'd a­bout it Mountains of Sand, I could not possibly draw a Line strait from one Angle to the other.

On the 28th day of December I went to see the Pyramides the third time, with some strangers. In our way we were mightily troubled with a ve­ry thick Mist, which lasted till ten a Clock in the Morning; and we found a great deal of Mud in the Trenches and Ditches, which was not yet dry since the retreat of the River; so that we were carried over upon the Moors backs that were with us.

At this time I went up to the top of the great Pyramide; and I observ'd, as at the first, that the place where the Pyramides stand, is a pure Rock, cover'd over with white Sand; which appears sufficiently by the Ditches and Caves round about the Pyramides cut in the Rock.

2. The Rock is to be seen, upon which stands the greatest Pyramide, by a hole at one of the [Page 86]Angles, between the East and the North sides.

3. The Pyramides are not builded with Marble, as some say; but with a white sandy Stone, very hard.

4. The greatest hath but two hundred and six steps; and though Monsieur Th. saith that it hath two hundred and eight, this proceeds from his not taking notice that two steps are broken into four.

5. On the top of the greatest Pyramide there was anciently a Statue, or Colosse. This appears, because it is not sharp as the others, but plain: And there are yet to be seen great Pits, which were to keep fast the Colosse from falling.

At present there is nothing on the top but ma­ny Letters of the Names of Persons or all Nati­ons, who have left them to witness that they had been there. There is no sign of the Play at Man­cala, which a Coptie told me was there imprinted in the days of the Pharaoh's.

6. The Stones of the biggest Pyramide are not equal; for some of the undermost are four Foot high, some three Foot and an half, and five Foot long. The Stones of the middle are three Foot and five Inches high, and the uppermost Stones are but two Foot high, and three and an half long.

7. The sides of the Pyramides are not equal; for in the greatest it is visible, and so in the o­thers, that the North-side is longer than that which stretches from East to West.

8. In all the Pyramides there are very deep Wells cut in the Rock, square; as I have seen in more than ten.

On the 26th day of June I went the fourth time [Page 87]to see the Pyramides, in the Company of Monsieur Sabatery, Vice-Consul of Alexandria.

In the Passage to Old Cairo, on the other side of the River, I took notice of one thing very re­markable in its Channel: The Water was per­fectly green, as a Cake covered over with green Grass. This was the first time that I saw it of this colour; which caused me to ask of the Boat-men, what this green colour was? They told me, tint the River Nilus did then putrifie, that it had continued so fifteen days, and would be so five more. Some of them said, that there was none could remember to have seen the River so green as that year, 1672.

To return again to the Pyramides: I went up this time to the top of the highest Pyramide: I enter'd into the Chamber, but saw no new thing which could cause me either to change, or add to my former Observations. It is needless to speak of its Dimensions, seeing so many Travellers have already publish'd them, as Monsieur Thevenot in his Levant Travels.

From the Pyramides we went to take a view of the Caves that are adjoining. There are many, all cut in the side of a Rock: Their out-sides are out of order, without any proportion; but their in-side very equal, and pollish'd. In every one there is a deep Well square, cut in the Rock, where the Egyptians did put the Body of that Per­son, for whom the Cave was made; for it was their Sepulchre. The walls of many of these Caves are full of Hieroglyphick Figures, carved in the Rock. In some they are but small, in o­thers very lively. In one I number'd sixteen great Figures, that represented eight Men and eight [Page 88]Women, holding one another by the hands; with many other small Figures, or Shapes, on both sides.

Of the Sphinx.

WE saw next the Sphinx, near the Pyra­mides, on the East-side. On the top stands the Head of a Woman of an extraordina­ry bigness and height. The Arabians call it Abul­hon, or Abul-houl.

Pliny saith that it was the Tomb of King Ama­sis. I imagine that this Sphinx was a Sepulchre, but we cannot understand that it belong'd to Ama­sis; for all the Records and Traditions of this Sphinx are lost.

That it is a Tomb may appear, First by its sci­tuation, which is in a place which was in former Ages a Burying-place; and near the Pyramides, and mortuary Caves. Secondly it is to be imagined that it was a Sepulchre from its building. In the hinder part is a Cave under ground, of a bigness answerable to that of the Head, into which I have look'd by an entrance that leads into it; so that it could serve to no other purpose but to keep a dead Corps.

Some Francs have, out of an excess of curio­sity, climb'd up by the means of Rope-Ladders, to see whether this Head was hollow, or massie; and they have found it to be hollow, but filled at pre­sent with Sand.

The Neck is worn out round about, which causeth Men to imagine that it will not be able to support the weight of that great Head.

Of the Wells where the Mommies are.

WHen we had fully viewed this Sphinx, we took the Road that leads to Saccára, a Vil­lage, at four hours travelling from the Pyramides, and about eight from Cairo towards the South. The Burying-place of the Mommies is near adjoin­ing to this Village.

And because it was very late, and that we were to agree with the Arabians of the Village about the Price, the Number and Quality of the Wells that they were to open for us. We stopt there all Night, and the next Morning we took with us twelve Horse-men, to Guard us, of the Arabians; with them we went to this Burying-place, where the Mommies are in Caves under ground.

The first Well that we saw was that of Birds Embalmed. When we had caused the Sand that stops the Wells Mouth to be removed, through which we were to go down, and from thence to enter into the Cave; we caused our selves to be let down one after another, by tying a double Rope about our middles. As soon as we were at the bottom, and that every one had lighted his Taper, and several Matches that we had brought, we went into the Cave creeping upon our Bellies. The Cave is an Alley in the Rock, about the height of a Man, and about the breadth of a Perch; and of an extraordinary length. We found there many other Alleys on both hands, cut in the Rock; where were many large stores, full of Earthen Pots, covered over with Coverings of the same substance. In these Pots were Embalmed Birds [Page 90]of all kinds, every Bird in its own Pot. And as I thought that the remembrance of a Custom so ancient, and superstitious, was worthy of our notice, I brought about half a dozen with me; some I have sent to the King's Library. We found also some Hens Egs, empty, but entire with­out any ill smell or crack.

When we had viewed sufficiently this Cave, we returned up in the same manner that we went down, and found another open'd, called the Virgin; which is, that was never open'd before: According to our orders to the Arabians, Mon­sieur Tiger and the others went down in the same manner as into the former; I alone could not follow them, because of a Quartain Fever which had troubled me fourteen months, and took me at that very Moment: But I lost nothing by that: for these Gentlemen told me at their return, that they found an horrid stench, and a close air, that put out their Candles, and their Matches also, every time that they endeavour'd to light them; which caused them to get up again without entring further. They told me that this Well was much deeper than the former.

We caused another to be open'd, which was not a Virgin Well, as the former, because it was not so deep. I ventur'd into that, notwithstand­ing my indisposition.

We found there two Mommies, a great one, and a little one of a Child, both in Coffins, the great­est was of Marble; upon the Covering it had the likeness of the Person for whom it was made: We caus'd these Biers, or Coffins, to be open'd, but found nothing extraordinary; therefore we made no account of them, and left them where we found them.

We went down next into a Cave, called The Church, which was not so deep as the former. It was nothing but a long Alley under ground, well Plaister'd, and Painted all over with Hierogly­phick Figures round about the sides. It was al­most all full of Sand, which caused us to creep a­long upon our Knees.

If the Reader desires a Prospect, and a De­scription of this ancient Burying-place, let him think upon a boundless Champain, even and co­vered over with Sand; where neither Trees, nor Grass, nor Houses, nor any such thing is to be seen: Let him represent to himself the Superfi­cies of this large Field full of dry Bones of Arms, Legs, Feet, and Heads; full of scattered pieces of Wood of Coffins, of little Idols, some of Wood, others of Plaister embollish'd with green, and mark'd before and behind with Hierogly­phick Letters. These Idols the Arabians have taken from the broken Mommies which they have cast away. In some places you may see great Tomb-stones, full of Cyphers and enigmatical Figures that represent something of Chymistry, and of other Sciences and Mysteries; and full of strange Characters that are no Hieroglyphicks. Whiles I was looking upon this Spectacle the Arabians brought me two, whereof I caused the Coppies to be drawn as soon as I was returned to Cairo.

You have here a Description of some Relicks of the Grandeur and Vanity of the ancient Egyp­tians, and the mournful signs of Man's Mortali­ty. The first sight is able to dash a Person newly arrived, out of Countenance, and to affright him: I mean the sight of so many Bones all scat­tered [Page 92]up and down, one would think that here hath been a grievous fight.

In this Champain, or Field, here are fifteen Pyramides: three are of an extraordinary big­ness, which seem to have been favour'd by Time; for they appear entire without much decay. Here is also an entrance in every one, that shews a long Alley which leads to a Chamber; Mon­sieur de Tiger went into that which is farthest from the Village, commonly named The Pyramide of Rodope, where he found nothing in the Cham­ber.

This Pyramide is built as a Pavillion. The Francs say that Rodope, a famous Strumpet, caus'd it to be built with the Money that she had gotten with the loss of her honour. But this is doubtless an error, if it be true what Pliny saith, That the Py­ramide of Rodope was but small, though very beau­tiful; therefore this which is one of the greatest in all Egypt cannot be that of Rodope. These are the words of Pliny: Supremumque illud ne quis Re­gum opes miretur, minimam extitisse laudatissimam à Rodope meretricula factam. Aesopi fabularum Phi­losophi conserva quondam, & contubernalis haec fuit, majore miraculo tantas opes meretricio esse conquisi­tas quaestu.

For the others that are in the same Field, Time hath almost worn them out; for they are but so many heaps of Sand, which have scarce the shape and shadow of what they have been here­tofore.

Here is also a square heap of very great hewn Stones. The Arabians name it Mastabet Faraoun: for they say, that when the Pharaoh's, Kings of Egypt, were to declare and give a new [Page 93]Law to to the People, they stood on the top of this heap. But these are the Traditions of the poor Arabians that have nothing of certainty.

To return to the Wells of the Mommies: as soon as the Francs have visited any, the Wind, or the Arabians, fill the entry again full of Sand, to get a little Money at the second opening. This is the greatest gain of these Wretches. The least they take for to open a Virgin Well is thirty Pi­asters, because they that make the Well to be o­pened, have the liberty to carry away all the Cu­riosities and Mommies that he finds there.

We return'd, after two days absence, to the City Cairo again; and the 6th of May I went to visit the Greek Arch-Bishop of Mount Sinai, who was then resident at Cairo about some concerns of his Monastery. Amongst other things, he told me that he had a Manuscript of the Council of Florence, differing from all those Copies that are Printed in Europe. Monsieur de Tiger hath a Copy of this supposed Original.

The Monks of this Monastery have a priviledge from Mahomet, signed according to the Custome of that time by the impression of his Hand, which frees them from the Carach, or Tax, which the Mahometans require of the Christians subject to them. This was the cause wherefore Mahomet granted them this favour, as the Arch-Bishop told me, to express his thanks to that House for the kind entertainment which he had received at the hands of those Monks when he kept, and watch'd over their Camels.

We discours'd afterwards concerning the Plague of the former Year. He told me, that it had swept away six hundred and fourscore thousand [Page 94]Persons, but that it had scarce medled with any but the poor; and that of the richer fort scarce four hundred were dead.

This causeth me to speak a word of Father Elzear of Nants, a very worthy Person; and his Comrade, Father Portais; both of the Capuchin Order, and zealous Missionaries, whom this Plague carried away. The first was buried out of the City Cairo, in a Field where the poor Copies are buried, for whose Conversion he was intended.

To honour the Memory of his Vertues, there is an Epitaph in Arab. and Latin, upon a little Stone fixed upon his Grave; and because I was well acquainted with him in my first Voyage which I made into Egypt, by the Orders and Commands of Ernest, Duke of Saxa-Gota, in the Year 1664. I went to see his Grave, and to repeat for the re­pose of his Soul, and as a Testimony of my re­membrance and esteem of his rare Qualities, the Prayer De profundis.

A Journy to Gemiane.

WHen the time was come that the Copties ob­serve the Festival of the Aparitions of the Saints at Gemiane; because I had not seen it in my first Voyage, I went from Cairo on Monday the 9th of May, with a Servant of Monsieur de Tiger, named Leonard, that could Paint very well, with several Copties who came in our Company, because they had nothing to discharge the expence of this Journy. We went aboard at Boulac, and set sail for the Town of Mansoura, where we landed the 12th of the same Month.

The next day we left Mansoura, taking a Boat for Diast, a little Village scituate upon the West-side of Niltus; for here all Travellers that go to Gemiane from Cairo are wont to land. It stands about four hours journying from Mansoura. At our landing we left our Boat and went by Land to Bossat inossára, a little Mile distant from the Ri­ver, in the Land; we spent there the Night, and lodg'din the Church of S. George, with several other Copties whom we found there, who were bound also, as well as we, for Gemiane.

The 14th day very early we proceeded on towards the third branch of Nilus, which be­gins, as I have already said in the Description of this River, at Sciobret il Yemen; which it hath pass'd near the Town of Mohelle Kebíre, or Great Mohelle, and near Gemiane it discharges it self in­to the Sea at Brullos. We march'd on into the Country, and when we came to this Branch of the River we found several Boats ready to carry us with the Current to Gemiane, where we land­ed about the Evening, not without suffering many crosses, and inconveniences; because the Master of the Boat, an Arabian, was a wicked Rogue.

Gemiane is a famous Church of the Copties, built in a large Champain; very even and bound­less to the Eye, but very unfruitful, in the Pro­vince of Garbie in the Isle of Delta. It stands near the place where was anciently the City Degue, called by the Copties Tekebi. On the West it hath the Great Mohelle, on the East the Branch of the River that enters into the Sea at Brullos, and on the North the Mediteranean Sea. This Church hath five and twenty Arches, or Isles, that yield at a distance a very beautiful Prospect, [Page 96]though they be not in order nor equal in bigness.

The Church within is not yet finish'd, and there is but one Chappel whited with Lime, namely that where the supposed Apparition happens: there is also but one Altar, as in all other Churches of the Levant. All the Iles, or Arches, serve to a­dorn the Church, and to give light to it; for in every one there is a Window, and in some two. The Chappel where the Apparition happens is on the North-side, on the right hand as one enters in, and over against the Door.

During three days I examin'd this Appariti­on, and the causes from whence it proceeds as exactly as I could possibly; and found it to be nothing else but the reflection of the Objects that went by the Church at a convenient distance, which being carried into the Chappel, by the Air, through the two Windows that give light. It re­presents, over against upon the Wall, the Shadow which is like the Object that goes by: For Ex­ample; when a Horse-man goes by, there is to be seen upon the Wall, in a confused manner, a Sha­dow of a Man on Horse-back. If it be a Wo­man that hath a Child in her Arms, one may see the Shadow of that appearance; and so is it with all other things. Now the People being super­stitious and of a dull apprehension, not know­ing how this happens, fancy that the Saints ap­pear to them.

They know and distinguish them, according as they are painted in their Churches: For Exam­ple, when they see the Shadow that represents a Cavalier, they say that it is S. George; for the Copties, as well as the other People of the East, represent him as a Man on Horse-back, killing a [Page 97]Dragon. When they see a Woman carrying of an Infant in her Arms, they say that it is the bles­sed Virgin, because they see her thus represented in the Pictures of their Churches. When they see the Shadow of a Man on foot of a reddish co­lour, they say that it is S. Menna, because they paint him with a red Habit. They distinguish the other Saints in the same manner. They are so much bewitch'd with the fancy of the reality of these Apparitions, that if any Person should offer to deny it, he would be in danger to be knock'd on the head.

It is in vain to answer that the Shadows that appear in this Chappel cannot be formed by the reflection of the Objects, because the Windows, through which they come in, are at the North-side of the Church which never enjoys the Sun­shine; and that therefore they be true and real Apparitions.

To this I reply, that it is not needful that the Church be enlighten'd on that side; but it is suf­ficient that the Objects that pass by be en­lighten'd. Now if the Church had the light of the Sun on that side, the brightness of the light would discover too plainly the Shadows, and would take away all causes of admiration.

If any will say that some ingenious Person a­mongst them hath built this Chappel, according to the Rules of the Optick Art, to deceive the Peo­ple with these Apparitions; I desire him to take notice that the Copties are so ignorant that they know not what this Art is. This Chappel, as the other Churches, hath been built in this man­ner without any design to cozen the World; therefore this Reflection, which they name Ap­parition [Page 98]of the Saints, hath been discover'd by chance. Experience hath taught me this in other Churches which have not been builded no more than this to deceive the World with vain Appa­ritions. I have taken notice of it in the Church Bossat inossára, where I was on the 13th of the same Month, in the company of some Copties that were going to Gemiane▪ There I saw the same Shadows, which two days after at Gemiane, they called S. George, the Virgin Mary, and S. Menna; so that when the Copties perceived them they knew not what to say. By this we may judge, that this Church hath not been built by the Optick Rules of Art, and that only by chance these Shadows have appeared, and been taken notice of.

This Apparition continues three days follow­ing; in which time there is such a great concourse of People, that one is ready to be stifled. I per­ceived that they did call every Saint according to their devotion and respect, without order: And when they saw some Shadows upon the Wall which had a relation with those Saints that are painted in their Churches, they cry out for joy, in their Language, Selam lak Kaddis Filan; I sa­lute you ô Saint N. N. To this they add an Hymn proper to the Saint, and Prayers, tying upon the Wall some little crosses of Wax. Of all the Saints that their Church worships, I have heard none called upon but the blessed Virgin, S. George, S. Menna, and S. Porter.

On this Festival day all the Arabians there­abouts meet here, out of an ancient Custome, to be treated for three days with the Revenues of this Church: When I was there, they could make up near five hundred Horse, and five hundred [Page 99]Foot. The Horse-men were Armed with a Lance, the Foot-men with a Club upon their Shoulders, pointed with Iron.

This Custome of feeding the Arabians there­abouts is very ancient; it comes from their pre­tending to be the Lords of the Country round a­bout where this Church is built, and therefore for this consideration they hinder not the Christians, as they are able, from coming to this Festival.

Therefore the Epitrope, or Treasurer of the Church, hath care to provide all things needful for their entertainment. He kill'd that year seven young Cows, two every day: He provided for them Rice, Bread, and Barly for their Cattel: He had a care also to send for Cooks, and all Im­plements necessary for a Kitchin; so that the A­rabians had nothing else to do here, but to eat and drink and divert themselves.

Twice every every day, these Arabians per­formed their War-like Exercises, to shew their jolly humor, and to give sport to the Assembly. The Horse-men played at Girit, or the Dart, by casting it to one another, riding one against ano­ther and fencing therewith with much dexterity: The Footmen likewise skirmish'd one against a­nother very pleasantly with their great Staves.

The third day of this Festival the Arabians have nothing given them but a Dinner, as soon as they have eaten it they are to depart; so that if two hours after any of them was found there, and that the Beys Lieutenant hath any knowledge of him; he will cause him to be punish'd, either by the Purse, or a Bastinado: so that none have li­berty to stay there that day, but Christians whom the Epitrope treats in the same manner as he doth the Arabians.

I was one of the chief Persons invited, the Trea­surer entertained me under his own tent with an extraordinary Banquet, only Wine was wanting; and Spoons, Forks, Knives and Napkins were not used: The Meat was to be torn in pieces be­tween the Fingers, according to the Custome of the Country. Afterwards, out of the Tent, a long Skin of Leather was spread upon the ground for the ordinary People, where they were very well treated. I shall finish this Relation with an advice to all Francs that intend to see this Festi­val. They ought to take the same Way as we have done, because it is the easiest, the most com­modious, and the less dangerous. Let them get a good Tent; for there are no Lodgings, but in the open Air: Let them carry Wine, Strong-waters, Meat, Hens, Bread, and other things for nou­rishment during the Festival: Let them also car­ry with them the Furniture of the Table, a Car­pet, a Cushion to sit upon, and some Coverlets for their conveniency, and to appear handsom­ly. Water and Wood, are here plenty: There is Fish also to be sold; for the Fisher-men of Ni­lus, that is near adjoining, bring hither a great deal. I was provided with all these things, there­fore I appeared very decently.

There is here no danger of being robb'd; for the Lieutenant of the Bey of Mohelle is also at this Festival with a good Guard of Spahins, to prevent Disorders, Quarrels, and Robberies which might happen among rude and barbarous People: So that in this place one may be with as much safety as at Cairo in a House. Upon this account there happen'd a pleasant Accident; a poor Arabian had taken from a Christian a handful of Barly to give [Page 101]it to his Ass, he was taken upon the Fact: The Christians immediately dragg'd him with a great noise, to the Beys Lieutenant to have him punish'd: Whiles they were leading him a great Tumult of People ran to see him; some upbraided him with his boldness and impudency to steal, without ap­prehending the punishment of the Saints that ap­pear'd in their Church, and did so many great Miracles; another ask'd him whether he did not fear that God would punish him? At which words he answer'd, Ane Baaref rabbene; that is, What, do I know that there is a God? or, I know not what is God. This caused me to wonder, both at the Copties settled perswasion of the real Appa­rition of their Saints, and at the ignorance of the Arabians, seeing that some of them know not that there is a God. At last this Wretch was shut up in a Cage, and I know not what happen'd to him afterwards.

It is time to prepare to depart when the Com­pany withdraws it self; and if one desires to re­turn to Cairo by another way, one may go by Land to Brullos, from thence to Rosetta; by this means one may go through the lower part of Delta: a curious Journy which I never heard that any Franc hath made. But in case any danger is likely to be in this way, one may go from Gemiane to Great Mohelle, where the ways are full of Peo­ple; and from thence one may go by Land to Cairo, and see all the Antiquities that be in Mo­helle and all along the wav.

I went away on Wednesday morning when eve­ry one was departing, and returned to Cairo the same way that I came, because the other ways seem'd to be dangerous. I arrived at Cairo the [Page 102]20th of the same Month, eleven days after my departure.

The Representation of this Church is in the Cabinet of Monsieur C.

On the 27th of May I went to visit the Patri­arch of the Copties, called Muallim Mattaos, or Master Matthew, whom I had seen in my first Voy­age. I intreated him to give me a Letter to re­commend me to the Monasteries of Saint Macari­us, whither I intended to go, which he granted me very willingly.

The 30th of this Month a Bey of Constan­tinople arrived at Cairo, bound for the Island of Suaquen, scituated in the Red-Sea, where he was to Govern as Pacha.

At the same time came Don Pietro, an Abyssin, whom I had known at Rome, and who had given me the Manuscripts of the Synods, and the Old Testament written in the Ethiopian Language. He, and another of the same Nation named Peter of Constantinople, went with this Pacha, with an in­tention to get into their own Country. I heard some time after that this Pietro was become a Mahometan at Sues, to escape the Fire unto which he was condemn'd for striking a Moor.

A Voyage to Rosetta.

ON Monday the last of May, I went out of Cairo designed for Rosetta, with the same Leonard who had been with me at Gemiane, and a Nubian Slave that I had. I went thither on pur­pose to spend there the time of the violent heats, which are not so fierce in that City as at Cairo; [Page 103]as also to see the Mouth of the River Nilus at that City, and to satisfie a doubt that I had about the Water, of Maadíe; for I knew not whether it was a Gulph, or a Mouth of the River Nilus: with an intention from thence to go to Alexan­dria to see its Curiosities.

We were four days going from Cairo to Rosetta; an extraordinary long time, because the winds Maltam, or Maestraux, that blow against those that go down the River, opposed our Voyage.

The most remarkable Towns in this way are, Fuva, Sindiun, Teirut, Motubis, and Tféni, by the River side.

Fuva, called by the Greeks Metelis, and in the Copties Dictionary Messil, is a very ancient, great, and considerable Town, scituated upon the East-side of Nilus, seven hours travelling from Re­setta. Its Territory is very delightful, because of the pleasant Fields and Gardens round about. It bears Fruits that are much esteem'd in all E­gypt.

Geziret Iddahab, or the Island of Gold, is over against this City.

Heretofore the River was so deep from the Mouth as far as this Town, that great Barques loaden were able to sail hither; at that time the Custom-house was kept here. But in time the River becoming here so shallow that the Barques being not able to come so far, the Custom-house hath been since establish'd at Rosetta, where it con­tinues yet.

Sindiun and Teirut are two other Towns scitu­ated upon the Banks of Nilus over against one a­nother; as are also Motúbis and Tféni: the first stands on the East-side, the other on the West-side.

At Rosetta I lodged with Monsieur Reynaud, Vice-Consul of the French in this City; he is a very honest Man: He imployed all his credit to procure me the sight of the Curiosities round a­bout.

For the information of all European Travel­lers, I have taken notice that of late there is a Carrier set up at Rosetta, who goes by Land to Damietta, when any desires to travel that way, which conveniency was not formerly; for when any intended that Journey, he was to run many hazards and inconveniences. I had first design'd to go thither, but instead of that Journey I went to visit the Monasteries of the Desart of S. Ma­carius, where I expected more satisfaction.

I have long doubted whether the Waters of Maadíe, or the Pool, that is half-way between Rosetta and Alexandria was a Branch of Nilus, or else a Gulph of the Sea. In another Relation of Egypt which I Printed in Italian at Paris in the Year 1671. I have said that it was a Branch of Nilus; but since I have understood the truth that it was nothing but a Gulph, or Pool: for, 1. Its Waters are very salt as far as Etku, its uttermost bounds; which Town, as I conceive, is the same with Motubis. 2. This Water comes not from Nilus, neither hath any Correspondency with this River. True it is, when Nilus overflows it be­comes sweeter, because of the mixture of the Ri­ver's-water with the Water of this Gulph. It re­tains this sweetness about two Months, until Ni­lus leaves the Fields; and as soon as the Tramon­tane, or Westerly Wind blows, the Waters of this Pool return to their wonted saltness and acri­mony.

The 10th of June I went to the Mouth of the River Nilus, about an hours sailing from Rosetta, to take the Description of it.

I took notice that Nilus hath there two Bran­ches, or Mouths, though they be reckoned but one. That which runs into the Sea towards the East, and is called the Easterly Mouth; and that which runs into the Sea towards the West, and is named the Westerly Mouth. They take the first to sail to Brullos, to Damietta, to Seyda, and Con­stantinople, &c and by this last they go to Alex­andria, and other Western Parts. This separati­on proceeds from a low Island, very small, which stands in the middle of the River next to the Sea.

The Mouth of Nilus next to this City, is Guard­ed with two Castles; one stands at the East-side of the River, and the other at the West. That which is about a Mile and a half from Rosetta is square, encompassed about with strong Walls, built according to the old Model, having four Towers. In the middle is a high Dungeon to re­treat at last. One hundred fourscore and four Janissaries are there in Garison. They lye every Night in the Garison, but in the Day-time they have liberty to go into the City to work for their living. It is furnish'd with threescore and four­teen Pieces of Cannon, seven are of an extraordi­nary bigness. The Aga that Commanded here in chief, was a Spanish Renegado.

The other Castle is but a Mosque, before it stands seven Pieces of Artillery on the Ground: Here Commands also an Aga over a Company of Moors, who examine all that go in, or out of the City. When I attempted to go out, they came [Page 106]to my Boat and obliged me to return into the Ci­ty again, though the Janissary that was with me, and well acquainted with them, offered to answer for me. They treated me in this manner, for fear of a Pirat of Malta that sailed before the Ha­ven at that time; they were afraid that I had some intelligence with him, to give him notice of some Ships that were ready to set sail loaden from Rosetta: Nevertheless I had another opportunity to take the Description of this Mouth also. It is now in the Closet of that Person of Quality who hath the others.

A Journy by Land from Rosetta to Alex­andria.

THE 14th of June I went, in the Evening, from Rosetta towards Alexandria, with a Moor recommended to me by the French Vice-Consul of this City: We had two Mules to car­ry us, for which I paid seventeen Meidins for the whole Journy.

About Midnight we came to the Water, named by the Moors Maadíe. After a little stay in the Han, or publick Inn, we proceeded on in our Journey in a Moon-shining Night towards Alex­andria; where we arriv'd the next day about eight or nine a Clock. From Rosetta to Alexan­dria there is ten hours travelling for a Horse­man; the most part of the way is along the Sea-Coast, so that the Beasts have a long way their Feet in Water.

The Country is so even, that there is no trou­ble for Travellers; and unless it be the Han, [Page 107]in the Mid-way, there is neither Village, nor Tree, nor Grass to be seen: It is nothing but a plain Champain of Sand, altogether unfruitful.

Every Franc is bound to pay, at the entrance into Alexandria, at the Gate of Rosetta, three Para's; half to the Beduins, or Boemiens, and half to the Janissaries, because they are there up­on the Guard.

At my first arrival at Alexandria, on the 15th of the same Month, I went to salute Monsieur Laurens, Vice-Consul in this City for the French; who exprest a great deal of civility to me, and offered me his Table and a Chamber in his House; but in regard I was recommended by Monsieur Brousson, the Factor of the Levant Company, to Monsieur Sabatery, his intimate Friend, and Factor there, and in regard he had a convenient Lodg­ing which he offer'd me, to content them both I lodg'd with Monsieur Sabatery, and made use of the Vice-Consul's Table all the time I staid at A­lexandria.

I went next to visit an intimate Friend, with whom I had an acquaintance in my first Voyage to Egypt; he was called Komos Jean, Arch-Priest of the Church of S. Mark of the Copties: He is an understanding, and an honest Man, and hath informed me much concerning the affairs of E­gypt.

I understood from the French Merchants of this City, that their Fondego hath been built by the Grand Seignior's order for their Lodging; and since their establishment in this City the Turk­ish Emperours were wont to pay to the French Consuls ever Year two hundred Crowns for the Reparations of this House, but of late they don't [Page 108]see this Money: The cause is not well known.

On the 16th of this Month I went to a Jews House, with an intention to buy of him a curious Hieroglyphick Stone that stands at the Threshold of his Door. It is about an Ell and a-half long, and about a Foot broad, of a Marble colour; upon which are graven three lines of Hiero­glyphick Letters in very small Characters, which are to be read from the left hand to the right.

This Stone was desired by Monsieur Thevenot, who endeavoured to buy it; he offered, as I was told, thirty Piasters to this Jew for it; but the other ask'd an hundred.

All the People of the Levant have this foolish Custome to raise the Price of their Commodi­ties; when they see that a Franc desires any thing, though it were but a trifle, the others desire makes them think it to be unvaluable; they prize it therefore at such a rate that none dare meddle with it: They are so simple to suffer the Commo­dity to lie upon their Hands and spoil, rather than to sell it to a Franc at the same rate that they would give it to a Man of the Levant.

Nevertheless I expected that the Jew had chang'd his mind since that time; I offer'd him the same Price that this Franc had offer'd before: but when I saw that my offer render'd him more proud, resolved in his first demand, I never trou­bled him afterwards.

The Lodgings of the seventy Interpreters, who Translated the Hebrew Bible into Greek, are yet standing in this City, almost entire, with the Closets where they performed their Work. The Turks have made a Mosque there, which they name [Page 109] Giama il garbíe, or the Mosque of the Levant. It is to be seen with Money: Monsieur Brue, chief In­terpreter of the French Consul of Cairo, hath gone in.

The 19th of June, being Saturday, I went to see the Salt-pits of the Grand Seignior, which are out of the City near the Calitz or Channel of Cleo­patra, from whence they have their Fresh-water when the River runs over the Banks, and near the Garden of a Moor often visited by the French Mer­chants, which is call'd Gheit il chavagie, or the Merchants Garden.

In these Salt-pits I have taken notice of two things very remarkable: First, that the Water of Nilus, the sweetest Water and the freshest in the World, makes a Salt, not only whiter than ordi­nary, but very excellent. Secondly, that this Salt hath the taste of Violets.

They that have the care of those Salt-pits cause a certain quantity of the River-water to run into the Salt-pits; and sour or five days after the Water is turn'd into a Salt the most beautiful to the Eye, afterwards they carry it in Baskets to dry in the Sun; then it is fit to be sold.

Salt is also to be made of the Lake Sebaka, na­med by the ancient Latins, Palus Mareotis, which is at the South-side of this City; but its Water is naturally salt, and its Salt is bitter when it is made, therefore they neglect it.

This Lake proceeds from the River Nilus when it overflows; the Waters there continue, because they have no passage out. It is not very deep, but so large that from one side one cannot well see the other.

The Copties of Alexandria, have in their Church [Page 110]of S. Mark, a Picture of the Arch-Angel S. Mi­chael, drawn by S. Luke, as report goes.

Monsieur Lucasole, Chancellor of the French Nation in this City, told me that the Venetians had carried away this Picture some time-since, and sail'd with it five times out of the Haven, but could not proceed on in their Voyage, because they were stopt by an invisible Hand every time that they intended to sail away, and could never depart till they had carried back the Picture.

The report of this Wonder being spread a­broad in the City; the Beduins, or Boemiens as we call them, took a resolution secretly to steal it away and sell it to the Francs: Accordingly, when they had broken open the Doors of the Church and pulled it down from the place where it stood, they could not possibly get out with it; so that they were also forc'd to put it up again in its place as the Venetians had done before, where it remains still, I have seen it.

Monsieur Lucasole told me that this is very true, and that he himself was then at Alexandria.

I have read something concerning the Waters of the Cisterns of Alexandria, in the Book of Monsieur de la Ch. that treats of the overflowing of the River Nilus: That they become salt about the Months of April and May; and that in the Night that the fruitful Dew falls they return to their former sweetness, and increase besides with the Waters of the River.

I shall not offer to deny flatly a thing that may be true, and which Monsieur Burattini, cited by Monsieur de la Ch. saith hath been observ'd by several Persons: But I dare say that in two several Voyages into Egypt, and during my long abode [Page 111]at Alexandria in several seasons of the Year; though I have observ'd, as exactly as I could, all things, I never heard that the Waters of these Cisterns did become salt, or that they did in­crease with the Waters of the River, or that they did recover their former freshness and sweet­ness: I have nevertheless wondred a little to taste them somewhat salt, so that they seem not to come from so fresh a River.

This quality proceeds from the nitrous Earth, which may be known by this Experiment; if a piece of Earth about Alexandria be put in the hot Sun, it will become white as Snow on that side that is towards the Sun.

Of the Pillar of Pompey, and of the Caves that are near Alexandria, not far from it.

THE 21st of June I went to see the Pillar of Pompey, and other Rarities thereabouts, in the company of Monsieur Truillard, the Elder, a French Merchant, and of the Janissary that belongs to the Vice-Consul. We went out at the Gate called Babissidr, where this Pillar stands upon a little Hill towards the South.

When I drew near, I took notice that it lean'd on one side; whereas eight years before it stood very streight, when I saw it. The cause of this are the Arabians, who out of a perswasion of some great Treasure hid under, have digg'd and under­min'd it, and have drawn out of its Foundation ma­ny great heaps of Stones that held it up; this caus­eth it to lean a little on that side. They had over­thrown it, had they not found at the bottom [Page 102]Stones of a fearful bigness, and so great that neither they nor any body else was able to draw them out.

The Description and Dimensions of this Pil­lar are found in the Book of Monsieur Thevenot: Therefore I say no more of it here, because I will not stuff this Book with ordinary things, menti­oned before in other Travels.

After we had well viewed this Pillar, we march'd along the Calitz, as far as the place that is over against the City Walls, to observe the Passage of the Waters. We went with this de­sign on the other side of the Calitz, over the lit­tle Bridge that is near it: When we came to the little Arches that are under the Walls, through which the River enters into the City, we made our observations, and took next the way that leads to the Caves that are in the Fields at West-South-West of the Gate out of which we came; and about a quarter of a League, in our way to­wards the Lake Sebaca, we came to the Caves; having left at West-North-West a Mosque, in a plain Field, where was buried a certain Schech of the Moors, called Sidi gams il gábbari.

At our entrance we went down a dozen steps into a very large Alley, digg'd in the Rock, but open a-top; it may be the Vault is fallen by length of time. In this Alley are fifteen great holes cut in the Rock, in the fashion of great Gates; seven are on the right hand, and eight on the left; through which Men enter into the Caves.

We went into four with our Torches lighted, our Janissary before us; we found round about the Walls, in the firm Rock, from the top to the [Page 113]bottom, holes cut in the Rock very orderly; and of a length and breadth fit to hold a Coffin: Many of these Caves were cut, to open a way to others. This inconveniency we found there, they were almost all fill'd up with Earth and Sand, which caused us to kneel for the most part: this did not hinder us from taking notice of that which was most remarkable. Whiles we were in one, at the end of the Alley, one of our Company per­ceived, with the light of his Tapers, that one of the holes open'd a passage to another Cave; which caused us to see whether there was not there any thing worthy of our notice: Though the hole was but small and narrow, we crept in upon our Bellies with our lighted Tapers; and one after another we came to the other side, where we sound one of the strangest and most curious Caves that we had ever seen: It was greater, more compleat, and cleaner than any of the o­thers; built long and square, and well Plaister'd with Lime; at each side of the Wall, which is the main Rock, there are three ranks of holes, like to those that we had seen in the former: In the longer sides were fifteen in every rank, plac'd one a top of the other; in all they were forty-five. The two ends, or sides, that were shortest, had likewise three ranks, and three holes at e­very rank, nine in all. They were all empty and clean, and no ill scent in all the Cave; un­less it be in one hole, where we saw the Skeleton of the Body of a Man dried up.

I conceive that the Learned may desire my judgment concerning these Caves and Holes, and to what purpose they were made. To this I an­swer, that it is not easie to give a just account of [Page 114]them; because Macrizi, who hath spoken of all the remarkable things of Egypt, makes no men­tion of these Caves: Nevertheless it is easie to be seen, that they could be for no other use, but to bury and place the dead. This may be gathered from the fashion of the holes, which are just as long as high, and as large as needs must to place a Bier or Coffin; besides, all the other Caves in Egypt were only for that purpose: it is therefore very probable that this was for no other purpose, let the Reader think what he pleaseth of them.

I do not deny but that they may have serv'd the Christians to meet together, and pray God in se­cret, for fear of the Heathens that persecuted them. I find this Opinion in Seid ibn Patrik, a Patriarch of Alexandria, in his History, p. 399.

The Inhabitants of Alexandria name these Caves the Súk, or the Market-place; but there is no likelihood that they have been employed for that use.

The Rock in which they are cut, is much eaten and consum'd by time; the holes are likewise much decayed, chiefly those that are nearest to the Door, and in the open air: They receive some light from above, through little square holes that are made on purpose in the Vaults.

The 22th I went round the City, to take no­tice of the Walls and Towers. I went into six of the chief: The first is that which is nearest to the French Fondego, or French House, before you come to Bab il achdar, or the green Gate. It is round, and supported within with three ranks of Pillars of red Stone, seven in every one.

Next to this Tower, we went to the Gate of the old Haven, which at present is walled in, be­cause [Page 115]this Haven is not frequented: both are at the West-side of the City. From this Gate we went to the Mosque of the seventy, called Giama il garbis. We went next by the old Castle of A­lexandria, named Borg Mustapha Pacha, which serv'd heretofore to guard the old Haven; at present there are three hundred Janissaries in Ga­rison.

Till then we walk'd always towards the West; but when we had left this Castle, we turn'd to­wards the East, and found next a great Tower; where we got upon the Platform, not by any steps, but by a large way made sloping up.

Next to this Tower, we came to Bab issidr, out of which stands the Pillar of Pompey: From thence we went to another, called Bab irrascîd, or the Gate of Rosetta, along the Walls of the City. I went out of the City, alone with the Janissary, to see where the River Nilus goes into the Channel which answers to the Cisterns of Alexandria, which I shall describe hereafter.

When I had fully viewed that which I desired, I returned into the Town to my company, that waited for me in the shade; and all together we walk'd to the Tower of the Indians, so called, because of late there lodges some Indian Pil­grims. We went into it, and found its make ve­ry admirable.

We went next to the Tower of the old Cu­stom-house, or Douane; so nam'd, because when the Sea came to the Walls: of the City on that side, the Store-houses of the Customs were there: But since the Sea is gone from thence, the Gate is shut, and the Custom-house is establish'd and settled in another place.

This Tower is very big, supported within with four ranks of Pillars of red Stone. Here are many Rooms fit for stores, for lodgings, and to put Salt in, though much of it is now ruinated. This was the last Tower that we saw in our Walk, which continued four hours, reckoning the time that we spent in viewing the Walls, and climbing up to the Towers.

I return at present to the Channel, by which the Cisterns are furnish'd with Water.

It is out of the Gate of Rosetta, about six Foot high, vaulted in the inside, about a quarter of a Mile from the City: It joins to the Calitz of Cleo­patra, that furnishes it with Water from the Ri­ver Nilus; from thence the Water runs to the Walls, where it meets with another Conduit not fat from this Gate; which Conduit, or Channel, is made so ingeniously, that it furnishes all the Cisterns of the City with Water.

We must also take notice, that though the Mouth of this Channel is as high as the rest, al­most the two thirds are wall'd from the top to the bottom; so that there remains but a small hole where the Waters of the Calitz flow in, as through a Window. And because they are very salt the first three days, and they would fill the Cisterns with slime and filth, if the Water did enter in at that time freely: To prevent this in­conveniency, they that have the care of the Wa­ter stop this hole, and leave it so three days; which being ended, they go to the entry of the Channel, followed by a crowd of People, to un­stop the hole, and let in the Water to fill the Cisterns. This day is a day of great rejoicing all over the City.

The City of Alexandria hath six Gates; three are open, namely that towards the South, called Bab issidr; that which is at the East, named Bab irrascîd, or the Gate of Rosetta; that which looks to the North-East, and is named the Sea-Gate. The three Gates that are shut are, that of the old Custom-house; the green Gate, called by the Arabs, Bab il achdar; and that of the old Ha­ven.

I cannot positively affirm whether the Walls and the Gates that are now there, be those that Alexander the Great caus'd to be builded, or whe­ther the Califfs have made them. I imagin that the Califfs have erected them, and not Alexan­der; (though many Travellers are of a contrary opinion.) Because there is no Greek Inscriptions to be seen, but all Arab.. Some are written in strange Characters, others in the ordinary Ara­bian Character. These Inscriptions speak of the Califf, and Year when they were builded, or re-edified. The Gates being high where these Inscriptions were graven, and the Letters arti­ficially put with other works, I could not distin­guish nor read them. 2. The manner of their building proves this truth; for they are builded as the Gates of Cairo, which were the work of the Califfs, who have been there many Ages after Alexander the Great.

There are two Havens in Alexandria; the one called the old Haven, where Ships enter in with the Westerly Wind; but now it is of no use, but to secure the Vessels that sail from the East towards the West, when the bad Weather obliges them to seek for shelter. The other is called the new Haven; there all the Ships arrive, [Page 118]and where they now cast Anchor.

The Trade of the French Merchants in this City, is the greatest that they have in all the Eastern Parts; for there is no place in Turkie where so many French Ships come as into this Ha­ven; from the beginning of the Year 1672, to the Month of June, there was no less than nine­teen French Ships that came hither; and in the Month of June I reckoned fourteen.

This is a considerable number, but not to be compar'd with the number of Vessels that fre­quented this Haven heretofore: For Monsieur Lucasole, that did the Office of Chancellor of the French Nation, told me that he remembers that there have been at Alexandria in one Year, ninety-four French Ships.

Seeing that I am speaking of the French Trade in Egypt, I shall for the satisfaction of the Mer­chants, give here an exact account of all the Com­modities that are carried from Egypt into Europe, whether it be by the way of Marseilles, or by that of Legorn, or by Venice, with their ordinary Price in the Year 1673.

The Commodities that are ordinarily carried out of Egypt into Europe, are,

Gums.
  • As of Benjoin, whereof 110 Rotols cost 75 Piasters.
  • Bdellion, whereof the Quintal costs 50 Piasters.
  • Arabic, whereof 133, 1. third of the Rotols of Cairo cost 6 Abukelbs.
  • Adragant, whereof the Quintal of 110 Rotols costs 10 Piasters.
  • [Page 119] Lack, whereof the Quintal of 110 Rotols costs 15 Piasters.
  • Turick, whereof 130 Rotols cost 9 Abukelbs.
  • Myrrh of Ethiopia, whereof 110 Rotols cost 40 Piasters.
  • Frankincense in tears, whereof 110 Rotols cost 12 Piasters.
  • Storax.
Juices.
  • As Aloe Cicotrin, whereof the Quintal costs 8 Piasters.
  • Called Epatick, whereof 150 Rotols cost 28 Piasters.
  • Opium, whereof the Quintal of 110 Rotols costs 120 Piasters.
  • Indigo, named Serquis, whereof 130 Rotols cost 70 Piasters.
  • Indigo of Bagdat is worth nothing.
  • Indigo of Balluder is likewise worth nothing.
  • Cassanad, whereof the Quintal costs 5 Piasters.
  • Sugars in great Loaves, whereof the Quintal costs 16 Piasters and a half.
  • In little Loaves, whereof the Quintal costs 16 Piasters.
  • Sugar-candy costs 28 Piasters.
  • Sugar-soltani costs 28 Piasters.
  • Sorbet, whereof the Quintal costs 20 Piasters.
Wood.
  • As Sandal-wood costs 33 Piasters.
  • Citron-wood costs 25 Piasters.
  • Turbit-wood costs 30 Piasters.
  • Ebene-wood costs 41 Piasters.
  • Brasil-wood costs 28 Piasters.
Rinds of Trees.
  • As Cinamon of Conchi, whereof 150 Rotols cost 60 Piasters.
  • Of Malabari, cost 25 Piasters.
  • Of Zeilani, cost 100 Piasters.
Fruits and Seeds.
  • As Cassia, costs 20 Piasters.
  • Coco of Levant, whereof 133, and one third Rotols, cost 23 Piasters.
  • Coriander-seed, whereof the Quintal costs 3 Piasters.
  • Coffee, whereof the Quintal costs 25 Piasters.
  • Dates, whereof the Quintal costs 3 Piasters.
  • Mirabolans Kebus, whereof 150 Rotols cost 20 Piasters.
  • Sirnamed Balludri, cost 23 Piasters.
  • Sirnamed Citrin, cost 6 Piasters; but are worth nothing.
  • Nutmegs, whereof 110 Rotols cost 200 Abu­kelbs.
  • Nuts to vomit, whereof 110 Rotols cost 7 Pia­sters.
  • Cardamum, whereof the Quintal of 139 Rotols cost 140 Piasters.
  • Ben, a Fruit of the Indies, whereof the mea­sure of a Rotol costs 7 Piasters and a half.
  • Tamarindis, whereof 110 Rotols cost 15 Piasters.
  • Coloquinte, whereof 100 costs 10 Piasters.
  • Pepper, whereof 100 Rotols cost 22 Piasters and a half.
  • Cloves, whereof 125 Rotols costs 25 Piasters.
Herbs.
  • Flax comb'd, whereof the Quintal of 110 Ro­tols costs 5 Piasters.
  • Flax, or Hemp, of Menúf, 6 or 7 Piasters.
  • Flax, or Hemp, of Squinanti, whereof the Schive costs 10 Piasters.
  • Black Flax, whereof the Schive costs 10 Piasters.
  • Flax, or Hemp, of Fium, whereof the Schive costs 8 Piasters.
  • Hemp of Forfeit, seven Piasters and a quarter.
  • Hemp of Oleb of the Besantins.
  • Sené, the Quintal costs 40 Piasters.
Flowers.
  • As Spikenard, whereof 133, 1 3d of Rotols cost 120 Piasters.
  • Saffron of Nambrosia, whereof 110 Rotols cost 12 Piasters.
  • Saffron of Said, costs 6 Piasters.
  • Cotton in Ramo, or Branches, costs 6 Piasters.
  • Cotton in Thread, costs 20 Piasters.
  • Ordinary Cotton costs 10 Piasters.
Roots.
  • As Hermodats, whereof the Quintal of 110 Rotols costs 3 Piasters.
  • Roots called Sine, of the finer sort, cost 200 Piasters.
  • Ginger, whereof 133; 1 3d Rotols, cost 25 Piasters.
  • Cretonart, whereof 110 Rotols cost 15 Piasters.
  • [Page 122] Rhubarb, whereof the Rotol costs 5 Piasters.
  • Salsepareille, whereof 110 Rotols cost 200 Pia­sters.
Teeth.
  • As fine and great Elephants Teeth, 110 Rotols cost 25 Piasters.
Wool.
  • As Wool unwash'd, 200 Rotols cost 6 Piasters.
  • Wash'd, the Quintal costs 10 Piasters.
Feathers.
  • As of the Austrich of the first and second sort, whereof the Rotol costs 24 Piasters.
  • Of the Tails, whereof four Rotols cost 24 Piasters.
  • Of the black, four Rotols cost the same price.
  • Sharp, 1100 cost 1 Piaster and a half.
  • Of the Wings, 100 cost 6 Piasters.
Fish and other Sea Commodities.
  • As the Lizard green, 1100 cost 30 Piasters.
  • Pearl Shells, whereof 1100 cost 10 Piasters.
  • Salt-Fish, 200 clean cost 25 Piasters.
Mommies.
  • Whereof the Quintal of 110 Rotols costs 2 Abu­kelbs.
Salts.
  • As Armoniac, whereof the Quintal of 204 Rotols costs 16 Piasters.
  • Niter, or a kind of a Salt-Peeter, whereof 140 Rotols clean, cost one Piaster.
  • Roch-Alum, whereof the Quintal of 139 Rotols costs 9 Piasters.
Linen.
  • Blue-Linen, the Piece containing 40 Els of Cario, costs 65 Meidins.
  • Of Alexandria, the Piece costs 55 Meidins.
  • Of Menuf, the Piece of 83 Els costs 80 Meidins.
  • Great Blue of Inbab, the Piece of 30 Els costs 150 Meidins.
  • Little Blue of Cairo, the Piece of 12 Els costs 19 Meidins.
  • Of Alexandria, the Piece costs 14 Meidins.
  • Of Col, the Piece costs 15 Meidins.
  • Painted, costs 60 Meidins.
  • Battanones, the Piece costs 20 Meidins.
  • Magrabines, whereof the Piece costs 55 Meidins.
  • Messaline, whereof the Piece costs 80 Meidins.
  • Lizarde, whereof the Piece costs 120 Meidins.
  • Cambrasine, whereof the Piece costs 5 Piasters.
Stuffs.
  • As wrought Stuffs of Cairo, the Piece costs 18 Meidins.
  • Of Damietta, between 25 and 28 Meidins.
  • Of Alexandria, 24 Meidins.
  • [Page 124]Fine Girdles of Rosetta, cost by the dozen, 14 Piasters.
  • Ordinary Girdles by the dozen, 10 Piasters.
  • Fine Handkerchiefs, at 18 to the Packet, cost 24 Meidins.
  • Ordinary Handerchiefs, of the same Number, 12 Meidins.
  • Other ordinary ones, at 10 to the Packet, cost 10 Meidins.
Bladders.
  • As Musk, whereof the Dram costs a Piaster.
Carpets.
  • As fine Carpets by the Ell, cost about 2 Piasters, or one and a half.
  • Course Carpets, cost half a Piaster an Ell.

European Commodities, carried and sold in Egypt, with their ordinary price, 1673. are,

Minerals.
  • As Agarick, whereof the Ock, or 400 Drams, is worth a Piaster.
  • White Arsenick whereof the Quintal of 125 Rotols is worth 9 Piasters.
  • Yellow Arsenick is worth 14 Piasters.
  • Archifù, whereof 150 Rotols are worth 8 Piasters.
  • Orpiment, the Chest, or Box, is worth 25 Piasters.
  • [Page 125] Antimony is worth by the Quintal, 200 Piasters.
  • Sublimated, one Rotol is worth a Piaster and a half.
  • Quick-silver, 102 Rotols are worth 100 Piasters.
  • Vitriol by the Quintal, is worth 70 Piasters.
  • Vermillion, whereof 110 Rotols are worth 14 Piasters.
  • Cinaber by the Quintal, containing 102 Rotols, is worth 150 Piasters.
  • Salsepareille, whereof 110 Rotols are worth 200 Piasters.
  • Fine Cine are worth 200 Piasters.
Flowers and Herbs.
  • As Nardum Celticum, whereof the Quintal, containing 110 Rotols, is worth 55 Abukelbs.
  • Spiknard, whereof 110 Rotols are worth 150 Piasters.
Iron, Steel, Copper, Lead, and Pewter.
  • As Copper Thread, whereof 150 Rotols of the greatest cost 6 Piasters; and of the least 50 Pia­sters.
  • Beaten Brass 20 Piasters.
  • White Iron, or Tin, by the Barrel is worth 40 Piasters.
  • Steel of Venice, 110 Rotols are worth 15 Piasters.
  • Lead, whereof 130 Rotols are worth 12 Pia­sters.
  • Pewter, whereof 102 Rotols are worth 45 Piasters.
Seeds.
  • As Cochenille, whereof the Ock is worth 20 Piasters.
Paper.
  • The Pack of 24 Reams is worth 20 Piasters.
  • Of 14 Reams 22 Piasters.
  • Of 12. Reams 24 Piasters.
Silk Stuffs.
  • As Sattin of Florence, is worth by the Ell 60 Meidins.
Clothes.
  • As of London, whereof the Pick is worth 5 Abukelbs.
  • Of Bucioche, whereof the Pick is worth 60 Meidins.
  • Of the holy Bridge of Rome, whereof the Pick is worth 50 Meidins.
  • Cloaths of Holland fashion, whereof the Pick is worth 80 Meidins.
  • Scarlet by the Pick, is worth 90 Meidins.
  • Ordinary Caps of Marseilles, by the dozen, are sold for 5 Piasters.
  • Other Caps of a half-make, are sold by the dozen for 10 Piasters.
  • Of a perfect make, 14. Piasters.
Corrals.
  • As rough Corrals of Messina are worth by the Quintal, 110 Piasters.
  • Taraille is worth 25 Piasters.
  • Corrals wrought, whereof 100 Rotols of Cairo are worth 400 Piasters.
  • White Tartre, whereof 125 Rotols are worth 14 Piasters.
  • Red Tartre, whereof 125 Rotols are worth 12 Piasters.
  • Of Brasil, 110 Rotols that make a Quintal, are worth 30 Piasters.
  • Roch Alum, 139 Rotols are worth 10 Piasters.

And because we have mentioned in this place several Weights and Monies that are in use in E­gypt, it is needful to give an explication of them, that the Reader may make use of this Journal with satisfaction to himself.

The Ock contains 400 Drams.

The Rotol contains 144 Drams.

One hundred and ten Rotols of Cairo, are 108 pounds weight of Marseilles.

The Quintal gerouin, contains 217 Rotols of Cairo.

The Abukelb is the Doller of Holland, with the Lion rampant, and is worth 33 Meidins to be chang'd; but in Species 38 Meidins, and some­times more.

The ordinary Piaster, which is but an imaginary Coin, is worth 30 Meidins; and with it they trade and pay Money in Egypt.

The Reals of Spain are worth 33 Meidins in change, but in Species 40, and sometimes more as they are in request.

The Sequin, or golden Ducat of Venice, which next to the Reals of Spain, is the best Money to be us'd in all the Countries of the Grand Seignior, is worth in trade 100 Meidins; but the Divan of Cairo takes it but for fourscore and five.

The Meidin, or the Para, is the same piece of Money, made by the Pacha's of Cairo in the Name of the Grand Seignior. It is currant in all Parts of Egypt; is worth one Penny Half-penny of France, and about one Penny Farthing English.

A Purse contains 2500 Meidins, and is worth 500 Crowns of France.

The 23d of this Month, I saw a Moor return from a Race that he had made, to shew his strength, and to be admitted amongst the Posts that carry Letters from Alexandria to Cairo.

He that will be admitted to be Post, or Messen­ger, or Carrier of Letters, must carry upon his Shoulders a Fire lighted in an Iron Basket, made as a great Chafing-dish, fasten'd at the end of a great Staff about the length of a Man, to which are tied several Hoops of Iron, all weighing 36 Rotols. With this burden he must go twenty-seven Miles in the way to Rosetta, and return the same day to the City before the setting of the Sun, in all about 54 Miles; he is to go always loaden with the same burden. If he performs this, he is not only admitted amongst the Carri­ers of Letters, but he wins the Wager that others have made against him; but if his strength fails him, he loseth his Wager, and his Employment that he pretends to.

The Man that I saw returning the same day to the City, and finishing his course with honour, because he was return'd when the Sun was two [Page 129]hours high, won a Wager of fifteen Piasters, and was admitted amongst the Posts, or Carriers of Letters; and gathered besides, about eight Pia­sters, or thereabouts, from the beholders of his glorious return; but he was in such a sweat that one would have judg'd him to be coming out of some Bath. He was followed by a great Com­pany of People both Horse and Foot, some car­rying Wood to entertain his Fire, others Water to refresh and cool him; that before I knew the cause of this Meeting, I thought there had been some Tumult in the City.

When I had continued so long time in Alexan­dria as was needful for my affairs, and having lost my Quartane Fever that had plagued me six­teen Months, I departed very well satisfied, for Rosetta, on the Festival day of S. Peter and S. Paul. I went this time by Sea, because I had been so of­ten by Land: I went aboard a Ship, and in five hours we came to Rosetta, but not without dan­ger of Ship-wrack at the Mouth of Nilus; for the Waters of the River meet so furiously with the Waves of the Sea, that they are able to af­fright the most skilful Pilots of Egypt.

A Voyage to the Monasteries of the Desarts of S. Macarius.

ON the 30th of June I went from Rosetta, with an intention to visit the four Mona­steries of the Desarts of S. Macarius: for that purpose I went aboard of a Boat of a Janissary, [...]amed Reus Ahmed il Curdi, a Man very well ac­quainted with the Francs, to go with him to [Page 130] Tarane, or Terenut, as the Copties call it in their Dictionary. It is a little Village in the Cascieflik of Beheire, four and twenty hours travelling from Cairo, scituate upon the East of Nilus, the place where Men commonly go a-shore when they de­sign to travel to those Monasteries. But, before I came to that Village, I received many affronts from some young Turks, because I carried with me a little Box full of Wine. A zealous Cadi being troubled in Conscience for being in the company of a Franc that drunk Wine, encou­rag'd them to ask me some, that he might have an occasion to quarrel with me, if I did give them some. These Rogues having the Authority of a Cadi to countenance their wicked design, four of the boldest ask'd me some very earnestly; for they said they knew that I had some. I excus'd my self at first, that I could not give them any to drink, because they were not to drink Wine; and that I knew very well that it was a great Crime for a Franc to give Wine to a Musulman, chiefly in a place where many others would be offended at it, and that such an action might bring me into trouble. But all these reasons could not prevail; they would have some Volens Nolens, threatning that if I denied them they would cast my Wine in­to the River. When I saw my self in this danger, I intreated the Reus, unto whom I was well re­commended by the Vice-Consul of Rosetta, to de­fend me. He did so much by his credit, that he pacified them for that time.

At my arrival at Tarane, whither I was to go a-shore, I hired in the Morning a little Boat to carry me, and my Cloaths and Provisions, to the Village; for our Vessel was great and well loaden, [Page 131]and could not at that time go near the shore, be­cause the Water was not deep. Three of these Turks cast themselves furiously into my Boat, ta­king my Box in earnest to cast it into the River. I snatch'd it from them, and run to my Musquet as if I intended to shoot at them: my Black-a-moor likewise, who was couragious, took one by the Neck and cast him into the River, and with his Sword in his Hand put himself in a posture of defence; When they saw that they had to do with Men of courage that were not afraid of them, they went back into the Barque, and very furi­ously assaulted the Reus with their Fists; besides, they accus'd him, as he himself told me after­wards, at his return to Cairo, before his Aga, to have drank Wine with a Franc, making him pay, as a punishment, ten Piasters.

After this Rencounter, I had another Accident that happen'd to me, far more grievous and dan­gerous. At my landing I wanted a Man to carry my Cloaths to the House where I intended to lodge; I called therefore some of the Arabians that were newly arriv'd from the Desarts of S. Macarius with Nitre, or Salt-Peter: He that car­ried my Box of Wine finding it to be very hea­vy, and knowing not what was in it, he thought it had been a Box of Money; therefore being proud of his burden, he told all that he met with in the way, that he carry'd a Box full of Money, that belong'd to a Franc newly arriv'd, that was going to the Monasteries. This lye spread about the Vil­lage, and was believ'd as true, so that I was in no small danger; for there was no other talk in the Town but of the rich Franc that was there, and of the means to get his Money: They thought I had [Page 132]been some Consul that travell'd incognito to see the Country, therefore they resolv'd to wait for me in the way, and to take from me all my Treasure.

In this manner I landed at Tarane, on a Sunday, and went to lodge at a poor Carpenters House, a Christian Coptie, the only Christian in that Vil­lage; he allowed me for my Chamber, a place where he put Straw for his Beasts; it was cover­ed with the Faggots of Palm-trees, heap'd one upon another, to hinder the heats of the Sun: I found there two religious Persons of the Mona­steries whither I intended to go, with them I past my fears and apprehensions.

When I understood, from all hands, the Con­spiracy that the Arabians had form'd against me; the danger oblig'd me the the next day, to desire the Cascief of that place to give me a Guard, to bring me safe to the Monasteries; and that I might perswade him the sooner, I gave him some Pounds of Coffee and Loaves of Sugar, which I had brought with me for that purpose; for it is the Custom in Turkie, when a favour is desired from a Turk, to begin with Gifts: But the Cascief having heard what report went of me, answer'd me, that a small Guard would do me but little good, because the Arabians had formed a design to wait for me in the way, and to cut my Throat, and that it was needful that he should Guard me himself; which he promis'd to do within a few days, after that he had finish'd some business of importance.

I was mightily troubled when I heard what the Cascief offer'd me. It was to no purpose when I told him that I was no Consul, as the report went of me without any colour of truth, but rather a [Page 133]poor Franc that went to the Monasteries to per­fect my self in the Language of the Country; That in this Box there was no Money, but only some Glass Bottles of Wine which I carried with me, because I was never us'd to drink Water. All this dis­course was to no purpose, he was so prepossess'd with the false report that I could not be believ'd. When I saw that I spent my labour in vain, I went to my Lodging without accepting his offer.

At that time I had news that Nassr Allá, an Ab­bot of one of the Monasteries, that I intended to visit, was at a Village at the other side of the Ri­ver, call'd Tuh inessára, not far from Tarane down the Current, about some concerns of his Mona­stery. I sent him a Letter, written in Arabic, by one of the Lay Monks whom I found at my arri­val at Tarane, acquainting him with my intention, and all that had happen'd between me and the Cascief, and Arabians, intreating him to tell me how I should get free from those People; I as­sur'd him that I should be for ever oblig'd to him, and that all the favour he should shew me would be pleasing to his Partriarch, who was my very good Friend, and had recommended me to the Governours of those Monasteries. But this un­civil Abbot was so far from answering to my Let­ter, as I expected, that he kept with him the Messenger, and would not suffer him to return back.

When I saw the Abbots incivility, and being more desirous to proceed on in my Journy, not­withstanding all these difficulties; I resolved once more to visit the Cascief, to intreat him to give me a Guard, thinking to find him of another judg­ment than he was before when I saw him first, but [Page 134]I receiv'd from him the same answer; He told me that he would not have me venture, unless he Guarded me himself; that he must answer to the Pacha for my Life, if any mischance did happen to me in my Journy, and that he knew that I was but ill accommodated with the Christian; he desired me therefore to take a Chamber at his House. I must confess that this second offer, as well as the first, did strangely trouble me: for this earnest desire that he did discover of Guarding me in his own Person, was no good Omen to me; be­sides, his Reputation was but bad in the Village; and when I should have had no reason to fear him, and that his intentions had been very good, the expences I must have been at for him and his Company, and the Gifts that I must have bestow­ed upon him for his pains, would have ruined me; for I knew that a Cascief never ventures out in a Journy without a great train of Horse and Foot, and without expecting great matters.

When I saw the danger and trouble that I had in this Journy, I resolved to return to Cairo as soon as I could. With this resolution I spent the rest of the day in my Lodging, thinking how I might be able to compass it. About two hours in the Night I heard knocking at the Door very earnest­ly, and because it was no seasonable time to speak with me, and that the Person knockt very hard, I began to think that I was in danger: That I might not be surpriz'd, I awak'd the Persons in the House, and took my Weapons in my hand, sending my Black-a-moor to see who was there; he return'd to me, and told me that it was a Groom of the Cascief that was desirous to speak with me, concerning a business of the highest im­portance. [Page 135]I caus'd him to come in, and found that it was he that had introduc'd me to his Ma­sters presence, unto whom I had made some small Gifts: As soon as he saw me, he intreated me by his Religion and mine, as the Custom of the Coun­try is, to go away immediately, as secretly as I could; for his Master intended to kill me, because he thought I was a Man that travell'd up and down only to seek for the Treasures of the an­cient Egyptians: And that he might more conve­niently perform this bloody design, he was re­solved to lead me himself towards the Monaste­ries to the middle of the Wilderness, where he would suffer me to rest, and afterwards cut my Throat: And if afterwards any should inquire for a Franc that was gone by Tarane to the Mona­steries, he would say that he is gone to Cairo by another way: He told me also, that about a Month before that, his Master had kill'd a Ma­hometan Traveller of Barbary, and had cast his Body into the River, for the same cause.

As soon as I understood this bad news, I had no more mind to sleep, I gave him the reward that he had deserv'd, and sent to seek a Camel to car­ry my Cloaths; and about one of the Clock in the Night I departed to go to the passage that leads to Gizéy, a Village scituated on the other side of Nilus, about an hour and a halfs travel­ling from Tarane down the Water: I agreed there with a Master of a Boat to carry me and my Cloaths over; and about break of the Day I went aboard very speedily: As soon as we were lanch'd into the River, from Land, I saw the Cascief galloping towards us with about thir­ty Men on Horse back to catch me; but he [Page 136]miss'd of his intent, for I was out of his reach.

At Gizéy, as I was waiting for an opportunity to return to Cairo, the Abbot Nassr alla, menti­oned before, came thither and offer'd to conduct me to the Monasteries, if I would return to Ta­rane in his company; but I had no mind any lon­ger to visit them.

I went from Gizéy the same day, being Fryday, towards Cairo; and the next Night we lodg'd at Verdan, a Village scituate on the West-side of Ni­lus, not far from Boulak; and on Saturday the 9th of July, I enter'd into Cairo, from whence I de­parted the 7th of June.

Whilst I was at Tarane, the Cascief's Clark, who was a Coptie and a Christian, came to see me sometimes. I understood from him what the Lakes of Salt-Peter, or Niter, yield to the Grand Seignior every Year. He told me, that this Year within the space of nine Months, they had drawn four and twenty thousand Quintals, and that they must take up twelve thousand more to make up the ordinary Sum that is drawn: So that every Quintal being sold for 25 Meidins, this Revenue comes to 36 Purses, or 18000 Crowns, French Money, by the Year.

As soon as it is taken out of the Lakes they car­ry it upon Camels to Tarane, where it is weighed, and from thence sent to Cairo, or Alexandria, to be sold.

For this cause a Cascief dwells here, who though he be but little in Authority, and subject to the Cascief of Beheire, he is forc'd to buy this em­ployment, and pay for it four and twenty Purses; one half to the Cascief of Beheire, and the other half to the Pacha: he keeps also twenty Spahins [Page 137]to wait upon him, and guard his Country; he is the Lord of these Monasteries.

But before I proceed on in my Journal, I will give a short account of some remarkable things in this Desart, as I have heard them from one that hath been an Abbot in one of the Monasteries.

First there is to be seen, between the Monaste­ries of S. Macarius, and of Amba Biscioi, and a little further in the Wilderness, a long rank of little heaps of Earth, a Foot from one another, plac'd as in a way; which, as the Monks say, was put there by the Angels, that the Hermites might be able to find the way to the Church when they were desirous to hear Divine Service on Sundays; for before they were apt to go out of the way: Therefore this way is called now, Tarik il meláike, or, The way of Angels.

Secondly I have understood from an old Manu­script in Arab. that in the Wilderness were here­tofore seven great Monasteries; namely, 1. of S. Macarius; 2. Of S. John the little, sirnamed Igumène; 3. Of Amba Biscíoi; 4. Of S. Massine, and Timo­thy; 5. That of Amba Moses, sirnamed Black; 6. That of Amba Kéma; 7. That of the holy Vir­gin of Syria: and that besides these seven Mona­steries, there were three hundred dwellings of Hermites, and solitary People that served God in this Wilderness.

But now, of all these Monasteries, there are but two remarkable; namely, the Monastery of the Syrians, and that of Amba Biscioi. They are fur­nish'd with very good Water. The first hath two Churches; one for the Syrians, and another for the Copties.

In that of the Syrians is to be seen a miraculous [Page 138]Tree, growing from the Staff of S. Ephrem. This holy Man left it at the Gate when he went to vi­sit one in the Monastery, and immediately it shot forth Roots downwards, and Leaves upwards, with Flowers. They say, that there is no such Tree to be found in all Egypt besides.

Thirdly, in the Monastery of S. John the little, which now is much decayed, is to be seen a Tree that grew likewise from this Saints Staff miracu­lously, when he had fix'd it into the Ground at his Superiors command, and water'd it: There­fore they call it, because of this Act of Obedience, Scieigiaret ittáa, or the Tree of Obedience.

Fourthly, in the way that leads from the Mo­nastery of the Syrians to the Mountain of the Eagles Stones, is to be seen the Bed of Bahr Belá me, or River without Water; which was dried up, as the Monks relate, at the Prayers of the ancient Hermites that dwelt about its Banks; be­cause they were grievously troubled by the Pyrats that sailed upon it, therefore they obtain'd from God this favour.

Fifthly, in this Desart is to be seen another Cu­riosity, call'd by the Arabians, Lahm iggiúf; but because I could not well understand what it was, I could desire that some other Traveller would en­quire it out, that we may better know what to think of it.

A Walk to the Garden of Ma-Tárea.

THE 12th of July I went, in the Company of some French Merchants, to the Village of Ma-Tárea, scituate on the East of Cairo, about [Page 139]two hours riding on Horse-back, to visit the pla­ces which Christ and his most holy Mother have sanctified with their abode, and the Garden where the Balm Plants were set formerly.

At the entry into the Court which is before this Garden there is to be seen, at the right hand, a small Oratory of the Turks, which one Ibra­him, who was Pacha of Egypt about thirteen years ago, caus'd to be built out of a hatred of the Copties, upon the ruins of a Church which belong'd to them, and where they reverenc'd some Relicks and steps of our Lord, and of his most holy Mo­ther.

This Pacha chang'd, as we have said, this Chap­pel into an Oratory of Turks, that no Christian might have the liberty to enter in and visit it. But since the Turks have forsaken it one may go in freely without hindrance; therefore it is no longer named an Oratory, but il Mákad, or the place of rest.

In this Mákad is a little Cistern of Marble of di­vers colours, full of Water, which comes into it by a Channel from the miraculous Well that is near by. The Copties say, from Tradition, that the blessed Virgin was wont to wash in it the Linen of her divine Son; and that whilst she was employed in working, she laid him in a little hole which is in the Wall of the Mákad, a place where some reli­gious Francs have heretofore said Mass, out of de­votion.

However it be, I will not deny a Tradition so ancient; but it is so hard to reconcile all the Cir­cumstances which they bring to prove it, that when I had done all that I could to understand the truth, I sound such doubts as did rather [Page 140]contradict, than establish any such thing.

Very near this Mákad, or resting place, is the miraculous Well, very deep. Its Waters are lighter and sweeter than the Waters of Nilus. This is so well known, that the Pacha's drink of it, and prefer it to the Waters of the River.

The Tradition of the Copties say, and some Mahometan Historians agree to it, as Amru ibn il verdi, that our Saviour hath wash'd himself in this Well, and by a Miracle he hath given this sweetness, and extraordinary pleasantness to these Waters.

Its Sourse, or Spring, is not well known. Some think that it came by a Miracle, others say that it proceeds from Nilus under ground. But I think it impossible; 1. Because of the great distance between the River and this Well; 2. Because when the Waters of Nilus are corrupt and thick, the Water of this Well is clear, whereas if it pro­ceeded out of the River, it would be as thick as the Waters of Nilus; 3. because the Water of this Well never riseth, nor falls, as the River doth, but is always equal in height; finally I con­ceive it, from the name given to it, Má-Tarea, which signifies fresh Water; this signifies that it hath a particular Sourse, and a quality not com­mon with the Waters of Nilus.

The Mahometans say, that it proceeds from the Well Bir issimsim, which is at Mecha; a famous Well, because of a pretended Miracle of Maho­met. But this is a Fable invented by some of their Sciechs, to obtain more credit to their Prophet; for Mecha is distant from Cairo one and thirty days journy, as the Caravan makes them, there­fore it is impossible that a Well should be in E­gypt [Page 141]proceeding from a Sourse at such a distance.

After that we had eaten in the resting place, and drank of this good Water out of devotion, we went into the Garden, where heretofore the Balm trees were Planted, which yielded Balm on­ly when they stood in this place, and were watered with the Water of the miraculous Well. One may read my Book upon this Subject, called The Church of Alexandria; where many remarkable things may be found, very curious, concerning these Trees and this Well.

In this Garden was heretofore to be seen the Sicamore-tree, which, as the Copties say, split in two miraculously, to hide our Lord Jesus Christ and his most holy Mother, when the Souldiers of Herod pursued him: They say, that when they hid themselves in this opening of the Sicamore, they saved themselves from the Souldiers vio­lence, by the favour of a Spiders Web that cover­ed them suddenly, and appeared very old, though it was made in an instant by a Miracle: so that that they imagin'd not that any Person could be hid within, much less the Persons whom they were seeking.

The Franciscans of the Holy Land, that dwell at Cairo, dispute with the Keepers of this Garden, the possession of this Tree; and say, that it fell down with old age in the year 1656. and that they gather'd then up the pieces which they keep carefully in their place of Relicks; I have seen them there. The Gardiners yet shew in this Gar­den a Stump which I have seen, which they say are the remains of this Sicamore. But this dis­pute concerns me not much, neither do I think that I should oblige those Fathers to maintain [Page 142]their interest in this case that is so trivial.

When we had seen this Sicamore, we went out of the Garden to see the Needle, which is out of the Village, planted in the open Field, where stood anciently the City Heliopolis.

This Needle is not equally square, for there are two sides larger than the others: The largest are each of six Foot, and the narrowest of five and a half. There be but few Characters graven upon it, but they be yet to be read; and those that are graven in one side, are also in the three others. It is of a red Stone, as all other Needles that I have seen in Egypt, Planted upon the ground without any Basis to stand upon.

Near this Needle is a square Stone of an extra­ordinary bigness, which seems to have been the Basis of some great Pillar; but it is worn on the sides, therefore I neglected to take the measure of it.

In this Field Sultan Selim encamp'd with his Ar­my, when he engaged in a Fight with Sultan Cajed Bey, the last King of the Mammelucs; some of the Trenches of his Camp are yet to be seen.

I went next alone from Má-Tarea to Mínied Sored, another Village hard by on the West-side, to see a miraculous Image of the blessed Virgin, which the Copties keep in their Church; of which I have read a Miracle in an Abyssin Manuscript, which I found in the Monastery of Koskam, near Momfallot in the middle Egypt, at my first Voyage into Egypt. As soon as I had seen it, I return'd to Cairo.

The 17th of July, Saturday Night, I went to the Monastery of S. Michael, scituated out of the Old Cairo at the East-side, about half an hours [Page 143]riding on Horse-back, in the Field called, in Arab. Birket siech Ombarek, or the Lake of the blessed Sciech; where I spent the Night to hear Mass; for the Copties say it ordinarily after Midnight.

The next day I return'd back to my Lodging, and saw in my passage all the Churches and Mona­steries of the Copties which are in Old Cairo; leaving on our left hand the three Churches which are in Babylon Massr, which was heretofore part of Old Cairo, but is now totally destroyed. I began my visit by the Churches that are in Cassr Iss­cémma.

Churches, and Monasteries of Cassr Isscémma.

THE first was that of Maállaca: It is a very ancient Church, stately and very clear; and I may say that it is the most beautiful that the Copties have in Egypt. It is the Metropolis in which the Patriarch performs his first Divine Service.

The Copties bought it of Amru ibn il Ass, as may appear by the Contract written upon the Walls of this Church with the Hand of this Prince, who curseth there all the Mahometans that shall offer to take it from them.

There be five Heikels, or Chappels, in a rank; but separated the one from the other with little Grates of Wood: so that five Masses may be read at once, and the Priests need not interrupt one a­nother.

At the entry of this Church a little Image is to be seen, at the right hand, upon one of the Pillars: which Image, the Copties say, spoke to S. Ephrem, [Page 142]one of their Patriarchs, to comfort him in his af­fliction, when Meéz le din alla, the Califf, com­manded him to transport Mount Gebel il mocáttam, which now stands behind the Castle of Cairo, from one place to another, to prove the truth of his Religion; because our Saviour Christ saith in the Gospel, If you had faith as a Grain of Mustard-seed, you should say to this Mountain, remove thence to yonder place, and it shall remove; and nothing shall be impossible unto you. He threatned him therefore that if he did not remove it, that he would de­stroy all his Nation, as a People that professed a false Religion, and that deserved not to live a­mongst them that were Believers. Because this Image spoke then to their Patriarch, to comfort him and assure him that he should remove the Mountain in spight of the Jews, who had anger'd this Califf against them, they highly respect it.

Next to Maállaca, I went to visit Sancta Barba; where, as my leader told me, the Body of this Saint rests at the left hand of the Chappel. This Church is great and very light, and therefore seems to me to be the most pleasant of all the rest. There be also three Chappels in a rank.

I saw next the Church of Saint Sergius, which was built, as Said ibn Patrik saith in his History, by a Coptie, a Secretary to Abd ilaziz ibn Meruán, a Califf of Egypt.

Under this Church is to be seen a Cave, in which, as the Copties hold by Tradition, Christ with his most blessed Mother have lived a while. It is divided into three Angles, or Parts, by little Pil­lars. In the first, at the entrance, is the Baptis­mal Font of the Copties: At the bottom of the middle separation is a place in the Wall, and in [Page 145]this place a Stone, which, as the Copties believe, hath been sanctified with the steps of our bles­sed Saviour. The religious Francs sometimes say Mass here. In the third separation is ano­ther Stone sanctified also by our Saviour's foot­steps.

In the Cave, I remember not well in which separation, is to be seen the Epitaph of a Gentle­man of Europe, buried there about two hundred and seventy five years ago, in Gothick Letters; but the Stone is plac'd upside-down, through the ignorance of the Mason, as I believe; this is the Epitaph. ‘Hic jacet Nobilis Petrus Louys IX. Neapollo­nies, qui obiit M.CCCC.II. die. XI. Febru­arii.’

Next to this Church, I visited that of our bles­sed Lady, in the Street called Darb ittáka. It is very small, and very obscure. Out of this Church I saw a little round Stone of black Marble, lying upon the ground; about it were graven small Hieroglyphick Letters.

At a little distance from this Church, through an Alley, is to be seen the remains of a Persian Temple, called in Arab. Kobbet il fors, or the Temple of the Persians, which Artaxerxes Ochus, King of Persia, caus'd to be built in honour of the Fire; and though the Ruines are but small, they discover yet that this Temple was hereto­fore very stately. In the inside, about the Walls, are to be seen several standings, or holes, as high as a Man, in which it is probable they plac'd their Idols.

I saw next the Church of Mary Girges, or of S. George, which is in the same Street called Darb ittáka, or the Street of the Window. It is very an­cient, and of a mean beauty. At the entrance, on the right hand, is to be seen the Body of Am­ba Bissúra, Bishop and Martyr, with his Epitaph in Arabick, which I could not place here, because the Printer had not the Characters.

Next to this Church I went to see the Mona­steries of the Nuns, amongst the Copties, called Dér il benát, or the Monastery of the Maids, which was built, as they say, by a King called Alexander; but it is a place so filthy and stinking, that I could not stay there any time.

The last Church that I saw in this Castle, was that of the Monastery of S. George, of the religi­ous Greeks. In this Church is to be seen an I­mage of this Saint, that, as they say, hath the Power to heal and cure Fools. This Monastery also is very ugly, and filthy.

Churches, and Monasteries, in the Patri­arch's Quarters.

IN the Quarters of the Patriarch, named in Arab. Haret il Bátrak, a Suburb of it self, on this side of Cassr Isscémma, is the Church of Mary Moncure. It is very great, high, and built with very strong Walls. In this Church the Pa­triarch of the Copties is chosen and consecra­ted.

It hath been ruinated by the Mahometans, and turn'd into a Store-house of Sugar-Canes. It continued so to the days of the Patriarch Ephrem, [Page 147]who, in the Reign of Meez le din alla, having transported the Mountain called Gebel il mocát­tam, which now stands behind the Castle of Cai­ro, to prove the truth of his Religion, and that of the Turks and Jews to be false, got an Order from him to the Court of Beit il mal, or Treasure of the Goods of the deceased; that out of this Trea­sure this Church should be re-built with all the Apartments that are round about, and all the lit­tle Churches that are above it: Which was ac­cordingly performed, as may be seen in the Hi­story of the Patriarch's of Macrizi.

Mekkin, an Arabian Historian, confirms this Relation; and ascribes this Miracle to this Saint, as he saith in his History.

Vádeh ibn Régia, a Noble Man amongst the Mahometans, who turned Christian; a little while after being very thirsty at Mecha, he pray'd to this Saint that he might be carryed into this Church, because at that time the River Nilus running close by, he might there quench his violent thirst. This Saint carried him immedi­ately into this Church in one Night, a way that the Caravan cannot perform in less than eight and thirty, or forty days.

At the entrance into this Church, on the left hand, is the Cave where dwelt heretofore Amba Bersum il Erián, or Saint Bersum the naked; which was before the abode of a Serpent that did much hurt to the Inhabitants round about. In the Walls are to be seen the holes where he hid him­self, but as soon as the Saint was enter'd in to do Penance, the Serpent cast it self at his feet, to do him homage, and afterwards it never hurt a­ny body. In this Cave is a little Altar to say Mass.

A little above this same Church there is four or five small Churches which I had liberty to see the night of the Festival of the Epiphany of the Copties, in the Year 1673. I staid there to see the Ceremony they observe, in dipping themselves in the Water, in remembrance of Christ's Baptism. The Reader may, in the sequel of this Journal, see this described in the Month of January, 1673.

Near this Church, is that of Amba Scinúde, or of Saint Sennodius; but the Turks have shut it, to draw from the Copties a sum of Money, therefore I could not see it.

When I was out of the Patriarch's Quarters, I went straight to Cairo to see the other Churches and Monasteries that are thereabout: when I was come as far as the Bridge called Kantaret iggibs, or the Plaister'd Bridge, I turn'd to my right hand, and when I was past the heaps of Ruines and Rubbish that are there, I came to the Monastery of Mary Mina, or S. Menna, which is an Hospital rather, for poor old Men, than a Monastery.

Within the Walls of this Monastery are three Churches; one belongs to the Copties, the other to the Armenians, and the third to the Syrians; but it is a filthy place, and the Churches arc but dark.

A Journey to the City of Fiúm.

THE Province of Fiúm hath been always esteem'd one of the most excellent of al [...] Egypt, because of its fruitful Fields, of its grea [...] [Page 149]Riches, of its pleasant Gardens, which are the rarest of all this Kingdom; and because of many wonderful things that are there, I had so great a desire to travel in it, that I thought I had seen nothing, if I did not see this Country also.

And because Egypt is such a Country that one cannot travel in it all the year, and in every sea­son, for sometimes you are hinder'd by the ex­cessive heats that burn and scorch your bodies, sometimes by the overflowing of Nilus that bu­ry all the Fields under water, and sometimes be­cause the Arabians are scattered about the ways; and when these inconveniencies don't hinder, the Casciefs or Governours sometimes are wont to fright Travellers, for commonly they be little Tyrants, who live by extortion and oppression of the persons that have the unhappiness to fall into their hands: Therefore to accomplish this Journey with more safety, I waited for the Vin­tage of Fiúm, for then the ways are full of per­sons that carry Grapes to Cairo, and then the A­rabians retreat into the Desarts, and there is no­thing to be fear'd.

In this season I undertook this Journey that I had long designed; I went from Cairo Monday the 21. of July.

And that I might not fall into the same danger as at Tarane, I took with me a Janizary, to whom I gave 15 Piasters every Month; and I took my Blackmoor, nam'd Abul Kerún, whose courage I had experienc'd before; for them and my self, I hired three Mules that were going back to that City; we went from Cairo the prefixt day be­fore Noon.

At our arrival at the Monastery of Aduvie, [Page 150]which is about an hours travelling from Old Cairo, scituate upon the East-side of Nilus, we past to the other side of the River, and from thence we march'd to Mocanan, a very good Town, a place where dwells an Arabian Prince, very famous, called Ibn Chabir; at night we got as far as Kahue Barnascht, a Coffee-house built at the entry in of the Wilderness through which one goes to Fiúm.

After that we had rested our selves a little, we proceeded on in our journey before the Sun-set, marching through the Wilderness with many o­thers in our Company, who had overtaken as whiles we stayed.

We spent nine hours in going through this Desart, going all night through a Campane very equal, full of Sand, and houndless, and in the morning before the Sun-rising we arriv'd at Ta­mieh, a very great and considerable Town, be­longing to the Cascieflik of Fiúm, scituate at the end of the Wilderness, about five hours journey­ing from Fiúm for a Horseman.

When we had rested here a while, and drunk some Coffee, according to the custom of the Country, we march'd on in our way, and enter'd into Fiúm about Noon.

At my first arrival, I lodg'd in a publick Inn called Ocalet Beida, scituate near the Market, and almost ruinated, till I could meet with a bet­ter and more convenient abode. About ten days after I chang'd my dwelling, because I was too much in the eye of the Turks, and caus'd them to be too jealous of me, which a Franc ought to be careful of, that he may not be censur'd and af­fronted by them. I took a lodging near the Chri­stians [Page 151]dwellings, at a Turks house, called Tatar Sciaban, who was a very honest man, notwith­standing his Religion.

As soon as the Turks see a Franc in a Village or Country, chiefly where they never saw him be­fore, they imagine immediately that he is loaden with Diamonds and Pearls. They take therefore notice of all his steps, to find out some occasion to quarrel with him; and of all places of Tur­kie, this happens most frequently in Egypt.

As soon as I was in the Town, the report spread about, that a rich Franc with a great Train was come. The Cadi thinking therefore that he had a person from whom he might draw a sum of Money, because he believ'd that I was a Mer­chant come thither to buy Wines in the Vintage­time to carry them to Cairo, which Commodity is forbidden in all the Territories of the Grand Seignior, he desired the Naib Gaibe, or Soubachi of the place, to endeavour to find out my de­signs, and to let him understand them; for he promised to give him half the money that he should get out of me, if I did buy any Wines.

For this purpose the Naib Gaibe, or Soubachi, a Renegade Fleming, who spoke well his Mother­tongue, came to my lodging with two Ruffians, and enter'd into my Chamber whiles I was taking out my Cloaths, and without saluting any body, sate down in a Corner, which is the place that be­longs to the Master of the house in the East-Countries: The Ruffians stood at the door, lean­ing upon their Staves. I was mightily surpriz'd to see such a person come to visit me. I called to my Janizary to know what he would have; he answered, that he understood that I was a [Page 152] Franc, and that he was come to know whether I would buy any Wine, because he would recom­mend me to that which was very good. I re­ply'd, that if he had no other business, he might spare himself the trouble and pains that he took, that I was never a Merchant of Wines, and would not now begin; and that we Francs care not much for the poor Wines of his Country. To this he held his peace.

He enquir'd what Countryman I was; when I had told him that I was of the City of Erford in Germany, he seem'd to rejoyce, because he had found one in such a far Country whom he might name his Countryman, for he said he was of Amsterdam. He promis'd me his friendship; we eat afterwards together, and I caus'd him to drink Wine as much as he would, which was very plea­sing to him: when the liquor had a little chear'd his spirits, he discover'd to me the design of the Cadi, and the cause of his Visit; by this means he became one of my best Friends in Egypt, and my safety whiles I continued in that Town, with­out whom I should not have escap'd the Train that was laid for me.

After a little rest in my lodging, I sought some means to strike acquaintance with the Bishop of the place, called Amba Michel, who had a very good repute of an honest and a learned man, because I was desirous to have some body to con­verse with, and to spend my time with some ad­vantage to my self; I obtain'd this with ease, for he came a few days after and lodg'd at my house: I am much beholding to him for many things that he hath told me concerning their Belief and Ceremonies, which I have inserted in my Church of Alexandria.

Let us now see the description of the Town and Territory of Fium.

The Town of Fium, the chief of the Province whereof it bears the name, is large and full of people: It is built upon the Ruines of the old Arsinoe, which is near adjoyning on the West-side. Though the most part of the houses are but little, and made of Bricks dried in the Sun, they are nevertheless commodious, and some, where the Officers and Commanders dwell, are large and beautiful. There be many Copties Chri­stians, and a Bishop, but no Church within the Walls; they perform their Devotions at Desie, a Village near by.

An artificial Channel cut from the River pas­seth through this City, from East to West: They name it Bahr Jusef, or the River of Joseph, for they believe that Joseph, Jacobs Son, caus'd it to be made. 'Tis call'd also Calitz il Menhi, or the Channel of Menhi. This Channel is remarkable, because it keeps fresh water all the year, which proceeds from several Fountains there, but it is too shallow to carry Boats but when the River overflows. It begins about three days journey from Fium, drawing towards the South, near a Village named Tarut Isscerif, where I have been. It runs, when it hath left the Town, into the Lake named Birket il Kern, or the Lake of Cha­ron, where the waters become salt.

In this Town are to be seen many Relicks of Antiquity, as Capitals, Antick Works, Pillars of Marble broken. In the Corn-market is to be seen a great Pillar, entire laid upon the ground, and a great Mill-stone, both of a red stone; and almost in all houses is to be seen something very remarkable for its antiquity.

Here is made much Linen for the house, and Canvas to pack up the Commodities of the Coun­try: They have a great deal of Flax, which yields a great benefit; strak'd Linen is plentiful here, and very good, with which the Country­people cloath themselves. The Leather of this Country is much esteem'd, but chiefly the Blan­kets that are made here are the finest of the Le­vant, and are carried all over the world. Here are also made Sacks of Network of Cord, to carry upon Camels Straw, or dried Dung to burn, or Stones, or some such thing, for they ne­ver use Carts.

This Territory is very fruitful and pleasant, and all that grows here is of a better taste than in the other Provinces. Here are Fields full of Rose-trees, and Woods of Fig-trees, which are not in other parts of Egypt. The Gardens are full of all manner of Trees, bearing Fruit; as Pear-trees, Orange-trees, Lemon-tree, Peach-trees, Plumb-trees, Apricock-trees, and many others that are sent to be sold at Cairo, which yields them a great profit.

In Fium only, of all the Provinces of Egypt, are Vineyards; and in these Villages only, in Fidimin where I have been, in Nacalife, Seliin, Abukesa, Agiamiin, Gerrado, and Tobhar.

They make Wine thus: They press the Grapes either with their Feet, or other wise, into a great Earthen Vessel; they put afterwards the new Wine into a Sack of course Linen, and strain it into another Vessel; from thence they draw it, and secure it in Jars well pitch'd within, which contain about twelve thousand Drams. Now these Jars they place in the Sun during seven days, [Page 155]leaving them open, that the new Wine might purge it self; they stop them afterwards with Palm-leaves, and cover them close with Mud. They leave their Wine in this manner, till they intend to drink it.

This Wine is not much esteemed of by the Francs, because there remains so much dregs that come out into the Cup with the Wine; but if they had but the art of clearing and clarifying the Wine, it would be doubtless a very pleasant Wine, for the Grapes are very sweet, and plea­sing to the taste.

I have not seen a Province in Egypt that is so much cut into Channels as this: They all pro­ceed from Josephs River, and they are made to water the Fields with more ease; and because this great number of Ditches would hinder men from travelling up and down, were it not for the Bridges, here be more than in any other part of Egypt. They are all made with burnt Bricks, and very strong: The Tradition saith, that they were builded in the days of the Pharaoh's; and it is the opinion of the Copties, that these Kings imployed the Israelites in making Bricks for these Bridges, which is very probable; for it is certain, that almost an infinite number of men are needful to make such a prodigious quantity of Bricks.

This Province of Fium anciently had three hundred threescore and five Towns and Villages, but now there be but threescore and two; all the other have been swallowed up in the Lake Kern, or destroyed by the tyranny of the Governours.

The Cascief dwells in the Town: He pays now to the Pacha five and twenty Purses, and five [Page 156]to his Kehaja, or Lieutenant, and to his Agas. He pays for his Province two hundred purses in four payments. The Divan of Cairo allows him three Cornets of Horse, or Spahins, to keep his Coun­try, unto whom he pays every six Months five and twenty Piasters, which is but a small allow­ance; so that they are but poorly clad, and ap­pear as so many Beggars, rather than as the Soul­diers of so great an Emperour.

The ancient Town of Arsinoe, scituated near Fium, on the North-East-side, is now totally rui­nated: There remains nothing of it now, but a great many Mountains very high raised, with the ruines and rubbish of the Town. They shew sufficiently, that it was one of the greatest and most glorious Cities of Egypt. The people of the Country call it, Medinet Fares, or the Town of the Persian; but I could never understand the cause of this name.

They say that it was destroyed and burnt by Cats, which the Enemies set into it when they had tyed Fire-brands at their Tails, which scat­tered the fire into every corner of the City, and burnt it to ashes.

The Copties call it in their Books Arsinoe, and Pliny calls all that Province, the Government of Arsinoe.

On the 24th of this Month I went to Fidintin, a Village distant from Fium about two hours ri­ding, towards the West, to visit the Bishop, who was gone thither out of the Casciefs sight. I was cloathed in a Turkish habit, with a Janizary and a Negre well armed, upon good Horses. Our coming put the poor Bishop into such a fright, that he thought himself already kill'd, when he [Page 157]heard that three strange Horse-men ask'd for him. He thought at first that we were some sent by the Cascief to do him an injury. These poor people are become wonderful timerous, through the continual tyranny of those Barbarians, so that at the least motion they tremble and shake. He was pretty well satisfied, when I told him that I was a Franc come purposely to crave acquain­tance with him: He entertain'd us in a very poor dwelling, invited us into his Parlour, and treat­ed us with very good Wine of the Country. When we had spent some hours in conversation with him, we went to see the Vines of that Quarter, and in the Evening we return'd home to the City.

The 29th of the same Month I went to Bija­muh, a Village about half a League from Fium, towards the North, to see an ancient thing, the Body of a great Statue of a Gyant, of a red Stone, without Head or Arms, standing upon a Basis. This Statue is behind the Village, in a great broad Road.

I could never learn what it is, because the Country-people have no Tradition of it; and in the Histories of Egypt there is no mention made of it. I have only learnt that the people of the Country call it the Statue of Pharaoh; which I think not to be true, because it is the custom of the Egyptians to entitle all things of an extraor­dinary bigness with the name of Pharaoh, from a conceit they have that they were all Gyants.

The Basis of this Statue is square, of hewn stones that are very great, every stone hath two foot and a half in breadth, and almost ten foot in length; the fore-front hath five Perches in length, that is about thirty foot.

Near this Basis five others stand in a Demi­circle, but less, and without any Statue upon them.

The Bishop inform'd me, that heretofore in this Village was an Agiasma, or Fountain of holy Water, called by the Arab. Ein il Mandura; and that every Holy-Thursday a great many Christi­ans were wont to meet there to drink of this Water out of devotion, but that the people of the place, who are all Mahometans, have stop'd it up, to prevent the continuance of this Super­stition.

When we had well seen these things, we re­turn'd to the Town, and in our way we went o­ver the Ruines of the ancient Arsinoe, where I saw nothing remarkable, but some old Walls which my Guide told me were the remains of a Bath.

When we were come near the Town, we left it on the left hand, and went to see the Needle of Bibig, whereof this is the description.

This Needle is placed on the ground, without any Basis, in the middle of a Corn-field, in a place where is no house, nor mark of any that hath been there.

It is distant from Fium about a long half league, near a Village called Bibig, from whence it bor­rows the name. This Village is scituated on the South-west of Fium, and belongs unto it.

It is built in a long square, very high; its lar­gest sides have six foot, and the narrowest are of four. This Needle abuts not into a sharp point, as others in Egypt and Italy, but the top is made like an Asses back: On the South-side, which is one of the largest, there are three ranks of Ima­ges, [Page 159]that represent Men and Women holding one another by the hand: under these three ranks be­gin fourteen ranks of Hieroglyphick Characters, about the bigness of a finger, which are to be read from the top to the bottom; every rank is divided from the other, which is near, with a line that is drawn between, all along the Nee­dle: So that without doubt this Needle is the most curious that may be seen. In every one of the lesser sides is but one rank of lesser Chara­cters, which yet continue very clear and beau­tiful.

There is one thing to be lamented at, that time hath almost blotted out the Figures, from the middle of the Pillar to the bottom; and that the Stones have not been able to defend them­selves from corruption, being much worn out: It is of a red Stone, as all others.

Its top is like an Asses back, and very large, sit for the Vultures and Hawks to pitch upon it at night: These Birds have so whitened it with their dung, that the uppermost Figures are scarce to be discern'd.

I have taken notice, that all the Needles that I have seen in Egypt, stand not upon any Basis, but upon the ground, which makes me believe that the invention of planting them upon a Basis, is not derived from the Egyptians, but from the Romans, who having taken notice that this kind of Pillar was very useful, and contain'd great Mysteries in their Characters, they have rais'd them upon a Basis, to render them more remark­able and considerable to the curious. We re­turn'd to the Town about Noon.

A little Journey to Sennuris.

SƲnday the 31. of July I went to Sennuris, a Village belonging to the Cascieflik of Fium, scituate on the North of this Town, and about four hours travelling on Horseback, to see the remains of Antiquity that are there, and there­abouts; besides my Servants, some other Copties Christians went with me.

When I had a little rested my self at Sennuris, in the house of Sciech il Beled, the Chief of the Village, a Moor, where my friends oblig'd me to take my lodging, I went to take notice of the Village, which is great, and very beautiful; and at the same time I saw the Church of the Cop­ties dedicated to the Archangel S. Michael, but it is very mean.

Nevertheless, I took notice there of one thing very remarkable, namely, a square stone, where are three little Figures cut the first represents the Archangel S. Michael, the middle represents the Virgin Mary, who holds in her Arms her Son, and the third the Angel Raphael. The names of every one is written underneath in Greek Letters, in the Copties Language. This stone is a foot and a half long from side to side: The Priests informed me, that this Stone was hereto­fore in the Chancel, but when they saw that the people render'd homage to these Figures, they plac'd them in a corner of the Church, that they might hinder them from Idolatry. They offer'd it to me for a Piaster and a half, because I seem'd to value it at a high rate; I would not take it, be­cause I had no intent to return so soon to Cairo, but to go further into Sayda.

At the West-side of the Village, about a Mus­quet-shot from it, is to be seen a very ancient Bridge of Bricks, made for a Passage for the River when it overflows. The People of the Country say, that Joseph, Jacob's Son, caused it to be built. It is apparent by its Ruines, that here­tofore it was very great, but now there remains no more but four Arches.

Round about this Village is sown a great deal of Flax, but it is not esteem'd so good as that which grows in other parts of Egypt.

At that time there was, as well as at, Fiúm, a want of fresh Water, because the people of the Country usually cast into the River their Hemp, where they take their Water to drink; this had so poisoned the Waters, that they did stink, so that I was forced to cause some fresh Water to be brought from Fiúm, which is about four hours distant from this Village.

In an evening I walk'd to see the Lake Kern, which is very near Sennúris, on the West-side.

This Lake is narrow, but long, for I was told that it is about two days travelling for a Horse, in length. This is doubtless the Lake Miris men­tioned by Pliny, when he saith, Inter Arsinoïten Prafecturam, ac Memphiten Lacus fuit, circuitu CCL.M. passuum, aut ut Mutianus tradit, CCCCL.M. & latitudinis L. passuum, manu factus à Rege qui fecerat Moeridis appellatus: For there is no other Lake between Fium, which is Arsinoe, and the City of Memphis, or the place where it stood.

At its Eastern end is plac'd the Village Tamích, mentioned before; and in its West end is the fa­mous Castle of Vizir Caron, of which I shall speak hereafter.

This Lake receives all the Waters that run from the Fields when Nilus is overflown, and from the River of Joseph▪ they become salt be­cause the Earth is full of Niter.

Here is much Fish, chiefly a Fish called is Arab. Houd, which I have described in the Chap­ter concerning the Fish of Nilus.

On the other side of the Lake are Desarts of Sand very large; I have heard from Persons worthy to be believed, that there are to be seen many remarkable Ruines of ancient Towns, par­ticularly of Temeh issebag, or of Temeh of Lieus; a Town so named because of the Statues of Lieus that were there to be seen.

Here is also to be seen the Ruines of an ancient Monastery named Deir Abulífe, or the Mona­stery of Abulífe.

They told me, that they had seen the Labyrinth which is at the end of the Lake Westerly, mention­ed by Pliny, when he saith, There was a Labyrinth in the Lake of Moeridis, built without any Wood. This Labyrinth is named now by the Egyptians, Cassr Carun, or the Castle of Vizir Caron; a fa­mous Lord in the Histories of the Arabians, be­cause of his Treasures which are said to be here buried, and kept by dreadful Talismans. They tell me, that this Castle hath three hundred and threescore and five Chambers, so intangled one into another that a man cannot get out, if when he comes in he doth not take notice of the way.

This Report gave me a great desire to venture to see all these Wonders at any rate: I had already agreed with the Chieftain of the Village, to have from him a Guard of twelve Men, whom he knew [Page 163]to be faithful and trusty; but my Janissary, a timerous Fellow, spoil'd my design, by shewing me the danger there was of the Arabians; he threatned likewise the Guard, to tell the Cascief, which would have created me some trouble.

I conceive that this Relation may beget a de­sire in some Traveller to go and see this Curiosi­ty, therefore I will give him a little advice which shall help him to accomplish his design.

He must know, that he ought not to go to the Labyrinth from Sennuris, or to the other side of the Lake, but to Senhur, a Village distant from Sennuris about an hours travelling; for there the Fisher-men of the Lake Caron dwell, who are best able to carry Men thither: But it is ve­ry needful that a Franc, who will undertake this Voyage, be well learn'd in the Arabian Tongue, that he be well cloathed according to the Mode of the Country, that he may not be known, and chiefly let him dissemble his design as much as he can; for if he fails in any of these particulars, he will doubtless be lost. The Moors, who are very jealous of the Treasures that are said to be there, will knock him on the head, that he may not carry them away.

I staid three days at Sennuris, for the place did please me, and the Inhabitants were very civil. I return'd to Fium, second day of August, very much displeas'd with my Janissary, because he had cross'd my design.

On the second day of this Month the Water of Nilus enters into the Channel of Joseph, which passeth through Fium, as we have said. Then its Waters are purified, and purged from its stink­ing qualities which the Flax and Hemp give it: [Page 164]Then the Cisterns of the Town are fill'd with Water, which the Inhabitants drink all the year long, therefore this inundation makes all the people of the Country round about to rejoice.

A Walk to the Pyramide of Havara.

BEtween the Towns of Fium and Benesuef, which are distant the one from the other about a little days Journey, there be two great Pyramides; the one is near Fium, the other nearer to Benesuef. The first is named Haram Havara, the Pyramide of Havara: The other Haram Ila­hun, the Pyramide of Ilahun.

Thursday, the 4th of August, I went to that of Havara, so called from the neighbouring Vil­lage Havara. It Stands about an hour and a halfs walking from Fium, on the South side, scituated in a sandy Wilderness, like that which is over a­gainst Cairo, where the Pyramides stand: when we were gone beyond a certain Bridge of Brick, very old, which is upon the Highway of Benesuef, we left it, to take a shorter course; but we found cause to repent it, because the way was craggy and full of Sand.

We were oblig'd also to go through the Bahr Belame, or the River without Water, which caus­ed us to endure much trouble and fear, in regard of the depth that was extraordinary, and our be­ing forced to climb up again. And when we had overcome all these difficulties, and were near the Pyramide, about six hundred Paces from it we met with a Ditch of the River of Joseph, full of Water; we could not get over it, but were forced to stay [Page 165]on that side, and from thence take a vi [...]w, at a distance, of the Pyramide, to my great displea­sure. I took notice, that in its elevation and breadth, it was much like the second Pyramide which is at Gize, but the length of time hath al­most reduc'd it to Dust, so that it appears like a sharp Mountain of Sand, rather than a Pyra­mide.

The Desart where it stands, is like that of the Mommies which is near Saccàra. Some Wells of Mommies are here to be found, whereof the en­try is fill'd up with Sand, and some are half empty. Upon the ground are scattered, here and there, Bones of Mommies, broken Wood, and pieces of Coffins; so that one may say that it is altoge­ther like that of Saccàra.

But because we were without any Guide, and my Janissary was a very Coward, having none but him with me, he allarm'd me several times with the fear of the Arabians, besides, our Beasts were tired with the deep way; I was therefore con­strain'd to set bounds to my Curiosity, and to re­turn to the Town, passing through the River with­out Water, near its Mouth, leaving on our left hand, near the Pyramide of Havara, the Ruines of an ancient Town, whereof I could never un­derstand the name; and a little further, on the same side, the Village of Havara, from whence this Pyramide borrows the name, and at a little distance from this Village, a very ancient Bridge, and very high, which is made to give a passage to the River Nilus when it overflows: We return'd to Fium again about Noon.

For the other Pyramide, called of Ilahun; the Arabian Historians say, that Joseph, Jacob's Son, [Page 166]caused into be built. It is so nam'd from the Vil­lage Ilahuis, near adjoining, belonging to the Cas­cieflik of Benesuef; but because I could not look upon it, but at a distance, I cannot well describe it. The Reader may see what Macrizi faith of it.

A Walk to the Monastery Casciabe.

ON the 19th of August I went to the Mona­stery of Casciabe, distant from Fium about two hours walking, or thereabouts, drawing to­wards the South-East in the Wilderness, called by the Arabians, Gebel Naklon, or the Mountain of Naklon.

In our way to this Monastery we went over several Bridges of Brick, very strong, made by the ancient Egyptians: And we left at our right hand at the entry of the Wilderness, which is about half way, the Monastery of Deir il azeb; and a little further, at our left hand, the Ruines of an ancient Town overthrown, of which I could ne­ver learn the name.

The Monastery of Casciabe is very ancient; it is almost totally ruinated, unless it be the Church dedicated to the Arch-Angel Gabriel, which is very beautiful, and painted in the inside with the Passages of holy Writ. The top of this Church is supported by Pillars that stand at a distance, and of divers Stones. Under this Church is ano­ther that I could not see, because the Provisions of the Monastery were there shut up.

This Church was built by one named Ʋr, the Son of Ibrascit, a very famous Magician; who, [Page 167]as the Arabian Histories relate, had this Child by a Daughter of an Eastern King. When at last this Ʋr had left the Art of Magick which his Fa­ther had taught him, he addicted himself to Vir­tue, so that afterwards he became Bishop of Fium, and built this Church, and Tradition saith, that the Virgin Mary laid the Foundation-stone of the Church, and of the Altar, and the Archangel S. Michael mark'd out the Quire, and the rest of the Church.

Many remarkable things happened whiles this Church was building; I mention them not for brevity sake, they that will understand them, may read the Arabian Manuscript mentioned be­fore, and now in the Kings Library.

On the top of the Mountain, behind this Mo­nastery, on the South-side, are yet to be seen the ruines of an ancient Town, which the Copties say was inhabited by the Patriarch Jacob, and for this cause they name it yet Modsellet Jacub, or the Tabernacle of Jacob.

A little higher, upon the same sandy Moun­tain, are to be seen many Caves where the Her­mits anciently lived; I went into some of them out of curiosity, they are very little, and there is in them nothing extraordinary: when I had taken a view of all that was remarkable, I re­turn'd to Fium in the Evening.

The Country had been some days dround about Fium, which oblig'd the Commanders of the Militia, and the Cascief, to retreat to Cairo. And because the Robbers are very formidable at this time, and commit many disorders, I was oblig'd to return also to Cairo. I went from Fium the 16th of August in the morning, and re­turned [Page 168]the same way that I came, and the next day I was at Cairo in the Evening, after five and twenty days abode at Fium.

At my return to Cairo, I began my Church of Alexandria; a very curious work, and very use­ful to the world, and chiefly to the Learned that desire to understand how the Churches of the East agree with the Roman. It contains all the Ceremonies and Doctrines of the Ancient and Venerable Church of the Copties, which is that of Alexandria. I have taken them out of two Manuscripts in Arab. very ancient and rare, un­known to us in Europe before now; the one is called il Mosbah iddolme d' Abulbaracat, and the other, il Giauharet innefisse fielm il Kenise. I have been very exact and diligent in composing this Book, that it might render my name immortal. I shall endeavour to give it to the Press as soon as I shall be return'd to Rome, where I make my ordinary abode.

The second of September, which was the third Friday after the opening of the Calitz, a skilful Swimmer caused himself to be admired of all the City, by a very bold action; he had his arms tyed behind his back, his feet tyed at an Iron Chain, which weighed ten pounds: In this man­ner he ventur'd to swim upon his back, from the mouth of the Calitz. to the end of the Town, which is about three quarters of an hour walk­ing a-foot.

This custom hath been anciently us'd in Cairo: A skilful Swimmer performs this every year, two Fridays following after that the Calitz is open'd. The Pacha gives him for his reward a thousand Meidins, which make three and thirty Piasters.

The Guards of the Soubachi went before him in a Boat, to hinder him from receiving any harm: about five and twenty other Boats full of Spectators followed. He swum this year but once, because Ibrahim Pacha, who loved not such useless expences, commanded him away when he came to demand his ordinary wages; therefore instead of a thousand Meidins, he gave him but one hundred.

There is another that swims in the same man­ner as this, from the beginning of the Calitz to the end of the City. He had his feet tyed with a Chain, a Dish of Coffee in one hand, and a Pipe of Tobacco lighted in the other, at his mouth. The Pacha usually gives him the same reward; but because the former had not had his usual Sala­ry, this last would not this year shew his dexteri­ty. I was told that these Swimmers eat nothing for three days but Cich-Peasen, and that they swallow their breath so long time, which cau­seth their Bellies to swell, and become light as an empty Bladder. I was told also, that sometimes they kill themselves, or at least become very sick.

On the 12th of September the Pacha caused the Treasure of the Grand Seignior to depart for Constantinople with its ordinary guard and pomp.

There were one and thirty Mules loaden with Spanish Coyn, and Zequins of Venice. This Trea­sure amounts usually to one thousand two hun­dred Purses, and each Purse to five hundred Crowns. The Sangiac-Bey that carries it is obli­ged to expend all the Moneys needful for this Voyage, and it costs him usually one hundred Purses, or fifty thousand Crowns. The Caravan [Page 170]begins to march in the beginning of the Moon and arrives at Constantinople at the end of one hundred days.

This Treasure is taken first out of the Carache, or Tribute of the Lands and Villages which the Farmers Rent of the Divan; for all the Lands of Egypt, unless it be the Patrimony of the Mosques, and the Lands belonging to Micha, are the Grand Seigniors, because he conquer'd Egypt with the Sword. 2. It is taken out of the Douanes of Alexandria, of Rosetta, of Bouquir, of Damietta, of Brullos, of Boulak, and of Ibrim. 3. Out of the Chordis. 4. It is taken out of the Lakes and Pits of Nitre, which are in the Desart of S. Ma­carius, and out of the Salt-pits near Alexandria. 5. From the Shambles of Cairo, whereof I have already spoken. 6. From the Custom-house or Douane of the Bohars, or Spices; and generally from all Merchandizes imported from Mecha, Mocoa, and the Indies. 7 From the Mint. 8. From the Giavali, or Tribute which the Christians of the Levant, and the Jems are oblig'd to pay for their Heads. 9. From the Treasure called Beit il mal, which comprehends all the deceased goods. 10. From the Office of Surveyor of the Provisi­ons.

The same day I saw the Mosque of Califfe Hakem be amr ille: It stands out of Cairo upon the Mountain called Gebel il mocattam; but now there appears nothing but the Walls.

The same Califfe had made near this Mosque a place to observe the course of the Stars, named in Arab. Rassad ve Mofatek beta Hakem, which is now ruinated; he made use of it to make his Talismans, as art in which he was very skilful. [Page 171]The Egyptians say that he could go in and out into all the Caves under ground, where he knew the Treasures of the ancient Kings and Lords of Egypt to be hid, and that he could make use of them when he pleas'd; and that by the power of Magick, and the extraordinary skill that he had in that Art.

According to the example of those great men, a little before his death he buried his own Trea­sures, and put a Crocodile made by the Talisma­nical Art to keep them.

In this Mountain, and near this Mosque, he caused several Caves to be digg'd wide and large in the Rock, so as to pass from one into the o­ther; in the furthermost he cause a Pond to be made to keep water in, cut in the Rock; in it is a Crocodile that begins to fly at one as soon as a man enters in. Moreover, in the bottom of the water, is to be seen a door which leads to o­ther Caves under ground, where the Records of Egypt declare that his Treasures are hid. No man can imagine from whence this water can come, for the Cave is upon a high Mountain which is very dry always, and in this place is no Spring: And it is not known what this Croco­dile is, and how he may be nourished, during so many ages. To take this Treasure, you must know how to undo this Talisman, that is, one must take away the water, and the life of the Crocodile; for both are the effects of Magick, which depend upon the Art of the Talismans.

I have been very diligent in Egypt, to seek for, and send to Paris, amongst other rare Manu­scripts, the ancientest and best Authors of the Arabians, which might give some light and [Page 172]knowledge of this Noble Science. I may say that I have emptied Egypt of such kind of Books, with an intent that if I was ever admitted to the service of him who had given me this Commis­sion, I might have the time and the means to dis­cover with ease the admirable secrets of this Science, and to unfold the Enigms under which it lies hid; and by the same means to discover of what consequence those Manuscripts are, though they are despised by some that understand not neither their price nor use.

The Reader may peruse an Arabian Manu­script in Quarto, called, Eijun it hekajek, ve eidah il terajek, of Meimun the Magician that teach­eth the means to destroy all manner of Talis­mans. He may read another in Octavo, called, Kitab gaiet il maareb, Fi menajeh ve il chabaia, ve il medaleb, that discovers the places of all the Treasures of Egypt, their value, the Figure of the Talisman that keeps them, and how to de­stroy them; I have sent them both to the Kings Library.

On the 12th and 20th of September, I went to see the Great Aqueduct, called in Arab. it Migro, that conveys water from the River into the Pa­cha's Castle.

This Aqueduct is near Nilus in old Cairo; the Mouth there stands a Castle of a Hexagone Fi­gure very high, supported by as many Arches very lofty. There is an ascent through a large way, open towards Heaven, made sloping about, for the conveniency of the Oxen that draw wa­ter out of the River, and cause it to mount up by seven Wheels as high as the Platform on the top of the Castle, where there is a large Pond [Page 173]or Bason to receive the water, and about it seven great holes like Wells, which have given the name to this Castle of the Seven Wells. The wa­ter runs from this Bason into the Aqueduct, which appears, and from thence it goes into the Caraffe, which is at a great distance, where it meets with the Earth as high as the Aqueduct; and then it stops there, and runs next into a Channel under ground to the Pachas Stable, from whence it runs into his Cistern, and fur­nishes the Castle.

This Aqueduct is supported by three hundred and seventeen high Arches, and not by three hun­dred and fifty, as a certain Traveller saith, for I have exactly number'd them my self: They are made as well as the Castle of great square stones, cut as we do Diamonds: One of the Supporters on the chief side is about eight foot nine inches broad, and under the Arch it is only eight foot. The opening of one of the Arches is fourteen foot and a half broad.

The Copties say that Mekaukes, a famous man of their Nation, and Governour for the Empe­rour Heraclius, made this Aqueduct, but they are mistaken; for when this man governed in E­gypt, the Castle of Cairo was not in being, for it was built four hundred and forty four years af­ter; and therefore this Aqueduct that now sup­plies it with water was not then needful; be­sides, the Inscriptions in the Arabick Tongue de­clare, that this is a work of the Mahometan Kings; if I be not mistaken, I have read that it was Sultan Gauri, the last King but one of the Mam­melukes, that caused it to be built.

The Pacha taketh out of the Revenues of the [Page 174]Grand Seignior all that is needful to keep up this Aqueduct; for that purpose be nourisheth threescore Oxen, and gives wages to five men and a Ciurbachi that looke after it.

On the 13th of the Month of September, I went to visit the Patriarch of the Copties, one of my best Friends; and because I had often in­treated him to come and dine with me, I reite­rated the same intreaty now again; but he an­swered me, that he had not been out of his house a year before for fear of the Turks: He com­plain'd, that all the Patriarchs of the other Sects had the liberty to go about the Town, without fear of being disturb'd by any, to visit whom they pleas'd, and to travel whither they listed; but he was so narrowly observed by the Turks, that he could not so much as go out of his house, nor talk with any of other Nations openly, much less travel into any other place, but he must give them a jealousie of plotting against the State; by this means his life would be in danger.

I must needs confess, that there is no Nation in Egypt so much afflicted as are the Copties, be­cause they have no body amongst them who de­serves to be honoured for his Knowledge, or feared for his Power and Authority▪ for all that were rich and wealthy, are destroyed by the cruelty of the Mahometans: therefore the rest are now look'd upon as the Scum of the World, and worse than the Jews. The Turks abuse them at their pleasure; they shut up their Churches, and the doors of their Houses when they please, upon light occasions, altogether unjust, to draw from them some sums of Money.

There was such a tyrannical Action practised [Page 175]upon them in this Month of September; for cer­tain Janissaries cut the Throat of a Whore, and cast her Body into the Lake Ezbekie. Upon that the Soubachi nailed up the Doors of all the Houses of the Copties round about, and caused them wrongfully to lay down the Sum of two thou­sand Piasters for this blood spilt, before they could have their Houses opened again, and free­dom for their lives.

They endured another Cruelty in the same Year; for Pacha Ibrahim increased their ordina­ry Tax in this manner.

Till this Year they were not all obliged to pay the same Sum of Money. They were not all bound to pay it into the Treasury of the Grand Seignior; for some were bound to pay it to certain Mosques, othere to Sciech il Becri, who is a great Lord, and comes from Abn Becr, Califf, or Successor of Mahomet; and others to other Lords, called in Arab. Sadats. They that payed to the Mosques, or Lords, were called Lay-Tribu­taries: And they that payed to the Treasure of the Grand Seignior were called Tributaries of the Grand Seignior. The first sort of Tribute is very moderate, because it seldom amounted to above two Piasters; but the last hath always been, and is yet, one hundred and twenty Para's, that is, four Piasters and a quarter. Besides this, the Vil­lages and Towns were taxed only in common: For Example, such a Village was tax'd to pay such a Sum, according to the number of the Chri­stians that dwell there; and when the Chouli, or the Collector, went to receive it, he tax'd every one according to his ability: The poor paid lit­tle, the rich more; so that this Tribute was e­qual.

But in this Year 1672. Ibrahim Pacha taxed them all as Tributaries to the Grand Seignior; and upon the same account causing them all to pay equally one hundred and twenty Para's; out of which the Pacha paid that which was due to the Lords and Mosques, and the rest was put into the Grand Seigniors Coffers.

This novelty hath reduc'd the poor Copties to despair; therefore when the Collectors come into any Village to gather the Tribute, they fly to the Mountains, leaving all to secure themselves from violence, and affronts that would be done to their Persons.

That the Receivers of the Tribute might know them that have paid it, they leave a little Ticket of coloured Paper, sealed with the Seal of their Chieftain, where the name of the Christian is written, his Village, his Province, his Dwelling, his Age, the Day, the Month, and the Year that he hath paid.

But they put not into this Ticket the whole Sum of one hundred and eight and twenty Para's, which they require, but only one hundred and three, because there is no more that goes into the Treasury of the Grand Seignior; the other five and twenty Meidins are for the Farmer of the Caraffe, paid to him because of the great expen­ces which he is at, to entertain a great many Men for the discharge of his Office. The Christians carry always with them this Ticket, to shew it when they are questioned by the Men that be­long to the Farmer, and this is their Acquit­tance.

The 18th of September I bought, of an Arabian, a great Lizard, alive, called in their Language, [Page 177] Varal. I caused it to be skinned, and sent the Skin to Monsieur Arnoul, Superintendent of the Kings Galleys at Marseilles.

The body of this Lizard was altogether like that of the Crocodile, the Skin excepted, which was gray and spotted, as that of a Serpent, and without any Shells. It was three-foot long, and had five Fingers to each Foot, and long white Nails, as have the Crocodiles. Its Tongue was forked as that of a Serpent, the Headlong, and the Muzzle sharp. Its Teeth were strong, and cut­ting; the Arabians told me, that its biting was venomous and deadly.

I have since recover'd another of a differing sort, when I was in the Monastery of S. Anthony. The Head of this was like that of a Tortell, and its Tail very big, and lessening by degrees, and ending into a small point. It was full of knots round about, as so many Shells. This Lizard was not venomous, for I took it with my Hand, and when I had well consider'd it, I gave it to an Arabian Dog that eat it.

A Voyage to the Monastery of S. Anthony the Great.

VVHEN I had rested my self, a consider­able while, at Cairo, after my return [...]rom Fium, and the great heats were over; I re­ [...]olved to travel to the Monastery of S. Anthony, [...]o see in this venerable place the foot-steps of [...]he Father, and Founder of all the Monks. For that [...]urpose I left off writing my Church of Alex­ [...]ndria, and I embarqu'd my self the 26th of Sep­tember, [Page 178]in the Afternoon, at Old Cairo, in a Vessel loaden, and bound for the upper Egypt. I landed at Benesuef, a great Town, in the Cascieflick of Be [...] ­nese, about two days travelling from Cairo.

I saw nothing remarkable in this way. The Villages, and Monasteries, before which we pas­sed, were the Convent or Deir il aduvie men­tioned before, the Convent of the Abbot Bersum il erian, or or S. Bersom the naked, scituate in the East of Nilus, where his body rests. The Vil­lage of Scieh il etmani, scituate on the West-side, and the little Monastery of S. Anthony at the East-side of Nilus. Bousche, a great Village on the West, where the Monks of S. Anthony have their Farm: at last, Benesuef, on the West-side of this River.

He that will travel to the Monastery of S. An­thony, ought first to land at Benesuef, and enquire from the Christians of that place, whether the ways be free or not. If they be free, he ought to go to Beiha, which is a Village scituate almost over against Benesuef, on the East-side of Nilus, in the Cascieflik of Atfieh. There he ought to bar­gain with the Arabians that dwell there, concern­ing the price, the number of the Camels, and Men that he desires to lead with him: which when he hath done, he ought to cause them to confirm the Bargain before some of their Chief­tains, by repeating over the Fatha, which is the first Chapter of their Alcoran; for which the Mahometans have a great veneration, and as much as the Christians have for their Pater, or Credo; otherwise he must not expect that they will be faithful. But when they have said th [...] Prayer he may go with them confidently, at if h [...] [Page 179]were with his own Brethren: which sufficiently declares, that there is no people in the World, never so barbarous and savage, but have a re­spect for their own Religion. And if at any time any other cross interest hath blinded them to commit any perfideous Action, God hath pu­nished them at the same instant for it with seve­rity; so that they would have wish'd that they had kept their Faith, as the Reader may under­stand by what follows.

Besides the Price that he is to give them, he ought to grant them some quantity of Beans for their Camels, and give them some Meidins to buy Sandals, for the ways are full of sharp stones: He ought to buy them some Meal, black Bisket, ordinary Hony, and Tobacco, as much as will be needful, to accomplish the Voyage, and the num­ber of the Men. He must not forget every Morning and Evening to give a Dish of Coffee to every one; if he delivers it generously, and freely, he may promise to himself a happy Voy­age, and to be well tended. The Arabians have the care to provide Vessels to grease, and fill them with the River-water, for there is none to be found in the way; or if there be, it is so noisome, and ill-tasted, that it is not drinkable.

There is two ways that lead from this Village Beiha, to this Monastery. The first called, by the Arabians, il Tarik il Kihli; the upper way: and the other il Tarik il bahri, the under way; in re­spect of this Village from whence they set out.

The under way is the shortest, the most fre­quented, and that which the Caravan takes, keep­ing upon the bank of the River for a while; and when one leaves it, the way turns at the right hand [Page 180]into the Wilderness, to a place called Gibei. There is the first Well which Nature hath digged deep in a firm Rock, into which the Rain-water runs; which Water is white as Milk, and sweeter than that of Nilus.

About a days Journey farther is another, at the left hand of the High-way, at the foot of a high Mountain, called Gebel il cheleil; but its Water is noisome and green, and the We [...] is full of Canes. A little farther is another, very well known to Travellers, because it is near the Dwel­ling of a famous Arabian called Eid il beidavi; but the Caravan never goes thither but when they want Water, because it stands from the High-way, at a distance: Therefore when they are furnished with Water at the second Well, they pass at the left hand streight to the Monastery.

The upper way leads from Beiha towards the South-East, and after a day and a halfs travelling it goes to the East. In this way are neither Wa­ters, nor Trees, nor Houses, nor Grass; there­fore it is needful to make good Provision of Wa­ter at Beiha for the whole Journey.

Therefore, knowing this before, I took at Beiha a Camel purposely to carry Water, and four o­thers for me and my followers, the Abyssin, the Coptie, and Idris my Blackamoor. Besides these, I took with me five Arabians, armed with Lances, to go on foot, and take charge of the Camels; and to protect us, if perchance any Robbers should have assaulted us; so that we were in all ten in number, and five Camels. When we had got all that was needful for the Voyage, we went from Beiha on Friday the 30th of September, about three a Clock in the Afternoon.

Though the under way was the shortest, and the most frequented, yet we chose the upper way, that we might not meet with the Arabians, the declared Enemies of those that conducted us. When we had travelled four days through a boundless Plain of Sand, which was not move­able, but hard, and full of sharp cutting stones, that cut as so many Razors, we arrived at last, through a thousand turnings, to the Monastery, the third day of October.

The Monastery of S. Anthony, which includes another, anciently peopled by the Abyssins, and now totally ruinated, is in the Wilderness, now called in Arab. Gebel Araba, or the Mountain of Carts; because heretofore Provisions were car­ried thither upon Carts, and not upon Camels, as now.

It is built upon the decline of the Mount Col­zim, at its Eastern end, which reaches from East to South: It appears like a long Square; and the Front of the Monastery, which stretches from North-East to North, looks against another Mountain called Gebel il Cheleil, of which I shall speak hereafter.

It is incompassed in with an high Mountain, but feeble, and unable to make any resistance; for it is old, and built with Bricks dried in the Sun. There is no Gate to the Monastery, one enters in by a Pulley, Men and Beasts are all drawn up over the Wall.

It hath a large Circuit, about six hundred Fid­dans, or two thousand four hundred Acres with­in the Walls.

The Monks of the Levant dwell not together in the same Cells, as those of Europe, but every [Page 182]one hath a little House or Cell to himself, and these Cells are more or less beautiful and conve­nient, according as the Country hath experien­ced the cruelty of the Turks. Therefore the Mo­nasteries of the Levant, and chiefly those of the Archipelago, are like so many great Towns or Castles, because of their Walls, Turrets, and number of houses that are within; but the Mo­nasteries of Egypt have nothing of that splen­dour, because the Mahometans have been here more cruel than in any other Country subject to them. Nevertheless, this Monastery is like those of Greece, for it is surrounded with Walls: In the middle is a Dungeon, and round about many Houses where the Monks live; but in regard it has been destroyed long ago by the Arabians, it hath remain'd in that condition threescore and ten years: The Copties who have lost, under the tyranny of the Mahometans, all their strength and power, could never yet restore it to its former estate.

Therefore the Cells now are very little, and poor, of yellowish Earth, without Timber, Plai­ster, Order, or Symmetry: they are so low, that a man may easily reach up to the top with his hand: therefore the Monks cannot well stand upright: there is a little light that enters in through holes in the wall, about a foot long; the doors are so low, that one must stoop low to go in; that which is most commodious, is that they have all flat roofs for the Monks to take the air at night, when the Sun is gone, and to sleep when they please.

Their dining-place is very dirty, and obscure: There is for Strangers a place of it self, large [Page 183]and decent, with two other Chambers hard by to put their Goods and Cloaths; and a little Kit­chin.

The Gardens are very large, and great, and considerable, because of the Herbs and Fruits that they bring forth. One might make of them the most pleasant Gardens of the World, be­cause of their convenient scituations, for they lie shelving, with beautiful Plains.

There are two small Vines that yield a sort of White-wine, very delightful: They use it in say­ing of Mass, and in treating Strangers of Qua­lity that come thither.

In this Monastery is a great quantity of fresh water, as clear as Crystal, but very salt. It runs from the Mount Colzim, near by, in little streams, under the Walls, into the Gardens, where they receive it in places made on purpose. They drink it, and make other uses of it. It is not very wholesome, chiefly for those that are not accu­stomed to it; for the Niter that infects it, cau­seth Bladders to rise under the Skin, and tor­ments such as drink of it with itching, as I have found by experience.

Here are three Churches, the chief is that of S. Anthony; it is little, but very ancient; and as the Monks told me, it is the same that S. Anthony built, and the only thing of the Monastery that hath escap'd the rage of the Arabians. Within are Pictures of many Saints, painted in an an­tick and simple fashion: The smoak of the Fran­kincense that is burnt there at Divine Service, hath made them appear as black as a Chimney.

Near this Church is another dedicated to S. Pe­ter and S. Paul, within a little Tower, and one [Page 184]Bell, about a foot and a half in Diameter: serves to call the Monks to the Service of God, and to their other imployments. There is no o­ther Bell in all Egypt.

The third Church is in the Garden, dedicated to a Lay Monk, called Mark, who died with a Reputation of Holiness; his body is kept there.

In the middle of the Monastery there is a square Tower, with stone Walls, very strong; from the bottom of the Tower to the Gate, which is about three Perches high, it is very firm: on the top is a Draw-bridge that leads to this Gate; but to come to it, one must climb up to the top of an house, over against it. In this Tower the Monks keep all their Provisions, and their best Moveables; and they fly to it when the Roguish Arabians threaten them: They then draw the Bridge, and beat them off with Stones from the Plat-form.

Their Rule obliges them to renounce Matri­mony for ever, all carnal desires, their Parents, to possess no Estate, to dwell in the Wilderness, to be cloathed with Wooll, to be girt with a Lea­thern Girdle, to eat no Flesh, nor drink Wine all their life-time, unless they be reduc'd to the last necessity, to shorten their dinner, and to de­ny themselves all the nourishments without which the body is able to live. It commands them to imploy all their time in fasting, and pray­er, and worship, to have always their mind run­ning upon God, to apply themselves to the read­ing of the Holy Scriptures, and to understand the Truths that are there contain'd.

It obliges them to sleep upon a Mat, or the ground, their Superiour excepted, and such as [Page 185]are sick; not to take off their Cloaths, and their Girdle, never to sleep two upon the same Pil­low, nor near one another. In short, their Rules oblige them to repeat the Canonical Pray­ers, to prostrate themselves before they go to Bed, one hundred and fifty times, with their Fa­ces and Bellies to the ground, to spread out their arms in a cross, with the fist shut, and at every rising to make the Sign of the Cross; which Prostrations they call Metanoe. Besides these one hundred and fifty Prostrations, they perform seven at the Church; one before every Canoni­cal Prayer, which make up in all one hundred and fifty seven Prostrations; which together with the poor nourishment that their bodies take, renders them very lean, and cast down; so that they appear like so many Skelletons, rather than men.

Their Cloaths are first a Shirt of white Wooll, which they wear always upon their skin. 2. A Wastcoat of brown Wooll, very course, not o­pen before. 3. A Vest of black Serge, with two large Sleeves. 4. Their Capuchin is likewise of black Serge, very little, and made fit to the Head. 5. Their Girdle is of Leather, three sin­gers broad. 6. The Mezerre, called by the Cop­ties [...], and sometimes Biggos, is a great Man­tle of black Stuff, lined with white, like the Cloaks of the Jesuites, only it is without Collar; unless it be when they Travel, they seldom use it. The 7. is Askim, or the Angelick Habit, called in Greek [...], which few of the Monks wear, because they have not strength enough, as they say, to do the Penance that the Canons have ap­propriated to it; for they that bear it, are obli­ged [Page 186]to prostrate their Face and Belly to the ground, with their arms a-cross, three hundred times every night before they sleep, besides the fasting, and other mortifications thereunto an­nex'd. I have sent one of these Askims to the Kings Library, which Amba Michel, Bishop of Fium, gave me as a token of his love.

They carry always a stick in their hands, made in the form of a Tan, T, upon which they lean when they are at their prayers; for they per­form them standing, and are very tedious in them. They have all upon their heads a Bonnet, called in Arab. Cauk, which is like that which the Mahometans wear; about which they wrap a Turbant of a Stuff straked with blew and white, which is the colour of all the Copties in Egypt: They never wear any Stockings, nor their Patri­arch.

The Fast-days they observe, by eating then but one Meal; but on the Saturdays and Sundays they never fast, but eat twice. On the Fast-days they dine constantly about three a Clock in the Afternoon; then they end Mass.

Their ordinary diet are Pulse and Herbs sea­soned with the stinking Oyl of Hemp: For their Desserts they have Fruits, as Onyons, dried Dates, rotten Olives, Melons, or Cucumbers, or Pompions, or such like Fruits as are in season.

They never eat Flesh in the Monastery; but when they are out they may eat it; for their Founder never forbad them, as they say: For fresh Fish they seldom have any, because their Monastery is so far distant from Nilus, and there is no convenient carriage to bring them any. And though the Red-Sea be within a little days [Page 187]Journey, they cannot have any fresh Fish, because the Sea-coast being not inhabited, they have no Instruments to catch Fish; and the ways are dangerous, because of the Arabian Rogues and Robbers.

At Easter they never fast, but eat Eggs and Milk, which are sent to them from their Farm; only three times a year they have liberty to drink Wine, at Christmas, at Easter, and Pentecost.

They sleep always in their Cloaths; and in­stead of a Blanket, they have only a Mat, very course, made with Palm-leaves, and stretched a­long upon the ground. They are the makers of them; they call them in Arab. Bursch.

Their imployments are not the same, accord­ing to every mans ability: Some manure and dress the Gardens, others are Cooks, others grind at the Mill; some are upon the Guard, to give notice when any Travellers go by, or come, and others are appointed to draw up those that will come in, and let down those that desire to depart; such as have no imployment, make Mats.

They never study; they are satisfied in read­ing Books of Devotion: amongst the rest, they read often the Synaxar, or Book of Martyrs; the Pa­radise of Monks, the Climax, or the Ladder of Ver­tue of John, Abbot of the Monastery of Mount Sinai; the Sermons of Paul de Busch, upon the Festivals of the Blessed Virgin, and such like. When I was there, I saw but two Priests, the Vicar of the Monastery was one; and the other, who had not said his first Mass, was the Steward. All the others, that were seventeen in number, were Lay-men, and almost all either with one eye, [Page 188]deaf, lame, and halt, or worn out with old age; and if amongst them any were young, he did but seek the opportunity to escape from such auste­rities.

In the Tower, mentioned before, were three or sour Trunks full of old Arabian Manuscripts, and some in the Copties Language, which I have per­us'd: And though they were all Books of De­votion belonging to the Church, some of them deserved to be in the Kings Library; but be­cause the Monks were not willing to fell them, for they belong'd to the Monastery, fearing the Excommunication of their Patriarch, which is written in the beginning of every Book; and because I had brought with me but so much Mo­ney as was needful for my Journey, for fear of the Thieves, I was not very earnest to buy them.

Two amongst the rest were very curious, which I had a great desire to have; one was the Copties Grammar and Dictionary in Arabick, of Ibn il assal. It was one of the exactest and lar­gest that ever I faw: They esteem'd it worth thirty Crowns; I dare say, that with this Di­ctionary and Grammar it is possible to re-esta­blish the Copties Language, which now is lost: The other Book was a Rubrick of their Ceremonies in Folio, very well written.

In regard the Arabians are the Masters of the Wilderness, this Monastery is obliged to enter­tain all that come thither, or pass by, whether Friends or Foes: To their Friends they pay this hospitality to preserve their friendship, and to their Enemies they perform it, to please them, and hinder them from doing them a mischief. They treat not all in the same manner; for their [Page 189]Friends they take them in with their Equipage, when they have need, and they nourish them all the time that they desire to live there; but their Enemies never enter in, but receive from them, by a Basket let down from the Wall, all necessaries.

They are often visited by these Arabians, so that they spend every year a great deal of Meal, of Bread, of Bisket, of Barly, of Beans and Lentils, and other Provisions. I shall not mention the trouble that the Monks suffer, and the displea­sures that they receive from these ungrateful Wretches, who commonly recompense them with affronts, and filthy speeches.

And because the Arabians that inhabit about Egypt are of divers Families, and differing Interests; they have so great a hatred for one ano­ther, that they never meet without fighting.

Such a mischance happen'd the next day after my arrival; for the Caravan of the Summer, of fifty Camels, loaden with Provisions for the Monaste­ry, led by thirteen Horsmen of the Arabians, named Benevasel, arrived that day. They were watched by other Arabians, named Ababde, their Enemies. And because it was the time that the Dates began to be ripe upon the Trees, some of them when they had unloaden would not return the same day, with their Companions, to their Vil­lages and Cabbins, but remain'd behind in the Monastery, to take their pleasure a day or two. It happen'd the next night that those that slept out of the Monastery, about their Beasts, were surpris'd at midnight, by a Company of three­score Arabians, called Ababde, who took from them fifteen Camels, and seven Horses, all their Equipage, and kill'd three of them, and wound­ed [Page 190]five, of whom one dyed within three days af­ter, and another was lost, none knowing what was become of him; for four days after his Horse was found alone in the Wilderness.

Their fury ended not with this Butchery; for they pursued, with the same heat, those that had brought me to the Monastery. They overtook but four, and carryed away from them their Ca­mels, all their Equipage, and Money that I had given them, and wounded three very dangerous­ly; so that these Wretches being not able, in this sad condition, to proceed on in their Journey, they return'd back to the Monastery all naked, and in a pitiful manner. They were afraid to appear before me, because they had falsified their Faith, contrary to the Laws of their Nation, and broken their agreement with me, in making me pay five and twenty Meidins more than I had a­greed with them. Their Conscience did re­proach them of this baseness, so that they imagin'd that this mischance happen'd to them to punish their perfideousness.

I cannot sufficiently express how much trouble this unhappiness created me, as well as to the Monks; for these Arabians were enraged, some for the loss of their Parents and Friends, others for their Goods, which they were resolved to re­cover upon me and the Monks. They threatned to kill them, to plunder the Monastery; and out of a perswasion that I was a very rich Franc, they threatned to break open my Door, and carry a­way all that I had. So that the Monks had much ado to pacifie them, by giving the Shirts, Cloaths, Caps, Girdles, in a word, all that they wanted; and when they had nothing more left to give▪ [Page 191]they came to me, intreating me to help them in their need; so that I was oblig'd to give them a Coat, and a Shirt to bury an Arabian that dyed in the Monastery. I gave them a red Cap, a Tur­ban, Money very often, that I might not be be­tray'd by those Monks who deliver'd all to the Arabians, without telling them from whence it came.

But at last the Arabians were jealous, when they saw that I continued shut up, without shewing my self abroad, either to them, or any other of the Monastery; and my privacy made them believe that I was some great Person that was afraid of them. They resolved therefore to give me a vi­sit, to know who I was. As soon as the Vicar un­derstood their intent, he came to give me notice of it, that I might take a course accordingly. As soon as I understood it, I caused all my Goods to be carried into the Tower of the Monastery, leaving nothing in my Chamber but a course Mat of Palm Leaves stretched upon the Floor, upon which I sate without Carpet or Cushion: And that they might not think me to be a Franc, I took the Habit of a Monk of that Convent. In this manner I expected them, not without fear. The next day about noon, three of the chief enter'd into my Chamber with their Cangians, or Cutlasses, at their Girdle in their Bosoms. They saluted me with a surly look, asking how I did. I answer'd their civility as well as I could; I caused them to sit down near me, and told them that I was griev­ed at their misfortune, and that I was not able to assist them in their need. I exhorted them to trust upon God and S. Anthony, who was as well their Father and Protector, as of the Monks; [Page 192]and that doubtless he would comfort them, and give them one day the opportunity to overcome their Enemies. These words pleased the Ara­bians mightily.

I caus'd my Dinner to be brought, and though I had with me all my Provisions needful from Cairo, I suffered nothing to be brought but Len­tils in a Wooden Dish, with Bread soaked in it, and a few Onions, I intreated them to eat some with me: They needed not much invitation. One may imagine what was in my mind, when I had such Guess at my Table; but fear caused me to dissemble my thoughts.

After Dinner I gave them Pipes to take Tobac­co, and Coffee according to the Mode of the Country, which pleased them well, chiefly in this place where little of that Drink was to be seen. When these Arabians saw me so free and hearty, they conceived such an affection for me, that they promis'd to protect me, if any of their Comrades should offer to affront me. When they had talked with me some hours, they went away very well sa­tisfied, and told their Comrades how civil I had been. By this one may understand, that there is no Nation in the World so barbarous; but is to be won by fair means.

Some days before; the Arabians had sent some of their Company to their Parents, to inform them of their loss, and to intreat them to send them Beasts to help home their sick and wounded. That day they received an answer, that such of them as could return home on foot should ven­ture, but that the others should continue there till they were cured of their wounds; and that none durst come, or send them Beasts, for fear of losing [Page 193]them. Therefore these Wretches when they saw that they could not remain any longer in the Mo­nastery, resolved to depart together, as soon as their sick Persons should recover any strength. I resolved also to be gone; for the little satisfacti­on that I found there, took away all desire to con­tinue there any longer; for I had cause to fear, lest the news of this Massacre should spread about the Wilderness, which might have caused me to stay there all the Winter, for want of an oppor­tunity to carry me away. I hasten'd therefore my departure as much as I could, and hired three Camels of an Arabian that was left behind in the Monastery, who alone was able to furnish us: I was to give him a Piaster and a half a-piece; moreover I promis'd to give him a new Suit of Apparel for an Arabian of our Company that had been stripp'd, whose Kinsman he said he was: We confirm'd our Agreement before all the Monks, by the Chapter of Fatha, according to the Custom of the Country; and then I caused my self to be let down from the Window of the Monastery, on Munday the 17th of October, leav­ing with joy a place where I had met with many displeasures. We took the way and road of the Caravan, or the under way, because the Camels that I had hired lived that way. The Arabian that was to be my Guide having but one in the Monastery, the two others being near his Lodg­ing, which was in a Clift of Mount Gebel il che­leil, over against the Monastery. We went to this Lodging, or about a days travelling from thence, in a way very difficult and deep; and because this Arabian was a right Devil of the Mountains, as they term themselves in boasting. [Page 194]As soon as we were a little forwards in our way, he told me that the Price that we had agreed up­on was not sufficient, and that I must promise him as much more. I refused to grant him his desire, which was contrary to all reason and justice, he led us therefore two days up and down in the Wilderness, sometimes one way, sometimes a­nother, threatning to leave us and go away with his Camel, or to carry us back to the Monastery: all this was to force me to give him what he de­manded. I had much difficulty to hold my hands from striking him, which I had done, had we but known the way, and where to recover Water; but considering that I was lost if I did abuse him, I was forced at last to consent to his desire, upon this Condition, that he should remain at home and give us another Person to guide us in our way; for he was of such a crooked disposition that it was impossible to perform the Journey peaceably with him, which accordingly he did. When we had thus satisfied him, he became of a good hu­mour and led us to his Dwelling, where his Wife and Children came to see us, and prepared for us a Supper, according to the Mode of the Arabians; his Boys brought us some Wild-Fowl, and pre­sented me with a young Fawn alive, which I car­ried with me to Cairo. Thus we spent that night very pleasantly.

The next day we caused him to repeat the Fatha the second time. He gave us a Moor to conduct us, of a very good humour. We went with him on our way, and arrived at Beisa the 22th of Octo­ber, from whence we had been absent 22 days. I passed immediately over to the other side of Ni­lus to Benesuef, and lodg'd under a Tent, with a [Page 195] Turk my very good Friend, on the side of Nilus, till the 26th of October. I went aboard then to return to Cairo, where I landed the next day, ha­ving spent 31 days in my Travels from thence.

I never undertook any Journey, or Voyage, that was so full of accidents, and crosses, as this.

The conveniency of a Guide caused me to un­dertake it. He was a young Abyssin, of my Age, named Paul, a comly Person, wise and devout in appearance. I had a little before got acquain­tance with him; and because he understood by my discourse, that I had a great desire to visit the Monastery of S. Anthony, where he said he had been before, and that I expected but a Guide, because the ways were difficult for a Franc who had never been there, chiefly because of the Arabians, a brutish and fantastick People, he of­fered his service to accompany me thither. And the rather I accepted his offer; because I have al­ways had a particular respect for the honest Men of his Country.

We resolved therefore upon all the Circum­stances of our Journey, and left Cairo the day mentioned before. But the familiarity ordinary amongst fellow Travellers discovered to me his disposition and temper, more than I could before; for all his visits at Cairo were studied and crafty. I found therefore that he was a dissembler, and without judgment, too hasty; I resolved therefore to shake him off, and to seek another, to prevent the mischiefs that his indiscretion might procure tome.

I met at Benesuef, very happily, a Coptie born at Busch, by Profession a Mebascier, or Arithme­tician, who had travell'd all about the upper E­gypt. [Page 196]I found him fit for my turn, I ask'd him to be my Guide in this Voyage; he accepted of the offer, and I paid him beforehand. When the A­byssin understood it, he was highly offended; so that he endeavour'd afterwards to be reveng'd, by causing a disturbance amongst us, which an­ger'd the Company against him.

The first night after our departure from Bene­suef, when we lay in the Wilderness, he com­manded my Servant, contrary to my orders, to give no Coffee to the Arabians, as if a Dish of Cof­fee, given to these Wretches, would have im­poverish'd me. They plotted to cut his Throat, and doubtless he had there ended his days, had I not perceived it betimes and satisfied them; for as they are extreme brutish when they are an­ger'd, they are very quiet when they are flat­ter'd and kindly us'd.

The Arabians caus'd me, against their wills, to suffer another inconveniency. They took no care when they greas'd the Leathern Bottles of Water, that the Grease was mouldy, it infected therefore the Water so much which we were to drink, that I could not possibly taste of it: let any Man think if this was not a sufficient mortificati­on, seeing our Journey, or Voyage, lasted five days.

As this was the first time that I rid upon a Ca­mel, I could hardly endure the shakings, which the manner of walking of this fantastick Beast caused me to suffer. I confess, when I saw my self upon this Colossus, without any stay, lifted up in the Air, seated upon an ugly Beast; my Feet in two Ropes instead of Stirrups, holding in my hand a Cord made with the Strings of a Palm-tree, [Page 197]which cut my hands, it seemed to me very strange: I resolved nevertheless to overcome all these difficulties; and instead of vexing my self, I made a sport of that which would have troubled other Persons.

When I think upon the solemn reception of the Monks, when I first came into the Monastery, I cannot but be yet displeas'd at my Abyssin. This Fool desired me to let him go before the Caravan, to tell the Monks of my coming, and to cause a Chamber to be prepared for me; but by the re­spects they paid me, I understood that he had too much exaggerated my quality, thinking to do me a pleasure. I indeavoured to undeceive them, and caused all their Ceremonies to cease, as soon as I perceived that they took me for a greater Per­son than really I was.

I have already set down at large how the Ara­bïans frighted me in the Monastery; but they were not the only Persons that troubled me. The Monks, the Vicars, the Copties, and the Abyssins vex'd me one after another, as if they had all a­greed to try my patience.

The avaricious Monks, not contented with what I had given them, before my departure caus­ed their Vicar to tell me, that they expected that a Franc of my reputation would have left them at least thirty golden Ducats of Venice. When I told them of the great charges I had been at in this Voyage, besides the expences that I was yet to be at in my return; that I had received but lit­tle satisfaction from them; that I wonder'd at their boldness, to tax a Stranger of my quality, that came from far to see their miserable Mona­stery, and their poverty. They were angry at [Page 198]this answer, and treated me afterwards with contempt.

The Vicar was afraid to want Bread in his Monastery; therefore he resolved to quit it, and to seek another where he might be better treat­ed: And because he had no money to hire a Camel to carry him through a tedious and troublesome way, he intreated me to give him some, which I did very generously, though I had cause to be offended with him. But he put this money in his Purse, without dreaming of hiring a Camel, be­lieving that my men would suffer him to ride sometimes upon their Camels: But in the way he found himself deceived; when he was wea­ry, and his feet cut with the sharp stones, he mur­mured at me; I told him of his covetousness, unworthy of a man of his Profession, of his lit­tle love for his Flock, whom he left in the time when they needed most his Fatherly care, but he received these reproofs very ill; so that from thence it may easily be imagin'd, how we tra­vell'd together.

The Abyssin and the Coptie were at a continual variance, because one thought himself more use­ful to me than the other; so that at every foot, I was oblig'd to make peace between them.

The night before the Arabians visited me, I was oblig'd to cause all my Cloaths to be carri­ed into the Tower of the Monastery, into a se­cure place. In that hurley-burley I lost some, valued at five or six Piasters; I cannot tell whose fault it was, the Abyssin cast the fault upon the Coptie, to discredit him with me: However, as soon as we were come to Beiha, the Coptie vanish'd away suddenly, without bidding us farewell. [Page 199]This caused me to suspect that the Abyssin had not accused him wrongfully.

To all these displeasures we must add the fear of Thieves in the way; for at every step, we look'd on the ground to see whether there were any footsteps in the Sand; when we saw some that were fresh, we were then grievously afraid; but our apprehensions increased, when we saw the footsteps turned our way, for we imagin'd that we should meet them; fear alone made us take Beasts at a distance for Men, and Bushes for Robbers that waited for us.

At last we were in sight of Beiha, we imagin'd then that all our fears were over; but the Ca­mels knowing the Fields where they were wont to feed, began to leap for joy, because they were return'd to their ordinary Pastures; so that the Saddle of that upon which I rid being not well girded, nor the Bridle sufficient to stop the Beast, it jolted, and cast me up into the Air seve­ral times: at every moment I thought I should tumble down, and break my Neck, which hap­pen'd not, through the care of the Arabian that stopt the Camel.

This Relation is sufficient to make it appear, that if there is some pleasure in travelling, and seeing Forreign Curiosities, one buys them very dear, with the hazard of many dangers and cros­ses, chiefly in Egypt, where cruelty and barba­rism seem to dwell.

I shall add some other Curiosities which I have seen in the Desarts.

We left at our left hand when we came from the Monasteries, the ruines of a very ancient Town, scituate on the top of the barren Moun­tain, [Page 200]called, Gebel il cheleil. This Town is in the mid-way between Beiha and the Monastery, in that place where the Mountain separates it self, and by which one passeth in coming or going from Beiha, in the way of the Caravan. The A­rabians were ignorant of the name, and we had no time to stay there, having taken notice upon the Sand, of fresh footsteps of Horse-men that had passed that way, which caused us to conceive some danger, if we continued there any time.

I found there a Plant, which the Arabians call Barnub: It hath a little full Stalk, as a Mouche­ron, and at the top a little Butron, about the big­ness of a Nut, which is full of Powder, which the Dyers use in dying. Its leaves are as slender as the leaves of Poppy; I gathered three or four of these Plants, but I could not keep them long, because of their tenderness. I saw also an Herb which is called by the Arabians Rabl, that smells as Mint, my Arabians fed upon it. I saw there a great deal of Alcali, called in Arab. Kilu, which hath the virtue to take away from Cloaths all manner of spots. Upon the Mount Colzim, there is a Wood that grows, called Oud il akrab, or Scorpions Wood, the Monks of S. Anthony reduced it to powder, which they judge to be a good re­medy against the biting of venomous Creatures, as well as to cure weak eyes, and eyes inflamed: They gave me half a pound in Canes; I have sent it to Paris with the other Curiosities. In this Desart is a great deal of Coloquinte, and un­der the Sand much white salt very good, which my Arabians used to season their Fatir, and their Mafruca.

Fatir are great Cakes, as thick as finger, and [Page 201]as large as a French Hat, baked in the Coals.

Mafruca is made of the Fatir, by breaking it in pieces, when it is yet hot, and taken from the fire; and by pouring upon it Oyl-Olive, and kneading it with the hand in a wooden dish, as if it were Paste. My Arabians imagin'd to do me a great pleasure to offer me some to eat, for this is highly esteem'd amongst them; but though I had a good Stomach, I had not the courage to taste of it, for I had good cause to loath it.

I return now to speak of the things that hap­pen'd at Cairo, where I landed the 30th of O­ctober.

That day they began the Zine, or Festival of publick joy, because the Grand Seignior had taken Caminiez from the Poles. This Festival lasted from Sunday till Thursday in the Afternoon.

It is the custom at Cairo, that in such like Fe­stivals every one adorns the out-side of his House or Shop with Carpets and Pavillions, lighting a­bout them all night many Lamps tyed to wooden Engines, some made in an Hexagone figure, o­thers in an Octogone; some as Stars, others in a­nother manner. These Engines are suspended with Ropes tyed cross the Streets, which are beautiful to look upon. The Streets in all other times are shut in the night, but then are open, and the Christians, during this Festival, may walk about more freely than at other times at mid-day, because one cannot distinguish in that obscure light of what colour is the Turbant that they wear, nor discover whether it be straked, or all white.

Besides these Lamps and Carpets, the Beys hang up in a good order before their Palaces up­on [Page 202]the Walls; their most beautiful Armour, as Head-pieces, Breast-plates, Coats of Male, Mus­quets, Hangers, Targets, and other such Instru­ments of War. The French Consuls, who never come short of them, cause beautiful Carpets to be hung in all the Streets of their dwellings, and Pavillions over the Streets, from one end to ano­ther, to keep off the heat of the Sun. Monsieur de Tyger, Consul of the French Nation, caused a kind of a resting place to be erected, beautifying it with Carpets and Cushions, to receive the Per­sons of Quality; he put round about the Pictures of the King, of the Queen, of the Dolphin, and other French Lords, in small ingravery, with Ta­pers before them, to cause the Turks to admire the wit and invention of the French, who can make Pictures much like the Originals. But the Turks were surprized to see their Beards shaven off; they ask'd whether they were yet Chil­dren.

These Festivals give much diversion to the people, but they are very chargeable to those that will observe them, chiefly to the Consuls; for besides the Tents and Carpets, and other Or­naments that they must hire, they are wont to give Coffee and Tobacco to all that come to see them; and if they be persons of Quality, they must have Sweet-meats: so that if a Consul will come off with Honour, it will cost him three or four hundred Crowns. The people run about the Streets, from morning till three hours after mid-night, all the time of the Festival.

On the first of November I went to see the Ca­stle of Cairo with a Chiaoux, a very good friend of mine.

The first thing that we saw was the Royal Hall, where the Pacha keeps the Divan. He shewed me in the middle of this Hall, a great Cord tyed double to one of the Beams of the Roof, where, according to the custom of the Country, the Casciefs that have not sufficient to pay the Taxes of their Province, at the end of the year are lift­ed up in the air, with their hands behind, tyed to their backs: besides, they are whipt upon their naked backs with a Whip of Cords, where­unto are tyed some Leaden Bullets.

We went up next to the top of the Ovens where they bake Bread, from whence the place called Kara, or the place of exercise, is disco­verable. There the Pacha's men sport themselves with Bows and Arrows, and by running on Horse-back, aiming at a mark fixed at the top of a very high Tree.

We went to see next the Chambers where they make the Gun-powder, which are two great Par­lours or Rooms on the ground, over against the Royal Hall of the Divan, with very strong walls, and vaulted over head. In each are twelve Mor­tars of Pewter placed round, about a Cubit high, with their Pestels of Iron, which receive their motion, to pound the matter in the Mortars to powder, from a long Pole that answers to a Beam that stands in the middle of the Chamber, which a Horse turns round. There are near se­veral other Chambers, where are many little Mortars, in which they refine the Gun-powder.

On the 19th of November I was present at a Marriage of two Copties; the Ceremonies were performed in this manner.

After the Oration or Prayer of mid-night, or [Page 204]as if we should say, after Morning-prayer, the Friends and Parents led first the Bridegroom, and next the Bride, from their Houses to the Church, with several lighted Tapers before them, and singing through the Streets Hymns in the Copties Language, and striking with little wooden Hammers against some sticks of Ebony wood, which is their Musick.

When they were come to the Church, they led the Bridegroom into the inner Chancel, where usually the Prayers are said, and brought the Bride to the place of the Women: Then the Priests and the People began in the Chancel their Prayers mingled with Hymns, which lasted very long: At the end, he that performed the Ceremony of the Marriage, went to the Bride­groom and read three or four Prayers, making over him the Sign of the Cross, before, and at the end of every Prayer. He caused him after­wards to sit on the ground, having his face turn­ed towards the Heikel, holding behind him upon his Head, in a standing posture, a Silver Cross, and continuing in Prayer.

Whiles this was doing in the Chancel, the Beadle caused the Bride, with one of her Kin­dred, to sit down upon a Bench that he had there put out of the door of the uttermost Chancel. As soon as the Priests had ended in the innermost Chancel, the prayers of the Knot, as they name them. He that performed the Ceremony, cloa­thed the Bridegroom with a Surplice, and tyed him about the middle with a Girdle, putting up­on his head a white Cloth.

In this manner he led him to the Bride, cau­sing him to sit by her: He then covered them [Page 205]both with this white Cloth, and made them put their heads together. Then he anointed the Bridegroom with Oyl-Olive in the Forehead, and above the Fist, and the Bride in the same manner: Afterwards he caused them to give one another their hands, reading aloud the Exhorta­tion that contains the Duties which they were to perform to one another. So with a long train of Prayers, interrupted with several Ceremo­nies, this Solemnity of Marriage ended, which they call the Coronation of the Married Couple.

Afterwards they read Morning-prayer, or as we call them, the Laudes. They sung next Mass, where the Bridegroom and the Bride received the Communion; which being ended, they all returned to their several homes.

The beginning of the Year 1673.

THE night of the 16th of January, 1673. the Copties celebrate the Festival of the E­piphany. I was then at Cairo in the Church of Ma­ry Moncure, to see how they dip themselves in Wa­ter in remembrance of the Baptism of our Lord and Saviour, which was performed that night according to the Traditions of the Church. I took notice of these Particulars.

They said the Prayers of Midnight, where the Font stands, and where they dipped themselves, which they call il Magtas. This Pond, or Bason: of Water is in a Chamber near the Church, about three Perches square, as deep as a Man is high. As soon as Prayers were ended, the Patriarch went to the Kolomie, or Vestry, to put on his Pon­tifical [Page 206]Attire; from thence he return'd to the Water, with a Deacon and a Priest before him. The Deacon had on him a Cape, bearing in his hand an Iron Cross, as long as a Pastoral Staff. The Priest was Cloathed with a Surplice, that he might be useful to the Patriarch in saying of Mass; that is, that he might be his assistant, and Master of the Ceremonies.

When he was come to the Water, he began to bless it, by reading over it several Lessons taken out of the Prophets and the Psalms, and out of the New Testament; sometimes in the Copties Language, sometimes in Arabick. The Patri­arch perfum'd it also, and stirr'd it cross-wise with the Pastoral Staff of Iron, which the other Priests did also, every one in his turn. And whilst they were blessing this Water, which lasted near two hours, there was a Candlestick of Iron standing within, about the length of a Man, with three Branches, upon which there were three Tapers burning all the time of this Ceremony.

As soon as this blessing was ended, the Pond, or Bason, was all uncovered, that the People might go in and dip themselves. Then there was heard a strange confusion and noise, so great that I won­der'd; for every one endeavoured to be one of the three first, whom the Patriarch dips in the Wa­ter. They that could not obtain this honour, dipp'd themselves, skipping and playing, all na­ked, in the Water, without having any thing to cover their nakedness, and privy Members; and all this in the presence of their Patriarch, and many Priests that were there.

As soon as the Men had ended their washing, and were gone to the Chancel; the Women, and [Page 207]the Maids drew near, and followed the Mens Ex­ample, skipping all naked in the Water, and sport­ting one with the other. It is true that such as did thus dip themselves were of the poorer sort, and that as many as were of the wealthier, and better sort, wash'd their faces and hands.

When the Women had ended their bathing, they went away to their own places to hear Mass, which was already begun.

Thus this Ceremony was performed, which I saw from the beginning to the end.

The 26th of this Month Monsieur de Tyger, who had been, till then, Consul of the French Na­tion, left Cairo. He is a very able Man, and un­derstands his duty very well; but the Merchants of France made their complaints against him at Court, and caus'd him to be dismiss'd. Mon­sieur de Bonnecorse, the Cousul of Seyda, was na­med in his place.

The departure of the Mahmel towards Mecha.

SAturday, the 28th of this Month, the Pacha sent away, in great pomp, from Cairo, the Mah­mel, or Burying-Cloath, which the Kings of Egypt, and the Pacha's are wont to send every Year to Mecha, to cover Mahomets Tomb; which was performed in this manner.

First two Kisve, or Burying-Cloaths, of black Damask, richly wrought with great Arabick Let­ters, expressing some Sentences of the Alcoran, were carried before. These Letters were very great, Embroidered with Gold, and artificially In­terwoven. [Page 208]These Burying-Cloaths were each car­ried upon a Bier, made almost in die same fashion as those that are in Europe, and they were about three Perches long.

An infinite number of Schiechs, or Ecclesia­sticks, followed after in a confusion, causing se­veral Banners to be carried before them, which had been taken out of the Mosques of Cairo: Some were on foot, others riding upon Asses, and all cloathed in a very strange manner, with Garbs made up with divers pieces of many colours patched together. They caused themselves to be wondered at by their howling and grimaces, for they wagg'd their Heads, their Eyes, and their Mouths, in a thousand ways; others pro­nounced the word Hu, which is one of the Attri­butes and Names of God, with all the strength of their body; and there was none without Ar­mour, a Club, or a Halberd, or a wooden Sword, or some other rusty Weapon.

After this Crowd came the Cloth with which they cover Mahomets Tomb, which they call in Arabick, il Mahmel. It was carried upon a Ca­mel painted yellow, with an Herb called Henne, and very richly harnassed and trapped with gold Embroidery, with feathers upon the Head, and about the Neck and Legs little Bells.

This Mahmel was made like a Bed, but the kind of Stuff, and the colour, was not to be distin­guish'd, because it was all covered with Flowers, and Arabick Characters, very long, all Embroi­dered with Gold and Interwoven very artificially. At the four corners were four great Bosses, cover­ed over with a rich Stuff; and from the middle of these Bosses, they rose up in Pyramides.

The Camel that carried this Engine, was fol­lowed by five others: Upon the first was mount­ed an Arabian, sounding a Trumpet; upon the se­cond a Moor that plaid upon two Cymbals; and upon the three others, three young Boys; after these went five and twenty Metferracas with their Swords by their sides, and the Turban of the Chia­oux upon their heads; and after them seven other Persons cloathed with Coftans: A Troop of Sche­rifs, or Noble Men of Mecha, followed next, on horseback; after them a Man who carried upon his head a little Mortuary, or Burying-Cloath, Em­broidered, square, stretched upon Staves; next went four others that carried every one upon their shoulders a Cloath of the same fashion. They told me, that they hanged them up where they celebrate the memory of Abrahams Sacri­fice. Eight and twenty Janissaries went next, two and two, with their Caps upon their heads. They went immediately before the Emir hag, or the Bey that commands this Caravan. This Bey was cloathed with a Coftan, and had upon his head a Turban, proper to the Beys, which is called in Arabick, Emame Bersciani, which is like a Flower­pot turn'd up-side down. His Domesticks, who were twelve Archers well cloathed, and a Troop of Musqueteers on Horses, waited upon him; after followed the Drummers, the Trumpeters, the Pipers, either on Horseback, or riding upon Ca­mels; and at last there was an Engine, drawn by the strength of Men, upon which was repre­sentented the Porch of the Temple of Mecha, in green Sattin Embroidered with Gold: They call it Arab. Burca.

The Money needful to make all these Cloaths, [Page 210]is taken out of the Revenues of the Lands which the ancient Kings of Egypt have appointed for that purpose, which hath been confirmed by the Ottoman Emperours. For that purpose they have appointed a Superintendant, whom they call in Arabick Nadir il Kisve, or the Superinten­dant of the Habit, who hath the care to cause these Lands to be Manur'd, and to gather the Reve­nues, and to employ them in the uses for which they were appointed.

That which was worthy of notice in this Pomp, was the blind Devotion of these Wretches for the things which are to be used by their Prophet, or employed in their Religion. All the People, notwithstanding the extraordinary crowd in all the Streets where these Cloaths were to pass, pres­sed forward with incredible earnestness, that they might cause their Handkerchiefs, or their Turbans, to touch these Cloaths that were designed for the Tomb of their Prophet, which they kiss'd after­wards, and rubb'd them upon their Eyes with much devotion.

The Departure of the Caravan of the Pil­grims for Mecha.

EIght days after the Mahmel of the false Pro­phet Mahomet was gone, the Bey went away also, with his Caravan, in this manner and order.

First six little Pieces of Artillery were drawn by Horses, with their Ammunition that followed next; after followed nine and forty Camels, loaden with Provisions for the Bey, for his Kit­chin; after them nine and fifty others that were [Page 211]not loaden, and fourteen others that carried Water; after them two and twenty other Camels, well harnessed, but not loaden; eight and twenty Arabians march'd after them, every one of them had, upon his shoulder, a Torch, or Meschal, to give light in the Night, before the Caravan: nine and forty Camels without burden, and two and twenty others loaden with two Cradles a-piece, to carry the sick and weak, and the poor, went af­ter: next to them went nineteen Camels loaden with Water-pouches; and before and after them there was a Troop of Moors that beat upon the Drum: after them followed twenty beautiful Ca­mels, without burden; they belong's to a Lord. A Troop of Musitians, and eighteen Camels with­out burdens, the foremost bearing some Musiti­ans, went next. Eight of the Field Tapers, called in Arabick, Meschal, were carried after; and them the train of a Ciurbachi, well horsed, succeeded: after went two and two Musitians, mounted up­on Camels that went before another Camel with Trappings richly Embroidered; next a Troop of Drummers rode by upon Camels; and after them three Camels, bearing in their Saddles many Co­lours flying, that yielded a beautiful sight; Twelve Moors carried next twelve Torches; next went twelve Camels loaden with Water-pouches; some Ciurbachies rode next on horseback, followed by two Camels that carried two Musitians, and six and twenty others loaden with Banners, as the former; between these, and two others that were loaden with Water, went two Men that car­ried Tapers; two Camels loaden followed after, with the Train of a Lord on horseback, two Drums, and nine Camels; and after them some [Page 212] Ciurbachies, with their Servants, on horseback; after went the seven orders of the Militia, and the Alai Chiaoux, who are to be distinguished by their black Rod which they bear in their hands, which hath two Branches hooked, upon which hang two Silver Chains, furnish'd with little Bell, tied at the middle of the Rod: next followed the Servants, and Attendants of a Lord, all riding on Horses. The Imam, or Chaplain, of the Emir-hag, cloathed in white Searge, followed them upon a Camel; after him went a Troop of young Men, mounted upon Camels; next went the Attendants of a Lord, and a Troop of Janissaries on foot, with their Ceremonial Caps on their heads; next fol­lowed their Serdar, or Colonel, with forty Chiaoux, two and two on horseback, with their Swords by their sides: twelve Sangiac-Beys went after, two and two, on Horses, with their Ceremonial Tur­bans on their heads, with their Servants: next eight Chiaoux, and a Bey all alone, and the Vali, or Provost Marshal, with the Methtesib, or Super­intendant of the Provisions, on Horses: they had after them a thousand Azappes on foot, walk­ing two and two: the Apprentices were at the head of their Troop, having a little Musquet on their shoulders, and a Cutlass at their sides: the young Men without Beard followed them; next the Men of full age; next the old Men, all cloa­thed with skins of Tygers: after them a thou­sand Janissaries went on foot, in the same order and at the last the Emir-hag, or the Bey that com­manded this Caravan, closed up the rear of thi [...] Company, on horseback.

We must not think that all these Persons go with the Bey as far as Mecha: They accompany [Page 213]him a little way out of Town, as far as the Cara­van hath a Rendezvous; none remain, but such as are bound to go through with him.

A Voyage into the Upper Egypt.

ON the 24th of February, being Friday, S. Matthias's day, I went from Cairo to­wards the Ʋpper Egypt, with an intention to visit the Monastery of the Holy Martyrs at Isne, and the other Antiquities that are about that City.

Besides Idris my Man, I took along with me a Moor, called Hagali, our near Neighbour, to ac­company me. We went aboard of a Bark that I had hired to carry us to Momfallot, for five and twenty Paras. The Visiter of the Custom-House caused us to stop till the Evening; so that this night we only went round about the Isle Roude, which is at a Musket-shot over against Old Cairo.

Saturday the Rain fell betimes, and lasted till Noon; the Showers fell so furiously, that our Bark sunk almost to the bottom: I wish'd then that such as say that no Rain falls in Egypt had been there, for they would have seen the contrary. This Rain was succeeded by cold and tempestu­ous Winds.

The next night there was another Rain fell as great as the former, which continued till three hours after the rising of the Sun. As soon as it had dissipated the Clouds, a good Wind, called Teijab, or North-west, began to blow, and kept us company in all our Voyage.

Monday, very early, the 27th of the Month, we landed at Benesuef, a great Town scituated [Page 214]upon the West-side of Nilus, and tow hours after we went on board, to proceed on in our Voyage, leaving at our right hand, on the West of the Ri­ver, Fesohn, a great Town, about three or four hours travelling from Benesuef, towards the South: At the East we saw the Village Savadi Ke­dami, and about Sun-set we went by Heggiar Se­lame, a dangerous Bank of Nilus. At this place the Lands of Egypt, which are at the East of Ni­lus, begin to be manured, for from Cairo to this place, they are all cover'd with Sand.

Tuesday morning, the 28th of February, we left at the East of Nilus two Castles ruinated, near one another, and pass'd by the Mountain called Gebel-garanat, scituate on the same side, where the Territory of Egypt begins again to be un­fruitful and sandy.

A little before Noon we saw our selves over a­gainst Serarie, a Village on the East of Nilus, but within the Land, seated at the foot of this Moun­tain. In this place our Bark ran in the Sand, and when the Boat-men were not able to free her, the Janissaries that were with us forced all the other Travellers and Christians with Cudgels to leap over into the water to help them.

As soon as it was freed, we proceeded on in our way, and we began to discover the Caves of the Mountain which are at the East of Nilus, and a little after the Mount of Birds, called in Ara­bick Gebel Teir, which is so equal from the top to the bottom about half a mile, that it looks like a strait Wall, built by hand, rather than a Rock made thus by Nature, which is a very delightful sight to Travellers. The water of Nilus washes a great deal of it: On the top of this Mountain [Page 215]is the Monastery of the Copties, called Deir il bac­cur, and a little further several Caves, and the ruines if an Ancient Town.

Tuesday night we were in sight of Minie, but our Vessel ran a-ground once more in the Banks of Sand, so that the Boat-men could not free it before night, and there it stopt till next day.

Wednesday in the morning, whiles our Boat-men were busie in freeing the Boat, I went to see the City of Minie, scituate on the West of Nilus, belonging to the Cascieflik of Behnese. I went al­so into the Mosques without fear, because I was cloathed in a Turkish Habit. When our Boat-men had freed the Bark, they drew her up to Minie, for we sail'd upwards; there I went on board to go towards Melave.

About an hours sailing from Minie, we began to discover on the top of the Mountain, which lies at the East, the Caves. This, in my judgment, is the beginning of the Country of Thebes: They are to be seen along the Mountain, as far as Momfallot; I counted four and thirty in a rank, but the Mouths of the Caves were stopped up with Earth that was fallen in.

The same day, about three a Clock in the Afternoon, we pass'd by the Ruines of the An­cient City Insine, leaving it at our left hand, and at night we went to lie before Melave.

We sailed away on Thursday morning, the se­cond of March, and we saw in our way many Caves in the Mountain, which is at the East. At Noon we left the great Channel of Nilus, because there was but little water, and we enter'd into one of its Branches, which makes an Island, by meeting again with the great Stream. We pass'd [Page 216]before the Mouth of the River of Joseph, of which I have spoken sufficiently in the descrip­tion of Fium.

Friday morning, the third day of the month, we landed at Momfallot, where I lodged in an House called Ocalet Emir Otman, or the dwel­ling of Prince Otman, which is in the Market­place. It is an old dwelling much decayed, and though there is another more beautiful, and more commodious, I would not lodge in it, that I might not suffer the affronts of the Jamssaries and Spa­hins, who lodg'd there, and who would have in­sulted over me, had they known me to be a Franc.

Momfallot, the abode of the Cascief of the Pro­vince, is a very great and beautiful Town of E­gypt, scituate upon the banks of Nilus, on the West-side, in the middle Egypt. There is made much Linen-cloth: A great many Christian Cop­ties live here, but they have no Church.

The name of this Town signifies in Arabick the Exile of Lot, because a certain Lot was banish'd thither by his Brother, an ancient King of E­gypt, as the Copties say. Over against, on the o­ther side of Nilus, are the signs of an ancient Town, I could never understand the name.

From Cairo to Benesuef there are two days journeys by Land; and by water, sometimes more, sometimes less, according to the wind; from Benesuef to Minie, are three days journeys by Land, from Minie to Melave is a little days journey, from Melave to Momfallot is a little more than a days journey, chiefly when the Horse is not good; and from Momfallot one may go and dine at Siut, if one takes the morning.

In the Province of Momfallot they reckon one and fifty Towns, six and thirty at the West side of Nilus, and fifteen at the East; which agrees not with the Relation of James Albert of Egypt, who reckons up two hundred and seventeen. In this he is mistaken. Here are one and twenty Churches, or Monasteries; eleven at the West-side of Nilus, namely Moharrak, with that of the Abyssins, near by. The Church of the Angel Gabriel, at Buk: That of S. Theodore at Timsahte: That of S. George at Ballot: That of the Arch-Angel Raphael at Te­telie: That of S. Philothea at Nemire: That of the Arch-Angels, Gabriel and Raphael, at Benekelb: That of S. Mercurius at Gauli: That of the holy Virgin at Meessera: That of S. John of Heraclea at Om il Kossur.

There are twelve at the East-side of Nilus, namely, the Church of S. Theodore, Martyr, S. John's Son, at Bossra: The Monastery of S. Menna, sirnamed Thoumatourgos at — The Church of the holy Virgin at — and another at Maabde: The Church of Mary Poctor at Gebravi; another of the same Saint at Fadda: That of the blessed Virgin at Bene mohammed: That of S. George at Bene morr: and three that are at Ibnub il hammam; namely, the Monastery of the blessed Virgin: the Church of S. John the Baptist, and that of Abu­fam il ghindi.

The 7th day of this Month I went, about seven a Clock in the morning, for Siut, where I arrived about noon.

These are the Villages in the way; 1. Man­dara, where several Ruines remain, that bespeak it to have been a great Town: 2. Hantaca: 3. Gauli, where are to be seen some ancient [Page 218]Ruines, and an old Bridge, to give passage to the River Nilus, when it overflows the Country: 4. Negghe, where the Caravan commonly rests that comes from Dungala, when it goes towards Cairo: 5. Benehsein, and a little further Coum Be­nehsein, where is to be seen the Tomb of one cal­led Sciech Iscander: 6. Mongabat that new, which is a very good Town, at the West of Nilus, and at the foot of the Mountain hard by old Mongabat, but now ruinated: At last we came to Siut, which lies South-South-East from Momfallot.

When I was arrived at Siut, I took two Cham­bers in the House called Occalet il hammam, or the Bathing-house; so named, because it is over a­gainst a Publick Bathe; and though it be but lit­tle, it is pleasant and commodious.

A few days after, I craved acquaintance with the Bishop of the City, called Amba Joannes; he is a very honest Man, of a good life. He made me know a certain Coptie, named Muallim Atha­nasius, the only Man of all the upper Egypt that un­derstood his natural Tongue, that is, the Copties; but I could not benefit my self much by him, be­cause he was deaf, and about fourscore years of age: nevertheless I had the satisfaction to be­hold that Man, with whom the Copties Language will be utterly loft.

Siut, called in Greek Lycopolis, is one of the most famous Towns of the Upper Egypt, scituate at the foot of a barren Mountain that stands on the West-side, about half a league from Nilus. The Town is great and populous, full of Christian Copties, who may be about five hundred Caraches, or Masters of Families that pay Tribute. They have there a Bishop, and a poor Church dedica­ted [Page 219]to the Abbot Der, whose Body, with that of his Sister Erazi, a reputed Saint, with his Brother also, rests at Emsciul, which is a Village belong­ing to Ischmunein. In Siut are wrought the best Linen Cloaths of all Egyppt. It is the chief Town of the Province, and the abode of a Cascief.

These are the Churches and Monasteries of Christian Copties that are in this Province.

The Church of Doronke, dedicated to the three Children of Babylon cast into the Furnace. The Monastery of the blessed Virgin, scituate upon a Mountain that is behind this Village. The Church of Rife, dedicated to Mary Colte. The Monastery of the blessed Virgin, behind this Village, upon the same Mountain. That of Sauvie, dedicated to Athanasius. The Church of Doveine, dedicated to S. John the Baptist; but now there is nothing remaining of this Church, but the Altar in the open Air. The Church of Bagur, dedicated to S. Claudius. That of Cateia, dedicated to S. Phi­lothea. That of Sciothe, dedicated to S. Moncure; but it is now ruinated.

Upon the Mountain that is near Siut, on the West-side, amongst a great many Caves cut in the Rock, there is one made like a Stable, therefore the People call it by the name of il Stabl, or the Stable: It is so large that a thousand Horse-men may easily draw up Battel in it. I have not seen it, though I had a great desire; for no body would venture to lead me thither, for fear of the Casciefs displeasure, who is afraid that some bo­dy should carry away the Treasures that are said to be hid there.

A Voyage to Tahta.

MƲnday, the 13th of this Month, I went from Siut with the Bishop of the Town, leaving my Men till my return, for Tahta; which is another City of the Upper Egypt, about two lit­tle days Journey from Siut, towards the South.

At our left hand we left the Ruines of the an­cient Town, Scioth, named by the Copties [...]: next Rife, a considerable Town at our right hand: next Muscie, where the Copties had anciently a Church, dedicated to Mary Poctor Sciu, taking its name from the City of Sciu, which was next to Abnub, but now ruinated. At three of the Clock in the Afternoon we arrived at Doveine, where we continued two days, because the Bishop of Sciut was to consecrate there an Altar.

This Village owes its beginning to Tuh Bekerim, a Village near adjoining, whereof there appears not now the least sign: This is the cause.

A Gentlewoman of this place, called Ʋdeine, having built a Church out of Tuh Bekerim, to the honour of S. John Baptist: many of the Inhabi­tants caused Houses to be built near this Church; so by degrees, the number of People increasing more and more, they left Tuh Bekerim empty, and the place where this Church was built became a Village, which they called after the name of the Gentlewoman, Ʋdeine, and now corruptly Do­veine.

This Church was afterwards overthrown by the Doveider, a Branch of Nilus artificially made, which washed the Walls; now there remains no­thing but the Altar, upon which the Bishop says Mass after a re-consecration.

Over against Doveine, upon the side of the Mountain, Westerly, there are to be seen the Re­licks of two ancient Towns; one was named Bablu, and the other Billu; they are near toge­ther. I had an intent to see them, but the Bishop of Siut disswaded me.

Wednesday, the 15th of this Month, we went from Doveine towards Tahta, near the Ruines of the ancient Town Abutig, called by the Copties [...], scituate upon the Banks of Nilus; there is a Cascief dwells there. 2. We passed by Ne­cheile, a Village upon the side of the same River, where were a great many Copties. 3. The Ruines of the ancient Town Sitfe, called in the Arabian Books Sedafe. 4. The Ruines of Amba Biscioi. 5. Other Mountains of Ruines, called Kimam Se­lamun, which we left at our right hand. 6. Te­meh, which was anciently a Town, but now is but a poor Village. The Christian Copties that live here, make a certain sort of black Searge, in­different sine, which Persons of Quality, and the Clergy of the Copties wear. Out of the Town they have a Church, dedicated to Amba Fam il Aussimi, or to the Abbot Fam of Anssim; but it is pitiful. There is in this Village a Cascief.

When we had well rested our selves at Temeh, in the House of a poor Christian, we went on our way, passing first by a Village called Coum il arab, over against Kau il Kubbara, which is at the East-side of Nilus, anciently a very beautiful Town, called by the Copties [...], where the Bishop of Siut told me is yet to be seen the Ruines of a beau­tiful Church of the ancient Egyptians. We went next to Meschta, a pretty good Town, and next [Page 222]to Sciahrota; afterwards we went upon Moun­tains of Ruines of a Town called Abvaitg: Next night we lay at Sciech zein Iddin, a poor Village, inhabited by Copties and Moors, very miserable.

Thursday morning, the 16th of the Month, the day observed by the Copties in remembrance of the Invention of the holy Cross, we went to Ne­zelet issciehid, a little Village full of Coptier, all Dyers. Heretofore in this place was a Church, dedicated to S. Cyriack; but it is now down, and there remains nothing but the Altar in the open Air.

This day the Bishop of Siut made some young Men Deacons, and when Mass, and the Ordina­tion was ended, we went to Tahta, a great Town near to this Village, where we lodged at the House of one Muallim Petrus, a Coptie, an ho­nest, and rich Man.

A Voyage to the White Monastery.

SAturday, the 18th of this Month, I went very early from Tahta, towards the famous Mona­stery of S. Sennodius, sirnamed the White, about a good days Journey from Tahta. The Bishop of Siut gave me one of his Arabians, named Havaras, to guide me.

At the going out of the Town I met with a kind of a Janissary, called Seimen, who received no Sallary from the Grand Seignior, but lived by the orders of the Casciefs; he was sitting in the High­way, where we were to pass, his Musquet upon his shoulder, a Cutlass at his side, and ready to march.

When we drew near him, he came to us, and stopt me bluntly, telling me that I must alight. I was much surprised with this affront, and vexed that without cause I was to lose my Beast, I seem'd to be resolved not to alight; we continued a pretty while to dispute together, till I saw him lift up his Hatchet, which he wore at his Girdle, to cleave my head in two, and that my Arabian look'd idly upon us, as unconcern'd, I was forced to yield him my Ass; upon which he got imme­diately, and rode away.

I returned to the Town, on foot, to the Bi­shop, who understanding my misfortune, caused another to be given me. I went on in my way, and at our going out of Tahta, we pass'd by the Ruines of the ancient Town of Beneviet; we lest at our left hand other signs of an ancient Town, called Posone; from thence we pass'd to Sciendavil, a good Town, and at noon we got as far as Ge­zire, which is a Town where the Cascief of the Province lives; when we had a little rested our selves in a Coffee-house, we went on our way towards the Monastery, leaving the way of Sohaitg, which we had kept till then; we turned to the right hand, towards the Mountain which is on the West of the Town, we went by Itfu, an ancient Town, called by the Copties [...]; about noon we got to the Monastery, where we lodg'd at night.

The Monastery of S. Sennodius, the Archiman­drite, sirnamed the White, is built near the Ru­ines of the ancient Town Adribe. There are the Remains of one of the most Magnificent Stru­ctures that hath been in Egypt. It is foursquare; its Walls are builded with hewn Stones, very [Page 224]white; every Stone is four foot long, and a foot and three inches high. It is seven and thirty Perches and two foot long, which make two hun­dred and twenty four foot, and eighteen Perches and three foot broad, which make one hundred and eleven foot. There be six great Gates of a red Stone, which now are walled up, one only ex­cepted, which now hath an open place as high as a Man. The chief Gate that is walled up is now called Bab il bagl, or the Mules Gate, in re­membrance of what happen'd to a Daughter of an Heathen King, who offered to go into the Church in contempt, riding upon a Mule, and was swallowed up alive in a Pit that opened, to pu­nish her insolency; which Miracle happen'd by the Prayers of S. Sennodius, who begg'd this pu­nishment from God. This Gate is ten foot high, and six broad; every one of the Supporters is made up with four great Marble Stones, as well as the Lintil, upon which is graven three Crosses, one great in the middle, and two little ones on the sides.

Round about the Building are two ranks of Win­dows, the lowest are in the middle, and the o­thers almost touch the top. The two longest sides of the Building have each seven and twenty Windows in each Rank, and the shorter sides each have nine in each rank, but all these Win­dows are walled up.

The inside of this Monastery is demollished, the Heikel excepted, where Mass is said, and the middle. The body of the Church, called by the Copties Giamelun, was heretofore supported with two ranks of Pillars, each having fourteen; which are yet standing, but in the open Air; for the Vault is fallen down.

All the Pillars are not of the same Stone, nor Workmanship, nor bigness, nor height; for some are reasonably big, others are slenderer. And to such as are small, they have clapt some Plaister, to make them as big as the others.

At the going in of the Chancel are to be seen two very beautiful Pillars of Marble, at the entry of the Heikel. Upon that which stands at the left hand is graven an Epitaph in Greek, of one named Heliodorus. These Pillars are yet entire, and their Workmanship is very beautiful.

Almost every where in the Walls of the Mona­stery, in the Pavement that is before the Chancel, and in the great and beautiful pair of Stairs that lead up to the Sleeping-place of the Monks, are certain great Stones full of Cyphers and Hiero­glyphick Figures placed not right; by which we may understand, that those that have put them there had no knowledge of this mysterious Tongue. In the Walls within are six holes in each side, vault­ed above, and curiously adorned with carved Leaves, so handsomly wrought that I could not sufficiently admire the Workmanship. Round about the Monastery there is much black Mar­ble.

In one of the Apartments of the Monastery, to­wards the West, at the left hand as one goes in, there is a large and deep Well. The Monks told me that the Water was forty Cubits deep, and that it had been sanctified, or bless'd, by our Saviour. It is very sweet and wholesome, and rises and falls with Nilus, though it hath no communication with this River.

The next day in the morning, being Sunday, and the ninth day of the Month, after Mass, I went, [Page 226]with my Arabian, towards Red Monastery, a­bout an hours travelling from the White, at the foot of the same Mountain, towards Tahta.

The colour of the Bricks with which this Mo­nastery is built, hath given it the name of Red. It is built in the same manner as the White, but a great deal less. At the South-side it hath yet a Building standing, that was crested, as the Monks say, by S. Helene, when she went to Isne to visit the bodies of the holy Martyrs. It was intended to inclose the Well of the Monastery within the Walls, and to hinder the Arabians, when they made in roads from their Mountains, from trou­bling the Monks, or taking away from them the Water.

There remains nothing of this Church, but the Chancel, and the Heikel, or place where Mass is read. The Pillars that kept up the body of the Church are yet standing, all of an equal length and bigness. In this particular they excell those of the White Monastery, as well as in the beauty of the Workmanship, especially their Capitals.

The Builders of this Monastery was Amba Biscioi, who having a long time liv'd as a Robber, as the Story of his Life saith, at last he repented and ended his days very well. Some told me, that the Club with which he us'd to knock down Pas­sengers is hung up in the Chancel of this Church. I saw it not, because I was told of it after I was gone out of the Monastery.

There is a Pillar also at each side of the Door of the Heikel, of an excellent Workmanship, espe­cially their Capitals, which are the most beautiful that I ever beheld.

But this Monastery, as well as the White, is alto­gether ruinated within.

When I had seen all that was worthy of notice, I return'd to Tahta, where I arriv'd, about noon, the 21th of the month, and the next day we went to Siut.

A few days after, I went with the Bishop of Siut to the Monastery of S. Athanasius, which is a­bout three hours travelling from thence, I fan­cied to see there some rare Reliques of Antiquity, but I was deceiv'd; for I saw that it was one of the most woful Monasteries in Egypt, so that I shall not mention it any more.

In our way to this Monastery, we saw that of the Virgin at Doronque, scituate upon the Moun­tain that stands at the right hand.

This Monastery, with its Church, are cut in the Rock; which is the only thing there to be noted. All the rest was so far from satisfying my Curiosi­ty, that I beheld nothing but Ruines and misery.

But that I might not lose, altogether, my labour, in climbing up to the Mountain, I went to see the Caves that were near. My Guide led me in­to one as high as a Man on horseback, so extra­ordinary large, that without hyperbole a thou­sand Horse might there draw up in Battel array, which caused me to wonder not a little.

As soon as we were out of this large Cave, my Guide led me into another hard by, larger than the former: when I was within about two hun­dred paces, he told me to hearken to a certain place of the Wall, at the left hand as one goes in. Use no doubt had made him take notice of this place; for I saw no sign outward to cause one to mind it. I drew near to listen, and I heard be­hind the Wall, the noise as of a Wind-mill, so di­stinct that I marvelled greatly, only the noise [Page 228]seem'd to come from far. I wonder'd the more, when he told me that behind this Rock there was no empty place, nor passage, for the Air to make this noise, which has continued during the me­mory of Man. All Persons of whom I inquir'd for the cause of this Wonder, told me nothing else, but that it was a Talisman, and that there was some hidden Treasure.

A little further, towards the South, upon the same Mountain, are to be seen the Ruines of an ancient Monastery, dedicated to S. Severus, Patri­arch of Antioch, whom the Copties reverence as a Saint, because he maintain'd the Doctrine of Dioscorus their Patriarch, whose opinions they fol­low. The Bishop of Siut told me, that heretofore three hundred and threescore Monks inhabited in this Monastery, who employed themselves in seeking for the Philosopher Stone, and in the works of Chymistry; an excellent Employment for such as have left the World, and forsaken their Riches.

My return from Siut to Momfallot.

THE 26th of March I return'd to Momfallot, with an intent to take Boat for Girge, and continue my Travels farther. I enter'd into the Town about noon; as soon as I was in my former Lodging, a Man of my acquaintance gave me no­tice that the Christians of that place, those very Persons to whom I had been recommended by their Patriarch, had accused me to the Cascief, and told him that I was a rich Franc, who made it my business to run up and down the Land, to discover [Page 229]where the Treasures were hid, to inform the King of France, who intended to come and Con­quer Egypt. This Friend said also that the Cas­cief had commanded to take me, where ever I should be found.

This wicked news made me think upon a re­treat, and at that time there was no conveniency to go by Water to Girge, and because the Cascief might have sooner taken me on that side, his Ju­risdiction reaching a great way; I went back to Melave, because his Dominion was but narrow thitherward. I took that way to return to Cairo, the place of my ordinary abode, whither I went by Land; for I had been by Water before.

At our going out of Momfallot we went by Om il Cossur, a Village, where great Mountains of Ruines are to he seen. We left next at our left hand, the signs of the ancient Town Cossie, which is called by the Greek Authors Apollonopolis. We went by Sennabo next, which is a very good and populous Town. We saw Biblau, Bamib, and af­ter Sun set we came to Tarut Isscerif, a great Vil­lage, where we were entertained gratis by an A­rabian Lord, who keeps an House of Hospitality, called in that Tongue Beit diafe, to lodge Stran­gers, that will stay there a night, with their Beasts. He entertains them at his own charge.

The next day, the 28th of the Month, after that I had returned thanks to my Benefactor, I went streight to Melave. At our going out of Tarut Is­scerif, I went through the Channel of Joseph's Ri­ver on foot, for there it begins. I went next to Tanuf, a Village, where some Ruines are yet to be seen; and about noon we were at Melave, where I lodged at the Occale, or Inn, that is near the [Page 230]Market-place, at the West-side of the Town, near the great Mosque; and because the upper Cham­bers were all taken up by Turks, I was obliged to lodge in a very low Room, where I met with ma­ny inconveniences, because it was near the Door, at the passage of all comers and goers.

Wednesday, the 29th of the Month, the Turks begin the Feast called Eid il dehie, or the Easter of the Victims; for they use to kill Sheep during this Festival, and give the Flesh to the Poor for Gods sake. This Festival continues three days, during which time the Copties buy no Victuals from the Mahometans, nor Bread, Wine, Flesh, Coffee, nor Water. By this they discover their abhorrency of that Religion; for thereby they shun all oc­casions of communicating with them.

At Melave I got acquaintance with an Arch-Priest of that place, called Nassr alla. He was the honestest, civilest, and ablest Man that I ever knew of that Nation. There are about seven hundred Caraches, or Heads, that pay Tribute. They have there a Church, dedicaced to S. Mi­chael, which is but little, poor, and obscure.

The River Nilus swallowed up heretofore the ancient Melave, and now the River runs in the place where that Town stood. The Town now is built in another place, where was anciently a Wood that was a retreat for Robbers.

A Voyage into the Lower Thebes.

I Was loth to return to Cairo without seeing the Country of the Lower Thebes, or at least a part of it, seeing that I was so near it; I resolv­ed therefore to follow the advice of my Friend, [Page 231]the Arch-Priest, and to go to the Monastery of Abuhennis il Kessir, or of S. John the little, where­of he was Governour, scituate near the ancient Town Insine, on the East-side of Nilus, about an hours travelling from Melave, to see the Rarities thereabouts.

Saturday, the first of April, I went from Me­lave to this Monastery; and the next day, being our Easter-Sunday, I got a Guide to lead me upon the Mountain, which is behind, on the East-side, to see the Caves of the ancient Hermites that are round about, and near to the Town, which have given to it the name of Thebes, as we shall see in the following discourse.

I went into many of these Caves that were all very large. I saw nothing worthy of notice, but in some certain Crosses graven in the Rock; and upon the Walls of one I saw two Angels, holding up with their hands a Cross in the Air.

The only thing that pleas'd me among these Caves, was a Monastery, with a Church, all cut in a firm Rock. The Vault of the Church was smooth, and the Paving very even. The Walls were painted in an antick fashion, with the Hi­stories of the New Testament, with Images of Hermites, and Saints, whose names were writ­ten underneath in Coptick Letters. At the end of the Church, Southward, I saw a Cross cut in the Rock, with a Greek Inscription, in ancient Cha­racters. And upon the Walls of another Cave, at a little distance from this Church, and higher, a­bout the top of the Mountain, I sound also ano­ther graven upon the Wall; and near this, two others, which are all Epitaphs of Abbots there Interr'd. I could not cause them to be put here, [Page 232]because the Printer would not be at the charge of the Characters.

April the third, being Monday in Easter Week, I went to the ancient Town of Insine, called in the Copties Dictionaries Antinoe, and Thebes.

I went to see first the Tomb of Mahomet Bey, a Bey of Girge, about fourteen years ago. When he took arms against Pacha Gaze, he was defeat­ed at Melave, and his men forsook him; he was taken and strangled. His Tomb is out of the City in the common burying place, and though there is nothing there extraordinary, I was desirous to see it, because he hath been, and is yet in great reputation amongst the Inhabitants for his Ju­stice and good Government, which hath caused him to be lamented by all the Ʋpper Egypt.

When I had seen this Tomb, I walked into the Town, and the first thing that I took notice of, as a great Antiquity, was the Pillar of Marcus Aurelius. Its bottom is above five foot, the four uppermost are all even, and the fifth below is a­dorned with carved leaves. In the Basis is a Greek Inscription containing thirteen lines.

I saw near this Pillar the pieces of three o­thers, very much resembling this, but broken down; there was nothing of them standing but the Basis of one.

From the Pillar I went to see the Arch of Tri­umph, which is almost all standing. I took a de­light to climb up to it by a little pair of Stairs winding up in the Wall of the Arch, containing fifty steps, or thereabouts. I rested my self at the greatest Window which is upon the chief Vault, where I had the satisfaction to discover all its ruines, and the scituation of this Town, heretofore so famous.

This Arch is alone, and altogether separated from the other Ruines, and about four paces from the River Nilus; but for want of an Inscription, none knows for whom, and by whom it hath been rais'd. It is not inrich'd with carved Works, as those of Orange and Rome; nevertheless it is one of the most beautiful that I have ever seen.

One of its fronts hath eight and forty foot in breadth, and one of its sides four and twenty. The great Vault in the middle, which is between two little ones, is about 16 foot broad, and each of the two little ones seven foot. The thickness of the Wall which is between the great and the little Vaults, which is but one stone, is of six foot and two inches: The thickness which is between the little Vault, and the outward Angle of the Arch, is of five foot: The front that looks to­wards Nilus, is on the South-East side.

There is yet fourteen Pillars of Marble on the left hand of this Arch, in a streight line towards the River; some of them have their Capitals, others have lost them; some are joyned to the Huts of some Arabians that dwell there. On the same side, towards the Monastery of Abuhennis, are to be seen three beautiful Pillars of Porphyry standing; some of them have their tops; a fourth lies along the ground near by.

In the Mosque of this Town is a Sciech, or Saint, whom the Arabians call Sciech Abade, for whom they have a great Veneration, for they be­lieve him to have been a Mahometan; but they are much deceived, he was a Christian, a Bishop of Isne, he suffered Martyrdom at Isne. They have called him Sciech Abade, by an error which the Sir-name of this Bishop hath caused. He was cal­led [Page 234] Ammonius il Abed, or the devout Ammonius. The Arabians, through a mistake of the word Abed, making it a proper name, whereas it is but an appellative, have called him Sciech Abade. His Reliques are kept in the Heikel of this Church, which now is a Mosque.

I went afterwards to take a view of a magni­ficent Palace, called by the Arabians Abulkerun, or the horned Building, because, as I think, the Pil­lars that are before this Palace have Capitals, whereof the Angles are so great, that they ap­pear as so many Horns to the beholders, which the word Kern signifies. But when I had viewed so many old Reliques, I was so weary, that I re­turned to the Monastery; and the rather, because of the violent heat, with an intent to return ano­ther day, and examine all things more exactly.

Tuesday the fourth of April, I went with my ordinary Guide to see the Vadigamus, and the Caves that are there. Vadigamus is a narrow Val­ley, between two Mountains, which are as high as one another, and flat on the top. This Valley is like a Bugle, from whence I believe this Valley hath borrowed the name; for the word Vadiga­mus signifies the Valley of the Bugle. At the be­ginning it hath a large entrance, which answers to a great sandy Plain, which is at one side of the Monastery of Abuhennis. It stretches it self Southwards, about half an hours travelling over: Afterwards it riseth by degrees to the top of the Mountains, where it unites and joyns them, and represents the bottom of a Sack.

On both sides of these two Mountains that face one another, are two Ranks of Caves, each Rank containing fifty Caves, or thereabouts, [Page 235]which make one hundred Caves upon each Moun­tain. I enter'd into some of them that were so high, that three long Pikes tyed to one another would not have reach'd to the top: They are ve­ry large, but without order within, and uneven, and not perfectly square.

I have wondered at the capricious designs of the Ancient Egyptians, to make such wide Caves so high, and so numerous, yielding so little con­veniency to the Inhabitants, for they are made upon the steep Mountains of Sand, far from Towns and Water, digg'd in the dark and main Rocks. If I had not perus'd the History of Said ibn Patrik, who saith, that the Pharaoh's, Kings of Egypt, imployed the Israelites in digging in these Mountains, I should be of the opinion of the Country people, who believe that all these Caves have been made by Devils, who have been thereunto forced by Conjurers, this Art having been always much practis'd in Egypt; for one would think that it is not possible for men to make them: and I dare say, that when a Traveller hath seen all the Curiosities of Egypt, if he hath not seen these Mountains and Caves of the Pro­vince of Thebes, he hath seen nothing.

Wednesday the fifth of the Month, I went again to Insine, to look upon its Ruines with more ex­actness, and chiefly upon the Pillars that stand before the Abulkerun, on the North-west side.

There are in all four before the front of this Palace, which heretofore was very magnificent, but now there remains but little, incompassed a­bout with the Ruines. Two of these Pillars are on the one side of the door, and two on the o­ther; three are yet standing, only a third part of [Page 236]the fourth appears: they are made of a certain white sandy stone, which is taken out of the Mountains near this Town: they are hollow on the sides, from the bottom to the middle, but the rest upwards is smooth: the bottom or bulk is nigh thirteen foot about; their Capitals are of two pieces, seven foot in Diameter; every bot­tom is of five pieces, and every piece is seven foot long.

There was behind this Palace, on the South-East side, four other Pillars of the same bigness, form, and substance; but they are overthrown. I could scarce discern where their Basis stood: the Pillar of Marcus Aurelius stands at the North-West side of this old Palace.

The same day I went again to see the Pillar of Marcus Aurelius; its Basis is thirteen foot high, made up with eight ranks of stones; the first and lowest is half in the ground, and half out; the second is two foot high; the third a foot and eight inches; the fourth, fifth, and sixth, upon which is the Inscription, each two foot and two inches; the seventh bends out; the eighth is the immediate Basis upon which the Pillar stands: This Basis is five foot long, and two foot and ten inches high; it is square in the bottom, in the middle Octogone, or of eight Angles, and in the top Oval: upon this stone is the bottom of the Pillar, which is made up of five pieces; the lowermost is beautified with Oaken leaves car­ved in the stone; I have never seen the like else­where, it is three foot and a half high; the four other pieces are of seven foot each, and three inches long; the Diameter of the Pillar is of three foot and seven inches; the Capital is of [Page 237]one stone, three foot and an inch high; the Cir­cumference is of seven foot; upon the Capital stands an unpolish'd stone, four foot and two inches long, and three foot high.

I perceived that in this Town heretofore there hath been two Streets more remarkable than the others; one begun at the Abulkerun, and ended at the four Pillars of Marcus Aurelius, stretching from East to North. This Street was adorned with two ranks of Pillars, one rank in each side: the second begins at the Arch of Triumph, which is at one end of the Town, at the South-East, drawing to the North-East. These Streets are very long, large, streight, and full of ruines of stately Palaces.

About three a Clock in the Afternoon, I went the third time to see the Monastery digg'd in the Rock, mentioned before. I have always taken a great delight to view it, because the sight of it moved my Devotion: It stands about half an hours travelling a-foot from the Monastery of Abuhennis, where I was, and East from this Mo­nastery.

In Insine, as well as in the Caves of the Moun­tains round about, are to be seen in the ground great Pots, in which the ancient Inhabitants of this Province kept their Wines: They have an Ear at each side, and are sharp at the bottom, that they might be sixed in the ground: my Guide found many, which he brought to me; but the Wine was dried within, and as black as Pitch: I have sent two of them to Paris.

The seventh of April, the Good-Friday of the Copties, I went with my Guide to see the Caves that are near the Monastery of Amba Biscioi, a­bout [Page 238]a mile from the Convent, towards the South.

The first remarkable thing that I saw, was the Hieroglyphick Cave, which the Country people commonly call the Church. I conceive this mi­stake proceeds from the Crosses which are paint­ed every where within.

To go into this Cave, one must pass through another before it. This was heretofore very beautiful and great, but now it is much decayed. The top is fallen down; there remains nothing but the two side-walls, full of Hieroglyphick Fi­gures graven in the Rock; some are great, others are little, others are of a moderate size, but all very clean in good order.

From thence is a passage into the Hierogly­phick Cave, which I believe was a Temple of the Heathens: It is square, very smooth within, cut in the Rock, sour Perches long, three Perches and one foot broad, and two Perches high: The door that leads into it is four foot and a half large. In this Cave, over against the door, is a hole in the Wall, of a Perch and a foot deep, and four foot broad, and a Perch and one foot and eight inches high. This Cave is full of Images in the Walls, and above, which represent their Sciences by Emblemes, and Hieroglyphick Fi­gures, with very little Characters in their Lan­guage round about. The colours of them are so beautiful and lively, that I could not but wonder how they could continue so fresh, during so ma­ny Ages.

Besides this great number of Characters there painted, are to be seen some lines of the same little Characters very clean carved in the Wall, [Page 239]some reaching from one end to the other, others from the top to the bottom. These Characters, and Figures, are so numerous, that they are not to be drawn by any in less than a Months time.

Under these two Caves there is a rank of o­thers in the Rock, very even within, but they are without Figures, and less, and not so high as the former; for they are but six foot high. In the bottom of every Cave is a Well, square, and deep in the Rock, into which one may go down by the means of holes, or steps, made on purpose in both sides of every Well. And in the bottom of every Well is an Alley in the Rock, but because these Alleys are durty and obscure, none of our Company would venture to go down. In the Walls of some of these Caves are square holes, six foot deep, and two foot broad, about the bigness of a Coffin; which makes me believe that the Egyp­tians did put here their dead in these Caves.

A little farther, towards the South, is another large Cave. I saw on the left hand an Hierogly­phick Picture in the Wall, with thirteen lines un­derneath, of Characters cut in the Picture.

From this Cave, which is at the end of the Moun­tain, towards the South, we went back to the Mo­nastery of Abuhennis; and in our way we saw all the Caves that are in order upon this Mountain, as far as the place where the Vadigamus begins. We saw no rarity, only some painted Crosses, in red, roughly drawn; from whence we gathered, that heretofore they have served as Churches.

By the differing Workmanship of these Caves, one may easily distinguish such as have been made by the ancient Egyptians, by the Christians, and Anchorites that caused this Province to flourish; [Page 240]for the former are very regular, out within, with much care, and smooth; but the others are rough, and irregular.

And because the Country People think that there is no Cave without a rich Treasure, the A­rabians have digg'd every where, and spoil'd also the Hieroglyphick Cave, which is named the Church. They have so much undermin'd the Walls that some of the top is fallen down, and the Rain hath spoiled some of the Emblems, and Characters that adorned the Wall. And, as if Time had not blotted out enough, they have put out the Eyes of the Images, and Figures, in a bru­tish manner, natural to them. I was highly dis­pleas'd to see this; for were it not for this bru­tality, this beautiful Cave would have kept it self▪ entire till now.

When we had staid nine days in the Monastery of Abuhennis, I return'd to Melave, the 8th of A­pril; from whence I went, the 15th of the same Month, to Minie, altering my first design to go by Land; for I saw that it would be too painful, and too dangerous.

Minie, in the Arabian Books called Miniet ibn chassit, is an ancient, great, and beautiful Town, on the West-side of Nilus. Its Antiquity appears by its old Buildings, by its strait Streets, so nar­row that two Men can scarce to a-breast. In this Town the Bardaques, or Water-pots, are made, which are highly esteem'd at Cairo, for their fa­shion, and property, to cool Water. They are made with a kind of Clay, taken about a days Journey from thence, on the East-side of Nilus, in a place called Sciech fadl, from the name of a religious Mahometan there Interr'd.

The 19th of this Month, I went aboard a Ves­sel, bound for Benesuef; a good Wind carried us a great way in a little space of time. At nine a Clock we were over against Gebel Teir, or the Mountain of Birds; so called, because at a set day of the year, all the Birds round about meet in a place, where a Talisman draws them together from all sides, and causeth them to stay there one day; when they have continued there till night, they all fly away, one excepted, which remains there, the Bill fixed in the Rock, till the same day the next year; at which time it falls down, and another takes its place.

When we pass'd over against this Mountain, I saw on the top a Stone, which is called the Camel, because, at a distance, it is like a Camel. A lit­tle further in our way, we discover'd Taka, or the Window, or a great hole which Nature hath made in the Rock, like a Window; which serves as a passage for the Birds when they go to their Ren­dezvous whither the Talisman draws them, as the People of the Country say, and their Historians affirm.

When the Moors are come to this Window, they use to say the Chapter of the Fatha, or first Chapter of the Alcoran, for the poor People, who live, as they say, in this part of the Mountain, as Beasts, feeding upon nothing but raw Herbs. Af­ter Dinner we went by Bene Mohammed il Kifur, a Village scituate on the West-side of Nilus. O­ver against it is an old Monastery, ruinated; and a little further appear a great many Caves, upon the Mountain near by. After we had pass'd by an old Castle destroyed, we went to lye at Be­nemzar, a great Village, scituate on the West-side [Page 242]of Nilus, this River having wash'd away almost half the Buildings.

We went from thence, Thursday morning, the 20th of April, with a South-East Wind, fit to carry us to Benesuef. It was yet in the morning when we sailed before Heggiar Selame, which is a Bank in the River Nilus. Over against it are the Ruines of an ancient Town, and the Tomb of a Sciech, or Saint. About noon we were near the Ruines of another ancient Town, called Medinet Giahel, which stands at the East of Nilus; there are to be seen yet several Remains of Houses, made up with Bricks dried in the Sun. Over a­gainst it is Feggen, a Village often mention'd in a Book called Sinaxar. After Dinner a strong Wind arose, and forced us to stop at Bebe, a great Village which is near Benesuef, where we found incamped a Troop of Arabians, called Ateijat, with whom I pass'd the rest of the day in dis­course.

Friday, the 21th of the Month, we arriv'd at Benesuef, where we continued till the next day; and on the 24th of the Month I returned to Caire, without seeing Isne, as I had an intent.

But that the Reader may know what rarities are to be seen in this Town, and round about, I have here added that which hath been taken no­tice of by Father Portais, a Capuchin, in the year 1668. according to the account given me by the Reverend Father Francis, his Brother, and Compa­nion in his Travels. M. Thevenot hath already inserted it in his Collection of Travels, printed at Paris, in Folio; but not so large, nor with th [...] Particulars here added.

Of all the Towns of the Upper Egypt, wher [...] [Page 243]the Copties have Churches, that of Isne is the fur­thest from Cairo. It is built at the West-side of Nilus, upon a Hill that stretches along the River. It may be judged to be an ancient Town, by a Temple of Pagans yet standing. The Copties have there two Churches, but very poor; one is dedicated to the blessed Virgin, and the other to S. Pelagius. The Christian Copties here may make twenty Caraches in number; they are all Wea­vers, and ruled by two Arch-Priests, the one na­med Matthew, and the other Soliman.

Half a mile from Isne is to be seen a Convent, which the Copties say hath been built by S. Helena, dedicated to the holy Martyrs of this Town, whom the Governour of Dioclesian Massacred in such numbers, that their dead Corpses cover­ed fourscore Fiddans, or Acres of Ground. Round about this Burying-place are to be seen Tombs curiously wrought, which they say were erected by this holy Empress.

Three leagues from Isne is another Convent, dedicated to S. Matthew, where are four or five Tombs, like those that we come from mention­ing. Upon an Altar Stone of a little Chappel, dedicated to St. Michael the Arch-Angel, we sound some Characters which were not Hyero­glyphick, in a Language that we understood not.

About eleven leagues on this side of Isne, at the East of Nilus, is to be seen Tuot, a great Town, where is a Temple of the ancient Egyptians.

Twelve leagues from Tuot, at the West of Ni­lus, is Arment, heretofore a great Town, but now forsaken and ruinated. They call it in Arabick Beled Muse, or the Country of Moses, because the Egyptians believe that Moses was born here. [Page 244]Here is under ground an ancient Temple.

Two leagues on this side of Tuot, are two Vil­lages very famous; namely, Luxor, and Luxor il Kadim, or the old Luxor; they are about half a league from one another.

At Luxor is to be seen the Remains of an an­cient, and beautiful Temple of the Egyptians, in which are threescore and eighteen Pillars of a prodigious bigness, chiefly fourteen, placed in rank, two and two; so big that six Men can scarce embrace them, but they are but six Perches high.

The bottom of this Temple is yet entire; here are several Chambers, and separations, whereof the Walls are full, from the top to the bottom, of Figures roughly drawn, and Hieroglyphick Let­ters carved over. Before the Door stands two Needles, square, and very high and entire; so fresh that one would think that the Workman hath newly finish'd them. They are on every side eight foot broad.

Near their Basis are two Statues of Women, of black Marble; and though they be half under ground, to the Girdle, they stand out as high as three Men.

Their bigness is answerable to their height; for there is twelve foot from one shoulder to ano­ther. They have a strange kind of covering up­on their heads, with a Globe on the top. Their Faces are disfigur'd, the rest is whole.

The description of the Frontispiece of this Temple, is with the other Pictures.

At the old Luxor is a very ancient Palace. Its Ruines shew that it hath been very glorious. They say, that here dwelt one of the ancient Kings of Egypt. In the Walks of this Palace are to be seen [Page 245]many Sphinxes, in ranks, on both sides of the Al­leys, two foot from one another, looking upon the Alley. They have every one, one and twen­ty foot in length. This Palace hath four Walks, that answer to four Gates. In the first are one hundred and twenty Sphinxes, threescore in each side; and in the second are one hundred and two, one and fifty in aside. Every Walk is about the length of a place to play at Mall. the Gates of the Palace are extraordinary high, made with the most beautiful Stones in the World; one of the sides of the Gate is six and twenty foot high. (I find in another Copy of this Relation, that it hath thirty six foot.) The Palace is so defaced, that there is no order, nor beauty, that appears; nevertheless there are so many curious things in it, that no Man in a Month, can take a full view of them; for there is above a Million of Figures, roughly drawn; some are covered over, others appear with an open face. Here are also a great many Pillars; I counted, saith the Father, in a Par­lour threescore, which are all so great, that five Men can scarce embrace one of them about.

In the Court of the Palace is a Bason garnished about with beautiful Stones, and full of a bitter VVater, which, as the People say, whitens Li­nen very well. I tried it, saith the Father, by dipping into it my Handkerchief, which kept above four days the smell of Soap. At one Front of the Palace are two Statues of a Giant, of one Stone, as white as Alabaster. They have Swords by their sides. In the middle of the Palace is a­nother, as high as three Men, not well pollish'd, but well proportioned.

A league on this side there is an ancient Town, [Page 246]called Habu, where are to be seen many rari­ties, chiefly Mommies. At a distance one may there discover two Statues; one of a Man, the other of a VVoman. The Country People call that Sciama, and this Tama, They seem to be at least as big as the Abulhon, or the Sphinx over against Cairo. Near this place is a Village, where is to be seen two Statues from the River Nilus, so new that one would think the Workman had just perfected them.

Thirteen leagues on this side of the old Luxor, is a Town named Neggade, where is a Bishop with about seventy Families of Christian Copties. Here is yet three Monasteries, one is called Deir il Salib, or the Monastery of the holy Cross; the second Deir il Megma; the third Deir Mary Poctor; but these two last are not inhabited.

Two miles from Neggade, on the East-side of Nilus, is the ancient Town of Kus; but here are but threescore Christian Copties, who have here a Church, dedicated to S. Stephen.

Six leagues from Neggade, on this side, is Ken­ne, a Village scituate on the Eastern Bank of Ni­lus. It is a Mart-Town, and the Rendezvous of the Caravans that go from Cairo to Cosseir, hereto­fore named Berenice, four days Journies from this Village, and a Haven of the Red-Sea. The Christians that live at Kenne are very poor, and without any Church.

Two leagues on this side of Kenne is the an­cient Town of Tentiris, now called Dendera, where is a wonderful Temple of the ancient Egyptians, of a prodigious bigness and height. It is to be seen at two leagues distance.

Macrizi saith, that it hath as many Windows [Page 247]as there are days in the year: They are so plac'd, that every one answers to a degree of the Zodi­ack; so that the Sun rising in a differing degree every day of the Zodiack, it sends in its Beams into a distinct Window from the day before: And when at the end of the year it hath finish'd and run through every degree of the Zodiack, it hath also from the East cast in its Beams into e­very Window of this Temple: For this cause it is look'd upon as a Wonder in Egypt.

Ten Leagues on this side of Dendera, at the West of Nilus, is Cassr, a Village where is an old Convent, dedicated to Amba Balamon: Over a­gainst this Village is the ancient Town Hu, where is yet a Convent dedicated to S. Menna, but there was then no Priest.

Two Leagues on this side of Hu, on the same Bank is Bahgiura, at a little distance from the River: Its Port is called Sahel; there is two Convents, one dedicated to S. Bidabe, the other to S. George. At two Leagues on this side of Bahgiura, on the same Bank, is the Village Be­liene, where is a very beautiful Church under ground, dedicated to the Blessed Virgin. Girge, the chief Town of the Ʋpper Egypt, stands six Leagues from Beliene on this side.

Here ends the Relation of Father Portais. I could wish that this good man had given us a more exact account, and more at large of the Rarities that he saw in these places, for this Re­lation is superficial.

The 14th of June, I went at Cairo to see the Inchanted watering place, called in Arabick, Houd il merasset, which is under the Mosque of the Pa­lace, [Page 248]called Kalet it Kebsch, no Taveller hath o­ver spoken of it.

It is a black Marble-stone, made like a Water­ing place, seven foot long, arising out of the ground about a foot and a half: The sides, with­in and without, are adorned with little Hiero­glyphick Letters, as well as the Brims. The peo­ple of Cairo say, that in the time of the ancient Egyptians, the sick people did recover their health by drinking Water out of it; and that by the virtue of a Rassem, or Charm, which the Priests of Egypt had given to it.

The 20th of this Month I went to see the won­derful Well which is in the Castle, commonly na­med Joseph's Well. Its top is square, very large, cut in the Rock; it is about one hundred and twenty Perches deep, the Perch containing six foot. The water is drawn out with two Wheels, the one plac'd at the Mouth of the Well, and the other about threescore and fifteen Perches under­neath. There are two Oxen at each Wheel to turn them; the lowest, which is fifty Perches a­bove the water, serves to draw the water into a Bason there on purpose; and from thence, the upper Wheel draws the water to the top. The Beasts that work there, go up and down very commodiously by a great large Path, which re­ceives the light through Windows cut on that side which looks to the water.

The Arabian Authors call it Bir haleizun, or the Snails Well, because there is a Path-way that winds round about. The people commonly say, that it was digg'd by Spirits; I am almost incline­able to believe it, for I cannot conceive how men can compass so wonderful a work.

The Waters, as the Guardian told me, come out of the firm Rock, and yet increase and de­crease as the River Nilus: But I have heard o­thers say, that they come out of the great Aque­duct which is in old Cairo. Because I could not un­derstand the truth of it, I wish that some other Traveller would inform himself better.

They that think that Joseph, Jacob's Son, cau­sed it to be digged, are deceived, for the Castle of Cairo was built many Ages after Joseph's death; and it is the common opinion of all the Arabian Authors, that Joseph dwelt at Memphis, which was on the other side of the River, near the Py­namids, and not on this side where Cairo stands.

The 9th of this Month they cryed about Town Ouf alla, that the River was risen sixteen Cubits high. The next day, being S. Laurences day, they cut through the Calitz with Ceremony; but there was no great rejoycings, because the Pacha had observ'd that before, and every Pacha performs it but once in his time.

On the 18th of the same Month there hap­pen'd a mischance to a French Merchant, which discovers the wonderful jealousie of the Turks. As this Merchant was taking the air at a Win­dow of his house in the Even, on the Calitz side, a Janissary that lived over against him, thinking that he made signs to his Women and Slaves, shot off a Pistol at him, and wounded him in the hand. The French Consul could never obtain from the Justice of Cairo to cause this Villain to be punish'd.

On the first of September, Monsieur de Bonne­corse, before Consul of Seyda, succeeded to Mon­sieur [Page 250] de Tyger, before Consul at Cairo, and landed at Boulac, in the company of many great Mer­chants, upon a great Bark well trim'd, with a Flag of the Arms of France on the Main Mast.

At his arrival he saluted Boulac with five lit­tle Brass-Pieces of Canon, which were at the Stern of his Ship. He landed not at the Douane, for the Consuls are free from that Visit, but in a pleasant house upon the River, near the Douane, until he had got leave from the Pacha to go to Cairo. As soon as he had received it, he mount­ed on Horseback without more ado, and rode in­to the City, with all the Merchants of his Nation riding on Asses. The Pacha sent none to bid him welcome; only the Venetian Consul sent his Ser­vants to meet him, and his Horse.

The same day, one of those Swimmers, whom I have already mentioned, swum all along the Calitz, according to the Custom.

On the seventh of the Month, Ibrahim Pacha went from Cairo in Pomp.

On the 29th, I went with Monsieur Bonnecorse to Adelia, a Suburb of Cairo, on the North-East side, where are the Tombs of the Kings of Egypt, to see the coming in of the new Pacha.

It is not amiss to mention here two Customs, which all the Pacha's ought to observe when they come first to this Government, and when they leave it.

Every Pacha, before he enters into Cairo, is bound to visit the Tomb of Sciech il Sciafei, who is buried in the Caraffe, for he is the Protector of the Ottoman Family; for the Turks following the Doctrines of the Mahometan Religion, believe [Page 251]that he is able to obtain for them from their Pro­phet, a happy and peaceable Government: And when they depart, they are bound to render the same respects to the Tomb of Sultan Cajed Bey, though an Enemy of the Ottoman Race, and one of the last lawful Kings of Egypt, to thank him, because he had suffered his Government to be without disorders and disgrace.

These two Customs are so Religiously to be observed by the Pacha's that the people of Cairo say, that they have seen some that have neglected or contemned them, to have been sud­denly deposed, and to have met with unhappi­ness in their time.

I have heard say, that when Sultan Selimus had overcome the Mamelucs, he was afraid to go into Cairo, to take possession of his Conquest, till Sciech il Sciafei appeared to him, to assure him, that he need not fear any thing. And that the next day when he made his Entry, an unknown person led his Horse by the Bridle into the Town, and then vanish'd away.

When I had continued in so incommodious a City, as Cairo is to the Francs, twenty Months, the fear of some mishap which might have befallen me if the Turks had known that I bought up their Books, caused me to think upon my depar­ture; and to secure my self, I imagin'd Constanti­nople to be the most fit for my purpose. I resol­ved therefore to go thither: I left Cairo the 12th of October, 1673. to sail to Rosetta; and because the River was then fullest, a good Wind and a strong Current carried us thither in two Nights and a day. From thence, I went aboard the same [Page 252]day in a Vessel of a Greek bound for Constantino­ple. I landed at Chio, an Island of the Archipe­lague, the 25th of November, where I staid two Months and a few days, wondering at the de­lightsomness of this Island, and at the Civility of the Inhabitants to Strangers: I went to visit tho famous Monastery of the Religious Greeks of Neamoni, or of the Blessed and Only Virgin: I saw the Library, and all the other Rarities of the I­sland. From thence I went to Smyrna, the 27th of January, 1674. where I arrived the second of February, and staid till the 13th of March. Then I went aboard with Sir John Finch, the King of Englands Embassadour of Constantinople, where I arrived the 24th of March, being Holy Satur­day.

The 24th of July I went from Constantinople to the City Brousse, called by the Europeans Bursia, the chief Town of Bythinia, and the ancient Seat of the Ottoman Emperours, to see the Hot Baths, the Tombs, and the stately Mosques of these Em­perours: I staid there about eight days. On the fourth of September I went to the Isle of Chio the second time, to see the gathering up of the Ma­stick, a sweet Gum, which begins the 14th of this Month, according to the Greek computation; and the 28th of October I returned to Constanti­nople.

On the second of January, 1676. the day that I was to depart with the Caravan to Aleppo, that I might return the third time to Cairo, I found my self oblig'd to go back for France; and be­cause there was then no French Ships in that Ha­ven bound for France, only a small Bark loaden [Page 253]and bound for Lisbon, which was gone out of the Haven to wait for a good wind at the Islands near by. I went aboard that Vessel, with an in­tent to leave her at the first Port of the Archi­pelague, where I might find some French Vessel bound for France. I found one according to my desire; for a furious Storm forced us to run into Suda, in the Island of Candy. The 18th of this Month, I had news from the French Consul of Canea, that there was a Vessel of Provence ready to set Sail for Thoulon; I left therefore my Bark, to ride to Canea, in the company of many Persons on Horseback, whom the Consul sent to meet me. The 24th we set fail for Milo, where we arrived the 26th day of the Month: There we stopt eight days. The 20th of February we landed at Genoa, where we staid one day; and the 24th of this Month we arrived happily at Thoulon, and the 22th of April I returned to Pa­ris, after five full years Travelling.

FINIS.

THE INDEX.

A
  • ABukelb. Page 127
  • Aduvie. Page 150
  • Agiasma. Page 158
  • Abulife. Page 162
  • Aleppo. Page 2
  • Amsus. Page 6
  • Abulad il Arab. Page 8
  • Argenus. Page 42
  • Abeid. Page 44
  • St. Anthonies Monast. Page 177
  • Amru. Page 78
  • Apparitions. Page 96
  • Arabians. Page 99
  • Alexandria. Page 106
  • Amba Biscioi. Page 137
  • Amba Bersum il Erian. Page 149
  • Amba scinude. Page 148
  • Arsinoe. Page 156
  • Abutig. Page 221
B
  • BƲni. Page 44
  • Birds of Egypt. Page 63
  • Bogas. Page 66
  • Babylon in Egypt. Page 81
  • Bedunis. Page 111
  • Bladders. Page 124
  • Bahr Joseph. Page 153
  • Bijakmuh. Page 157
  • Bibig. Page 158
  • Benesuef. Page 213
C
  • CƲs. Page 3
  • Coptus. Page 4
  • Canopus. Page 6
  • Caliphs. Page 7
  • Copties. Page 10
  • Casciefs. Page 16
  • Crocodile. Page 44
  • Cheirbek. Page 50
  • Cairo. Page 72
  • [Page]Cassr Isscemma. Page 79. and 143
  • Cateia. Page 81
  • Caraffa. Page 81
  • Caves. Page 90
  • Commodities of Egypt. Page 119
  • Carpets. Page 124
  • Coppers. Page 125
  • Cloaths. Page 126
  • Corals. Page 127
  • Casciabe. Page 166
  • Calitz. Page 168
  • Caravan of Pilgrims go­ing for Mecha. Page 210
  • Churches in Egypt. Page 217
D
  • DOlphins. Page 45
  • Doum. Page 61
  • Damietta. Page 67
  • Diast. Page 95
  • Drink. Page 219
  • Doveine. Page 220
  • Doveider. ib.
E
  • EGypt. Page 3
  • Egyptians. Page 25
  • Emir Hag. Page 212
F
  • FIshes of Nil. Page 44
  • Focaca. ib.
  • Fostat. Page 79
  • Fuva. Page 103
  • Fondego. Page 107
  • Fruits. Page 120
  • Flowers. Page 121
  • Feathers. Page 122
  • Fish. ib.
  • Fium. Page 148
  • Fatir. Page 200
  • Fatha. Page 178
G
  • GIauher. Page 73
  • Gebel il Mokat­tam. Page 74
  • Gates of Cairo. ib.
  • Giama il assar. Page 76
  • Granaries of the Grand Seignior. Page 80
  • Gemiane. Page 95
  • Gums. Page 118
  • Gizey. Page 136
H
  • HOude. Page 44
  • Hasna. Page 59
  • Hilelgie. Page 60
  • Hakein. Page 75
  • [Page]Herbs. Page 121
  • Havara. Page 164
I
  • IChneumon. Page 48
  • Ibrah. Zughi. Page 50
  • Juyces. Page 119
  • Iron. Page 125
  • Ilahun. Page 165
  • Imam. Page 212
  • Amba Johannes. Page 218
K
  • KEschue. Page 44
  • Kern. Page 161
L
  • LErnica. Page 2
  • Lebaca. Page 60
  • S. Lewis. Page 69
  • Linen. Page 123
  • Lead. Page 125
  • Labyrinth. Page 162
M
  • MIsraim 's Child, Page 3
  • Mamaluks. Page 8
  • Moors. Page 9
  • Moneths. Page 21
  • Merissi. Page 22
  • Maltem. Page 25
  • Mikias. Page 39
  • Mansoura. Page 69
  • Mitgamr. Page 71
  • Mousties. Page 77
  • Mekaukes. Page 78
  • Mommies. Page 89
  • Maadie. Page 104
  • Mareotis. Page 109
  • Minerals. Page 124
  • Meidins. Page 128
  • Monastery of S. Maca­rius. Page 129
  • Ma-Tarea. Page 138
  • Mez le din alla. Page 142
  • Mary Girges. Page 147
  • Mekkin. ib.
  • Mocanan. Page 159
  • Menhi. Page 153
  • Miris, a Lake. Page 161
  • Migre. Page 173
  • Mafruca. Page 201
  • Marriage of the Cop­ties. Page 204
  • Mahmel. Page 207
  • Meschal. Page 211
  • Minie. Page 215
  • Momfallot. Page 216
  • Muallin Athanas. Page 218
  • Marcus Aurel. Pillar. Page 231
  • Mahomet Bey. Page 232
N
  • NIcosia. Page 1
  • Noah 's Child. Page 3
  • Nilus. Page 27
  • Naibe, Gaibe. Page 151
  • Necheile. Page 221
O
  • OMara. Page 7
  • Ock. Page 127
  • Om il cossur. Page 229
P
  • PAcha's. Page 50, 51, &c.
  • Plants. Page 62
  • Pigeon-houses. Page 70
  • Pyramides. Page 83
  • Pharaoh. Page 92
  • Portais. Page 94
  • Pietro. Page 102
  • Pompey 's Pillar. Page 111
  • Pewter. Page 125
  • Paper. Page 126
  • A Piaster, what. Page 127
  • A Purse, what. Page 128
  • The Patriarch's Quar­ters. Page 146
Q
  • A Quintal. Page 127
R
  • ROdope. Page 92
  • Rosetta. Page 102
  • Rinds of Trees. Page 120
  • Roots. Page 121
  • Rotols. Page 127
  • Reals. ib.
  • Reus, what. Page 131
  • Revenues of the Grand Seignior. Page 170
  • Rife. Page 220
S
  • SEida. Page 2
  • Sultans. Page 8
  • Saida. Page 13
  • Seasons of Egypt. Page 20
  • Selimus. Page 50
  • Sangiack-Beys. Page 58
  • Sycamore. Page 60
  • Semennut. Page 70
  • Stife. Page 71
  • Suburbs of Cairo. Page 76
  • Sphinx. Page 88
  • Sinai. Page 93
  • Suaguen. Page 102
  • Sinduin. Page 103
  • Seventy Interpreters. Page 108
  • Salt-pits. Page 109
  • Sebaca. ib.
  • Stuffs. Page 122
  • Salts. ib.
  • [Page]Sennuris. Page 160
  • Sequin. Page 128
  • Sodats. Page 175
  • Sine. Page 201
  • Sciechs. Page 208
  • Serarie. Page 214
  • Siut. Page 218
  • Scioth. Page 220
  • Sedafe. Page 221
  • Sennabo. Page 229
  • Sciech Abade. Page 233
T
  • TIrse. Page 48
  • Talismans. Page 50
  • Trees. Page 60
  • Tirut. Page 103
  • Teeth. Page 122
  • Tarane. Page 130
  • Treasure of Egypt. Page 170
  • Tahta. Page 220
  • Tuh-bekerim. Page 220
  • Temeh. Page 221
  • Thebes. Page 231
V
  • VAriole. Page 44
  • Varal. Page 47
  • Vadeh ibn regia. Page 147
  • Vadigamus. Page 234
W
  • WOods. Page 119
  • Wools. Page 122
  • Wine, how made. Page 154
  • Washing of the Cop­ties. Page 205
  • White Monastery. Page 222
FINIS.

Histories, and other Curious Discourses, fit to be Read by Gentlemen. All printed for, and sold by, John Starkey in Fleet-street.

THE Voyages and Travels of the Duke of Holsteins Ambassadours into Moscovy, Tartary, and Persia, begun in the year 1633. and finished in the year 1639. containing a compleat History of those Countries. Whereunto are ad­ded the Travels of Mandelslo, from Persia into the East-Indies, begun in 1638. and finished in 1640. The whole illustrated with divers accurate Maps and Figures. Written originally by Adam Oleari­us, Secretary to the Embassie. Englished by J. Da­vis. The second Edition, in Folio. Price bound 20 s.

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7. A Relation of Three Embassies, from his Ma­jesty Charles II. to the great Duke of Moscovy, the King of Sweden, and the King of Denmark, Per­formed by the Right Honourable the Earl of Car­lisle, in the year 1663. and 1664. By an Attendant on the Embassies. In Octavo. Price bound 4 s.

8. II Nipotismo di Roma, or the History of the Popes Nephews, from the time of Sixtus IV. 1471. to the death of the late Pope Alexander VII. 1667. Written in Italian, and Englished by W. A. Fellow of the Royal Society. The second Edition. In Octavo. Price bound 3 s.

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FINIS.

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