A brief account of the rebellions and bloudshed occasioned by the anti-Christian practices of the Jesuits and other popish emissaries in the empire of Ethiopia collected out of a manuscript history written in Latin by Jo. Michael Wansleben, a learned papist.

A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE Rebellions and Blondſhed Occaſioned by the ANTI-CHRISTIAN PRACTICES OF THE JESUITS And other POPISH EMISSARIES IN THE EMPIRE of ETHIOPIA.

TEsfa Lion, a Native of Ethiopia, in his cloſe to St. John's Goſpel, which he publiſhed, together with the reſt of the New Teſtament, in his Mothertongue (imprinted at Rome in the year of our Lord 1548.) affirms that his Soveraign's Anceſtors were in times paſt Lords of 62 Kingdoms, but their Empire is now reduced to a Third part of its ancient Dimenſions. [A vaſt Region which (though concealed in thoſe inward Receſſes of Africa, neither well known nor oft frequented by us of Europe, yet) may claim a juſt precedency among all the Nations of Chriſtendom, not only for the large extent of its Dominions, but likewiſe for the prime Antiquity of its Converſion to the Chriſtian Faith, or at leaſt its early Notice and participation of that Goſpel whereby it hath been propagated in the World.

For, ſhortly after the Glorious Aſcenſion of our Lord into Heaven, an Eunuch of great Authority under Candace Queen of the Ethiopians] whom the aforementioned Tesfa Zion, without expreſſing by what Authority he doth it, names Lacaſa, and the place of her principal Reſidence Tigra [upon his return from Jeruſalem, whither he had come to worſhip, met with Philip the Evangeliſt in the Deſart of Gaza, who after he had preached unto him JESUS, in the Expoſition of what he then read in the Book of Eſaias the Prophet, baptized him in the next Water they came to as they went on their way; whereof we have an authentick Record in the 8th. Chapter of the Acts of the Holy Apoſtles. And ſince the Spirit of Truth in the ſame Scripture tells us, He went on his way rejoycing, doubtleſs at his journeys end he expreſſed that Joy and its juſt occaſion, in making a publick declaration to his Countrey-men of all that befel him in the way, and ſo he became the firſt Preacher of the Goſpel to that part of the World, though he was not fully qualified to convey all the priviledges that might compleat the Foundation of the Chriſtian Church among them:] For,Vid. Spondan. An. Cbr. 35. N. 9. & 15. the Eunuch wanting the Authority of conferring Holy Orders, (in regard he receiv'd both his Baptiſm and Inſtruction from a Deacon only, and returned home without any Impoſition of the Apoſtles hands) the Abiſſins remained deſtitute of Prieſts or Biſhops till ſuch time as one Abà Seláma arrived in that Countrey; whereofLib. 10. c. 9. Ruffinus in his Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtory writes to this effect:

Meropius a certain Tyrian Philoſopher determining to viſit India, took two Youths to accompany him in his Travels, the one named Aedeſius, the other Frumentius. In his Return he unhappily fell into a Port of Africa, where a barbarous people ſurprized him and his whole Company, and ſlew them all, except the two Lads whom they found Conning their Leſſons under a Tree near the inhoſpitable Harbor, and of theſe they made a Preſent to their Soveraign. Aedeſius was raiſed to the Office of his Cup-bearer, but he advanced Frumentius to be one of his Privy-Council. After that Monarchs death, Frumentius became Protector to the heir during his minority, in which time he made diligent Inquiry among the Roman Merchants that drove a Traffick in thoſe parts for ſuch as were Chriſtians; and theſe he directed and authorized to build divers magnificent Structures for the publick exerciſe of the Chriſtian Religion in more ſolemn Aſſemblies than had there been uſual afore-time. But when the young Prince arrived to ſuch years as qualified him to aſſume the Government, he no ſooner took the Scepter into his own hands, but Aedeſius returned to his Kindred at Tyre; Frumentius travelled to Alexandria in Egypt, where after he had related the State of the Countrey from whence he came to the Patriarch, adviſing him to ſend ſome ſitperſon thither endued with Epiſcopal Dignity and Power, upon a Motion made by Athanaſius (then newly entred into the Order ofAn Ethiopick Hiſtory written by P. Almeyda ſaith be was Patriarch at that time. Ex Chron. Auzumenſi. Prieſthood) the ſame Frumentius was ſent back inveſted with the Authority of a Biſhop, who not only encreaſed the number of Believers by the Apoſtolick Miracles, which he wrought, but eſtabliſhed alſo a Succeſſion of Eccleſiaſtical Officers in thoſe Countreys: Whereupon the Abiſſins, in memory of the ſingular Benefits they received by his Miniſtry, ſtyled him Aba Seláma, i. e. The Father of Peace; [and have ever ſince honour'd the See of Alexandria with the Conſecration of their ſucceſſive Metropolitans.] According to the Abiſſin Chronologies this came to paſs in the Year of Chriſt 356. when two Brothers, whom they name Abriham and Azbiha, raigned together: butAn. Chr. 327. N. 4. Spondanus diſagrees in the Computation of the time, accounting their Raign nine and twenty years ſooner.

From this Aba Seláma, to Abuna Simon who died in the year 1618. they reckon up Ninety five Metropolitans in a continued Succeſſion.

But the Church of Ethiopia, thus planted and eſtabliſhed in the Orthodox Profeſſion of the Goſpel, did not long retain the Catholick Faith in its Purity: for, ſoon after the Council of Chalcedon (which was convened in the year of Chriſt, 451.) had condemned Dioſcorus of Hereſie, from whom, being then Patriarch of Alexandria, (or rather from Jacob Syrus his Scholar, according to their own Confeſſion) the Abiſſins receiv'd the corrupt Opinion of Eutyches; they did not only ſeparate from the Churches of Europe, but proceeded ſo far as to paſs ſentence of Excommunication againſt them, the form whereof my Author out of an Ethiopick Manuſcript which he found ſomewhere in England, tranſlates in theſe words, Maledicta ſit impia Synodus quoe Chalcedone habita eſt: Maledictus ſit qui cum illis communicat, omneſque qui in eâdem ſide cum illis permanent. Nos autem non obedimus Congregationi iſtoe hoereticoe unquam. In Engliſh thus. Let the wicked Synod held at Chalcedon be accurſed: Curſed be he that is of their Communion, and all thoſe that continue in the ſame Faith with them. But we own no Obedience or conformity to that Heretical aſſembly.

From that time till the year 1177. our Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtorians make little mention of the Abiſſins, or any affairs of that Church: except Galviſius in his Opere chron. an. Chr. 451. fol. 462.

But in the forementioned year 1177. Pope Alexander the III. was informed by one of his Phyſicians, named Peter, then newly returned out of Ethiopia, that the Abiſſin Emperor expreſſed himſelf very well inclined to the Church of Rome, and deſirous of being reconciled to her Communion; for which purpoſe he requeſted his Holineſs to entertain ſome of his ſubjects in Rome, where they might conveniently be brought up and inſtructed in the principles of the Roman Faith. This propoſal was readily embraced by the Pope, and the better to promote and encourage the deſigned Union he appointed them a certain houſe with a Chappel dedicated to S. Stephen, ſcituate behind the Quire of S. Peter's for their Accommodation. As ſoon as the Popes Letters brought Tidings into Ethiopia of the kind Reception allotted for them in Rome, many of the Abiſſins flocked thither, where they abode till they had throughly learnt and eſpouſed the Rites and cuſtoms of the Latin Church, and then theſe New proſelytes were ſent home again ſit Inſtruments to induce their Countreymen to a milder Opinion of the Roman Religion.

And to further this Deſign,Vide Spondan an. Ch. 1253. N. 3. 1321. N. 3. 1329. N. 10. which had ſo auſpicious a beginning, Innocent the IVth. ſent divers of the Order of S. Dominic into the Abiſſin Territories, [to ſecond the endeavours of thoſe converted Natives now returned thither, and to perfect (if poſſible) the ſubjection of that Mighty Prince and people to the papal Chair.]

Afterwards, Eugenius the IVth. having in the Council of Ferrara reconciled [at leaſt as was pretended] the Greeks, Armenians, and Copties; [that nothing might be wanting to compleat ſo glorious an acqueſt,] ſent expreſs meſſengers to Zera Jacob then raigning in Ethiopia, by whom he did earneſtly invite and ſolicit him to enter into the Catholick Communion: And he being loth to fruſtrate ſo tedious and chargeable an Embaſſy (eſpecially ſince twas the firſt made into thoſe parts by an European Prince) ſent ſome of his ſubjects to Rome, where they did not only complement the Pope, but in their Emperor's name made a Confeſſion of Faith according to the Articles receiv'd and eſtabliſh'd in the Church of Rome; and thereupon carried back with them Letters of Union from his Holineſs, as the Acts of that Council ſignifie, which was continued at Florence and ended in Rome; in the cloſe whereof this great affair was tranſacted, a little before the death of Pope Eugenius. But the ſhort continuance of that fair correſpondence, and the few acts of Union or Obedience put in practice thereupon, may ſufficiently evidence to the world that what theA fair Confeſſion from a Papiſt. Ethiopian Monarchs did of this nature in their Tranſactions with the Popes of Rome, was never heartily approved or generally entertained by their ſubjects.

About this time John the II. King of Portugal, deſirous to make ſome new diſcoveries [that might employ and inrich his Subjects, whoſe experience and ſucceſs in the Art of Navigation extended their Renown and Dominion farther toward the Eaſt than any other People of Europe in that Age,] reſolved to ſend ſome able perſons with his Credential Letters, (as to the moſt remarkable Provinces thereabouts, ſo eſpecially) to the Emperor of Ethiopia; that, (if no other Advantage ſhould accrue thereby) he might at leaſt be gratified with a more exact Information concerning thoſe parts of the World. In this enterpriſe, Alphonſus à Pavia and Johannes Petrus à Covilham, both Portugueſes, were the chief: They began their Voyage from Lisbon on the 7th of May, 1486. and having paſſed through Neapolis, Egypt, Tor, and Suaquem, at laſt Johannes (Alphonſus being dead by the way) arrived at the Imperial Court of Ethiopia, where then raigned Alexander, who was Succeſſor to Bete Mariam the ſon of Zera Jacob, by whom they were entertained with all demonſtrations of Humanity and Kindneſs: eſpecially Johannes Petrus who grew into ſo much Favor and eſteem there, that he was never permitted to return into his own Countrey. He therefore omitted not, upon all fair Occaſions which his abode and intereſt in that Court allowed him, to diſcourſe of the great Atchievements happily undertaken and accompliſh'd by the Crown of Portugal; the relation whereof ſo won upon the mind of Hellen the Empreſs, that ſhe reſted not ſatisfied till an Embaſſy was ſent to conclude a League of Friendſhip with Emanuel, who then ſate on the Throne of his Father K. John deceaſed ſome time before. And on that errand one Matthew an Armenian, whom they made choice of as the fitteſt perſon for ſuch an employment, came to Lisbon in the year 1513.

This was the firſt Embaſſy which any Prince of Europe ever receiv'd from the Ethiopian Court: For thoſe Abiſſins who were ſent to Rome upon the Mediation of Pope Alexander's Phyſician (as is before related) came not immediately from Ethiopia, but were recommended from a Monaſtery which they then had in Jeruſalem.

Hereupon King Emanuel of Portugal returned an honourable Embaſſy to the Abiſſin Emperor, which he committed to the management of Edward Galvan a very ſage experienc'd perſon, and Francis Alvarez his own Chaplain, a devout & learned Prieſt; and with them ſent back the Armenian alſo. But Galvan dying in Cameran, an Iſle of the Red Sea, Rhoderic Lima was appointed his Subſtitute, who with Alvarez and the reſt of their company (except Matthew the Armenian who likewiſe dyed by the way) preſented themſelves at the Court of Ethiopia before David then raigning,See the Hiſtory written by Francis Alvarez. who gave them moſt ſplendid and obliging entertainment, not only at their firſt Reception, but during the whole time of their Reſidence. After ſix years (a great part whereof they ſpent againſt their wills in that Court) they were licenſed to return, Alvarez having ſo well acquitted himſelf in his Negotiation there that the Emperor deputed him to be his Ambaſſador to the Pope, with a command [as was pretended] to tender Obedience to his Holineſs in his Name. But Claudius, David, ſucceſſor, did afterwards tell Oviedus to his face, that this wasThis Forgery is owned by the Pen of a Rom. Cath. added to the Emperor's Letters as well contrary to his intention as without his knowledge. He ſent alſo with them Chriſtopher Licanatus, aliàs Zega Zeab, with kind Letters both to the King of Portugal and the Pope.

Theſe Embaſſadors left Ethiopia in the Month of April, an. 1526. and arrived at Lisbon in July the ſame year. But Francis Alvarez came not to Rome till the 29th. of January, an. 1533. at which time he deliver'd the Ethiopian Letters to the Pope (then Clemens the VIIth.) who cauſed them to be read in the preſence of that puiſſant Emperor Charles the Vth. and many other Worthies.

King Emanuel was very deſirous this friendly correſpondence, already ſo well initiated, might be brought to perfection; and though he did not live to ſee his Wiſhes fully anſwer'd, yet this deſign of his was afterwards much facilitated by another Meſſage from Claudius the Son and Succeſſor of David, wherein he earneſtly requeſted aids from the King of Portugal againſt oneAgainſt whom Tesſa Zion inveighs bitterly, terming him a Companion of the Goats and Perſecutor of the Sheep, becauſe of the devaſtation of his Native Countrey. Grain King of Adel, [a more ſucceſsful than potent Neighbour, who at that time miſerably waſted his Dominions,] and to render this requeſt the more ſucceſsful and avaialable, he [not only ſent a Confeſſion of his Faith ſince publiſhed by Job Ludolfus, but] in the ſame Letters further craved an underſtanding perſon inveſted by the Pope with the Authority of a Patriarch, and ſome other able Divines to be ſent under his Conduct into Abiſſinia.

In Anſwer to this propoſal, John King of Portugal demanded of Ignatius de Loyola ſome Members of his Order (not long before inſtituted) to be employed on that occaſion; but the Father of the Jeſuits [with a Deliberation ſuitable to his Gravity] gave him no reply till the year 1555. and then he recommended Johannes Nunnius Barretta and Melchior Carnerius, both Portugueſes, and Andreas Oviedus a Caſtilian, as perſons throughly accompliſhed for ſuch a purpoſe. And [that a plenary power and qualification from the See Apoſtolick might add the more Honour and Authority to their Miſſion,] Nunnius was ordained Patriarch of Ethiopia by Pope Julius the IIId. and afterwards confirmed by Pope Paul the IVth. and of his two Co-adjutors, the firſt was made Biſhop of Nicoea, the later Biſhop of Hierapolis: [Thus were they fitted to reconcile the Abiſſin Church to the Roman Faith; and to prevent diſſention among them,] it was ordered and agreed that upon the death of Nunnius, Oviedus ſhould ſucceed in the Charge and Dignity of Patriarch.

On this occaſion the King of Portugal wrote to Claudius; and ſo did Ignatius Loyola, whoſe Epiſtle may be ſeen in the Hiſtory of the Jeſuits. However theſe Letters were not ſent by the three above named, but being conveyed to Petrus Maſcarenius then Vice-Roy of India, he tranſmitted them to the Ethiopian Court by the hands of three other perſons, that they might ſound the Emperors Inclinations before the Patriarchs arrival: But Claudius (having already received the aids he deſired) had changed his mind in the matter of Religion, intending nothing leſs than to admit of the Alteration he had propoſed, ſo that, when the Roman Fathers came to preſs for Audience, he ſent them word, he had neither Need to receive the Inſtruction, nor Will to obey the Authority of the Church of Rome; nay, ſo averſe were his Nobles to their Admiſſion, that ſome of them openly affirmed, they would ſooner ſubmit to the Turkiſh than the Roman yoke.

Nevertheleſs, that ſo high an enterpriſe might not fall under the blemiſh of an utter fruſtration, Oviedus [now become principal of the Miſſion, in the abſence of Nunnus, who proceeded not with them] boldly proſecutes his Journey with five Fathers more, and ſo wrought his way through all the Obſtacles which threatned his diſappointment, that on the third day of Pentecoſt in the year 1557. they were admitted into the Emperor's preſence, who ſeemed to promiſe them a favorable Reception at the firſt; but having read their Letters, his Countenance was quickly changed, the Contents thereof being no way correſpondent to his Humor or Intereſt; as he afterwards ſufficiently expreſſed in his frequent diſputes with the Biſhop concerning Religion, whereby he gave them to underſtand he would not eaſily relinquiſh the receiv'd Opinions and Cuſtoms of the Abiſſin Church. Hereupon Oviedus wrote a confutation of their Errors and preſented it to the Emperor, who made him no other reply thereunto than what might ſuffice to ſignifie his firm Reſolution of adhering to the Principles of his Forefathers.

But theſe repeated altercations having rendred the Biſhop's preſence ingrateful at Court, he ſound it high time to retire with his Companions to ſome place of greater privacy, where they omitted not their uſual Induſtry and utmoſt endeavours to reduce the Abiſſin Chriſtians to the Doctrine and Rites of the Roman Church; whereupon the Emperor not only ſent him a ſevere check and prohibition, but (had not ſome of the Nobles interpos'd their intereſt and Arguments) would have proceeded to put him to death, but [being diſſwaded from inflicting any Sanguinary puniſhment,] he at laſt with great fury injoyned the Roman Biſhop never to ſee his face more. This was tranſacted in January 1559. and Claudius ended his days in a battle againſt the Saracens in the moneth of March next following.

Who in another Tract publiſhed by my Author is alſo named Minas. Adamas Saghed his brother ſucceeded him both in the Throne, [and in the Reſolute Affection he had for the Abiſſin Church, as then eſtabliſhed by the ancient Laws and Conſtitutions of the Empire] being a man ſo inveterate againſt the Promoters of the Roman Cauſe that, upon ſome bold reply made by Oviedus (when admitted to a Conference) he could ſcarce forbear laying violent hands upon him; nay, his Fury carried him ſo far as to tear the Gown from his back: Nor was his wrath thus appeaſed, but (when he was become Patriarch, in the room of Nunnius Barretta who dyed at Goa, in the year 1562.) he baniſhed him into an horrid and deſolate Mountain together with his Complices, where they were confined for the ſpace of ſix moneths, till releaſed upon the Interceſſion of ſome Lords. He alſo revoked the Liberty which Claudius his Predeceſſor had formerly granted, That ſuch Abiſſin women as were married to Portugueſes might obſerve the Roman Inſtitutions, without incurring any penalty: and forbad all his Subjects on ſevere penalties to profeſs the Roman Religion, or ſo much as be preſent at the Popiſh Maſs or any Portugueſs meeting; whereupon divers were impriſoned, tortured, and put to death, for tranſgreſſing the Imperial Edict.

By this rigor and ſtrict ſeverity which he uſed for the ſuppreſſion of the Roman Intereſt now ſet on foot by the Fathers in his Territories, many of his Subjects were ſoNot without the concurrent Inſtigation of the Jeſuits, who led the Portugal Faction. exaſperated, that in the year 1560. Iſaac Barnagaſſi, who drew a conſiderable part of the Nobles into the Conſpiracy, plotted with thirtyNot without the concurrent Inſtigation of the Jeſuits, who led the Portugal Faction. Portugueſes how they might deſtroy him: And [finding no ſit Opportunity for the private Aſſaſſination of his perſon, the more plauſibly to effect it by open War] they pretend to vindicate the Right of Bencon or Zarcar. Tarcar, the Son of his deceaſed Elder Brother Claudius, for whoſe advancement to the Throne they take up Arms. But Adamas, juſtly apprehenſive of the danger, ſoon levied an Army to ſuppreſs theOne Rebellion occaſioned by the Pope's Agents. Rebellion; and to re-ingratiate himſelf with the Portugueſe party, he invitos Oviedus, and the reſt of his Co-adjutors, by an amicable meſſage, to his Camp; [not being ignorant from what quarter the Storm aroſe.] However, the Fire being blown up ſo far already as not to be quenched without Effuſion of blond, they came to blows, with various ſucceſs: For, in the firſt conflict Adamas was driven from his Trenches, with ſome loſs; in the ſecond, he had the good fortune to take Tarcar alive, and (in hopes his Trouble might dye with him) cauſed him to be beheaded on the 2d of July, 1561. But in a third Battel, Iſaac, the Traiterous Vice-Roy of Midrebahr, having ſet up another Brother of the deceaſed Tarcar, and called in the Turks to his Aid, ſo terrified Adamas and his Army with their great Guns, that he left his Camp in confuſed haſte and fled on the 20th of April, 1562. and in the moneth of February the year following, he ended his Days and Troubles together, leaving his SonWhom be elſewhere names Baſilides. Melec Saghed very young to ſucceed him, who, by thoſe of the Loyal Party, was ſet up in his Fathers room.

But Barnagaſſi, proſecuting the Rebellion upon the Intereſt of Tarcar's brother whom he had advanced to the Imperial Title and Dignity, became Maſter of Meſauva, and Erquiquum, with all the Sea-coaſt, which [finding himſelf unable to carry on the Treaſon he had begun, to its deſired iſſue] he maliciouſly betrayed to the ſubjection of the Turks, his Confederates. However, in ſpite of the malice or ſucceſs of his Enemies, Melec Segued out-lived theſe Storms, and became equally eminent in Glory and Virtue.

In the mean time the Patriarch Oviedus, after the forementioned Diſcomfiture of Adamas, having retired with part of the Portugueſes [notwithſtanding their ſucceſs, which makes it very unaccountable] into Fremona, a Town in the Kingdom of Tigra, where he paſt the remainder of his life, he wrote divers Letters both to Rome and Portugal, dated in the year 1562. wherein he chargeth the miſcarriage of his whole Enterpriſe on the want of Aids from Portugal, and (among other things) deſires to be removed out of Ethiopia into India, which requeſt was granted him by a Brief from Pius quintus bearing date Feb. 25. 1566. But notwithſtanding this Liberty given him, he afterwards excuſed himſelf for not paſſing into India, by reaſon of the Turks who were become Maſters of the Paſſage, in Letters to the Pope on the 15th of June 1567. wherein he alſo gave his Holineſs an Account, that the number of Roman Catholicks at that time in the Empire of Ethiopia might be about five hundred. And at laſt this vigilant Patriarch, after 15. or 16. years Reſidence in Fremona, dyed there, an. 1577. [After his death we find not any further attempt from Rome, till] the year 1584. when Pope Gregory the XIIIth. ſent Johannes Baptiſta Brittus to reclaim Melec Saghed to Apoſtolick Obedience; [furniſhing him not only with perſwaſive Letters, but many Catholick Books, which for the more effectual Conviction both of the Soveraign and his Subjects, were to be diſperſed among them. Arm'd with theſe Inſtructions] he paſſed by the way of Aleppo to Ormuz, thence he ſailed to Goa, and there embarked himſelf on a ſhip bound for the Red Sea, where touching upon a ſmall Iſle (whoſe name we know not) he was taken and ſlain by the Turks, an. 1586. And yet [though he and the great deſign he undertook miſcarried together] ſome of his Books were brought into Ethiopia, where they were received and cried up [at leaſt by thoſe well affected to the Church of Rome] as Divine Oracles dropt down from Heaven.

Touching theſe Affairs we hear no farther mention during the Raign of Melec Saghed; only that in the year 1593. he ſent one Tecle Maria, of the Order of S. Anthony, to Rome and Lisbon, requiring ſuccors might be ſent him on ſome ſpecial occaſion; but his Meſſage was not anſwer'd with its deſired effect.

About this time divers Roman Fathers made many ineffectual attempts to paſs into Ethiopia, being ſtill diſappointed by the Turks, who were nowThus they juſtly ſmarted by the Effect of their Treaſon againſt Adamas. Poſſeſſors of all the Ports & Avenues to that Empie lying on the Sea-coaſt, by whom ſome of them were killed and others captivated for many years. Hereupon they began to conſider of ſome ſafer Expedient for their Tranſportation, & it was concluded requiſite to this purpoſe that an Houſe ſhould be built upon Diu, an Iſle belonging to the Kingdom of Cambaya (ſcituate between the City Cambaya and the River Sinda) whereunto Armenians, Greeks, Arabs, Turks and Perſians continually reſort to lade and unlade the Traffick they carry on in thoſe parts; in regard that from thence, by reaſon of the great Concourſe of People always paſſng to and fro the Fathers might conveniently enough in the habit of Armenians be conveyed by the Moors themſelves into Ethiopia, And no ſooner had Ayres de Saldanna, then Vice Roy of India, [of his pious inclination to that Religious deſign] built and endowed the Houſe they deſired, but this Counſel took effect, ſo that in the year 1603. P. Petrus Paez, in 1605. P. Anton. Fernandez. and P. Anton. de Angelis, and in 1606. P. Ludovicus de Azevedo and Laurentius Romanus, were ſucceſſively tranſported without danger or diſcovery: and [for the better diſperſing of their Doctrine] the one part betook themſelves to Dembea, and the other to Fremona; where [they knew ſo well to act their parts and improve their advantages, that] they drew great numbers of Proſelytes to the Church of Rome, and among the reſt prevailed with the EmperorWhich perhaps is no other but the ſame Melec Saghed under a different Title, it being uſual for the Abiſſin Afonarchs to have many Names, whereof Job Ludolſus hath given aparticular inſtanco in his Notes on the Confeſſion of Claudius, N. 5, 6. Zà Dinghil himſelf to eſpouſe their Religion and own the Popes Authority. But [inſtead of winning his Subjects to embrace the ſame Profeſſion after the example of their Soveraign, his Defection from the eſtabliſhed Opinions and Practices of the Abiſſin Church] ſo enraged the people, [who till then had expreſſed themſelves Loyal and Obedient to his Perſon and Government] that theyThis is a ſecond Rebellion occaſioned by Popiſh Emiſſaries. rebelled againſt him, and while he endeavoured to reduce them to their Duty by force of Arms, he was ſlain in the Battel.

After the death of Zà Dinghil, there aroſe two Competitors for the Crown, Jacob and Suſnejos, between whom the whole ſtrength of the Empire was divided. Jacob had been driven, about a year before, by a Faction of the Nobles, to Enarea as an Exile, for as much as they reputed him to be Illegitimate; but having maintained a good correſpondence with divers of the Grandees during his abſence from Court, at his return he [found not only a very friendly Reception, but ſo great an Intereſt among them as enabled him to] overcome his Uncle Suſnejos in the Field and aſcend the Throne. But not long after [ſuch is the inſtability of Fortune] Suſnejos, who pretended to the Crown as nearer in Bloud reinforc'd his ſcatter'd Troops, and with his victorious Arms deprived Jacob at once of his Life and Soveraignty, on the 10th. of March, an. 1607. This Prince Jacob had two ſons, who (upon their Fathers overthrow) fled for their ſecurity; the one was named Coſmus; the other, Zega Chriſtus, who, after he had eſcaped out of the Abiſſin Territories, travelled to Jeruſalem, thence he went to Rome, after that he came to Paris, and in the end dyed at Ruel, an. 1638.

Suſnejos, who was a Prince no leſs renowned for his Vertues than his Succeſſes, divided the Government of his three principal Kingdoms, Amhare, Abagamider, and Tigra, between his three Brethren, and Gorgora he committed to the charge of a certain Duke, in whom he much confided. And having thus diſpoſed the places of greateſt Truſt into ſafe hands, he was the better able to ſuppreſs all Tumultuary Inſurrections in the bud, and provided for the peace and ſafety of his Empire, which was much eſtabliſhed by his abſolute Conqueſt of a neighbouring enemy, that often infeſted his Dominions, called the Gallae. Theſe were a People inhabiting between the Kingdom of Bale and the Sea, generally eſteemed the Race of thoſe Jews that were irrecoverably diſperſed by Salmanaſſar, Nebuch adnezzar, Titus, Adrian, and Severus, who, as they accidentally fell into thoſe parts, aſſociated together, and from ſmall deſpiſed beginnings grew up into a conſiderable body, which proved troubleſome (if not formidable) to the neighbouring Princes; though by their long abode in that Climate, they are now become black.

Ethiopia being thus at reſt on every ſide, Suſnejos [reſolves to improve thoſe Haleyon days in propagating the Faith hitherto concealed in his own Breaſt, and for this purpoſe] calls the Roman Fathers, acquainting them with his deſign to be reconciled to the Church of Rome, and expreſſing himſelf ready to let the Pope and King of Portugal know his Intentions by Letters, which he would have ſent without the privity of his Nobles. But the Fathers adviſing the contrary, he conſulted them in this Affair, though little to his ſatisfaction, they being utterly averſe to his Propoſal: However (notwithſtanding their diſſent) he reſolutely proceeds, and [following his own ſence] wrote to Paul the Vth. on the 14th. of October, 1607. and to the King of Portugal on the 10th. of December, the ſame year, in which Letters he requeſted Aids againſt hisHe ſeems to intend ſuch of his Subjects as ſhould perſiſt in the old Abiſſin perſwaſion. enemies, and Miniſters to inſtruct his Subjects in the Catholick Faith.

Theſe [after a long delay] were granted him by Pope Gregory the XVth. an. 1622. (much about the time that the Colledge de propagandâ ſide was firſt erected in Rome) and Alphonſus Mendez, a Portugueſe Jeſuit, was conſtituted Patriarch of Ethiopia: But he departed not from Lisbon till the year 1624. when proſecuting his Voyage, he arrived the year following at the Port of Beilur in the Kingdom of Dancale, (which lies over againſt Mocca) the King whereof, being a Tributary and Ally to the Abiſſin Emperor, had Notice of his arrival, and accordingly received him. From thence he paſt on toSuppoſed the ſame with Fremona. Maiguagua, where he winter'd with the Fathers of the Society; next he came to Genéte Jeſus, where alſo ſome Fathers dwelt; after that to Gorgora, and there he found Fathers likewiſe; and at laſt he arrived at the Emperor's Court, who entertained him with great demonſtrations of Joy and Favor.

After a few days of refreſhment, the Patriarch Alphonſus, attired in Pontifical habit, made a Sermon before the Court on that Text, Thou art Peter,S. Matth. 16.18. and upon this Rock I will build my Church, &c. And at the Cloſe of his Diſcourſe, the Emperor (by his Lord Chamberlain) made open Confeſſion in the preſence of all his Nobles, That Dioſcorus had been juſtly condemend, and though Jacobus Syrus his Diſciple brought that Hereſie among them, yet they were ſtill conſcious of the Authority of the Church of Rome, whereof himſelf was ſo throughly convinced that he reſolved to countenance the Roman Faith throughout all his Dominions; concluding with the Application of that Paſſage to the Church of Rome, which S. Paul writes in his Epiſtle to the Romans, Who ſhall ſeparate us from the love of Chriſt? cap. 8.35, 37, 38, 39. Shall tribulation or diſtreſs, or perſecution, or famine, or nakedneſs, or peril, or ſword, &c.

After this Speech was ended, the Emperor took an Oath, wherein he obliged himſelf to be an obedient Son to the Church and Pope of Rome; then or Baſilides. Faſilades, his Son and Heir apparent, did the like; and after him, Râs Secla Chriſtus the Emperor's half Brother, with other Grandees and Officers of State, took the ſame Oath. Then the Nobles ſwore Allegiance to Faſilades, as the ſole perſon whom [at the expence of their Lives and Fortunes] they would ſet upon the Throne, in caſe of his Fathers deceaſe; whereunto ſome [of the moſt zealous for the riſing Cauſe] added this Proviſo UPON CONDITION HE CONTINUED FIRM TO THE ROMAN FAITH.☞ Laſt of all, the Eccleſiaſtical Cenſure of Excommunication was denounced againſt any perſon that ſhould thenceforward endeavour to remove the Catholick Faith, or reſtore the Abiſſin Perſwaſion. This great Revolution was tranſacted on the eleventh day of February, in the year 1626.

In purſuance of the Oath he had lately taken, Suſnejos required his Subjects to renounce their ancient Opinions and Way of Worſhip: But the major part of them were ſo obſtinate in their Old Principles, and their Soveraign ſo reſolute to reduce them to the New, that the whole Empire (lately flouriſhing in Peace and Tranquillity) was transformed into a diſmal ſcene of Oppreſſion and Violence, being filled with the bloud and ſlaughter of its native Inhabitants, inſomuch that the number of ſufferers in this Quarrel of Religion did not ſeldom amount to four thouſand in a day.

This grand ſucceſs of the Roman Cauſe was with all convenient ſpeed certified to the Pope, then Urban the VIIIth. who (not a little pleaſed with ſuch acceptable tidings) wrote gratulatory Letters to the Ethiopian Patriarch Alphonſus: dated at S. Peter's in Rome the 4th. of March, 1628. and the fifth year of his Papacy.

In the mean time all Acts of Religion paſſed in Ethiopia according to the rites of the Roman Church; all from the Emperor to the meaneſt Commoner were re-baptized, and their Marriages, which the Abiſſin Cuſtom had in times paſt allowed to be diſſoluble at the pleaſure of the parties, became now irevocable: [except a Divorce were granted by Diſpenſation, or adjudged by Sentence.]

But, (to uſe my Author's own words hujuſmodi per vim & ſupplicia populos ad Regnum Chriſtitrahendi modus, diuturnus eſſe hautquaquam poterat;) this method of drawing (or rather driving) People by Acts of Violence and the infliction of puniſhments, to the Kingdom ofThough the Abiſſins avere Chriſtians already. Chriſt, was not likely to lay any laſting foundation: For, when the Catholick Faith had been promoted and maintained with Fire and Sword for the ſpace ofFour. fourteen years, [ſo that it ſeemed to be rooted and eſtabliſhed in the Empire] divers of the Great ones (ſtill well affected to the Abiſſin Church) combining together made anA third Rebellion by reaſon of the Popiſh Intereſt. Inſurrection for the Reſtauration and Defence of their Ancient Profeſſion; and theſe were quickly ſeconded by multitudes of the Common People flocking to them from every quarter, whoſe Courage and Numbers received no ſmall acceſſion from the preſence and perſwaſions of thoſe Abiſſin Monks, who (leſt they ſhould have been compelled to embrace the Roman Faith or ſuffer the ſevere Penalties denounced againſt its oppoſers) had retired into inaceſſible Mountains, or lain hid in obſcure dens and caves; but now diſcloſed themſelves to the new raiſed Forces, animating them againſt the Roman Fathers and their Doctrine.

[Suſnejos in the mean time was not idle, but like a vigilant and reſolute Champion of the Faith he had ſolemnly eſpouſed, ſent forth his Troops to prevent the danger of thoſe Tumults, hoping to cruſh them ere they could be in a poſture to make head againſt him, though the ſucceſs did not anſwer his Expectation: For] the Vice-Roy, to whoſe Valour and Conduct he entruſted that Campaign, and many Catholick Nobles who fought under his Banner, fell in ſundry Battles; ſo that by the unhappy iſſue of theſe Inteſtine Wars the Catholick Cauſe daily declined, and upon the rumor of their loſſes the adverſe party proportionably encreaſed both in ſtrength and number.

Hereupon they firſt demand Liberty to celebrate their Maſs after the Rites preſcribed in the Liturgy of their Fore-fathers: This being readily aſſented to, the ſucceſs emboldned them to preſs with greater vigor and earneſtneſs for the Reſtitution of all their other Opinions and Priviledges. And whereas the Roman Fathers ſeemed the ſole Obſtructors of their deſired Liberty, they never gave the Emperor any reſpit from their clamorous addreſſes till he condeſcended to rid the Court of the Patriarch and his Cooperators, whereupon [being as well wearied by their Importunity as terrified by their Power] he commanded the Fathers to return to Maiguagua: Upon whoſe Removal from their Prince's eye, the people ſoon obtained a publick Revocation of all thoſe Edicts that had been made in favour of the Roman Catholicks or their Religion, and a general Grant of Liberty of Conſcience to all the Abiſſins, as in times paſt. A ſhort time after, the death of Suſnejos put an end to the Controverſie, an. 1632.

The Reaſons of the peoples implacable animoſity againſt the Fathers, which procured their Ejection, were not (it ſeems) well underſtood in Europe, till a certain Abiſſin named Abbas Gregorius, and he a Catholick, being weary of the Commotions occaſioned by the Jeſuits in his own Countrey, came to Grand Cairo, then to Jeruſalem, and after that to Rome, where he gave an Account of the whole matter upon Oath before Don Pedro Lippa, then Secretary to the Colledge de propagandâ fide.

And Ernestus Duke of Saxony, hearing of this Abiſſins Arrival and Depoſition, immediately ſent an Expreſs to invite him to his Court, that he might be informed in a more particular manner from his own mouth. However, not being fully ſatisfied with his Relation, he ſent Wanſleben (my Author) into Egypt, an. 1663. to procure the beſt information he could from ſuch as came down from Ethiopia to Grand Cairo.

Now of the Abiſſins Relation and the Author's Enquiry, this he gives us as the ſum and ſubſtance.

The Patriarch Alphonſus Mendez, The Jeſuits Pride, [as if he had vyed with the Emperor's Pomp and Attendance] maintained three hundred ſervants in his ordinary Retinue, and in all things carried a loſty Port far exceeding the degree of an Eccleſiaſtical perſon; (at leaſt among the Abiſſins, where men of that Function live at a contrary Rate and retein very different Cuſtoms;) nay, his Pride was ſuch that he would not give any Ethiopian, of what eſtate or degree ſoever, the reſpect due to his place or quality; whereof this may ſerve for one ſignal inſtance. Suſnejos, on ſome ſpecial occaſion, ſent his Son and Succeſſor to ſpeak with the Patriarch, into whoſe preſence at the ſame inſtant came a Lay-brother of the Order; to the later he appointed a Chair, [as a mark of Honor,] permitting the Heir apparent in the mean time to ſtand before him [without making him the leaſt Tender of the like Civility.] Nor did he put a leſs affront upon the Empreſs her ſelf, [when ſhe had as much Need as Reaſon to expect a more obliging Treatment;] for,Ingratitude, whereas the Emperor had granted Alphonſus and the Fathers of his Society the ſame Caſtle, wherein he preſerved his Treaſure, for their Security in the time of the Rebellion; they ingratefully denied admiſſion to his Royal Conſort, when (in a great apprehenſion of imminent danger) ſhe ſled thither for Refuge. And ſo little did he countenance the Natives of that Countrey, that he would neither allow any of the Abiſſins [though zealous Aſſertors of the Roman Catholick Profeſſion] the dignity of Holy Orders, nor permit them to accompany him in thoſe journeys which he rode on Horſe-back, except they would ſubmit to walk by him on foot, like ſo many Lacquies.

[But, beſides theſe perſonal diſ-reſpects, there were many other Provocations, of a more hainous nature, which moved the Abiſſins to hate and expel the Jeſuits, as enemies to the Publick Weal, in plotting the Subverſion as well of the Civil as Eccleſiaſtical Government, not content to Triumph in the Ruine of their Church, without improving that to the Diſſolution of their State too. For,]

They laid a ſecret deſign to betray the Empire of Ethiopia to the Portugueſe Dominion;and Treaſonable Practices. whereof they were undeniably convicted by divers Letters [written to carry on the Treaſon,] which were ſeaſonably intercepted.

Under the pretence of building Churches and Colledges, they raiſed Fortifications and ſtrong holds in many advantageous parts of the Countrey.

And a vaſt quantity of Inſtruments for the erecting of Mounds and Bulworks, with other warlike preparations, were (upon a ſtrict ſearch) found in their houſes.

In ſhort, they did inordinately enrich themſelves and were intolerably inſolent; which firſt bred among the Abiſſins a ſuſpicion, that they rather aimed at the Gold and Government of Ethiopia, than the ſalvation of its Inhabitants.

Upon this diſcovery, the Roman Cauſe dyed together with Suſnejos; for no ſooner was his ſon Faſilades advanced to the Throne, but he reſolved to expel the Catholick Fathers out of his Dominions; and to the more violent as well as ſpeedy execution of this Reſolve he was not a little quickned by a meſſage from a neighbouring King, who, (being both Potent and Wealthy) threatned to invade him, unleſs he gave his Subjects liberty to worſhip God according to the Rites of their Anceſtors. Having therefore granted the Patriarch forty ſervants, Letters of ſafe Conduct, and licence to tranſport whatſoever his Father had beſtowed upon him; he ſtrictly injoyns him and all the Roman Fathers to depart the Empire without delay, [and by publick Decree makes it a Capital Offence for any of them to be found in his Territories on any pretence whatſoever.]

After their departure, he immediately prohibits the Exerciſe of the Roman Religion, deprives the Catholick Abiſſins of all their Honors and Charges; compels them both by Threats and Puniſhments to reſume their former Opinions; and in the Province of Aſſa put three Jeſuits to death, becauſe they departed not with the reſt, [at the day preſcribed:] The like number of Abiſſins and Portugueſes ran the ſame Fate [for their Obſtinacy,] and among others Biſhop Apollinaris; nor did he ſpare his own Uncle, Râs Secla Chriſtus, then ſeventy years old, but condemned him to a tedious impriſonment.

In a word, Suſnejos the Father was not more zealous and active to plant the Roman Faith in Abiſſinia, than Faſilades his Son and Succeſſor was to extirpate and aboliſh it.

As ſoon as theſe affairs were throughly made known and impartially ſtated at Rome; the Colledge de propagandâ fide [upon mature conſideration of their ill ſucceſs and its as juſt as apparent occaſion] reſolve to lay aſide the Jeſuits as improper inſtruments for that enterpriſe, and in their ſtead made choice of ſome Religious perſons of the Order of Mendicant Friers to manage their deſign upon Ethiopia. Accordingly certain Capuchins (namely Agat-Angelus and Caſſianus) were deputed for that Charge, and order'd to proceed on their journey thither, an. 1636.

While theſe things were tranſacted in Italy, the Patriarch of Alexandria (at the Requeſt of Faſilades, who in the year 1634. had re-ſetled his Empire in its priſtine State and Condition) had ordained one Arminius a Copti, of the Monaſtery of S. Macarius, Metropolitan of Ethiopia, according to the ancient uſage; whom the Italian Friers, upon their arrival at Grand Cairo, found ready to depart to his new Charge, as ſoon as he ſhould receive the Patriarch's Benediction and his Letters Patents: and underſtanding that they were alſo deſigned for Abiſſinia, he made the Fathers a civil invitation to be his Companions in Travel; but Arminius having obtained his diſpatches before they were fitted for ſo great a journey, proceeds on his way without them.

At the ſame time there was in Cairo one Peter Heyling, a Lutheran of Lubec, who, for his better ſecurity among the Roman Catholicks, paſſed under the name of Petrus Nolingus, an Hollander. An Enterpriſe worthy of the Proteſtant Religion. This man (as is credibly reported) with Ten others of the ſame Perſwaſion, [emulating the induſtry of the Roman Church,] concurred in a joynt reſolution to diſperſe the Chriſtian Doctrine, according to the Principles of the Reformed Religion, over the whole earth; [and that the diſtribution of their Labours might be the better regulated, they caſt the ſeveral Provinces of the World into a proportionable diviſion among them,] each of them obliging himſelf to undertake that part which ſhould fall to him by Lot: In purſuance of which agreement and deſign, the forenamed Peter was advanced as far as Cairo, The Lot having deſtined Egypt and Ethiopia to his charge. A perſon (by my Authors own confeſſion) of eminent Prudence, well skilled in Hiſtory, experienc'd in Phyſick, and in many Languages (as Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, Ethiopic,) inferiour to none.

From Cairo he travelled ſevent days journey to Siút, a City in the upper Egypt, but was conſtrained to return thence by the means of Agat-Angelus; wherefore to prevent the like affront and diſappointment a ſecond time, he determined to procure Licence to accompany Arminius the Ethiopick Metropolitan in his journey towards his new Province, for which purpoſe, that he might ingratiate himſelf with the chief of the Copties [at leaſt as myWith thoſe of his Religion 'tis no ſin to bely an Heretick to blaſt his Reputation Author ſaith] he not only profeſſed their Religion, but privately ſuffer'd himſelf to be Circumciſed, and by theſe means obtained commendatory Letters from the Alexandrian Patriarch to the Emperor of Ethiopia, as well as Permiſſion to joyn with Arminius in his Travels, who left Cairo in the year 1637.

[And yet the Co-herence of my Author's diſcourſe ſeems to imply that Heylings great parts and abilities recommended him to Arminius; who, that he might the better veil his own want of Learning under the covert of ſuch a mans company and aſſiſtance, had a private inducement to obtain the Patriarch's Grant for his Protection and Society, without having recourſe to any ſuch indirect means or baſe compliances as are above ſpecified.]

Peter Heyling thus arrived in Abiſſinia, under the Metropolitans Favour, took up his abode in a Church, [not far from Court.] And as ſoon as he was ſetled in his new Manſion, he began to practiſe Phyſick and profeſs the Inſtruction of Youth in the Greek and Hebrew tongues, wherein he quickly became ſo famous that even the principal Nobility accounted it a ſingular priviledge to have their Sons educated under his Tuition; ſo that he might eaſily have amaſſed a very conſiderable Treaſure, had he been diſpoſed to accept or hoord up all the Gratuities that were offer'd him: But he either generouſly refuſed the Preſents when tendered, or elſe (in eaſe they were urgently preſſed upon him) liberally diſtributed the over-plus among the poor; [after he had made himſelf a very moderate allowance out of it for Food and Raiment.] A ſufficient evidence [as my Author notes] of his great Abſtinence or ſelf-denial.

Theſe remarkable qualities and endowments could not long brook the concealment of a private life, but brake out into ſuch an advantageous report of him as reached the Emperors Ears, and won him ſo high an eſteem at Court that [after ſome Trial had been made of his Capacity for publick employments] he was by large ſteps and degrees quickly raiſed to the principal Charge of the Empire, in which great Office and Truſt he acquitted himſelf with ſuch a prudent addreſs, that his Great Maſter obliged him (with a courteous violence) to accept of a Revenue and Attendance equal to the Chief of the Nobility, with a moſt delightful Apartment in a place (accounted the Paradiſe of Ethiopia) called Genéte Chriſtos; yea, and deſigned him, as 'tis commonly and poſitively affirmed, his own Daughter in marriage.

Peter Heyling ſinding himſelf ſo deeply intereſted in the Prince's Favour and Affection, began to remind his Imperial Majeſty of all thoſe deplorable Troubles wherein his Dominions had been ſo often involved [(eſpecially in the days of his Father,) and ſo effectually repreſented to him that thoſe dreadful Commotions and all their pernicious conſequences] were ſolely occaſioned by the Jeſuits, and Popiſh Emiſſaries, warning him of the ſudden approach of others on the ſame Errand, [together with the firm Reſolution of their Party to perſiſt in the like Treaſonable attempts,] that at laſt his Remonſtrance prevailed with the Ethiopian Monarch and his Council to eſtabliſh a Penal Law againſt allWith regard (no doubt) to a certain old Prophecy which our learned Dr. Ed. Caſtelcites out of Sandoval thus, Que gente blanca haziendo los labradores los han de echar ſucra de Etiopia: importing, That a White People under ſome diſguiſe ſhould diſpoſſeſs them of their Countrey. the people of Europe, [of what Countrey or perſwaſion ſoever,] forbidding any perſon bearing the native diſtinction of a white Complexion to enter his Territories upon pain of death.

In the mean time the Roman Fathers, an. 1638. proceed on their journey by Suaquem an (Iſle of the Red Sea) thence to Enquiquum and ſo on towards the Abiſſin Court, in the Company of certain Merchants who had liberty of Traffick in thoſe parts. When they came to Seráve, where Barnagaſſi the Vice-Roy of Midrebahr had his ordinary Reſidence, he no ſooner ſaw two White Faces among the Travellers, but he ſuſpected them to be ſuch as had by the late Imperial Edict been baniſhed from all the Coaſts of Ethiopia: whereupon (being thereunto adviſed by the chief Abisſin Prieſt upon the place) he ſearched their Sumpture, and therein found Chalices, Stones conſecrated for Altars, Sacerdotal Ornaments and Maſs-Books, with other things prepared for Eccleſiaſtical uſes. Having thus diſcovered their perſons and deſigns, the Vice-Roy informs his Maſter of the diſcovery he had made, and detains the Fathers in chains until he ſhould receive further notice of his Majeſties pleaſure; which was no ſooner ſignified but they were brought to the Emperor's preſence on the 5th. of Auguſt, 1638. where, upon reading ſome Letters which they produced from the Patriarch of Alexandria, the Emperor was at firſt inclined to remand them [without any further mark of his diſpleaſure] to Grand Cairo from whence they came: But, being adviſed to the contrary by Peter Heyling, and his new Metropolitan Arminius, he changed his purpoſe and required them [as a Teſt reſolved on in the late Conſult] to receive the Holy Communion after the manner preſcribed and practiſed in the Abisſin Church, with a Promiſe that (in caſe of their Conformity thereunto) they ſhould not only have Licence to remain in his Dominions, but be capable of places of Honour and Truſt therein: Provided alſo that they bleſs S. Dioſcorus, and curſe Pope Leo; for, all the Abisſins firmly believe, that in his time the Roman Church fell into Hereſy, and (to let my Author ſpeak in his own Language, Ex ſancta & capite, qualem tune fuiſſe fatentur, eam factam dicunt Caudam & Cathedram Diaboli) from being Holy and the Head (as they then owned her) ſhe became, they ſay, the Tail and the Chair of the Devil.

This propoſal being utterly rejected by the Friers, his Imperial Majeſty (at the urgent motion of his Mother, the Clergy, and the Commons, whoſe joynt Vogue accuſed him of Diſſimulation, in caſe he put not theſe Franks to death according to his own Decree) paſt ſentence againſt them; which was ſpeedily executed, they being hanged with thoſe very Ropes which themſelves had made uſe of for their Girdles, and in that poſture were intombed by the vaſt number of Stones which the multitude of Abisſin Zealots threw at them; [the heap ſtill remaining a Monument as well of the Roman Fathers Reſolution as of Ethiopian ſeverity.]

Peter Heyling in proceſs of time (being grown very Rich and powerful) began to make publick expreſſion of his diſlike of divers Abiſſin Cuſtomes, decrying eſpecially their Adoration of Saints, and of the Virgin Mary her ſelf, as repugnant to true Religion and the Holy Scriptures; having on the ſame account privately forbidden his Scholars to uſe their ordinary Forms of Prayer directed to her. This begat him much ill will and great oppoſition among the Nobles; for all the Abiſſins have a very great Reverence for the Holy Virgin: To expreſs their diſguſt therefore, they firſt withdrew their Sons from his Tuition; and after that, made uſe of their beſt Arguments and Intereſt with the Emperor not only to remove him from Court but out of his Dominions alſo, who hereupon having gently admoniſhed him [at leaſt to be ſilent and connive at their Cuſtoms, if he could not conform to them] without effect, orders him to quit his Territories for a time, as the beſt expedient to avoid the dangerous efforts of popular fury.

Thus this Great man voluntarily relinquiſhed Ethiopia, together with the High place and Intereſt he held there, after he had been (as it were) naturallized by Twelve years Reſidence in that Countrey; being accompanied by his uſual Retinue, and all the Wealth he had gotten, [which was ſent along with him as a mark of the juſt eſteem and favour the Emperor ever had for him:] But having advanced on his way thus attended as far as the Iſle Suaquem, he fell into the hands of a Turkiſh Paſha, who (to ſatisfie his Avarice) deprived him at once of his Life and Riches.

Soon after Peter Heyling's departure,Another Popiſh Plot. the Emperors younger Brother, with divers Nobles inclin'd to the Roman Principles, made a dangerous Conſpiracy againſt their natural Lord, upon the deſign of introducing more of the Catholick Fathers; but Faſilades, having received timely notice hereof from Arminius, his Primate and Metropolitan, immediately cauſed his Brother to beAccording to the barbarous Cuſtom of Eaſtern Tyranny. Strangled with a Napkin [for the better prevention as well of publick Rumors as Commotions] and expoſed his Complices to open Execution. And, [in conſideration of this Treaſon,] became ſo exaſperated againſt the Catholicks, that he rather reſolved to introduce Mahumetaniſm than admit any of the Roman Church into his Territories. This Reſolution [raſhly conceived to avoid one extream, did deſperately precipitate him into another, wherein] he proceeded ſo far that (as my Author ſaith) he ſent to Iman, a certain King of Arabia Felix, for a Turk learned in the Law of Mahomet, whoſe Abilities might qualifie him to tranſport the Doctrine of his Prophet into Ethiopia. But an Abiſſin Chriſtian, being one of thoſe that were employ'd on this Errand, as ſoon as he returned (whether upon diſguſt, or ſome other more laudable reaſon) imparted to the Principal of the Nobility and Clergy the ſum of that wicked Embaſſy, adviſing them to conſider of ſome prudent and ſafe way for the prevention of ſo great a miſchief.

Upon this Information they began to raiſe tumultuary Aſſemblies, wherein the people grew ſo bold as to vent open threats againſt their Soveraign; nay, when the Turkiſh Effendi arrived, they did ſo much ſtomach the honourable reception he found at Court, that they twice ſet his Lodgings on Fire, and ſpared not to make ſundry Attempts upon his Life. Theſe daring Actions, pretending no leſs than the abſolute revolt of his Subjects, engaged Faſilades (under the pretext of ſome criminal Accuſation) to caſt the Mahometan Embaſſador into priſon, and declare himſelf ignorant of the deſign for which he came into his Dominions. Soon after [finding it the only Mean to allay the Commotions and reſtore the Peace of his Empire] he ſent the Turk back into his own Countrey, having gratified him with many rich Preſents, among which was a very coſtly Veſt beſtowed on him by the Empreſs.

The Colledge de propagandâ fide, having all this while received no News of the Fathers Capuchins ſince their departure, ſent after them other Fathers, an. 1638. whereof P. Antonius de Virgolta, and P. Antonius de Petra Pagana, were the Chief, both being of the Reformed Order of S. Francis. Theſe Emiſſaries paſſing by Grand Cairo, ſoon after arrived at Suaquem and thence ſailed to Meſauva, where they remained two years [in continual expectation of ſome favourable opportunity for their ſafe paſſage into Ethiopia:] But having endured many Grievances from the injurious Turks in the time of their abode there, [and nothing advanced in the hopes of compaſſing their deſign,] they were neceſſitated to return to Suaquem; an Iſle whoſe ſhores are ſo very white that they ſeem at a diſtance cover'd with Snow, much about a mile in compaſs and well inhabited, but doth not yield the leaſt drop of freſh water, wherewith it is ſupplied from the neighbouring Continent, though at a dear rate; for, a skin of water is commonly ſold for two Chabers, forty of which pieces amount to the value of a Spaniſh Paragon, neither doth it produce any Fruits or Food for the uſe of Man, (nay, it cannot boaſt of the leaſt Verdure) but is furniſhed with all Neceſſaries for humane Life from the Kingdoms of Fungi and Sennaar. In this Iſle Antonius de Petra Pagana practiſed Phyſick, and Antonius de Virgolta made Fans of Straw, by which means they lived quietly and ſupplied their Wants in that barren place.

There Father Anthony Virgolta dyed, whereupon Father Anthony de Petra (now left alone) ſends Letters to Rome wherein he informed the Colledge that to ſeek for any acceſs into Abiſſinia by Sea would be not only a fruitleſs but impoſſible Attempt.

Hereupon they ſend other Emiſſaries with directions to proceed all the way by Land, wherein they were order'd to go as far as conveniently they might by the River Nilus, then to paſs on through Nubia, Sennaar, and the whole Realm of Fungi, and ſo to ſteal privately into Ethiopia. Jacob Vemmers, a Carmelite Frier, was Head of the Miſſion. And, being conſtituted Apoſtolick Vicar of the whole Empire, departed from Rome, an. 1640. with Letters from Pope Urban VIII. to the Emperor, the Metropolitan, and Archi-mandrita the General of the Monks, reſpectively: his Companions were P. Joſeph de Atino, and P. Felix de S. Severino, of the Reformed Order of S. Francis. But upon the death of Vemmers, Mattheus de Caſtro ſucceeded in his Charge, who, when he was advanced on the way with his companions as far as Cairo, returned to Rome, [for what reaſon is not ſpecified in our Hiſtory.]

While Matthaeus was haſtning towards Italy, the Fathers, whom he left in Egypt, had an opportunity preſented for their conveyance to Suaquem, by the favour they had gained with Mahunied-Paſha who was then going to aſſume the Government of that Iſland with ſome other adjacent places. Their arrival there did very much revive and comfort P. Antonius de Petra, [till then diſconſolate in that melancholy Solitude wherein the death of Virgolta had left him.]

Soon after they held a Conſultation there concerning the method and poſſibility of their gaining entrance into Abiſſinia, whereupon they reſolved firſt to found the Emperor's inclinations by Letters, and theſe they wrote by the Aid of a certain Catholick Abiſſin named Gregory, who had been [graced with the ſingular favour of being] ordained a Prieſt by the Patriarch Alphonſus Mendez.

But theſe Letters, being delivered to Faſilades at that unhappy juncture of time when the Mahometan Doctor was in Ethiopia, put him into ſuch a rage, that he preſently diſpatched a Meſſenger to the Paſha, then reſident in Suaquem, requeſting him to kill all the Religious men in his Iſle, and (to render this cruel demand the more prevalent) promiſed 150. Ounces of Gold for his Reward. This taking propoſal was readily accepted by the covetous Paſha (Succeſſor to him that brought the Fathers thither from Cairo) who [to purchaſe both the Money and Favour of ſo Potent a Neighbour] cut off their heads almoſt as ſoon as the Abiſſin Meſſenger arrived; for, [without any further warning or legal Proceſs,] they were executed in the Evening of that very day wherein the Emperor's Letters came to his hands, which is ſaid to be the Feaſt of the Annunciation, an. 1648.

From that time till the year 1669. the Roman Colledge, [upon theſe apparent hazards and diſcouragements,] quitted their Deſigns of propagating the Catholick Faith in Ethiopia during the Raign of Faſilades: but then, having News of his death, upon ſome hopes or intimation that his Succeſſor was leſs rigorous towards the Roman Catholicks, they reſumed their former Intentions, and made choice of theſe three Prieſts to be their Emiſſaries, Don Antonio de Andrada a Native of Ethiopia, and two Fathers of the Order of St. Francis; who [in Obedience to the Directors of their Miſſion, ſo diligently proſecuted their Journey, that without any remarkable impediment they] arrived at Suaquem, the unfortunate Iſle aforenamed, as their laſt Letters intimate; [where we muſt leave them and their Enterpriſe, till my Author, or ſome other able Pen, ſhall give us a further Account of its Succeſs.]

FINIS.