AFter that I had lived many years in voluntary exile and banishment, and saw that the most happy and fortunate success, which it pleased the Almighty to send unto my gracious Soveraign against the malicious and hostile Attempts which the Spanish Monarch, both openly and covertly, practised against her sacred Person, and invincible State and Kingdom, I began to despair of my long desired return into my native Countrey, and to consider with my self, with what price I might best redeem my sweet and inestimable liberty. Sometimes I wished that her Majesty had, (as the Italian Princes have) many confined and banished men abroad, upon whose heads there are great Fines set, to invite others to kill them, in hope to receive those Fines in recompense of their murther: But my wishes vanished as smoak in the wind, and as long as I dwelt in those cogitations, me-thought I did nothing else but build Castles in the Ayr; then I applied my wits to think upon some other means of better hope, and more probability; and supposed that to murther some notable Traytor, or professed enemy to my Prince and Countrey, might be a ready way to purchase my desire: But the great difficulty to escape unpunished, the continual terror that such an offence might breed unto my conscience, and the perpetual infamy that followeth the bloody Executioners of trayterous Murderers, (for I held it trayterous to kill my friend and acquaintance) made both my heart and my hand to abhor any such action: Martius Coriolanus seemed unto me a most happy man, who, when in revenge of a few mistaken injuries, he had wrought his Countrey great despight and annoyance, suffered himself with much difficulty, to be intreated by his Wi • e, his Mother, and the Senate of Rome to return home, and to become so great a Friend, as he had been a Foe unto his country. That day should have been more joyful unto me then the day of my birth and nativity, wherein I might have seen a Letter from any of my friends, with assurance of my pardon to call me home. But I find my self so much inferiour to Coriolanus in good fortune, as I come behind him in manly valour, and other laudible qualities. Whilest I lived in this perplexity, I hapned (by chance) to meet with an honest and kind English Gentleman, who was lately come out of Italy, and meant to sojourn a few moneths in France, and then to return into England; He knew both me and my friends very well: And although his License forbad him to converse with any Fugitives, yet hearing (by common and credible report) that I was not so malicious as the rest of my Countrey-men, but lived only for my conscience abroad, he adventured now and then to use my company, and with me, and in my hearing, to use greater liberty of speech then with any other of our Nation. Whereupon I presumed, that as I was trusted, so I might trust him again; and as he did conceal nothing from me, so I might adventure to reveal to him the secret projects of my inward cogitations: I therefore acquainted him with my ea • nest desire to return, and with the great difficulty which I found to procure my return; and he perceiving that my words agreed with my wishes, and that my tongue uttered nothing but what my heart thought, promised me faithfully to effect my desire, if I would be content to grant his request: I presuming that he would demand nothing but that which should be both honest and lawful, gave him my faithful promise to satisfie his demand: He accepted my offer, and uttered his mind in this manner.

In my travel I have heard many things which I knew not when I came out of England, and no more then I would, and yet much more then I can be well able to answer when I come home; if you will be as willing, as I know you are able, to frame me a good and sufficient answer to all that I have heard, all the friends which I have in England shall fail me, but that I will purchase your return home with credit and countenance: And because your promise bindeth you to vouchsafe me this favour; I will as briefly as I can possible, shew you to what points I shall need, and most desire your answer. I heard Princes generally reprehend the Flomings, perhaps more boldly then justly, accused of rebellion; the French men, I know not how truly, burthened with the same crime; and our Sovereign in my poor opinion wrongfully blamed for aiding both the French and Flemish Nations. I heard some men to maintain this strange opinion, that the Turk had long before this day been utterly subverted, or sorely weakned, had not her Majesty holpen those two Nations, which hindred both the French and Spanish Kings from imploying their united forces to the utter subversion of the Turk. I heard some men charge us with vain-glory, as men that had learned of the vain-glorious Souldier in Terence, to brag of our valour and exploits in France, where they could hardly believe that we ever obtained the tenth part of that which we boast to have atcheived: And others who were better acquainted with our Histories, and more affected with our conquests, do wonder and marvell greatly howwe could lose in a very few years all that our Predecessors got with much effusion of blood, and with great difficulty. I heard the Spaniard (our mortal and professed Enemy) highly commended, for that his Predecessors could of a mean Earl, make themselves mighty Monarchs, and because that he with his wisdom doth maintain and keep all that they got: I heard his might magnified, his Policy admired, his Government extolled, his Wisdom commended, his Wealth feared, and all his Actions justified: I heard contrarywise our Portugal Voyage condemned, the Cause thereof disliked, the Success dispraised, the Entertainment given unto Don Antonio disallowed, and her Majesty accused to have given the Spaniard many and divers occasions of discontentment: The death of the late Queen of Scots; The intercepting of certain monies sent into the Low Countries, The proceeding against Catholicks, the expulsion of the Popes authority out of England, the sending away of the Spanish Embassadour in some disgrace, and our League and Amity with the United Provinces, are the principal causes that displeased the Spaniard. I heard it imputed unto her Majesty as a fault, that her Grace continued in league with the late French King, who was charged to be a Heretick, a Waster of his Revenues, a Lover of dishonest women, a Murderer of the Duke and Cardinal of Guise, and a Prince neither able nor worthy to govern so great and mighty a Kingdom as France. I heard the Spaniards attempts and enterprises against England justified, because our Queen was excommunicated, her people not able nor willing to help and succour her, her Subjects overcharged with unaccustomed Subsidies, our Forces not sufficient to encounter with his strength, and our Realm easie to be subdued by Forraigners. I heard again some men condemn the Spaniard of great folly, for ruling the Low Countries by strangers; for not granting liberty of conscience unto his Subjects in those Countries, for taking upon him to enforce them to alter and change their Religion; for intending to reduce all Protestants to the ancient profession of Papistry, for aiding the Leaguers in France, and for attempting to make himself Monarch of the world. I heard some think it a thing impossible to subvert him, others suppose it to be a very easie matter to overthrow him, and many desirous to know the means how to weaken him; I heard the tumults of Aragon diversly construed; the murder of Escovedo sundry wayes censured, and the proceedings against Antonio Perez justified by some, and condemned by others. To be short, I heard many say more then I can well and readily remember; and yet not so much as I can be content to hear in praise of my Countrey, and in disgrace of Spain; in commendation of our Princess, and in dispraise of the Spaniard; in allowance and approbation of all her actions, and in reprehension of all, or most part of his Enterprises. These things were in substance all that I heard; some to my comfort, and others to my grief: And if in clearing all these things you will vouchsafe me your paines, I will warrant your return within a very short while, after that you shall have sent me your Treatise. Your credit with Cardinal Allen, your acquaintance with Morgan, your Friendship with Thomas Throgmorton, your conversation with Charles Pagett, and your long experience in forraign affairs, hath undoubtedly enabled you to give me a full satisfaction to all these demands. If you run through them lightly, you shall rather point at them then please me; If you dwell upon them long, you may fear to be thought too tedious: And yet because you have leisure enough to handle them at large, I shall take great delight to see and read them somewhat largely handled.

Such was his speech, and this my short reply. In hope of performance of your promise, I will undertake your task; not because I take my self able to answer your expectation, but to shew you that I will hazard my poor credit to recover my dear Countrey; and because I trust you will use my labours for your instruction, and not to my discredit; You may be instructed if you read them advisedly, and I discredited if you make them common. To be short, with assurance of his secrecy, I undertook his task; if he shall hold his promise, I shall think my labours well bestowed: if they may procure my return, I shall have employed my pains to my contentment. And if my pains may pleasure and satisfie the Readers, their satisfaction shall double my joyes, when I shall attain safe and free access unto the long desired place of my Nativity.

The singular affection which you bear unto me, and the great good opinion which unworthily you have conceived of me, have greatly deceived you, in making especial choice of me, as of one better able then any other of your wise and discreet friends, to deliver unto you a sound and sure Judgment of the present Estate of Christendome. You see Flanders in trouble; France in Arms; Scotland in division; and the whole remainder of the universal Christian world, either (as Neutrals) idly looking and gazing on their mise • ries, or (as men interessed in the same cause) voluntarily ayding and abetting them, or their enemies: This sight seemeth unto you very strange, because that professing one Christ Crucified, fighting under one Master, and bearing the general name of Christians, they give occasion unto the professed enemy of Christianity, by taking advantage of their unnatural dissention, to to enlarge his (already too large) Confines and Territories. In truth you have some cause to marvel hereat; But if it may please you to remember, That things in common are commonly neglected; that perils which be far off, and not presently imminent, are little regarded; That dangers which are at hand, and hang dayly over our heads, carry us away with their due confideration from the vigilant care and providence which we ought to have of common Enormities: And lastly, that this careless negligence or the common Adversary, is no new thing, but a matter of great Antiquity, and long continuance: You will leave to wonder thereat, and begin to pr • y unto the Almighty (as I do) to remove the Causes of our unnatural 〈◊〉 ; to change the minds of our malicious Christians; and to illumina • e the hear • s of our lawful Princes; that they may with the eyes of Indifferency and 〈…〉 upon the calamity of their loving Subjects: Consider the cause 〈…〉 thereof; consult upon the ways and means to redress the 〈…〉 deliberation, put in present practise those remedies, 〈…〉 and singular Wisdom shall seem most meet and convenien • : 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 but silly Ship-Boys in this huge Vessel, tossed with the raging Waves of 〈◊〉 unmerciful Seas: We may look upon the Masters, behold the Pilots, • nd be ready at the Call and Command of the other Officers, and this is all that we can do; and who so looketh for more at our hands, erreth as much in your Opinion, as you are deceived in your Choice: But the Interest which you have in me, and the hopes which I conceive of you, make me rather to hazard my poor Credit, then to incur your heavy Displeasure: You may, and I hope you will, conceal, or excuse my follies; but I would not, and God forbid I should, deserve the least diminution that may be, of your accustomed favours towards me.

In hope therefore of your Secresie, I will boldly enter into this Tragical Discourse; The chief Actors whereof are, The mighty Monarch of Spain; The merciful Queen of England; The unfortunate Don Antonio of Portugal; The valiant King of France; The Imperious Prelate of Rome; The sleeping and secure States of Germany; The Politique and Grave Senate of Venice; And the weak, but wise, Princes of Italy: Spain coveteth more then his own; Portugal and France would gladly recover their own: Rome and England labour and indeavour only to conserve and maintain their own: Germany feareth not the peril that is far off: Venice temporizeth wisely; and the rest of Italy sheweth an outward affection to him that is mightiest, but inwardly wisheth his weakness, and the good and prosperous success of his Adversaries.

This is in brief the open and hidden Idea of the present Estate of Christendome, wherein the Princes are (as you see) many; their Designs (as you have heard) too, viz. to conserve, and to increase their own; and the means to effe • t and accomplish their Desires (as you shall understand) many in number, and divers in nature.

Of the Princes, their Designs, and their Means, I will deliver unto you my opinion in General, and in Particular. Generally: You see, and I consider, that by the Competencies, Pretensions, Titles, Quarrels and Debates of all these Princes, the general Estate of Christendom is greatly weakned, and the strength of the common Adversary daily increased; That all their Realms and Dominions are either molested by continual Wars, within the very Bowels, and poor inward parts of the same; or grieved with intollerable charges, in sending out Men and Munition, with other things necessary, unto the said Wars; That their Subjects are greatly impoverished, by reason of these Charges, and their hearts sorely oppressed with grief and anguish because of these troubles: Lastly, That some of these Princes fain would, and cannot, others can and will not, redress those Enormities. Now seeing all this, you cry out with the time against the time; with the time you accompany their just complaints with your sorrows, who lament the iniquity of the time; and against the time, both you and they say, that it is more wicked, dangerous, and troublesome then ever it was: You think it impossible to find a Magistrate so just as Aristides; An Emperor so good as Trajan; A King so fortunate as Augustus; A Prince so valiant as Alexander; A Captain so chaste as Scipie; A Councellor so faithful as Hephestion; A General so expert as Hannibal; A Conqueror so merciful as the Romans: You see no Princes in this our corrupt Age,Carion. surnamed Gods, as was Demetrius amongst the Athenians; The delight and love of the people, as was Titus amongst the Romans; The wonder of the world,Plutarch. as was Otho the third, amongst the Germans; The Founder of their Cities, as was Caius Marius amongst the Romans; The Father of the common people,Plutarch. as was Cyrus amongst the Persians;Herodorus. The Son of fortune, as was Charles the Great amongst the Bohemians; The Buckler of the Common-wealth,De Hailon. as was Fabius Maximus; Plutarch. Or the Sword of the Country, as was Marcus Marcellus: You rather find that some Princes may be called Tyrants,Carion. as was Dionysius; The Scourge of God, as was Attila; Epicures and God Bacchus, Plutarch. as was Antonius; Lords and cruel Governors, as was Cambises; Covetous and Merchants,Herodotus▪ as was Darius; Lecherous and Effeminate, as was Sardanapalus. You see no Honours done unto Princes of our time,Titus Livius. as was done in times past; If they be in Adversity, their Subjects put not on mourning weeds, as the Romans did when Manlius was in trouble: If they be in Prison, the Clergy giveth not their Treasure, and the Commonalty the fourth part of their goods,Holinshed. Polid. Virg. for their Liberty, as the Clergy and Commonalty of England did for the Ransome of R. 1. If God calleth them to his mercy, neither do the women bewail their deaths ten Moneths together, as the Roman Dames did the death of Coriolanus, nor the men poll their Heads,Plutarch. their Horses and their Mules, or fill the Air with cries, the Rivers with tears,Herodot. or the Fields with continual lamentations, as the Persians did for Masistias: But contrary wise, some of them are wrongfully driven from their Kingdoms, as in Don Antonio of Portugal; others continually molested with Domestical Wars,Don Antonius. as is Henry King of France; some untimely done to death by their unnatural Subjects,Apology. R • stbergius as was the late French King; others unjustly persecuted by their unmerciful enemies, as is the merciful Queen of England; you see the Godly called ungodly, as the Princes of France and England are commonly termed Heretiques; and those which are far from the Catholique faith, called Catholiques, as the present King of Spain, and a few of his Predecessors: You see Subjects licensed to rebel against their Soveraigns, as in France and England; You see Fathers bear Arms against their children, and Brethren war against the seed of their Mothers Womb, as they do in France and Flanders. You see Fields that were wont to be fruitful, to lye now barren and unfertile: Cities that were rich and populous, to be poor and desolate, Merchants that lived in wealth and prosperity, to languish in need and penury: Gentlemen that neither wanted ease or pleasure, to lack all manner of rest and contentment: And lastly, Men, Women, and Children, that knew not what murther and massacres meant, cruelly murthered, and daily massacred: You see Germany pestered with divers Religions; Poland infected with sundry Heresies; France divided into many opinions; Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions; and England troubled with Genevian Puritans, and obstinate Barrowists: You see in all or some of these Regions, Monasteries subverted, Religious Houses destroyed, Ecclesiastical living abused, and Benefices unworthily collated: You see Justice corruptly administred, Laws dissolutely executed, good counsel negligently followed, and dissembling flattery more then diligently embraced: You see new charges daily invented, unaccustomed Subsidies yearly imposed, extraordinary grievances hourly practised, and unknown Offices unadvisedly established: You see secret wars under the name of peace, hidden enemies under the colour of amity, privy seditions under the pretence of ancient confederacies: You see Nobility to degenerate in vertue from their Ancestors; Sons to vary in opinion from their Fathers; Neighbours to dissent in Religion with their next Inhabitants; and Judges not to agree in matters of Justice, with their fellows in Office: You see the Puritan ready in outward appearance to dye for his Religion; the Anabaptist for his; the Papist for his; the Lutheran for his; the Barrowist for his; and other Sectaries for their several Sects and Heresies. Briefly, you see Offices dearly sold, which were wont to be freely given: Women impudently bold, which were accustomed to be honestly minded: Men transformed into mis-guised Atires, and children brought up and misled in unknown vices and impersections. Now, seeing all this, you fear that variety of Religions may subvert the Countries wherein it is suffered,Dubraevius as it did in Bohemia and Hungary; That new exactions may chance to cause a Rebellion in the Regions wherein they are levyed, as it did in France and Flanders: That Princes degenerating from their Antecessors,Dinothus de Bello Belgico. may be driven from their Imperial Crowns, as they have been in Spain and Germany: That Towns not inhabited, may cause penury amongst the Nobility, want amongst the Merchants, and extream poverty amongst the other Inhabitants, as they do in France and Flanders. And lastly, That all and every one of these Mischiefs and Miseries, may breed further inconveniencies, as they have done in other Countries, in which they have been either in old time, or within our memory, practised. This sight therefore, and this fear, ingendreth in your heart a just and worthy dislike of the present time, and a great desire and delight in the Age of your fore-Fathers: You condemned the one because it is (as you think) very troublesome and vitious; and you commend the other, because it was (as you suppose) very peaceable and vertuous: But if it may like you to confer the one with the other, you shall find them both in like manner reprehensible, and with equal measure laudable: For first you are to remember, that all Kingdoms and Common-wealths, represent in outward shew and appearance, the figure of a humane body, and have (as our bodies have) their times of health, and their times of sickness; their seasons of prosperity, and their seasons of adversity; sometimes they flourish with wealth and plenty, other times they languish in want and penury: And as in all Ages, as well as in ours, mens bodies have been disquieted, altered, distempered, yea and destroyed with burning Agues, Pestilent Fevers, contagious Plagues, and other mortal Diseases; so in other times, as well as at this present, Common-wealths and Kingdoms, resembling therein (as I have said) our natural bodies, have suffered distemperatures, alterations, changes, and subversions, by intolerable exactions, domestical dissentions, forrain wars, and other such like inconveniencies, as trouble the present Estate of Christendome.

Cast your Eye upon all the same Regions which are now under the general name Christendom, and see whether in the very Age, or immediately after the Age of those vertuous and good Princes (of whose glorious Titles Histories make mention) they felt not, in like manner as we do, the heavy hand of Gods Indignation; Who (either to plague and punish the sins of the Fathers in their Children; or to make us know and remember, that our Princes, although they are constituted and appointed in higher degree then we, yet they are subject both to his Will and Pleasure, and to our imperfections and vices, as well as we) sendeth us most commonly a wicked or foolish Son to rule over us, after a good and wise Father: So he sent (as we may read in holy Scripture) Roboam after Solomon, Manasses after Hezekias, Iehohaz after Iosias, Iehoram after Iehosaphat, Ahaz after Iotham; So sent he (as we read in prosane Histories) Nero after Augustus, Dionisian after Vespasian, and Commodus after Marcus Aurelius; All bad and wicked children to Rule and Govern after their good and vertuous Fathers.

So sent he (as we find in our English Chronicles) King Iohn, Edward the Second, Richard the Second and Third, and Henry the Sixth; That their Jurisdiction, Wickedness, Folly and Cruelty, might not only succeed, but also illustrate the Wisdom, Goodness, Prudence, and Lenity of their Predecessors: for as white appeareth more clear and bright, being placed nigh unto black; so vertue is more commendable when it is conferred with vice; and the profits arising thereby are more esteemed, when the incommodities which always accompany vice and wickedness, do immediately, or not long after, succeed them.

And surely, as God herein sheweth his Might and Omnipotency, so he maketh us also see hereby his Divine Wisdom, and heavenly Providence; For, since he hath distinguished Region from Region; some by Rivers, others by Seas; some by Mountains, and others by Desarts: And in these Regions he hath made the people of divers natures, and of sundry humors; some inclined to Peace, others given to War; some to be ruled by gentleness, and others not to be governed but by rigor and cruelty: For the conservation of this distinction, and for the preservation of these people, he hath found it good and expedient to set over them Princes of divers Qualities, and sundry Natures; that agreeing with the Subjects in exterior dispositions, the inward affection may not always be perverted by outward inequalities. And because in his unspeakable Wisdom he knoweth that if he should give unto every Kingdom a continual Race of conquering and vertuous Princes, neither the Rivers nor the Seas, the Mountains nor the Desarts, should contain or restrain their unbridled Ambition, from molesting and invading the Regions which are nigh or far from them, whereby the distinction which he hath set amongst them, might be utterly subverted; It hath seldom pleased him to bless any one Kingdom with two Princes of like minds,Plutarch. Justinus. or of like vertues; Hence it cometh, that as in Rome they had their Pompey, in Macedon their Alexander, Carion. in Persia their Cyrus, in Egypt their Antiochus, and in France their Charles, Du Haillan which for their continual and happy Conquests were surnamed the GREAT. So in the same Kingdomes, aswell as in others, they have had their Princes, who for their Pusillanimity, Losses, and ill Fortune, might worthily be baptized by the Surnames of Weaklings, and Unfortunate. Hence it cometh, that the Empire of the whole world passed from the Chaldeans to the Medes, from the Medes to the Persians, from them to the Graecians, from the Graecians to the Romans, The same Author. with Pol. Virg. and Hector Boetius. from the Romans to the French-men, and from the Frenchmen to the Germans. Hence it cometh, that Italy hath triumphed over France, France over Italy; England over Scotland, and Scotland sometimes (although very seldom) over England. Hence it cometh (to be short) that what the Fathers have got, the children have lost; what the Conquerors added to their ancient Kingdoms, their Successors either cowardly or negligently, voluntarily, or forcibly, suffered to be distracted and dissevered from their Kingdomes.

And as the Empire passed from Nation to Nation, so their calamities, and the happiness accompanying the Empire and the Emperours, also went from people to people; for there was never Conquerour that commanded not the conquered to be obedient unto his will and pleasure, nor Nation subdued, which did not accomodate himself and his nature unto the disposition and commandment of the Subduer. Then if the Conqueror was weak and gentle, the conquered lived in ease and pleasure; if severe and cruel, they wanted no manner of rigor or cruelty; if poor and needy, they supplyed his wants and penury; if wanton and leacherous, they satisfied his lusts and appetite; If covetous and an Extortioner, they were subject to Taxes and Subsidies, if unjust and unrighteous, they suffer wrongs and injuries; briefly, if any way ill given, or ill disposed, they seldom gave themselves to vertue and goodness: Such therefore as was the Conqueror, such were the conquered; and whatsoever it pleased him to prescribe, that they were inforced to perform. His manner of attire was their fashion in apparel; his Will served them for Lawes, his new Ordinances altered their old Consututions, his meanest Subjects commanded the best of their Nobility, and his strange and forraign Language, became their natural and Mother tongue. It they had Lands, his Courtiers enjoyed them; if Daughters, his Favorites married them; if Wives, his followers deflowred them; if riches his Souldiers shared them; if Servants, his Slaves commanded them. Since then many Nations have been subdued, and men of divers natures have subdued them: Since conquests have been from the beginning of the world, and conquerors have always commanded in the world: Since Force hath ever been an enemy unto Justice, and Equity never bore sway where Arms swayed all things: Since Might overcometh Right, and Blood asketh Blood; What man liveth in this Age▪ whose Predecessors endured not the torments that he suffereth? Saw not the miseries that he seeleth? Tasted not the bitterness that he swalloweth? Felt not the wrongs that he supporteth? Lost not the blood that he loseth? The Sun shineth now as it hath done, the Stars keep the course they were wont to do, the Sea ebbeth and floweth as it ever did, and the Rivers run the same way which they always ran; I mean, (and you may understand how I mean) that all things proceeding from nature, duly keep and observe their Natures: I mean therefore (and you may perceive how I mean) that as long as nature hath created, and shall create Princes of diverse dispositions, so long their Subjects have been and shall be subject unto contrary fortunes; unto good, if they be good and godly; and unto bad, if they be naught and wicked. In the good they have enjoyed, and shall enjoy the benefit of Peace: In the bad, they have felt, and shall feel the discommodities of War. In the good, they had and shall have all things which they desire: In the bad, they wanted, and shall want nothing that may discontent them: In the good, their estate was and will be such as you commend: In the bad, their condition was and shall be such as you condemn. For as Princes retain the Prerogatives given and granted unto Princes, so Subjects maintain still the conditions and qualities incident and proper unto Subjects. Every Prince hath his qualities,Mores gentium. Munster. and every sort of people hath his conditions: The Spaniard varieth from the Italian, the Italian from the French, the French from the German, the German from the English-man, and the English-man from the Scots.

And such as all and every one of these Nations have been, such they will be as long as they do and shall inhabit the same Climate, and receive breath from the same Air. And as these Nations naturally hate one another, so by nature they desire not to be subject one unto another; and therefore, if against their nature, one of them chance to have never so little authority over the other, the one commandeth imperiously, and the other obeyeth most unwillingly: and yet it so hapneth oftentimes, that the Commander is commanded; and they that once obeyed, many times command, So did Padua command Venice, Fr •• Lean. Guido Donato. and now Venice commandeth Padua: So did Rome rule Spain, and now Spain ruleth Rome: So did France sway the Empire of Germany, Tit. Livi. Du Hailan Carion. and now Germany precedeth France: So did France command the King of Navar, and now Navar either doth or should command France: So did Portugal hate Spain, and now doth Spain rule over Portugal: So did Italy bear sway over most part of Christendom, Terapha de vitis Reg. Hispan. and now some part of Christendom is Mistris over Italy: And when things happen as these do, contrary to nature, contrary to mens expectations, contrary to mens desires, can there be Peace, where there are so many occasions of War? Love, where there is such cause of hatred? Upright dealing, where there are so many motives and incitements unto wrong? Is it possible that proud men should agree with the humble and meek? Plain dealers, with common Deceivers? Men of peace, with men of war? Simple Subjects, with subtile Princes? Especially since Kings of strange natures or Countries never ruled well or long, people varying from them in nature or conditions. Whence came it that the Danes were driven out of England, the French-men out of Naples, Polid. Vir. Holinshed. Guicardin. Paradin. Dinothus de bello Belgico. Gio. Giov. Pontavo della guerra di Napoli. the English-men from France, and of late years the Spaniards out of Flanders? Forsooth, because Conquerors are odious; and why are they odious? truely because they are most commonly insolent. And wherefore are they insolent? verily because they think it lawful for them to do what they list. And what moveth them to be of that mind? The good opinion conceived of themselves, and the bad conceit which they have and hold of the Conquered. What think they of themselves? marry, that they are valiant, happy, victorious and fortunate. And what is their opinion of the Conquered? Undoubtedly they hold them for Cowards, base minded, vile Slaves, and effeminate persons. And what are the effects of these sundry opinions? Certainly that the Conquerors heaping cruelty upon cruelty, and the Conquered seeking all means possible to free and mancipate themselves from bondage and servitude, they by negligence commit many errors, and these by wary circumspection and providence, take advantage of their follies: Whence they lose their conquest, and these recover their Liberty.

I take oftentimes great delight to read our English Chronicles, and especially the Reigns of Edward the Third,Nicolle Giles Annales. de Aquitanie. Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed. Hect. Boetius. and of Henry the Fifth, because I see therein the continual success which they both had against the Frenchmen; It delighteth me greatly to consider what sway Edward the black Prince bare through all Christendom; to see how Princes Courted him; to read how Kings sought unto him; to behold how he restored Kings to their Kingdoms, and drave Usurpers from their Usurpations; To remember how valiantly he fought at Poitiers and Cressy, two of the most famous Battels that ever were fought in Europe; To Record how he took the French King, and most part of the French Nobility Prisoners; How he brought the King and them into England; how reverently he carryed himself towards the Captive Prince; how Honourably he was received by his Father and his Subjects; and how lovingly the two Kings entertained one another, and in the end departed one from the other: But my joy is turned into sorrow, and my delight into grief, when I see that the Frenchmen naturally hating Englishmen; that the Prince forcibly overcharging the Conquered with new Subsidies, and unaccustomed Tributes; that the Gascoins disloyalty forsaking their obedience unto their natural Prince, and that the French King unkindly taking hold of the occasions that were offered unto him; they with him, and he with them, set upon the poor Prince when he was unprovided, invaded his Country when he thought little of their coming, and drave him into England, who had driven them out of France. The like hapned unto Henry the fifth, and his Successors, for the one was not so fortunate in Conquering, as the other was unfortunate in his losses; but hereof hereafter: And now more plainly to my purpose, let me confer the miseries of this Age, with the calamities of former times. They that inveigh against the present State, wonder at many things; which I will begin in order, and let you see and understand, that in times past all things were in as evil case, as they are at this present.

They first wonder that the common Adversary of Christendom being in Arms, and ready to invade part of Austria; the civil Wars in France and Flanders cease not, but continue in as great fury, rage and extremity as ever they did; That the Princes of Christendom labour not to appease and finish the said Wars, but rather nourish and maintain them; That the Popes Holiness (whose principal use and commendation hath been, and is, to set Princes at unity, which be at variance) indeavoureth not to reconcile, but to animate them in their Quarrels who have taken unjust, or not very just occasions to war one against another; And that by this common negligence, the common enemy is not repulsed, but encouraged to increase his over-large Confines and Territories.

To this I will Answer before I come unto other Points. This negligence (as I have said before) is no newthing, nor these troubles in France and Flanders a strange President; nor the Causes moving or continuing the same, are such as never hapned in any other Age: They therefore who blame our time for this respect, should remember that the Turk is grown unto his greatness by the dissention of Christian Princes only. And that they may the better perceive herein I report a manifest truth,That the Turk is grown great by the dissention of Christian Princes. I will prove as much as I have said, by many examples: It is not unknown unto them that be conversant in Histories, That the Turks first beginning was very base and obscure; That his power was weak and feeble, and his Dominion small and of less moment, which he hath enlarged by taking advantage of the discord and variance of Christian Princes; who, when they have been in Arms against him for and in the defence of the common Cause, have overthrown the common Cause by sudden jars and debates which arose both untimely and unfortunately amongst themselves. About the year 1106. Baldwin being Successor unto his Brother Godfrey of Bulloin, Duke of Lorrain, Mar. Arrogo. Pietro Mexias. Illescas. Du Haillan Carions Cron. Guyl. Atchives. Di Tyro nella Historia della guerra Hi • rusalemme. in the Kingdom of Ierusalem, the Christians besieged Carra in Mesopotamia, and having with continual Seige and sundry Batteries, driven the same unto great extremities, they that were in the City determined to yeild themselves unto the mercy of the Christians, amongst whom suddenly there arose a strife and contention whose the City should be, and so they deferred the entring thereof, until that controversie was decided; in which interim there came such great succor of the Turks and Moors, that they overcame the Christians, and cut all their throats: In like manner the Christians laying Siege unto Damasco, and having equalled the Walls thereof with the ground, through discord and dissention growing suddenly amongst them, they departed without taking the same, and thought it better to leave it unto the Infidels, then for one Christian to see it in the possession of another. And not long after, the Turk, by the departure of Conrade the Third, Emperor of the Romans, and of Lewis the French King, who returned to their homes by reason of civil Wars, begin in Germany by Gulfin, a Rebel of the Empire, the Christians lost the whole Country of Edissa, and whatsoever else they held in Mesopotamia. Furthermore, Baldwyne the seventh King of Ierusalem, being dead, and leaving behind him one only Infant, while Guydo Lusignian, and Raymond, Earl of Trypoli, Brethren in Law unto the King, contended who should succeed him, Saladyne King of Damasco, hearing of their contentions, secretly sent word unto the Earl Raymond, that if he would circumcise himself, he would help and assist him with all his Forces against Guido, and make him King of Ierusalem; unto which his offer, although the Earl gave not open ear at that time, yet by outward shews he declared his good liking and delight therein, and became Saladines great friend and confederate, who seeing the Earls inclination, favour, and readiness, assembled presently a great Army of Moors and Turks, and set upon the City Tyberiades, belonging unto the Earl Raymond (for so it was secretly agreed betwixt them) thereby to make his Brother in Law, Guydo Lusignian to come to succor him, and then either to kill him, or to take him by the Earls treachery, as they indeed took him in a certain Battel wherein all the Christians were slain; and Saladine took Ierusalem and all Palestina, in the Moneth of October, in the year 1187. And Raymond in hope that Saladine would perform his promise, circumcised himself; but he failed of his purpose; For the Turk was so far from keeping of his word, that be drave Raymond from all that he had in possession, whereupon he dyed suddenly, as some say, and others write that he fell into such a desperation, that he hanged himself.

So likewise by the discord of the Inhabitants of the City of Acon, the Moors and Turks slew above 30000. Christians; And the Tartarians came into Hungary and Polonia, and destroyed both the one and the other Armenia.

The Emperor Frederick, Surnamed Barbarossa, and Philip King of France, together with Richard the first, King of England, lamenting the late loss of Ierusalem, resolved to combine themselves, and with their untied Forces to recover the same; And being come unto Suega, and having obtained divers great and important Victories, by reason of discord and dissention betwixt the two Kings; the French King not only returned into France, but also made War upon King Richard in his absence, for the Dukedome of Normandy; which King Richard understanding (although he was then in a readiness to win Ierusalem, and did great hurt daily unto the Infidels, insomuch that Saladine purposed to yeild Ierusalem up into his hands) returned home into his Country, leaving the most honourable Enterprise which he had begun; And the Turks (who were sorely decayed and weakned in strenght) through the benefit of his sudden departure, not only recovered that which they had once determined to give over unto the Christians as already lost, but also drove them from those places which before his departure they quietly possessed.

It is likewise Recorded of Frederick the Second, that he being excommunicated by Gregory the ninth; and having no other means to purchase his Absolution, determined to go unto Asia, and to recover Ierusalem at his own proper Charges: Where the Almighty so favoured him, that Ierusalem was delivered unto him by composition, and he was Crowned King thereof upon Easter day, in the year of our Lord 1229. and because he was also King of Sicily, the Kings thereof at this day bear the name of Kings of Ierusalem; But whilst this Emperor was busied in the Wars and Affairs of the Holy Land, the Pope maligning him for the Kingdom of Sicily, procured him secret enemies in Italy, mighty Adversaries in Germany, and such Rebels in every place where there was any thing appertaining unto him, that the good Emperor was constrained to return, and to imploy his whole power and strength for the recovery and conservation of his own; After whose departure, the Christians, by the Popes Counsel, breaking the Truce which the Emperor had taken with the Turk for their advantage, and dividing themselves into Factions, by the imitation and example of Italy, (which was divided into Guelfians and Gibbilines) made civil Wars one against another; And when the other part was assaulted by the Turks and Infidels, they did not only not help one another, but of set purpose, the one part assisted the very Moors against the other; by whom they were both destroyed in a very short time, and Ierusalem yeilded up again unto the enemies.

I might tell how Constantinople, by the discord of the Graecians; how Anatolia, by the same cause, and the subtilty of Ottamon; how Caria, Licaonia, and Phrygia, by the like occasion; how Harly and Andrynopoly, by the very self same means; and how by reason of the debate and controversie betwixt Emanuel Paleologo, Emperor of Constantinople, and the King of Seruia, and the Valachians; all Albania, Velona, Salona, R • manca, and Thracia, were subdued and taken by the Turk.

I might tell you how that the discord betwixt Alphonso King of Arragon, and of Naples, and the Venetians, and betwixt Sextus the Pope, Francis Sforza Duke of Milan, and the Floentines, enforced the poor Venetians, who otherwise were not able to withstand their domestical Enemies, to give the Turk Chalcedonia, a principal City of Anatolia, together with the Island of Stalemina, otherwise called Lemnos, and an hundred thousand Duckets in ready money, and eight thousand of yearly Tribute.

I might tell you (as Lewis Fuscarin Embassadour of Venice, in an Oration that he made unto Pope Pius the second, told him) That the contentions betwixt Christian Princes have been so many and so obstinate, that the Turk by reason of them possesseth two Empires, which be Constantinople, and Trapesonda: Four principal Kingdomes of Persia, Arabia, Syria, and Egypt. Twenty great Provinces, and two hundred fair Cities.

I might tell you how Barbarossa burnt Niza in Provence, and carried above forty thousand Captives out of the Kingdom of Naples, Pulia, and Calabria, taking only advantage of the sedition which then raigned in Italy.

I might tell you that the Island of Rhodes was lost because the Christians were not able to succour the same, by reason of the Wars of Italy, and the Insurrection of the commonalty of Spain. I might tell you that the Kingdom of Hungary was lost by the like dissention. And briefly, that in late years the contentions betwixt the French Kings, and Charles the Fifth, and King Philip of Spain, have greatly hindred the progress, happy success, and fortunate accomplishment of such enterprises as were valiantly attempted, and might worthily have been executed against the aspiring pride of the insatiable Turk.

But to tell you all this, and the circumstances thereof, were somewhat too tedious: And I hasten unto other points; and I shall have occasion to handle that which is untouched, and not sufficiently declared in this point, in another place more aptly hereafter.

The second point whereat they wonder,An answer to an objection, that Princes aid Rebels, proving that in times past they did the like is, that Princes hating Rebels as the Enemies of their estates, the Impugners of their authority, the Adversaries of their absolute power, and the Subverters of their Kingdoms, do in these dayes not only bear with Rebels, but also harbour them; not receive them alone, but also aide and assist them. So say they, the Queen of England maintaineth the Rebels of the United Provinces, commonly called the States of the United Provinces: So say they, the King of Spain supporteth, yea and helpeth with money, men, and munition, the Rebels of France, commonly called Leaguers: So say they, the Popes holiness animateth the Catholicks of France and England to rebell against their Soveraigns.

Truly to nourish Rebels is an action in nature hateful, and in policy dangerous; for to aid the wicked, is to participate with them in their wickedness: and he that giveth countenance, comfort or succour unto his Neighbours domestical Enemies, is to look for the like measure, if his Subjects at any time, and upon any occasion, chance to rebel against him. But because many things in outward appearance seem good, which indeed are naught, and vitious; not only in this Age, but also in times past, are and have been baptized by the names of vertues: It is now, and it hath always been usual to deem all things honest that are profitable, honourable that are expedient, and lawful that may be justified by examples. Is there any thing that maintaineth States, and upholdeth Kingdomes better then Justice? And yet lived there not a man, that inwardly professed, and openly said, Si violandum est jus regnandi causa? Is there any thing more odious or unbeseeming a Prince, then to say one thing and do another? And yet lived there not a Prince that wrote for his Posie, Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit Regnare? Is there any greater sign of an insatiable mind, and of ambitious covetousness, then having many Kingdomes to covet more Kingdomes? and yet lived there not a King, who having conquered most part of the world, wept, because he heard a Philosopher dispute of another world, which he had not as yet subdued? Is there any thing more cruel or barbarous, then an Emperor being bound by duty, and commanded by the Almighty to conserve and preserve his Subjects, to wish and intend the death of all his Subjects? And yet lived there not an Emperor who wished that all the people of Rome had but one head, that he might cut it off at one blow? And what moved these Princes, Kings, and Emperors to violate Justice? to dissemble with all men? to aspire and desire more Kingdomes? and to covet and imagine the death of their Subjects, but a colourable shew of honour, or of profit? The common Proverb saith, give a man an Inch, and he will take an Ell; and who desireth to do be great, regardeth no Parentage, careth for no kindred, nor esteemeth any Lawes.

The ancient Romans, whose fame is notable through all the world, and whose Actions are imitated by most of the world, seemed outwardly to be just, and true dealers, never coveting more then their own, but alwayes contented (in common opinion) with their own; And yet in their inward thoughts they were never satisfied, till all that belonged to others became their own. They first conquered Italy, then Spain, next France, afterwards Germany, and after them Scotland and England; their desires and covetousness rested not there, but as men infected with the Dropsie (the more they drink, the more they desire to drink) so they, the more they had, the more they desired, and did spread the wings of their ambitious Avarice over all Africa, and Asia, making themselves of Lords of one Town, Monarchs of the universal world; In all which their conquests they carried an outward shew of manifest Equity, pretending for all and every the wars which they undertook, not one but many just causes, which they used to declare unto their friends and confederates, and not to conceal them from their very enemies, unto whom they sent usually an Herald of Arms, who should demand restitution of such things as they pretended to be unjustly taken from them, or reparation of their supposed wrongs: But if a man should now with the eyes of indifferency look upon the causes which moved them to undertake all, or most part of their wars; he should find that they were but colorable shews; for what cause had they to war with Carthage, but that they envied Carthages greatness? What moved them to subdue England, but because England holpe France in their wars against them? What pretence had they to conquer Scotland, but that Scotland succoured England? Why hindred they the Switzers going into France. with intention to conquer France, but that they thought it a better morsel for themselves? What colour used they to overcome the residue of the world, but sometimes a pretence to defend their Confederates? sometimes a shew to maintain the liberties of their Neighbours? sometimes a feigned and hypocritical zeal of Religion, when as indeed they oppressed them whom they pretended to defend: brought into bondage for whose liberty they would seem to fight: and were in all respects as irreligious as they whose Religion they seemed to condemn: So to be short, they cunningly enlarged their Confines, by seeming to be careless of Conquests; made themselves Monarchs, by pretending to suppress Tyrants; and did wrong unto all men, by bearing an outward shew to suffer no manner of injury to be done unto any man. This cunning in aspiring unto Forrain Dominions, begun in the Infancy of the Romans prosperity, continued in the riper years thereof, and practised even until their declining Age; was not only proper unto them, but passed (as their Empire did) from them unto other Rulers (by what name or title soever they were called) taking advantage of the time, omited no means to attain unto their desires and purposes.

Though therefore the name of Rebels in all Ages hath been odious, their Cause was never unjust, and the voluntary Aid given unto them, never was honourable unto him that aided them; yet the Chronicles not only of our Nation, but also of other Regions, Realms, and Dominions, are full of Examples of many Princes not inferior to the Princes of our Age, be it in Might, in Power, in Authority, or in Goodness; who rather regarding the propagation and increase of their Dominions, then the conservation and maintenance of their Honours, did as our Princes do now, not only receive their Neighbors Rebels into their protection, but also use them as means and instruments to molest and persecute their Neighbours, by whose decay and downfall they might rise, and aspire unto higher Authority. Neither hath the League of Amity, the bond of Kindred and Parentage; the duty of children to their Parents; the affection of one Brother to another, moved Princes to withdraw their helping hand, succor and assistance from those who being tyed by all, or some of those Bands, rebelled against their Sovereigns. Iames King of Scotland, being not only in League with Henry the seventh, being King of England, but also by Oath and Homage bound unto him, as his Vassal, did not only favour and receive into his protection a young Man, named Perkin, who was suborned by Margaret, Dutchess of Burgondy, to call and carry himself for one of the Sons of her Brother King Edward; but also married the said Perkin unto Katherine, Daughter unto Alexander, Earl of Huntley, and his own neer Kins-woman; and with him, and for him invaded England: Here you see the Vassal favour and succor the Rebels of his Sovereign; and the neer Kins-woman conspire against her Leige Lord and King. Richard Earl of Poictou, because his Father Henry the second denyed him that Honour (although by the death of the young King Henry, he was become his eldest Son) to marry him with the French Kings Sister Alice,, and to declare him immediately for his immediate Successor, became the French Kings Man to serve him against his Father. Robert, Son unto William the Conqueror, having tasted the sweetness in Commanding others, so far that he loathed to be commanded by others, Rebelled against his Father, and was aided and succoured in his Rebellion by the French King Henry, Son unto Henry surnamed the Grosse, because his Father was Excommunicated by the Pope; and as an Excommunicated person was not in his opinion to hold and sway the Empire; was not only animated by the Pope to Rebel against his Father, but also assisted by him, until he took his Father Prisoner.

Here you see the Sons Rebelling against their own Fathers, protected and succoured by them, which either were, or should have been Friends and Confederates unto their Fathers.

Henry, Terapha Holinshed. Pol. Virg. Du Haillan base Brother unto Peter King of Castile, knowing that his Brother for his evil and licentious life, was generally hated of all his Subjects, Rebelled against him, and with the help of the Kings of France and Portugal, deprived him of his Life and Crown. Here you see the Brother bearing Arms against his Brother; ayded by two Kings, who should rather have favoured a Lawful King then an Usurper.

The Marquess of Villona, and the Archbishop of Toledo, both neer Kinsmen unto Ferdinando and Isabel, King and Queen of Aragon, and of Castile, Rebelled against them both, and received aid and succour in their Rebellion from Alonso King of Portugal. Here you see the Kinsmen Rebelling against their own blood, ayded by their Sovereigns Kinsman and Con • ederate. And seeing all this, how can you marvel, that in this Age (against the corruption whereof you and others inveigh most bitterly) Princes ayd the Rebels of other Kings, betwixt whom there is no manner of Alliance; Or if there be any, the same is long since dissolved, and resolved into hatred and enmity: For albeit the King of Spain Married the Sister of the Queen of England, and of the late French King; by which Marriages he was Allied unto both in League of Friendship and Affinity: Yet you know, and shall hereafter see, that many occasions besides the deaths of his Wives, have changed his love into hatred, and his good will into malice: So that it is no marvel, since every injury asketh a revenge; every enemy seeketh all means possible to hurt and annoy his Adversary; and every Prince can be content to take such advantage for the enlargement of his Confines, and for the maintenance of his Estate, as the time and opportunity doth or shall yeild him; If the Spaniard, who hath purposed in his heart to devour and swallow up the Kingdom of France, useth the Rebellion of the Guyzards for his best means and instruments; or if the Queen of England, who findeth no better ways to keep the Spaniard from invading and subduing her Realms and Dominions, then to busie and to find him continually occupied in defending, or in recovering his own, doth succour his pretended Subjects of the United Provinces (for indeed they are not his Subjects) and vouchsafeth daily to send them such supplies of Men and Money as seem most necessary for their defence.

The Third Point whereat they wonder, dependeth somewhat upon this Point, which is, Why the Flemmings, being always reputed a fearful and timerous Nation; And the Frenchmen having at all times most worthily carried the names of the most Faithful and Loyal Subjects of Europe; the one in hatred of the Spaniard, Rebelleth against the Spaniard; and the other, at the Instigation of the Spanish King, beareth Arms in his behalf, against their natural Leige Lord and Soveraign: But if it may please you, and these Wonders,That the Flemming had just cause to rebel against the King of Spain. to enter into consideration of the Spaniards Nature, and of the Flemmings Qualities; and to call to mind the Levity of the one, and the Cruelty of the other; the Weakness of them, and the Pride of these; and how ready they are to take, and these to give occasion of Rebellion; you will leave to wonder at their revolt and distraction from the bondage of the Spaniard. Read the Chronicles of Flanders, and you shall find that there was never any Nation more mutinous,Anales Flandriae. Marchantius. more easie to be displeased, more prone and ready to Rebel, then the Flemmings. You shall likewise find, that they are far more fit to be Governed by Gentleness then by Rigor, and by Women then by men; You shall likewise find, that they have seldom lived in long Peace and Obedience under any of their natural Princes, if he did not Rule and Govern them with all manner of humanity: And finding this, you must needs think that there can be no long Agreement betwixt them and the Spaniard, whose nature is to Command Imperiously, to Rule Proudly, and to Govern Tyrannically, as it appeareth in all places where he beareth Sway or Government.

The House of Austria had their beginning in Hasburg in Switzerland; whence (as you shall read in Smiller) they were driven by the Subjects for their extream Tyranny: By Marriage they are grown from poor Earls unto mighty Princes, and have spread themselves over divers Nations;Smillerus de Repub Helvetior. over which how they have Tyrannized, the very Histories of those Nations do report and witness: You shall read of their persecutions in the Indies; Of their Exactions in the Kingdom of Naples; Of the • Extortion in the Dutchy of Millan; Of their Pride and Arrogancy in Germany; Of their hard and cruel dealing in the County of Burgundy; Of their late Cruelty in Portugal; and of their intolerable oppression in all places. You shall read that ever since they began to be in Authority in the world, they have troubled the Tranquility and Peace of most part of the world: You shall read, that Italy, France and Germany, have suffered more injuries, wrongs, and indignities by them only, then by all other Princes and Royal Families of Christendom. You shall read that Maximilian the Emperor, Charles the fifth, and this present King of Spain, disquieted and troubled the peaceable Estates of all other Princes that lived, or live in their time.

Briefly, You shall read, that they have always had high minds, unsatiable desires, ambitious projects, marvelous designs and purposes; which if it had not pleased the Almighty to prevent and cross, by sundry unexpected Accidents, they had long before this time made themselves Monarchs of the universal world.

This is so apparent and well known unto all men that know never so little of the knowledge which is gathered from Histories; That I shall not need to stand upon the proof thereof, and to confirm the same by Examples.

No marvel then, since the Low-Countries did all at the first, with one mutual consent, Rebel; and the United Provinces do yet bear Arms against the Spaniard,Dinothus de bello Belgico. Responce, ala Declaration de D. Jehan de Austrice Discourse summarie de Estates Generals. du Pags Bas. defending themselves by power and might from his wrongs and violence, who gave them many just occasions to Revolt from his Obedience; Before they Revolted, he Ruled them by Strangers, being bound to Govern them by their own Country-men; He brake dayly their Priviledges and Customes, being sworn duly to keep and observe them; He preferred meer Strangers, and men of base condition, unto the best and highest Offices over them, having protested and undertaken by Oath, to constitute no such Magistrates overthem, as were not born in their own Country; He altered the State of the Clergy without their consent, having promised not to innovate any thing therein without their Counsel and permission; He caused to be done to death the best of their Nobilty, without any such form of Judgment as their Laws and Priviledges required; He charged them with new Imposts, and intolerable Tributes, without their advice and consent, whose counsel and consent he was to use therein: He called them to consult upon matters of weight and importance, in such places as they might not appear. Lastly, He placed such Governours over them, as sought and wrought the death of the best Maintainers and Upholders of their Ancient Priviledges; as filled the Country with odious and suspected People; as bandied and combined themselves with Forrainers against their States; as sought and took all occasions possible to sow Debate and Sedition betwixt their Nobles and Princes; as charged their Nobility with false and untrue Accusations; as declared the better part of them to be Traytors and Rebels, because they would not at their commandment make open Wars against the Prince of Orange, the only Patron and Pillar of their Liberties; as seized and took into their hands the frontire Towns and Forts; as builded Citadels to bridle, and Castles to bridle and keep them in awe: Briefly, as turned their Peace into War, their Wealth into Poverty, and their Rest and Tranqu •• ity into Tumults and Troubles: Can any Prince do greater wrongs unto his Subjects then these are? Or can any Subjects suffer greater injuries then these? Especially such a Prince as was no longer Prince then he observed their ancient Priviledges; Especially such Subjects as were no longer bound to their Prince then he kept their Liberties inviolable; Such a Prince as lost his Authority over them so soon as he brake the Conditions whereupon he was received: And such Subjects who were freed from all manner of Obedience so soon as these Conditions were broken; Such a Prince as was requested by all the Princes of Christendom not to Tyrannize over his Subjects, and would not hearken to their perswasions and requests; And such Subjects as besought the Princes of Christendom to be their Intercessors to their Prince, and could not prevail with him: Briefly,Dinothus D. Chytraeus: Such a Prince as when he had long vexed and wearied his Subjects with intolerable charges, and unsupportable wrongs, might have had infinite wealth of his Subjects to receive them into his good Grace and Favour, and would not accept their offer; And such Subjects as offered to give their Prince three Millions of Gold, to suffer them to live in liberty of conscience, and could not be heard. These Subjects therefore had good occasion to forsake and renounce this Prince, And the Wars which they undertook against him were in my simple opinion most lawful; Not that I approve Rebellion, or allow Subjects to Rebel against their Soveraigns, when, or for what occasions they will; but that I dis-allow and dislike the Prince that will Govern and Rule his Subjects in all things as he lists; There is a mutual bond betwixt the Subject and the Prince; there is a reciprocal League, there is on both sides a certain duty, in the one to obey reverently, and in the other not to command over rigorously: The reverence of the Subjects conserveth the Majesty of a Prince; and the Lenity of a Prince maintaineth the life and welfare of his Subjects; but when the Prince casteth off humanity, and the Subjects forget their duty; when he mindeth nothing less then the publique wealth, and they suffer things whereunto they have not been accustomed; when he breaketh Laws, and they desire to live under their ancient Laws; when he imposeth new Tributes, and they think themselves sufficiently charged and grieved with their old; when he oppreseth and suppresseth such of the Nobility as favour the common people, their ancient Lawes, Priviledges, and Liberties, and they take the wrongs that are done unto their Favourers, and Patrons, to be done unto themselves and their Posterity: Then changeth love into hatred, and obedience into contempt; then hatred breedeth disdain, and disdain ingendereth disloyalty, after which follow secret conspiracies, unlawful assemblies, undutiful consultations, open mutinies, treacherous practises, and manifest rebellions: The chief reasons whereof are, because the common people are without reason, ready to follow evil counsel, easie to be displeased, prone to conceive dislike, not willing to remember the common benefit which they received by a Prince, when they see their private Estates impoverished by him or his Officers; forgetful of many good turns, if they be but once wronged; more desirous to revenge an injury, then to remember a benefit, quickly weary of a Prince, be he never so good, if he be not pleased to satisfie all their unreasonable demands; easily suspecting those who are placed in authority over them, commonly affecting time that is past, better then the present; briefly, all liking what the most like, all inclining where the greatest part favoureth; all furthering what the most attempt, and all soon miscarried, if the most be once misled.

This natural disposition of the common people, is proved by common experience, observed by wise Polititians, and confirmed by many examples, not of one Realm, but of many Nations; not of one age, but of many seasons; not of barbarous people, but of civil Realms; not of Kingdoms alone, but of other manner of Governments; briefly, not of Subjects living only under Tyrants, but also under the best Princes that ever were; for there is no Kingdom comparable unto France for antiquity, or for greatness, for strength, or for continual race of good and vertuous Kings, for absolute government of Rulers, or for dutiful obedience of Subjects, for good laws, or for just and wise Magistrates; and yet France that hath this commendation, and these benefits,That France hath rebelled against their Kings before this time. hath many other times besides this, and for other occasions besides the causes that now moveth France to rebel, revolted from her liege Lords and Soveraigns; for proof whereof, let us examine and consider the causes and motives of this present Rebellion, begun in the late Kings time, and continued in this Kings days. They that write thereof at large, and seem to understand the causes of this revolt more particularly then others, affirm that this Rebellion began upon these occasions. The Authors and chief Heads thereof saw Justice corruptly administred,Pedro Corn de la lyga q confederation Francesa. Offices appertaining unto Justice, dearly sold, Benefices and Ecclesiastical dignities and livings unworthily collated, new Impositions dayly invented and levied, the Kings Treasures and Revenues prodigally consumed, old Officers unjustly displaced, and men of base quality unworthily advanced;The causes of the Leaguers rebellion, their proceeding & policies. they saw the late King carried away with vanities, governed by a woman, entred in League and Amity with their Enemies, and fully resolved to follow his pleasure, and to leave the administration and government of the whole Kingdom unto their mortal Enemies: They saw him careless in the maintainance of their Religion, unlikely to have any issue to succeed him,David Chytraeus. Risembergius. not willing to establish any succession of the Crown after him, and obstinately minded not to enter into League with them, that intended and purposed to uphold and maintain their Catholick Religion. Lastly, they saw that as long as he lived, the King of Navar and his followers could hardly be suppressed; and that as soon as he dyed, the said King was likely to be his Successor; which hapning, they considered the desperate estate of their Religion, the sure and certain advancement of the Protestants, and of their cause and quarrel, the utter subversion of all their intents and purposes; And lastly, the final and lamentable end of the greatness of themselves, and of their Families. Wherefore to withstand all those mischiefs and inconveniencies, and to prevent some of them, and to redress and reform others; they called a general Assembly of the three Estates; implored the help of forreign Princes; levied as great Armies as they could possibly gather together; propounded means of Reformation to the King; and when they found him not willing to yeild to their advise and counsel, they combined themselves against the Protestants, his pretended, and their open enemies; seized upon greatest part of the Kings Treasure, took possession of his best Holds and Towns of strength, removed such Officers as disliked them, and in all Affairs that concerned the advancement of their Cause, imployed men fit for their humours, made for their purpose, brought up in their Factions, practised in their Quarrels, affectioned in their Cause, and wholly devoted to their wills and pleasures. And because they found themselves unable to encounter with the late King and his Confederates, unless they were also assisted by some forrain Princes, they sought all ways and means possible to insinuate themselves into the Grace and Favour of strange and mighty Potentates, to recommend their Cause and Quarrel unto their protection, and to joyn their Domestical power with their forrain Enemies: They consider therefore that the Popes Holiness by the heat and vehemency of the hatred which he beareth unto Protestants: The King of Spain, by the greatness of his Ambition; and the Duke of Lorrain, by the ancient envy and enmity which hath been, and which is betwixt him and the House of Bourbon, might easily be perswaded and induced to favour their party, and further their Attempts and Enterprises.

The Duke of Guyse as chief Head and Patron of these Actions, sendeth Messengers unto every one of these Princes,The Duke of Guise the head of the League; his proceedings and policies. beseeching them, as they had heretofore secretly favoured him and his complices, so they would now (that matters were grown to ripeness, and secret Conspiracies to open resistance) vouchsafe him and his Confederates their help and assistance to the utmost of their power: In which Suit he findeth happy success; and with promise of assured and sufficient aid, is animated to proceed with courage, and not to omit any manner of cunning and policy, to win unto himself as many friends as he might possibly; He therefore considering, that for the better accomplishment of his designs, it was needful and expedient for him to continue at the Court, and there to draw unto himself as many partakers as by any means possibly he might obtain, repaireth thither with all diligence; And knowing that he should undoubtedly fail of his purpose, unless he might effectually compass three things of special consequence; he laboureth to the utmost of his power to bring them to pass: The first of the three was the late Kings especial Favour: The second an Office of great Account and Dignity: The third, that the rest of the Court should be at his Will and Commandment, either for love towards him, or for fear of his Greatness and Authority. For the purchasing and assurance of the Kings favour, he useth two principal means: The one, to let the King understand that he was now grown to so great power and strength, that it was impossible for his Majesty to supplant or suppress the same. The other, to perswade the King, not only by words but also by good carriage of himself, that he would never abuse that his power, but always use it to his Highness benefit, and his Majesties service; keeping the King by this means always betwixt love and fear, and increasing the number of his friends and followers, by gratifying some with Offices, others with money, and still imploying his Purse, his Credit, and his Countenance, for the strengthning of his Party; and that in such manner as the King could not but perceive it; yet he dissembleth so cunningly, protesteth so devoutly, and sheweth sometimes so apparent effects of his good will, and dutiful obedience to the King, that his Majesty distrusteth not his proceedings: And for the better continuance of the King in that opinion; he marketh what is done in every Province, willeth many things to be done that were acceptable and pleasing to the Kings humours; and still writeth unto his Friends and Kinsmen, that they should shew their obedience in small things, and in matters of no great moment, that they might the better be trusted in matters of more great weight and profit, to the furtherance of his and their designs. Now for the obtaining of such an Office as might both countenance him, and prefer his Friends, he very subtily insinuateth himself into the Queen Mothers favour, unto whom the King had committed the Administration and charge of the weightiest affairs of his Kingdom; he maketh the Kings principal Secretary sure unto him; causeth him to procure his return to the Court, when he was once commanded by the King to depart thence in disgrace; bringeth it to pass by him, that the Duke of Espernon, his greatest enemy, should be banished the Court, and that after his departure the same Secretary should continually seek and procure his discredit, and contrariwise further him in all his Attempts and Endeavours, lest that the King recalling in time the Duke Despernon, might be induced by him to displace and discountenance them both. And whilst he is in this favour, he sueth to be High Constable of France, meaning in time to use the same Office (as Charls Martel did) for a step and Ladder to climb up to the Kingdom; which Office he saith was of such antiquity and necessity, as that as soon as there was a King in France, there was also a High Constable; and that their Estate never flourished better, then when the Crown was provided of such Officers as should and did execute their Offices and Charges, in as ample manner as their Commissions gave them power and Authority to do. Besides, seeing that the Queen Mother, either at the first, or at the last, obtained whatsoever it pleased her, of the King; and that whosoever he was (were he never so highly in the Kings favour) that displeased her, in time lost the Kings good will, and good opinion: He so carried himself towards her, that he seemed to affect nothing more then her good liking, and yet not to be so desirous thereof, as that he would wholly depend thereupon; knowing that the King although he did always attribute much unto his Mother, and was contented that she should be reverenced and respected next unto himself, yet he could not well brook them that sought for her good will more then for his Favour; and thus with cunning, continuing a firm League of love and amity betwixt the Mother and the Son, he hoped in time to possess them both, in such manner, as before they should be aware thereof, he would assume unto himself the power and authority of them both: And further, perceiving that the Kings old Secretaries were not in all respects so pliant and ready to follow and fulfil his designs as he wished, he laboured by all means possible to prefer them unto Offices of higher dignity, and to place others in their rooms, who would not fail to further his intents and purposes, nor disdain to depend wholly upon his favour, and also to make him privy to whatsoever business or affairs of Estate they were commanded to dispatch by the King; whereby he came to perfect knowledg of all that was purposed or determined by the Kings privy Councel; And grew into such favour and credit, that even the principal Officers of the Crown, either for fear or for love, or by other mens examples, submitted themselves wholly unto his devotion: And he had such interest in the Kings Court and Courtiers, that all or the most part of them, seemed to be at his only disposition, and to affect him more then their King and Soveraign. Having installed himself in this manner in the Court, and distracted the hearts of the principal Officers thereof from their duty and love to their King; he thinketh it not sufficient to be invested in their favours, unless he might also captivate the affections and good wills of the common people; whom by promise to relieve their necessities, to ease their charges, to supply their wants, and to redress all that was thought or suggested to be amiss (the common means used in all times, and all ages, by men of his mind, to seduce and mis-lead a multitude) he easily and quickly perswadeth to favour his party; And finding the common sort so ready, willing, and desirous to perform and accomplish his pleasure, as that in respect of their obedience towards him, he seemeth to lack nothing but the only name of King to be a King: Notwithstanding the great Honor and Reverence that Courtiers shewed unto him; the love and affection that the Commonalty bear to him; the Offices and Dignities which he partly affected, and partly attained; the high Attempts and Imaginations which he lodged in his heart and conceit; and the unaccustomed Authority which he cunningly had usurped; yet he was so far from being puffed up with pride or disdain towards his inferiours (faults commonly incident unto men advanced unto extraordinary favour and preferment) that for the better continuance of his credit, and the peoples good will towards him; he would debase, and so much deject himself, as that he thought not scorn to go bare headed from one end of the Street unto another, even unto base Chrochelers and Porters; with which his demeanor the Duke De Mayne his Brother was many times highly displeased, and could not at any time frame himself to follow and imitate him therein; which hath appeared more manifestly since his death: the common people in regard of that want, not favouring him so highly as they did the late Duke of Guise: Now where there is a Subject of such credit with the King, of such authority in Court, of such power in every Province, of such Alliance in the whole Realm, of such favour with forrain Princes, of such liking of all sorts of Subjects, of such experience in Martial Affairs, of knowledge in matters of State; briefly, of such continuance in the love, in the hearts, in the good liking of all men: Can it possibly be hard or difficult for him to work his pleasure in any thing that he shall imagine or indeavour? Or can it be that such a man should not be most dangerous unto his Country and unto his Prince? Especially in France, where there are many Provinces ruled by their particular Governours, many Citadels possessed by several Deputies, many Holds and Towns or strength committed to the custody of certain Lievtenants, many Bands of men at Arms, and of other Souldiers, under the charge of choise Captains. And all or the most part of these Governours, Deputies, Lievtenants and Captains, chosen or appointed out of his Parentage, Kindred, Affinity, Alliance, Family or Followers.

Look upon men in other States and Kingdoms,The Duke of Guise his imitation of other great Rebels, and a Comparison betwixt him and them, under other Princes and Kings, of like mind, and of such Ambition as possessed the Duke; and consider what dangers they have brought both unto their Countries, and unto their Sovereigns.

Look upon the means and policies which they have used to b • ing their purposes to pass; And see whether this Duke did not imitate, or rather go beyond them all in the course which he took to aspire unto Authority and Greatness.

El • us Sejanus ruled all things under Tiberius the Emperor; whom he had so cunningly blinded and besotted with love and affection towards him; that although he was wary enough of all others,C. Tacitus and could keep his least secrets from them, yet he could not beware of him, nor conceal the greatest secrets he had from him. This Sejanus had many qualities fit and proper for his aspiring mind and purpose: He could endure all kind of labour; he durst adventure to do any thing whatsoever; he was very secret; he used to reprehend and backbite others boldly; he could flatter cunningly, behave himself, when occasion served, proudly; again, when he saw cause, his carriage was very modest outwardly, albeit inwardly he boiled with a desire of Rule and Government: For the better attaining whereof, he used now and then liberality, but more often labour and industry; points as dangerous (when they tend to the purchasing of a Kingdom) as Ambition and Prodigal • ty. This Sejan had such interest in the Emperor, such power in Rome, such sway and authority in all the Affairs of the Empire; that after he had perswaded Tiberius, either for his health, or for recreation, or to live free from the cares and troubles of Estate, to retire himself unto a little Island; he presumed to call himself Emperor, and Tiberius a poor Islander, or Prince of one Island. This Sejan had two Obstacles to hinder his purpose,C: Tacitus. Drusus and Nero, both Heirs unto Tiberius, both of divers natures and conditions, and both so desirous to be Emperors, that the one could have been content to supplant the other. This Sejan to take away these impediments used these means, he poluted Livia, Drusus his Wife with Adultery, won her to promise him Marriage, promised to make her Partner and Fellow in the Empire, perswaded her to consent to the death of her Husband: To put her out of all doubt and jealousie; he banished his own Wife Apicata from his house and company; and when his secret purposes were bewrayed, thinking it time to hasten Drusus his death, and to work the same so cunningly that it might not be known or perceived; he cast a kind of poison, which should so kill him, that it might seem he dyed of some sudden disease: After this he assaulted Nero in another way; he caused his friends and followers to animate him to affect the Empire, to tell him that the people of Rome were desirous to make him Emperor, that the Souldiers were of the same mind, and that Sejan although he Ruled all things, yet he neither durst nor would withstand him. Nero gave ear to these perswasions, and could not so dissemble his inward thoughts and cogitations, but that now and then he uttered some words that bewrayed the secrets of his mind, which by such Keepers as were set to observe him, his words, and doings, were brought to Sejans hearing, and by such Accusers as he suborned, carried to Tiberius his ears, who vouchsafing Nero no indifferent hearing, afforded him no good countenance, but suspected him the more, if he spake any thing in his own defence, and condemned him if he held his peace: And Sejan had so provided, that his watching his steps, his sights, and his secrets were told by his wife unto her Mother Livia, and by Livia unto him, who had likewise induced his Brother Drusus to seek this ruine and subversion of Nero, by telling him that when his Brother Nero was dead, he was next heir unto the Empire; which perswasion easily prevailed with Drusus, because he had an aspiring mind, and secretly hated his Brother Nero; for that their Sister Agrippina loved him better then she did Drusus: And yet Sejan did not so favour Drusus, but that he likewise purposed his death and destruction, which he thought he might easily compass, because he knew him to be stout, and over-bold, and easie to be overtaken by his slights and subtilties.

You have heard of the Treasons of Sejan, his policies, and his purposes, you may guess of his success, and read of his end. Now you shall hear of Iulius Caesar, who was more subtile and cunning then he, and had the wit to get more then he, but not the grace to keep it long. Caesar, before he bare any Office in Rome, Plutatch. was in his youth so prodigal, and such a Spend-thrift,Dion. that he had indebted himself above 700000. Crowns; and although the greatness of his debts might justly have made him fear to be cast in Prison,Piero Mexias. and never to hope or look for such preferment, as he afterwards attained, yet he neither feared his creditors, nor doubted of his future advancement: For the better attaining whereunto, he accommodated his nature to all mens humours, and vouchsafed to flatter, and make much, not only of Free-men, but also of such Slaves and Bond-men as he knew well able to do any thing with their Masters; He thought it no disgrace or discredit to humble himself in the beginning, so that he might live in assured hope to command all men in process of time.

Besides other subtile devices which he used for the better accomplishment of his desires, he observed most diligently who were in greatest favour with the common people, who were best able to further or hinder his purposes; who were easily to be won to favour him in his attempts and intentions; and what means he might use and practise to be assured of their Friendship.

There lived in his time four men of especial account, Pompey, and Crassus, Piso, and Curio: Pompey was so valiant and fortunate in Armes, that he was worthily surnamed the GREAT. Crassus attained to such wealth, that he was commonly called the RICH. Piso bare such sway with the people, that no man was either feared or loved more then he. And Curio was so wise, and so eloquent, that the people loved him greatly, and he so desirous of their favour, and so careless and prodigal of money, that to attain any thing for himself, or for his friend, he would spare no manner of costs or charges. To win these men that were fit for his purpose, and yet of divers humours, Caesar thought it convenient to use divers means; he married his daughter to Pompey, he took to wife Pyso's Sister; he paid all Curio's debts; and because there was a competency and emulation betwixt Pompey and Crassus, by reason whereof he thought it very difficult to grow in favour with both of them; he being absent from Ro • e when they were in the heat of their contention, came thither of purpose, not to extinguish the same, but to use it as a means to deceive them both; and seeing that each of them sought his friendship against the other, he would not follow any of them, but carrying himself as neutral and indifferent betwixt them, he procured all wayes possible to make them friends. And knowing that so long as he declared not himself to be a faithful friend to one of them, both would do for him, whatsoever he should demand of them; he held them both in suspence, and made them so jealous of him, that for fear to lose him, both laboured to content and please him; and so much, that first he made himself equal to either of them; next he brought to pass, that the power and authority which was in their hands only, was divided betwixt him and them: And in the end he alone came to rule all; for he drave Pompey out of Rome, and out of Italy, and made himself Lord and Master of both places, opened the Roman Treasure, and paid his Souldiers therewithal. What followed, the Histories reporteth; and I haste unto another of the like mind, but of better fortune; for Caesar lived not long after he came to the Empire: And many wise and learned men wonder why the Emperours at this day carry still his name, since he was the only ruine and overthrow of his Countrey, and of the ancient liberty thereof; whereas he, of whom I intend to speak, not only enjoyed the Crown and Scepter many years together, which he usurped cunningly, but also transferred the same unto his posterity, in which it hath remained better then these five hundred years, and Caesar his posterity enjoyed not his purchase the twenti • th part of that time. You have heard that the last Race of the Kings of France descended from Hugh Capet, who being but Master of the Kings Palace, governed all things under him, and so carried himself in that his Government, that he wan the hearts and love of the common people, and also got into such favour with Lewis the Fifth of France, a Prince of small worth, and of no great wit, that as some Historographers write, he dying the year 987. without Heirs Males, not of his natural death, but by poyson, gave his Kingdom unto Blanch his Wife, and willed her to marry Hugh Capet, which she did according to her Husbands Commandment, and so Capet became King, albeit the Kingdom appertained • y right unto Charles Duke of Lorrain, Brother unto King Lotharius, and Uncle unto the said Lewis. For Charles being then in Lorrain, and having been called and sent for by some of the Nobles of France to be crowned King thereof, came not with such speed as was convenient for him to have used, but gave time and respite unto Capet to seize upon the Kingdom, pretending himself to have Title thereunto, by the late Kings will, by reason that he was in some sort by his Mothers side of the race of Charlemaign, by signifying unto the people, that Charles Duke of Lorrain deserved not to be chosen King, because in all contentions, debates, and differences betwixt the Crown of France and the Empire, the said Charles favoured the Emperours more then the French King; and by suggesting that he being present and alwayes ready to defend the Realm, ought to be preferred before Charles that was absent, and not willing to come to accept the Crown, when he was called thereunto; by inducing Anselm Bishop of Laon to deliver the said Duke his Master with his two Children into his hands very trayterously; by committing the Duke and his Sons to prison in Orleance, where they dyed, and by degrading Arnolph Arch-bishop of Rhemes under colour and pretence of Bastardy, for fear he proving himself to be lawful and legitimate brother unto Charles, might in time deprive him of the Kingdom; but the especial policy that Capet used for the obtaining his purpose, was the imitation of Pipin of France, of whose practises you shall first hear; and then as Plutarch in the lives of the Worthies of Greece and Rome, compared a Graecian and a Roman together, that the vertues and excellencies of both may appear the better by that his comparison: So I will compare the devices of the late Duke of Guise with the practices of Sejan, Caesar, Capet, and Pipin, to the end you may see in what points he imitated them fully, and also wherein he failed to follow their foot-steps.Da Haillan Pipin being Master of the Palace under Childerick the third King of France, (who for his unworthiness was deprived of his Crown by the Pope Lachary) thought that the greatness of his Office, and the weakness of his Prince and Master, might well serve him for a Ladder to climb to the Kingdom, and knowing that it would not suffice to advance his own credit and commendation, unless he did also dispraise and discredit his King, he suborned men of purpose, not only to spread abroad the kings indignities, to inveigh against his insufficiencies, and to cry out against his evil Government; but also to set forth his own praise, to commend his valour, and to extoll his exploits and services, done as well for his Country, as for the See of Rome; to the end that as soon as the people began to contemn and dislike their King, they might also begin to love and affect him, of which affection and love he hoped there might in time proceed such a good liking, that they would vouchsafe to elect, and c • use him for their King; and because he knew that the French-men were well affected to the Pope, and would do any thing at his Commandment; to win the Popes favour and assistance, he not only promised; but went into Italy, of purpose to succour his Holiness against the Lombards, who at that time greatly troubled the universal rest and quiet of Italy, Besides fearing that the Oath which the Frenchmen make unto their King, and the Love and Loyalty which they bear unto him, might hinder his designs and purposes, he sent an express Messenger unto the Pope, to declare unto him the true sense and meaning of their Oath, and to intreat his Holiness to make such an Interpretation thereof as might serve his turn; the effect of which Interpretation was,A strange Interpretation of the Oath of Allegiance. That since the promise which the French-men made unto their King was conditional and reciprocal; and that their King was likewise sworn unto them; they being his Subjects were not bound any longer to their Oath, since he being their King had broken his, because he was neither religious valiant, just, or in any respect answerable to those conditions which were inserted and included in his promise to them. In hope of performance of which conditions they had sworn unto him all manner of duty, service, succour, faith, and obedience. This was Pipin's policy to supplant Childerick, and to set the Crown of France upon his own head.A comparison betwixt the Duke of Guise, and S • jan, Caesar, Pipin, and Hugh Capet.

Now let me compare the Duke of Guise his practices with these mens devices, his wit with their wisdom, and his aspiring mind with their ambition. Sejan and Caesar were lowly and humble when they saw occasion, and what was the Duke of Guise when he went bate-headed unto Porters and Crochelers? Caesar drave Pompey out of Italy, and Sejan, Tiberius out of Rome into an Island, and what did the Duke of Guise when he forced the late French King, not to leave, but to fly from Paris, Caesar suppresseth Pompey and Crassus; and Sejan indeavoured to destroy Drusus and Nero; and what did the Duke of Guise, when he caused the Admiral of France to be massacred, and the Duke of Espernon to be banished the Court? Sejan and Caesar spared no money to win men to their service and devotion: What did the Duke of Guise, when he spent all his own Patrimony, and his Wives Inheritance, and the King of Spains yearly Pension, and infinite Pistolets, to purchase himself Friends and Favourers? Casar and Sejan subverted their enemies by their own friends; And what did the Duke of Guise when he sowed sedition betwixt the King and his brother? Caesar and Sejan used the Marriage of Livia, Drusus his Wife of his own Daughter, and of Pycos Sister for the furtherance of their purpose: And what did the Duke of Guise, when he caused the Massacre of Paris to be performed at the Marriage of the present King of France with the late Kings Sister? Caesar and Sejan could be proud when occasion was offered? And what was the Duke of Guise when he equalled his power and strength with the Kings? Caesar could brook no equal; And what could the Duke of Guise, when he contended with the Kings Brother for Superiority and Precedency? Sejan set variance betwixt Drusus and Nero, to the end the one should take occasion to destroy the other? And what did the Duke of Guise, when he perswaded the French King to send his only Brother into Flanders, where he devised divers means to endanger his life? Caesar assumed by cunning and pollicy, all the Power and Authority unto himself, which was sometimes equally divided betwixt him, Pompey and Crassus? And what did the Duke of Guise, when he suffered no man to be in credit at the Court but himself? Sejan offered the Empire unto Drusus, not for favour which he bore him, but to incense and incourage him to seek the ruine of Nero: And what did the Duke of Guise, when he profered the Kingdom in the late Kings days, unto the King of Navar, now King of France, but seek means to breed such a distrust and jealousie betwixt the King and him, that the one might let no occasion slip that might procure the destruction or overthrow of the other? Caesar observed diligently the natures and dispositions of such men as were in special credit with the common people, and to purchase their favour furthered their purposes, when they tended not to his own hinderance: And what did the Duke of Guise when he fawned upon those whom the King loved, and labored to prefer his Secretaries to higher places, to the end that both they and their Successors might be always willing and ready to pleasure him? Pipin shewed himself wise in using the Kings weakness, and his own credit for a Ladder to climb to the Kingdom; And the Duke of Guise came not much behind him in wisdom, when he weakned the late Kings forces, and strengthned himself and his complices, with intention to set the Crown of France upon his own Head. Hugh Capet pretended right to the Crown, because he was in some sort alley'd to Lewes the fifth, by his Mothers side: And the Duke of Guise fortified his Right, by pretending Alliance unto the Duke of Larrain, whom Hugh Capet deprived of the Crown. Pipin hired men to com • end himself and dispraise Childerick: And the Duke of Guise wanted not his writers and his flatterers, who in Books and common Table-talk, did daily set forth his praise, and took hold of every small occasion, to enveigh bitterly against the King, Pipin again used Religion and Zeal for a means to win the Popes favour, and to procure him to make a friendly Interpretation of the French Subjects Oath to their King: And the Duke of Guise with a shew of suppressing the Protestants of France, drew divers Popes to join with him in alliance, and to draw other Princes with the same line into the same League, and left not until the Pope had Excommunicated the late King. Hugh Capit disabled Childerick as a man not sufficient to Rule, and therefore caused him to be shut up in a Monastery; And the Duke of Guise was so bold as to bring forrain power into France, and to tell the King that he had procured their help to suppress the Protestants, because his Majesty had neither men nor money enough wherewith to overthrow them; and common fame greatly wrongeth him, if he intended not in time to have shut the King up in some religious house, and to have put a Friers Weed upon him. Briefly, Pipin, Iulius Caesar, and Hugh Capet, attained their desires by their cunning practises, and their subtile devises; And the Duke of Guise by his slights and Stratagems had not failed of his purpose, if the King had not by doing him suddenly to death prevented his intended Usurpation.

By this that hath been said, you may plainly perceive that the Frenchmen rebelled against their Soveraigns long before this time; And that they are in a manifest Error who commend their Loyalty so much, as in their Writings to call them The most Loyal, Loving, and Dutiful Subjects of Europe; For to omit other Rebellions of the children against their own Fathers in France, whereof their Histories are full and plentiful: It cannot be denyed that both Pipin and Hugh Capet were Usurpers; and that as many as favoured and furthered them against the lawful Heirs of the Crown, were notable and traitorous Rebels, and in no respect inferiour to those who in these days combine themselves against the late French King, and still continue their open Revolt, and unlawful disobedience against his right Heir and lawful Successor: Neither can any man deny, that all they that took part with Lewis, surnamed the Meek, against Bernard, King of Italy, were also most famous and disloyal Traytors; For Lewes being younger Brother unto Pipin (who dyed before his Father Charlemain, and left Bernard King of Italy his sole Heir) had no right to the Crown of France, so long as the said Bernard his eldest Brothers Son lived, for that as well in the Succession of Crowns and Kingdoms, as of private mens Lands and Inheritances; the eldest Brothers Son and Heir is always to be preferred before his Uncle.

And for as much as Lewis having taken his Nephew Bernard in the field Prisoner,Du Haillan did not only detain him, and his chief Councellors in hard Prison, but also in the end put him to an unlawful and unnatural death. Those Subjects who followed and assisted him in those his unkind and unjust actions (because it is a most wicked deed to participate with the wicked in their wickedness) must needs be accounted as wicked as the present Subjects of France, who consented unto the cruel Massacre of their late King: Again, all those French Subjects who bore Arms against Edward the Third, in the behalf of Philip de Valoys were in as high degree of Rebellion, as these latter Rebels: And so likewise were those who stood with Charls the seventh against Henry the fifth and sixth of England. For the only reason and cause which they alledged to debar these English Kings from the Succession, as lawful Heirs to the Crown of France, was the Law Salique, (which as they then pretended) excluded not only women, but also other Heirs males descending from the woman, from the Inheritance of the Crown; Which Law was no sufficient bar, because it was undoubtedly a local Law,Du Haillan Holinshed. made in Salem, a Town about the River of Rhine in Germany; at what time the French Kings were both Kings of France, and Emperours of Germany; and therefore as all other local Laws are, was tyed to the Inheritance of that Town only, and could not stretch her Forces to forrain Countries, or to the succession of Kingdoms, no more then the Law of Gavelkind, being peculiar, not to all, but to some part of Kent, is of full strength and full force in other places of England: Besides, it is confirmed that there was never any such Law in France by the Testimony of the Duke of Burgundy; who when as Philip, surnamed the Long, was created King, never left to cry out against his Creation, and to profess openly, That the Kingdom belonged of right unto Ioan, Daughter unto Hutine, sometimes King of France, before that Philip stoppen his mouth with the gift of the Country of Burgundy, in Dower with his eldest Daughter. I could stand longer upon the proof that there was never any Salick Law in France, Du Haillan denieth the Law Salique. were it not that Du Haillan a French Chronicler, in the first Volumn of his History, easeth me of that pain, and cleareth that point so plainly, that he being a Frenchman, and refuting a Law, suggested not only to be a Law, but also one of the chief Pillars and Maintainers of the ancient Dignity of the Crown of France, cannot be thought to write thereof either partially or untruly: But although I let pass Ed. 3. his Title, as the less valuable, because it was impugned and weakned by the only Allegation of that Law; yet I must enlarge somewhat more Henry, the fifth his Right, because the same (in my simple conceit and opinion) was far stronger then Edward the Thirds; For Henry the fifth considering that because his Predecessors did always from the time of Edward the third, lay continual claim unto the Crown of France; and that therefore the Kings, or rather Usurpers thereof had do right nor just title thereunto, because they not having bonam fidem (a point requisite in Prescription) by reason that they knew the right to be in Kings of England rather then in themselves, could not lawfully prescribe a right unto the said Crown, demanded the same by force of Arms of Charls the sixth, and drave him to such extremities, that he being able no longer to make resistance against his invincible Forces, was glad to capitulate and agree upon conditions of Peace with him: The principal Articles of which Peace were; That the said Charls the sixth should during his life, continue King; That he should dis-inherit his Son and Heir, who was afterwards Charles the seventh; That the King of England should take to Wife Isabel, Daughter unto the French King; and in regard of that Marriage he proclaimed Regent of that Kingdom during Charles his Father in laws life, because he was sometimes Lunatique, and Heir apparent to the Crown after his death; And lastly, that the Nobility and Peers of France, should not only consent thereunto, but also take a solemn Oath (which was accordingly performed and executed) to maintain every point of those Articles, and uphold and assist Henry the fifth, and his lawful Heirs and Successors, against Charles, Son unto the French King, the rather because his Father had for very good and just occasions him moving thereunto, dis-inherited the said Charles, and by the last Will and Testament, made when he was in perfect sence and memory, ordained and constituted the said Henry, his sole and lawful Heir of the Crown. But the Frenchmen have their Objections to all that is said; the which I cannot lightly pass over, because I know you are desirous to hear their Exceptions, and also what may be replied in Answer to their Allegations; But I may not dwell long upon every particular Point, because my leisure will not serve me, and it is not pertinent to my first purpose.

They say first, The Frenchmens first Objection, and the answer thereunto. Hottomanus de jure successionis That their Kingdom goeth not by Dissent and Inheritance, from the Father to the Son, but by succession, which is grounded not upon Law, but upon a Custom; by vertue whereof, the next of the Blood Royal, be he of the farthest degree that may be of Kindred, succeedeth not as a lawful Heir, but as a Successor by Custom, not newly invented, but of long continuance, even from the time of the first King Pharamond.

Which objection I mean briefly to Answer, before I will proceed to any others. Guicciardine, who wrote an Universal History of all things that hapned in his time, not only in Italy, but also in all other places of Europe (although he was a very perfect and learned Lawyer) yet when he had occasion to touch any Point of Law, he handled not the same Lawyer-like, but passed it over lightly, setting down his opinion of the Case, in as few words as he could possibly, because if he had done otherwise, he knew that he should not observe the Laws and Bounds whereunto Histographers are tyed and bound. In like manner although these Questions are meerly civil, and ought to be handled by me as a Civilian; yet because I purpose to write you an historical discourse, I wil touch them lightly; for that I speak of them obiter, and by digression, and I hold it sufficient to refute the Objections that may be made in this Cause; not by Law, but by the Histories of France.

For albeit Iohn Bodine, a Frenchman, and notably well seen and read in Histories, discoursing in his Book de Methodo Historie, at large, what Rules are to be observed in judging a right of an Historographer, and what credit may be given to an History, setteth it down in an opinion not controlable, That in matters touching France or England, you ought not to credit a French or English History; but rather a stranger writing thereof, with more indifferency and less partiality; yet, as in Causes which cannot be well decided, or perfectly known but by Domestical witnesses, their Testimony is to be preferred before all others; So in matters of State, which cannot be so well known unto Forrainers, as unto men born and bred within the same State; better credit ought to be given unto these, then unto them: You shall therefore hear this first Objection refuted by their own Writers; and especially by Du Haillan, who in my opinion is the best Historographer that writeth of France; who refuteth this Objection, by reckoning up a bed-roll of Kings who did not succeed one another, but were chosen one after another; Pharamond (saith he, in his third Book) was the first chosen King of France; After whom Daniel, surnamed Childerick, was chosen: Pipin likewise was chosen, and after him Charles and Charl • main his Sons: And the Frenchmen despising the Youth of Charles, King Lewis his Son, who was betwixt nine and ten years of age, chose Od • n, Son to Robert the Saxon, for their King; And afterwards being discontented with his Government, they deprived him of his Kingdom, and set up Charles in his place; who governing them somewhat looslly, was likewise deposed and cast into Prison; and in his place Ba • ul, King of Burgundy was instituted and created King of France; and there remaineth even at this day a certain form of Election which is made at the consecrating and crowning of the King at Beihins, where the Peer of France, in the name of the Clergy, Nobility, and People, chuse the King that is present: Here you see an Election begun in Pharamond, continued in others, and observed at this day; and yet as many as have been Kings since Hugh Capet's time, have succeeded to their Kingdoms, and claimed the same by Inheritance, rather then by custom; and you shall see when we come to another of their Objections, that neither this Election, nor this Custom in succession hath been alwayes duly kept and observed.

The second Objection against this agreement is, That although Contracts do bind Princes as well as Subjects,The second Objection, with the answer. yet such Contracts as are made by men not being sufficient and able to celebrate Contracts; as men distracted of their wits, Lunatiques, and others not being in perfect sense and memory, do not bind the Contrahents, but are held in Law as matters of no weight, force, or validity; and therefore Charles the Sixth who concluded his Peace with the above-mentioned conditions, being both before and after the celebration of the same notoriously reputed and known to be a Lunatique, this Contract did neither bind him nor his Successors.

To this it is easily answered, That Contracts made by men disabled by Law to enter into any such compositions, are of force by two wayes; The one if they with due and requisite solemnities be done by such as by Law are deputed to have the Government of their goods and persons during the time of their weakness and imbecillity: The other, if they themselves having dilucida intervalla, being (as Lunatiques many times are) in perfect sense and memory to celebrate any manner of Contract, the same is of full force and strength; and therefore Charles the sixth being (as their own Histories report) at the time when this Agreement was made, in his right wits and memory: This contract wanted not the force and vertue which Law requireth, especially since the chief Nobility of the Realm were then not only present, but consenting thereunto, and sworn to the performance thereof.

The third Objection is, The third Objection and answer. That the Kings of France cannot alienate the Demeans, Rights, Titles, and Interests of the Crown without the privity and consent of the three Estates, which consent could not possibly be had at this Agreement,Guido Papnis quest. 23. 9. Hostiensis extr • de major. et obedientia. c. dilecti filii. because a great part of the Peers, Nobles, and others were then absent, and bore Armes with the young Prince Charles, or at the leastw • se followed him against the King his Father.

To this I briefly answer, That in matters which go by plurality of voices, it is not alwayes necessary that all be present, but that the greater or better part of them that will and do vouchsafe their presence thereat yield their consents thereunto, especially when the others who are absent have been cited and warned to be present,Alexander Cent. 25. n. 20. vel 5. and they either willingly or contemptuously will not appear. For albeit the thing that concerneth all men,Baldus in tit. Si defendo fuerit contra int. Dom. in general • n. v. must be approved of all men, yet when some or all may approve or disallow the things which concerneth them, and they will not be present to shew their consent or dislike, their absence shall not prejudice the Contract that is celebrated, and there is no wrong offered unto them by proceeding in their absence, quia volenti non fit injuria. In this case therefore those that were away, being either voluntarily absent, or trayterously minded to their King (which appeared in that they followed his Son against him, and animated and assisted him in his disobedience and rebellion against his Father) could not in any respect prejudice the force and validity of this contract; for if they were absent of purpose, then there was no injury done unto them; and if they were Traytors (as undoubtedly they are, who either bear Armes against their Prince, or assist his Enemies with their counsels) then they had lost the right of their consent and voice; And so consequently the Contract which was celebrated by the more and better part, or by all the Nobility, and of the three Estates that were present, and true and Loyal Subjects unto their King, notwithstanding the others voluntary malicious absence, was by Law warrantable, especially being confirmed and fortified by the Oath of the King, and his Council and Nobility.

The fourth Objection against this Agreement is, The fourth Objection and Answer. That when it was concluded, the King of England had almost Conquered all France, was there with his power and strength about him, and shut up the French King as it were in Prison, and utterly disabled him to make any resistance against his invincible Army, and conquering Forces; And therefore whatsoever he did, being done by fear and compulsion, was of no better force then a Contract extorted by violence, or made in Prison by a private man, which when he is set at liberty, he is not bound by Law to perform except he list.

To this Point I likewise Answer briefly; That the Law that provideth for the remedy of such as by Imprisonment, or by violence and just fear, and such as the Law • aith, cadet in fortem virum, have yeilded to any inconveniency, extendeth not (in my simple conceit) her force unto the Contracts of Princes, which are celebrated and concluded after long Wars betwixt them; For if Conquerors might not impose what conditions of Peace they please upon the conquered, there would never be any end of Wars; And as private men being in troubles may even in cases which admit no giving or taking on any side (as for Ecclesiastical livings betwixt Ecclesiastical persons) redeem their troubles by giving or taking whatsoever shall be agreed upon, and with the best conditions they may; so in Wars, Princes who have lost the field, and so weakned their Forces, that they are able to make no longer resistance, may lawfully alienate the more part of the Revenues of their Crown, to purchase their liberty, and their Subjects quiet; who (if their Princes might not capitulate with his and their Adversary, in such manner as the Conqueror shall demand) should be deprived of their lives, liberties and Livings; of all which three, every King is sworn to have a special care and regard, and to seek all means possible to preserve them all: And in consideration hereof, it is usual amongst Princes rather to lye in durance a long time, then to yeild to the unreasonable demands of their enemies, whilst they are in the heat of their choller and indignation; because when their wrath is somewhat asswaged, and either time or intercession of other Princes (who commonly in such cases interpose their helping hands, and be Mediators of Peace) mitigated and moderated their anger, they are willing to yeild to reasonable conditions. For confirmation hereof, I could alleadg many examples, but I will deal with a Frenchman at his own weapon: Guicciardine, in his before mentioned History, discoursing at large of the hard measure that was offered unto Francis the first, King of France, after he was taken Prisoner at Pavia, in Italy, by the Army of the Emperour Charls the fifth, saith, That there were never but two Kings of France taken prisoners in the field, (to wit) King Iohn, and the said Francis; King Iohn was so kindly used in England, (where he lay above 2 years pri • oner) that after he was delivered thence, he would needs go thither again to see his good Host, for so he termed the King of England, whereas Francis the first, albeit he greatly desired to be transported out of Italy into Spain, being in great hope and confidence that the Emperor (who had seen the change and variety of time, and also the inconstancy of fortune) would have some Princely compassion upon him, found all things contrary to his conceived hope and expectation; for he was committed to hard prison, kept with a continual and strong guard, not attended upon as a Prince of his might and greatness ought to have been, hardly suffered to speak with his Sister, who was sent out of France on purpose to comfort him, and never brought unto the Emperours sight and presence, until that through grief and melancholy he fell into so dangerous a sickness as made the Phisitians almost despair of his recovery; the Emperour not for love (as Guicciaraine affirmeth) but for fear to lose by his death all that he hoped to get for his Ransome, went to visit and comfort him. The reason of this hard usage was, to inforce him by long durance, and want of liberty, to redeem his troubles upon hard conditions; And although he had oftentimes answered the Emperour, that he had rather dye in Prison then yeild to his unreasonable demands, which could not be well performed without the great prejudice, yea almost the utter subversion of his Kingdom; and had accordingly written unto his Nobility and Council in France, that they should make no more account of his life or liberty, because the demands of his Ransome were too too unreasonable, yet he was forced at length to subscribe and consent unto such hard conditions and Articles, as were agreed upon by Charles the fifth, and his Council; Which indeed were so hard, that although his Sons lay in Spain, as Hostages for their performance; yet after he was delivered, he would not see them accomplished, but fell a fresh to Wars with the Emperor; and in the end, by the intercession of other Princes, made a more reasonable end. But King Iohn (as both the French Chronicles and ours do report) was set at liberty with more equal conditions, and yet the same were not performed; And the Frenchmen in all Treaties of peace with us, have either gone so far beyond us with their wits, that they have oftentimes greatly deceived us, or have so fraudulently violated all, or the more part of the Articles of their Agreement, that our victories being many against them, never yeilded unto us any great commodity or advantage. The consideration whereof moved one of their Writers to say,John Bodin. that we never won any thing of them by the dint of Sword, but they recovered the same again by the sharpness of their wits. And another Historian of theirs mocketh us in his writings, and saith,Philip de Comines, That when we come to treat with them of Peace, we sit down proudly, and with great words extoling our exploits, valour, and good success against them; in the beginning of our parts we do demand no less then the whole Kingdom of France, but in the end of them, we fall from Mountains unto Molehills.

Now sithence we by their own confession have been so courteous and reasonable, that we have yeilded them far better favour, and better conditions of peace then they hoped for, and they contrarywise have dealt so craftily, and so deceitfully with us, both in the time of King Iohn, and others, before the Reign of Charles the Sixth, that we cannot be blamed for dealing more hardly with them in the said contract, and for using the surest way we could devise for our security and assurance of that which was promised unto us. And certainly as the Treaties and Conclusions of peace made with King Iohn, and King Francis, were in the opinion of the best and learnedst Lawyers of Europe held lawful, although they were not in all points performed; so the Contract made betwixt Charles the Sixth, and his Son-in Law Henry fifth of England, was undoubtedly agreeable to Law and Equity; for otherwise Princes should be in worse condition then Subjects, who are bound to perform every point of a reasonable contract or agreement which they make. But it was hard to demand and take a whole Kingdom. True if conquests were not lawful, we should have dealt so favourably with Charles the Sixth, as our Predecessor did with King Iohn; it might be we would have done so, if King Iohn and his Successors had not before oftentimes deceived us. Princes do not usually take advantage of their enemies when they have the upper hand over them, with all utmost extremities. But if they do, what remedy is there? or who can gainsay the Conqueror? Courtesie is commendable in all men, and especially in Princes, who are to extend the same at all times, when it is demanded in good manner, and by men worthy of mercy and compassion. And such was the lamentable estate of Charles the Sixth, who had at once many miseries heaped upon him by the heavy wrath of God, as namely, wars within his Realm, rebellion of his own Son against him, revolt of his Subjects, and distraction of his wits; and so it was extream cruelty to adde affliction to the afflicted. Indeed mercy is to be extended to persons worthy of commiseration, and Lunatiques are by all men to be pitied: and in regard hereof, the King of England, whereas he might have destroyed the whole Realm of France, burned the Cities, wasted the Countries, led away the people in captivity, taken their goods to his own use, bestowed the Nobilities and Gentlemens Lands upon his own Subjects, altered the Lawes of the Countrey, changed the Government thereof, deprived the most part of them of their lives, and seated his own Subjects in their possessions; he suffered them to live at liberty, to enjoy their ancient possessions, to maintain and use their own priviledges, to dwell in their wonted habitations, and to continue in all respects as free as they were before they were conquered. And whereas he might have made the King prisoner, carryed him with him into England, and to have placed another to govern for him, especially he being not in case to rule and govern by himself: He was so far from so doing, that he suffered him to enjoy the Kingdom whilest he lived, and by taking his Daughter to wife, transferred not only the French, but also the English Crown unto the issue of her body, a thing to be greatly desired of that Father, whose Son by reason of his disobedience deserved not to succeed him; a thing practised by all men that have had the like children, a thing far beyond the custom of Frenchmen themselves, who in the like cases have not used the like clemency and moderation.Guicciardine G • oviano Pontavo della guerra di Napoli. For over what Enemies had the French-men ever the upper hand, whom they used not most cruelly? What barbarous cruelty exercised they in Italy, and especially at Naples, where their Tyranny in Government, their extremity in polling, their insolency in mis-using the common people was such, that in one night they were all slain; and in hatred of them and their posterity,Du Haillan. the wombs of all Neapolitan women that were suspected to be with child by French-men, were ripped up, and the children pluckt out, and likewise murdered with their Mothers. What cruelty purposed they to have practised in England, at what time Lewis the Dolphin of France was called into England by the Barons who bare Armes against King Iohn? Intended they not to have destroyed the most part of the Realm? Purposed they not to have killed the very Barons themselves, who were their friends and confederates? Had they not executed this their purpose,Polid. Virg. Holinshed. if a noble French-man who was in England had not as well in hatred of their intended cruelty, as in commiseration of the poor English Nobility, revealed upon his death-bed their barbarous intentions? To be brief, what severity used King Lewis surnamed for his lenity towards others, Lewis the M E E K, against Bernard his own Nephew,Du Haillan. Froissart. and rightful heir to the Crown of France, (as we have shewed in the second point which we handled) whom he not only deprived of his right, but also held him a long time in Prison, and condemned him to lose his eyes, which were accordingly pluckt out of his head; and his cheif Counsellours endured the like punishment: Of which both he and they complaining, not without just occasion, were so far from finding such compassion and remedy as they deserved, as that a new Edictment was framed both against him and them: Now with such Adversaries, with men of such cruelty, with such as had oftentimes falsified their faith, and broken their promises, what wise Prince would ever have used greater lenity, more mercy, or better Justice then the King of England shewed them? Especially considering the immortal hatred, deadly malice, and long emulations, competentions, quarrels, and contentions that have been alwayes betwixt England and France.

The fifth Objection that they make against this Contract, is,The fifth Objection, with the answer. is, That the Kingdom of France cannot be given unto any man by Will or Testament: Which priviledge seemeth unto me very strange, because I find by report of probable Histories, that the Kingdomes of Spain, England, Aragon, Scotland, Poland, Hottomanus. and other Countries have been given away by Will and Testament;Gul▪ Benedictus, inc. Raghutius in verb. mortui. n. 49. Terrixubeus tract. 2. Con Clus. q. and therefore if the French-men will challenge an Immunity contrary to the custom of other Countries, and repugnant to the Law of all Nations, they must shew how they came by such a Priviledge, and why they should not follow the customes of other Kingdomes: For whosoever will alledge an exemption from the due observance of the Law, must make it appear at what time, for what occasion, and by whom he or his Predecessors obtained the same, that the quality of the Giver, and the consideration and cause of the Grant being duly examined and discreetly considered,Terapha. Holinshed. Hect. Boet. the strength and validity of his exemption may be well and perfectly seen.Hist. Poloniae. I know that there are many degrees of Princes, and that some Kings are in some manner subject unto others from whom they receive Lawes, and by whom they and their Kingdomes are ruled and directed. So hath Scotland been ruled by England, so hath Denmark acknowledged the Empire, so hath Sicily obeyed Rome; so hath the Pope challenged power and authority over the Empire. But all Histories agree in this, that although of other Kingdomes some be subject to the Pope, others unto the Emperour, yet the Kingdom of France is, and alwayes hath been most absolute, neither depending upon the Emperour, nor being in any respect subject unto the Pope. That the Emperour hath no authority over France, was shewed when as Sigismond the Emperour would have made the Earl of Savoy a Duke in Lyons; for then the Kings Officers withstood him therein, and forced him, to his great grief, and in a great fury and anger to depart thence, and out of all the dominion of France, before he could use in that point his Imperial power and authority: And that the Pope hath no manner of Authority, Prerogative, or Preheminence over France, it appeareth by the confession of all Canonists, who have written, and do write of the Popes Prerogatives: For albeit they make the Empire, and almost all the Kingdoms of the world, in some sort subject unto the See of Rome; yet they confess the King of France to be so absolute, that he acknowledgeth no Superior but God, and that there is no other Prince but he, unto whom some Pope or other hath not either given or confirmed his Estate and Kingdom. It must needs therefore follow, That there is no Superior out of France, who either hath or could bestow his priviledge upon France: And it appeareth by their own Histories;Du Haillan That there hath been nothing done within the Realm whereby their Kings have been forbidden to dispose their Kingdoms by their last Wills and Testaments: For Dagobert, King of France, in the presence of the principal Lords and Prelates of his Realm, made his last Will and Testament, and therein gave the Kingdom of Austrasia unto his Son Sigisbert; Piero Mexias vida de Carlo Magno. and the Kingdom of France unto his Son Cloius, Likewise Charlemain by Will and Testament, divided his Kingdom betwixt his three Sons; He gave unto Charles the best and greatest part of France and Germany; unto Pipin, Italy and Baivera; and unto Lewis that part of France which confineth and bordereth upon Spain and Provence; And caused this his Will to be ratified, confirmed and approved by the Pope; and intituled his Sons with the names of Kings. It is also written by French Historiographers, That Philip de Valois (who contended with Edward the Third for the Crown of France) ordained by his last Will and Testament,Du Haillan lib. 15. p. 214. that Iohn his eldest Son should succeed him in the Crown; and that his second Son Philip should enjoy for his part and portion, the Dukedom of Orleans, and the Earldom of Valois. Now these three Kings being of three Races of the French Kings, Dagobert of the Merovingians, Charlemain of the Charlemains, and Philip de Valois, although not directly, yet collaterally of the Capets, which are the three only Races that ever were in France; and they having disposed of their Kingdoms in manner as is a foresaid, it may well be presumed that others before them have or might have done the like, especially since there is no Law to be shewed which forbiddeth Kings to bequeath their Kingdoms by Will and Testament.

The sixth and last Objection which is made against this Contract is, That Charles the sixth could not lawfully dis-inherit his son, The sixth Objection with the Answer. who, by the custome of France was lawful and apparent Heir, and could not for any cause whatsoever, be deprived by his Father, or by any other, of that right which belonged unto him by the ancient Priviledge of France.John de Terra Rubea tract. 2. conclus. 9. 10, 11, 12.

In this Objection there are two things intended; The one, That the Kings of France cannot deprive their Sons or next Heirs, for any occasion whatsoever, of their Right, Title, and Interest to the Royal Crown and Dignity. Guliel. Benedictus in c. Ragnat. in verbum & eodem test. num. 148. Guido Papius quest. 279. The other, That the next of the blood Royal, according to the Custom before mentioned, must of necessity succeed and enjoy the Kingdom.

This Ob • ection is (in my simple opinion) of greatest force, because I read not in all the Histories of France, that ever any King thereof, but Charls the sixth did dis-inherit his Son: True it is that Charles the seventh was thus dis-inherited, being plagued by God for his disobedience towards his Father, with a Son as undutiful and disobedient in all respects, as himself was, sent unto the Pope to advise him how he might dis-inherit his eldest Son, who had divers times rebelled against him, and bestow the Kingdom upon his second son, in whom he never found any manner of disobedience; but the difficulty is resolved by this reason following: For if a Kingdom may be given by Will and Testament (as is to be presumed) that it may also be taken away from one, and bestowed upon another, when there is just cause given by him who layeth claim thereunto; why he should be dis-inherited, especially when as there is no such necessity of successive inheritance, as hath hitherto been mentioned; And in case it be doubtful whether a Kingdom may be taken from the right Heir, and be bequeathed unto another; the custom of the Country in private mens Inheritance is to be considered: because most commonly, such as the Law is in part, such it is in the whole; and for that generally the Nobility of every Realm (who regard the conservation of their Honour and Dignity in their Families, no less then Princes do the preservation of the Royal Authority in their Posterity) do follow and imitate the manner, Law, and Order of their Kings, touching the disposition of their Kingdoms: And even as they usually dispose of their Principalities, so do the other of their Baronies, and inferior Estates, by what Name or Title soever they be called: If therefore it can be shewed that any of the chief Nobility of France, have at any time dis-inherited their lawful Heirs, it may justly be presumed that the Kings of France may do the like, when the like occasion is offered unto them: The Lords of Bearne have time out of mind, been of such power and might in France, that the Kings thereof have in all Ages made great account and reckoning of them; And the present King of France is Lord thereof; and by his Adversaries the Spaniards (who will hardly vouchsafe him the name of a King of France or of Navar, because they take him to be lawful King of neither of these Kingdoms) is commonly called in their Writings, Lord of Bearne. The Earls also of Foix, have beyond the memory of man, been of such worth and estimation, that it is written of them, (when they were also Lords of Bearne) they cared neither for the King of Aragon, nor for the Kings of Navarra, for they were able upon any urgent occasion to keep more men at Arms at one time, then both those Kings could make at two several Levies. Both these Lordships or Seigneuries, are now under the Kingdom of Navar; and the principal members thereof, and the Lords and lawful Owners of each of them,Nich. Gyles Froissart. dis-inherited their next and lawful Heirs, only for ingratitude and unkindness towards them; for the French Histories report, that Gaston Lord of Bea • ne had but two Daughters; the eldest of which he married unto the Earl of Armignack, and the younger unto the Earl of Foix, who was Nephew unto the King of Aragon: Froissart. It fortuned that the said Gaston had Wars with the King of Spain, wherein he desired help of the Earl of Armignack, who refused to succour him; and the Earl of Foix holp him with such power and force, that he enforced the King to very reasonable conditions of Peace; in recompence of which service, Gaston made the Earl of Foix his sole Heir; and caused the Nobles and Gentlemen, together with all other his Subjects, to confirm and ratifie his Grant; whereupon followed great strife and contention between the two Earls.

It is also written in the Chronicles of France, Nich. Gyle • that in the year 1391. The Earl of Foix, because his Son, by the consent and counsel of the King of Navar, went about to have poisoned him, gave his Earldom from him, to the King of France, who presently bestowed the same upon the Earl of Candalles. Here you see two Heirs dis-inherited by their Father, whose Act was generally reputed and held lawful. Now you shall see the like cause in Charles the seventh; and why should it not be thought lawful for his Father to inflict upon him the like punishment▪ The one of them denyed his Father in law such help as he demanded; The other purposed to have poysoned his own Father: The unkindness of both was not in all degrees equal, yet their punishments were in all respects alike. The Father of the one incurred no loss by his Son in lawes disobedience, and the Father of the other lived not a minute of an hour the less, notwithstanding his sons wicked purpose. But Charles the 6ths case was in many respects lamentable, and his Sons ingratitude for many causes worthy of greater punishment then the loss of a Kingdom; for the murdered the Duke of Burgundy, one of the chief Peers of France, and when he was summoned by Proclamation to shew some cause before his Father,Du Haillan. lib. 21. and the Nobles of France, why he had committed so horrible a murder, did not only not appear at his Fathers Summons, but also defended his cruelty in killing the Duke, and his disobedience in not appearing at his Fathers Commandment, by force of Armes: For which unnatural Rebellion, not his Father alone, but the whole Council and Nobility of France, gave judgement that he should be banished the Realm, and reputed unworthy to succeed his Father, either in the whole Kingdom, or in any part or parcel thereof; which done, and Judgment being both begun and ended with all such solemnities as in the like cases are required, must of necessity be held and reputed most just and equal, since both Law and mans reason neither hath not can invent any better means to chast • se and correct the unnatural disobedience of rebellious children towards their Parents, then by depriving them of their Patrimony descending from their Parents. And if Princes should be debarred of this manner of correction, they should be in far worse condition then their poorest Subjects; for Princes Children having more occasions to lead them to wickedness, then their Subjects Children have, if they should not be restrained by dis-inheritance, would undoubtedly go far beyond all others in lewdness and unhappiness; because Princes and Noble-men, whether they give themselves unto vertue or unto vice, most commonly excell the meaner sort in both, as it may evidently appear unto such by reading the lives of Princes and Peers of all Realms and Kingdoms, shall find such rare Presidents of vertues and vices in them, as far exceed mans reason, or will hardly be credited or beleeved of any man. Was there ever any private man comparable to Nero for cruelty, or to Vespasian for mercy? to Solomon for wisdom, or to Childerick of France for folly? to Trajan for goodness, or to Cambyses for murder? to Tarquin for pride, or to Lewis of France for meekness? to Caesar for liberality, or to Caligula for avarice? to Marcus Aurelius for moderation and temperance, or to Commodus for prodigality and dissoluteness? Briefly, to Antonius and Titus for lenity and clemency, or to Dionisius and Tiberius for rigor and severity? For undoubtedly, as long as the provocations to vices, and the allurements to vertues are more and greater in Princes then in private men, so long will the one far exceed the other in vertues or in vices; Then since it is behoveful for every Common-wealth to be ruled by good Princes; it must also behove good Parents to be careful to leave good children to succeed after them, and not to be so affected to the eldest of their children because he is the first of their strength, as to make him, and no other but him, their sole Heir and Successor, although he alone be wicked and ill given, and the rest wise, discreet, and vertuous; so he unworthy to Govern, and they most fit to Rule; because he would overthrow, and they uphold the whole Estate and Kingdom.

The Consideration hereof, moved the good Emperour Marcus Aurelius, who had a good and a bad Son, when he was visited with a Disease that was mortal, greatly to lament his own death; not because he was loth and unwilling to dye, knowing as he did, that death was the end of all miseries, and the beginning of everlasting felicity;Vita de Marc. Aurelio. but for that he was bound by the custome, generally, and time out of mind received and allowed by his Predecessors, contrary to his will and desire, to leave the Empire of Rome (which had been ruled a long time by his many years and great experience) to be Governed and Ruled by the indiscreet youth and youthful indiscretion of his bad Son Commodus.

The Consideration hereof, caused Iames King of Aragon and Sicily, to perswade his eldest Son Iames (who was more fit to live sequestred from the company of men,Tarapha Illescas lib. 6. in a Monastry, then to sway a Monarchy) to leave the world, and betake himself to a Monastical life, suffering his second Brother Alphonsus, (upon whom God had bestowed sufficient gifts and qualities capable of a Kingdom) to succeed his Father in both Kingdoms.

The Consideration hereof induced Robert King of France to make his second Son Henry his Heir and Successor in the Kingdom,Du Haillan lib. 6. because he knew that God had endowed him with a far better spirit and wit, more fit to Command and Govern then his eldest Son Robert had, upon whom he bestowed the Dutchy of Burgundy.

The Consideration hereof moved not only Lewis surnamed the Gross, Du Haillan lib. 8. King of France, but also all the Peers and States of the same Realm, to make Lewis his second Son King, because Robert his eldest Son was by him and them, for want of judgment and understanding, judged unfit and unworthy to bear or sway the Crown of France; and therefore he and they held it sufficient to bestow upon him the Earldom of Dreux.

Lastly, the Consideration hereof moved Dagobert King of France to intreat Sigisbert his eldest Son,Du Haillan lib. 2. who not being able in his opinion to Rule and Govern so great a Kingdom as France, and yet desirous to have the name of a King, to be contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasia, and to resign and give over his Right and Title to the Kingdom of France unto his younger Brother Clouis.

Considering therefore, That the Gifts which are required in a Prince are many and very difficult to be attained: That very few have wit and wisdom sufficient to govern a Kingdom: That of these few some use their wits to attain to their purpose; and when they have gotten their desire, leave both to be wise and vertuous, as I could declare by many Examples, if it were not to digress from my purpose:) And lastly, that the vertues of the Parents are obscured and blemished by the childrens vices; and the Predecessors Conquests are oftentimes either lost or diminished by the Successors folly and pusillanimity: It were a shame for the Father, a detriment to the Common-wealth, a wrong to the Kingdom, and an injury to the vertuous child, where there is a good Son to succeed a vertuous Father, to bind the same Father to leave little or nothing to his good children, and a whole Kingdom to him that is neither worthy nor well able to rule the thousand part thereof; And if at any time it be lamentatable, yea scant tolerable, to prefer wicked children before them that are vertuous; and to lay a heavy charge and burthen upon their shoulders, who are not able to take up (much less to bear) the same, not for a day, but for the whole term of their natural life; truly it is much more to be lamented, yea, in no respect to be suffered, that such a Son should be set over others, to rule and govern them, who could nor would never govern himself well; to exact and require obedience of his Inferiors, who was always disobedient in the highest degree of disobedience unto his Superiors; to manage, husband, and increase the Treasure of a whole Kingdom, who hath prodigally wasted and consumed his own private Patrimony: Lastly, to induce others by his example to live honestly, justly, orderly, and virtuously (as Princes either do or should do) who never esteemed honesty, cared for justice, respected order, or embraced vertue.

Iohn Bodin in his Book de Republica, writeth that a disobedient child of France being sued by his Mother for using himself unreverently towards her, and especially for easing his body in a mess of Broth which she had provided for her self; was condemned by a competent and wise judge, to make her honourable amends; from which sentence the wicked Son disdaining to ask his Mother pardon and forgiveness, appealed unto Paris, where it was found bene appellatum, and male judicatum, not that the Judges there thought that the Appellant had just cause to appeal, because he was enjoined to submit himself unto his Mother; but for that they were of opinion that the Judges from whom he had appealed, had not inflicted such punishment upon him as he deserved; And therefore considering his former disobedience, and also his unkind and unnatural perseverance therein, indiscreetly shewed, in refusing to make so slender a submission, they altered the former sentence, and gave judgment that he should be presently hanged, which was accordingly executed.

This sentence was highly commended by Bodin, and worthily allowed and praised by as many Frenchmen as did ever read the same in his Book.

And how can they dislike the Judgment given against Charles the seventh, not by any inferior Judge, but by a King; not by a Parliament of Paris (the Judges whereof may so hate an offence, that for the very and sole indignity thereof, they do likewise hate the offender) but by a Father, who had rather conceal then reveal, and pardon then punish his childrens offences; neither by a Father alone, but by the whole Peers and Nobles of a well ruled Kingdom? not lightly and without advice, but deliberately, and with great discretion and wisdom; Briefly, not in hatred of the offender, but in regard of the whole Common-wealth▪ which might perish under the hands and government of an unwise, unruly, and unnatural Prince, in whom there could be no hope of love towards them or their Country, because he had given manifest signs of want of love towards his Father, whom nature and other respects bound him to love, honour, and reverence; for Princes as well as private men, and the children of the one, as well as the off-spring of the other, are equally and undoubtedly bound to obey Gods Laws, and Commandments; And if both in one manner presume to break the same, both without all doubt and controversie are subject to one and the same measure of punishment.

But it may be said, Laws are made by Princes, and not for Princes; and to bind their inferiour subjects, and not themselves or their children; who for their Fathers sake, for the priviledge of their birth, for the worthiness of their place, and in regard of the authority and preheminence whereunto they are born, may and ought to challenge and enjoy far greater immunity, yea, and somtimes more impunity then other Peers, or private men: certainly reason permitteth, and humanity perswadeth to favour a Prince much more then a subject. But it was both the Will and the Law of a worthy Prince, That nothing commendeth the Majesty of a Prince more, then to submit himself to the observance of his own Laws: and there can be no better means to induce subjects to shew their obedience unto their Princes Laws, then the example of their own Princes, not vouchsafing to violate the least branch that is of their own Statutes and Constitutions. Was not that King highly commended by his own subjects, praised by his posterity, and worthily extolled even in our age not meaning that the son who had by breach of the Law deserved to lose both his eyes, should escape unpunished (which might be offensive unto his subjects) but intending to moderate and qualifie the rigour of the Law, because he was his Heir (which for some considerations is tolerable in Princes) plucked out one of his own eyes, and another of his Sons, thereby satisfying, if not the rigour, yet the equity of the Law; and thereby moving his subjects to compassion in regard of himself, and to obedience to the same Law in consideration of his justice.

I have stood too long upon the confutation of this last objection, and yet have touched but one part thereof; and therefore I will run over the other part lightly, because in refelling the same, I shall need but to make a brief repetition of that which hath been said already: for if you remember that not Bernard the Nephew,Du Haillan lib. 2, 6, 8. but Lewis the Meek succeeded his brother Pipin, eldest son to Charlemaigne, and father to Bernard; That Pipin, and not the right Heir was king after Childerick; that Hugh Capet, and not Charls Duke of Lorrain enjoyed the Crown immediately after Lotharius: That Dagoberts second son, and not the eldest possessed the Royal Scepter after him: That Henry the younger, and not the elder brother ruled after king Robert their Father; and that Lewis the second, and not Robert the eldest child of king Lewis the Gross, was called to the royal Scepter and Crown of France; and also, if it may please you to call to remembrance that Pharamond, with divers others before-mentioned, were chosen kings, you shall easily see and perceive, that there hath been no such custome, or at the least-wise the same not so inviolable as it is suggested, for the next of the Blood to succeed always in his own right, and not as Heir to hid Predecessor. In like manner if you please to understand that Theodorick the first king of France of that name,Nic. Gyles. because he was a man wholly given over to pleasure, of small worth, of less value, and of no sufficiency capable of so great a Kingdom as France was and is, was by the States of his Realm deprived of his Royal Crown and Dignity, and put up in a Monastery. That Lewis surnamed Do nothing, because he had make France Tributary unto Normandy, Idem. was also driven by the States to give over his Kingdom, and to lead the residue of his life in a house of Religion; And that the Peers of France not regarding the young years of Charls the son of Lewis their King,Idem. deprived him of his right, and made Eude Earl of Paris king of France; You may think it as lawful for Charls the 6. to deprive his Son Charles of his Inheritance, for the horrible murther committed (as it hath been said) on the person of the Duke of Burgundy, a Prince of the blood royall, a Peer of France, and a Counsellour unto the King his Father; and for the great, manifest, and undutiful disobedience which he shewed unto his Father, as it was for the States of the same Realm to deprive Theodorick for his Insufficiency, Lewis for his Pusillanimity, and Charles for his youth. So you see the last Objection refuted by their own Examples. And as you see the cause why it is said that the Kings of France cannot dis-inherit their children; so I will let you understand the reason why they have invented a new shift or device, thereby to deprive those of their due who made claim to such debts as the Kings of France owed them.

There was a time (and so it is still) when a King of France dyed greatly indebted to the Switzers, which debt they challenging of his immediate Successor and Heir, who dyed in their debt; It was answered, that although true it was that Contracts do bind the Contrahents and their heirs, as well private men a Princes, yet the Kings of France not succeeding as Heirs, but as Successors by custom, are not within the meaning and sense of that Law which speaketh of Contracts and their Contrahents, and their Heirs only.Smillerus de republica Helvetiorum. By which cavil the poor Switzers were deceived of their due debt, as we English-men have been debarred of our Claims, Titles and Rights, sometimes by the Law Salique, which was (as I have said) no Law of France, and sometimes by such exceptions, devices, and subtleties, as I have lately specified.

The fourth point whereat they wonder, is, why the Kings of England having good right unto the Crown of France, The reasons why England challengeth not her right in France. and better success when they demanded their Right by Fire and Sword, do not still prosecute their demand, and did quickly lose whatsoever they or their Predecessors got in many years.

This point consisteth of two several points, the one why we forbear to challenge our right? the other by what occasion we lost all that some of our Kings had conquered, especially Henry the fifth, who subdued the greatest part of France; and although he dyed very young, yet he left his Son Henry the Sixth, being an Infant of few years, so mighty at home so be-friended abroad, so accompanied with good Souldiers, so well assisted with good Counsellours, so followed by cunning and expert captains,Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed. and so directed by wise and discreet Generals, that when he was but ten years of Age, he was crowned at Paris King of France by the Dukes of Bedford and Burgundy, and in the presence of the chief Peers and Nobility of France.

This first point is easily answered, because ever since the first time we laid claim to the Crown of France, those Princes of ours who were Martial men, and inclined to Wars, demanded their Right by open Wars; as both ours and their Chronicles do testifie. But it pleased God sometimes to send us (as he doth unto other Kingdomes) such Princes as were rather given to pleasure, and unto peace, rather then unto Wars, and Martial exploits; in whose time the Frenchmen were wise enough to take advantage of their quiet and peaceable natures; and when our Kings and Subjects, following (as Subjects commonly do) the humours and qualities of their Princes, gave themselves unto pleasures and pastimes, the French followed the Wars; and either by open Invasions, or by subtile devices, recoverd part of their losses. Besides it hath sometimes fortuned, that when we had valiant Princes, and such as hath both good will and sufficient power to recover their Right, our Realm hath either been divided within it self, and by domestical dissention hindred to prosecute Forraign Wars: Or that our Kings coming by their kingdoms by force of Armes, have had more mind and occasion to stable and assure the same unto themselves and their Heirs, then to make Wars abroad. Again during the contentions betwixt the houses of Lancaster and of York, sometimes the one part, and sometimes the other sought favour and friendship, and alliance of the Kings of France; and they who prevailed in their attempts and purposes, by their aid, furtherance and sufferance; thought it an especial point of wit and policy to seek and continue their Amity; yea, and sometimes to buy the same with very hard conditions; lest that having them for their Enemies, they should either invade their Realms, or assist their Competitors, who most commonly fled unto them for help; relief, and succour. For as many of our Kings as have been driven out of their Royal Seats and Dignities by their domestical Adversaries, have been either entertained, or restored to their Crowns by the Kings of France and Scotland, the Dukes of Burgundy, or the Princes of Henault; as were Edward the fourth, Henry the second, the sixth and the seventh. Besides some of the kings of France, as namely, Lewis Da Haillan Phil. de Comines. Holinshed Polid. Virg. Hect. Boet. the twelfth, and Francis the first, doubting that our Kings would annoy them at home whilest they were busied in Forraign Wars, corrupted our Kings Council with bribes, and with yearly rewards and pensions made them so bound and beholding unto them, that they did not only bewray their Masters secrets, but also diverted their purposes; and if at any time they were purposed to molest France, or to joyn with the Enemies of France, they changed the Kings minds, and perswaded them not only, not to hinder, but also to help and further the French Kings in all their Enterprises, and against all their Enemies. And they were not only contented to • ee our cheif Counsellors,Vie da Francois Primier dece nom. as Francis the first • id Cardinal Wolsey, who bare such sway with Henry the eighth, changed his determination so often, made him friend and enemy to whom he would, and favoured the Emperour Charles the fifth, and sometimes the French king his common Adversary, in such manner, that it was commonly said, that Cardinal Wolsey ruled the French King, the King of England, and the Emperour, but also they purchased our Kings favour and furtherance with yearly Fees and Pensions. For it is written that Lewis the eleventh to retain and entertain the King of England for his friend,Phil. de Comines. payed him yearly in London 50000 Crowns, and bestowed yearly 16000 other Crowns upon his chief Counsellors, the Lord Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls, and when our King had any occasion to send any Embassadour unto him, he received them so honourably, entertained them so friendly, rewarded them so liberally, and dispatched them with so fair words, although their Embassage was never so unpleasant and displeasing unto him, that they departed alwayes very well contented. And albeit that some of them knew that whatsoever he did, was to win time to work his will and purposes, yet because they got much by their dissimulation, they dissembled their knowledge, and never acquainted our King with his secret intentions.

The same Lewis, besides this manner of entertaining of our Ambassadors, used (when there was any great matter in debate and contention betwixt us and him) to receive all Ambassages that were sent unto him, and never to answer any of them but alwaies promised to send other Ambassadors after them, who should bring his answers, and give our king such assurance of all things whereof he had occasion to doubt, that he should have no longer cause to be discontented; and when it came to the sending of such Ambassadors, because he would be still assured to gain time, he sent such personages as never had been in England before; to the end, that if his former Ambassadors had promised any thing that was not performed, or begun any Treaty that was not finished, the latter should not be able to make any answer thereunto, but enforced to desire some time and respite to acquaint their Master therewith, and to crave and have his resolution therein.

Further, you may remember that it hath been already said, that the Almighty, to the end that Kingdoms should remain still under their natural Princes, or being transferred from one Nation to another, should at length return unto kings of their own Nation, who indeed are more fit to govern them, of his infinite goodness toward man doth usually send a peaceable Successor after a Warlike Prince, in whose time the conquered recover either all or part of their losses, which by his heavenly will and pleasure hath hapned in England as well as in other places: For we have had such Princes as did as well lose what their Predecessors had conquered, or recover what some of them lost.Du Haillan. Polid. Virg. Holinshed. Annales de Aquitain. T. Walsing. in his Neustria. We won in the time of Richard the first the Kingdom of Cyprus, and sold it presently. We enjoyed by reason of the marriage with the daughter and heir of VVilliam Duke of Aquitane, and wife unto Henry the 2. that Dukedome better then 300 years, and at the last lost the same by negligence. We possessed the Dukedome of Normandy 350 years, and lost it in the time of Charls the 7. We subdued Scotland Hect. Boet. in Edw. 1. time, and lost it not long after. We conquered Ireland better then four hundred years since, and yet retain it. VVe ruled in Flanders for a while, and were driven out of Flanders after a small while. Briefly, it is written by some, that Brennus who first took and conquered Rome, was an Englishman, and that he continued his conquest but a very short time.

And as we have had good fortune against others, so others have not wanted good success against us: for the Romans conquered us, the Saxons subdued us, the Danes ruled us, and lastly the Normans had the upper hand of us; of whom our Kings are lineally descended, and in whose race they have continued better then 500 years.

Again it is usual betwixt Princes, when they are wearied with long, tedious, chargeable and dangerous wars, to desire peace, and to yeild to the same upon reasonable conditions; and in consideration of their troubles endured in wars, of their charges sustained thereby, and of their subjects impoverished by the means thereof, to take long times of Truce, and surcease from wars, within which time it is not lawful to do any act of hostility. And this occasion hath also restrained some of our Princes for attempting any thing against France, although they had great desire to recover their right in France: Moreover it hath now and then hapned, that when we have been determined to prosecute our right, we either have been diverted by the entreaty of other Princes, who have been mediators for peace betwixt France and us; Or hindred by the departure of such Con • ederates from our part, as promised to aid and assist us in our enterprises. Or drawn from them to defend our selves at home, by reason of the sudden invasions which have been made by the Scots upon England, at the intreaty and perswasion of the French, which hath been the usual policy of the Kings of France, to turn the wars from themselves upon us; alwaies retaining the Scots for their friends and confederates, for no other purpose, but either to help them when we came into France or to make war with us when we intended to have carried our Forces thither.

Again, either by the weakness or by the corruption of our Council, we have (as hath been said) been so over-reached by the Frenchmen in all such agreements as we have made with them, that when we have won the whole, we have been contented with part, and when as we might have had mountains, we have vouchsafed to accept mole-hills; yea, we have bound our selves to relinquish our Right, to renounce our Titles, and give over all our Interests.

So at what time Prince Edward married Isabella daughter of Philip sirnamed the Fair, we resigned the Dutchy of Guyenna.

So Edward sir-named Long-hands, acquitted the French King of all the right he had to the Crown of France, to the Dutchy of Normandy, and to the Earldoms of Anjou, Mayne, Tourrain, and Poictou.

So Edward 3. having taken King Iohn of France prisoner at Poictiou, and retained him four years prisoner in England, took certain Towns and Countries in France for his ransome, and surrendred the residue of France into his hands, to be held by him and his heirs for ever, and with express condition never to lay any claim thereunto thereafter.

These agreements have been another cause why we have repressed our desires, and not prosecuted our rights.

Lastly, when we conquered France, and had continual wars therewith, the Realm was not then as it hath been of late years united, void of dissention, free from civil wars, in the hands, and under the government of one King, and not divided, dis-membred, and possessed with divers petty Princes, who either for alliance with us, or for some quarrel betwixt them and the French Kings, were alwaies ready to aid and assist us. So we had help somtimes of the Duke of Burgundy, of the Earl of Anjou, of the Duke of Britain, of the Earls of Foix, of Flanders, of Holland, and of Arminack, and somtimes of the kings of Navar, and of the Emperors of Germany; which helps of late years failing us, and the reasons already mentioned, have occasioned our weak, slender, and slack pursuit of the Title and Interest which we pretend unto the Crown of France.

Now to the second Point of this fourth Point, wherein I should spend so much time, and overweary you with too long & impertinent discourse,The Causes and means how we lost all France. i • I should relate unto you the time and manner, how and when we lost Normandy, Aquitania, and every other member of France; and therefore it shall suffice to shew you, how and when we had conquered almost all France in a few years, we lost again all in a very short time.

Both ours and the French Histories agree in this Point, That either in, or immediately after the happy and prosperous Reign of Henry the fifth, we flourished, and possessed most in France; and lost all, or most part of all, in the time of his Son Henry the sixth.

The ways how this came to pass were many, I have reduced them unto four and twenty; the least of every of which was, and hath been enough to lose whole Estates and Kingdom, not gotten by Conquests, which are easily recovered, but descending by Inheritance, which are hardly lost.

The first Cause of our loss of whatsoever King Henry the fifth had gotten in France, Holinshed. Polid. Virg. Du Haillan Ph. de Comines. was the death of King Charls the sixth; for when he was dead, many of the French Nobility (which before either for fear of the English puissance, or for the love which they bore unto King Charls, favoured and furthered our part) revolted from us unto the Dolphin, Paulus Aemilius. his dis-inherited Son; and it is usual in Factions, the head of one side being dead or suppressed, the residue be so weakned or feared, that either all or the most part either fly unto their Adversaries, or else make their peace with them, with as reasonable conditions as they can possibly; as was seen by the death of Pompey. whose Adherents fled unto Caesar, or sought his favour, after their principal Ring-leader and Guide was slain.

The second Cause was the sparkles of sedition and strife which began betwixt us and the Duke of Burgundy, our principal Aider and Abettor, who was highly discontented with us, because that Humphry, Duke of Glocester, either blinded with ambition, or doting with the love of the Lady Iaquet, sole Heir unto the County of Holland, had married her, notwithstanding that her Husband Iohn, Duke of Brabant, and Brother to the Duke of Burgundy, was then living.

The third Cause was, the liberty of Iames King of Scotland, who being Ransomed with courtesie, and having sworn Loyalty unto the young King Henry the sixth, was no sooner in his own Country, then he forgot his Oath, and allyed himself with the French King.

The fourth was, the Revolt and departure of the Duke of Britany, and his Brother, from us unto the French King.

The fifth Cause was, the dissention betwixt the B • shop of Winchester, and the Duke of Glocester, who governed the young King; for appeasing whereof the Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, was called home.

The sixth, the liberty of the Duke of Alancon, who being Ransomed in the Regents absence, did greatly strengthen the Dolphins power.

The seventh, the death of the Earl of Salisbury, and of the worthiest and most fortunate Captain that ever England bred at Orleans; After whose decease the English good and prosperous fortune presently began to decline.

The eighth, was the refusal of the Duke of Bedford to suffer Orleans to yeild to the Duke of Burgundy; Of which refusal there proceeded two great inconveniencies:

The one, That they of Orleans offering to yeild themselves unto the said Duke, because they held it less dishonourable to yeild unto a Frenchman, then unto an English Prince, although it were to the behalf and use of the King of England; and seeing their offer refused, grew (as many both before and since have done upon the like occasion) so wilful, obstinate and desperate, that we could never get their Town, but suffered great losses in laying and continuing our Siege thereat a very long time, and indured such shame by departing thence without taking the same, that even until this day (as I saw of late years my self) they yearly celebrate this day as Festival, to our great dishonour, whereon they compelled us to withdraw thence our overwearied and bootless Forces.

The other, That the Duke of Burgundy thinking by this refusal that we envyed his Honour too much, who had rather lose a Town of such strength and importance as Orleans was, then to suffer it to yeild unto him; although it were (as I have said) to our own use and advantage, began by little and little to remove his affection, and unfeigned friendship and furtherance from us.

The ninth, The often conveying of Forces out of England into Holland, and in succour of the Duke of Glocester against the Duke of Brabant, who as mortal enemies, warred one upon the other, for the cause above mentioned; and also into Bohemia, by the Bishop of Winchester, for the Pope Martin, who intended to make a Conquest of Bohemia.

The tenth, The Dolphins policy who refused divers times to put tryal of his cause to the hazard of a Battel.

The eleventh, The mistrust and jealousie which the Regent had of the Parisians; for fear of whose wavering and unconstant minds (a fault whereto they have always been greatly subject) the said Regent left divers times very good and advantagious occasions to fight with the Dolphin, and return to Paris.

The twelfth, The variance and strife betwixt the Duke of Bedford, then Regent, and the Cardinal of Winchester, proceeding of this cause especially, for that the Cardinal presumed to command the Regent to leave off that name during the Kings being in France; affirming, the chief Ruler being present, the Authority of the substitute to cease, and to be derogate.

The thirteenth, The death of the Dutchess of Bedford, Sister unto the Duke of Burgundy, with whom dyed the true friendship between the two Dukes.

The fourteenth, The foolish pride of the Duke of Bedford, who coming from Paris of purpose to St Omers, a Town belonging to the Duke of Burgundy, and appointed and chosen a convenient place for them to meet, and end all contentions betwixt them both, thought that the Duke of Burgundy should have come to his Lodging to have visited him first, as Son, Brother, and Uncle unto Kings; And the Duke of Burgundy being Lord of that place, would not vouchsafe him that Honour, but offered to meet him half way; which the Duke of Bedford refusing, they departed the Town discontented, and without seeing one another, and never after saw and con • erred together.

The fifteenth, The Duke of Burgundy displeased with this occasio • ▪ and won, partly by the outcries of his own people (overwearied with wars) and partly by the general councel held at Arras for the according and agreeing of the two Kings, joineth with the French King.

The sixteenth, The death of the Duke of Bedfore, who being a man throughly acquainted with the humors and wars of France, by reason of his long continuance in the one, and conversation with the other, died the fourteenth year of Henry the 6. his Reigne, and presently after many French Noblemen, and worthy Souldiers who followed the said Duke, with-drew themselves from the English Faction.

The seventeenth, The Duke of York his Successors so long stay in England, occasioned by the malice of the Duke of Somerset, that before his coming into France, Paris, and many other good Towns of France had yeilded unto the Dolphin.

The eighteenth, The sending over but of hundreds, yea, of scores, where before thousands were sent, to keep Holds not comparable to Paris, and other such like places.

The nineteenth, An unprofitable marriage concluded betwixt our King, and Margaret daughter unto Rainer king of Sicily and Ierusalem, by the means of the Earl of Suffolk, corrupted (as it was thought) by money: for the King had nothing with her, but delivered for her the Dutchy of Anjoyne, the City of Mouns, and the County of Mayne; which Countries were the very stayes of the Dutchy of Normandy.

The twentieth, The Earl of Arminack (with whose Kinswoman the King should have married) by reason of the aforesaid marriage, became the Kings enemy, and the chief cause of the loss of the Dukedom of Aquitain.

The one and twentieth, The Queen disdaining that the King her husband should be ruled by the Duke of Glocester, never left till she had brought him to his untimely death.

The two and twentieth, The Dukes death, which divers French Noblemen hearing of, revolted from our King; whose Realm was (as he knew) divided within it self, because Richard Duke of York, allyed by his wife unto the chief Peers of the Realm, began to contemn the King, who was ruled by his wife, and to lay claim privily unto the Crown, whereby mens minds were not attentive unto Forreign affairs, but wholly given to prevent and keep off proffered wrongs at home.

The three and twentieth, The King himself, who being more given to a purchase of an heavenly, then of an Earthly Kingdom, regarded not the matter, but suffered the Queen to be governed by ill counsel.

The four and twentieth, The sudden, and as it were in a manner, the miraculous coming of the Virgin of Orleans unto the Dolphin, who wrought him very strangely to leave those follies whereunto he was vainly given, and to betake himself with more courage and diligence unto the violent pursuit and following of his cause. And because as of a few sparkles somtimes ariseth a great fire, so of very light occasions, now and then come wondrous effects; I will briefly declare unto you the history of this Virgin, and also the means how she being a base and mean Maiden, was reputed to be sent from heaven, to work such wonders as I may say in some manner with the Dolphin: This Maiden was a poor Shepherds daughter, and alwaies brought up to attend and keep her Fathers Sheep, until a Gentleman of some accompt and worth, dwelling not far off, thought it expedient, by reason of a bold spirit which was seen and observed to be in her, somwhat exceeding the common courage of women, to use her as an instrument to bring the Dolphin, who lay at Borghes, besotted with the love of a very fair Damsel, and careless of his own estate, and of the honour of his Realm, from that wretchless security, unto a better trade of of life, and a more earnest desire of the recovery of his losses: First he made the Maiden privie to divers secret qualities of the Dolphin, which he being an ancient and continual Courtier, had observed from him in his Infancy: Then by shewing her every day his Picture, as truly and lively drawn as might possibly be done, he acquainted her so well with the form and shape of his face, that she might easily know him, although he were never so much disguised amongst a number of other Courtiers: And thirdly, he learned her many other things far beyond the reach and capacity of a poor simple Maiden, and taught her both to foretel, and to do such things as made her to be taken for a very wise woman in the Country. This done, he resorteth to the Court, acquainteth divers Courtiers with his purpose and intention; and how that he, considering that many other policies and devices had failed, to make the Dolphin to be more careful of the present lamentable estate of France, had with much labour, travel, and study, invented a very ready way to stir him up to diligence and care of his Realm and Country, and to enforce or perswade him to forsake those pleasures which had not only seduced and mis-led him, but also the most and better part of his Nobility, by whose negligence France was already fallen into bondage, servitude, and thraldome. This matter, saith he, must be brought to pass, not by humane policy, but by perswading the Dolphin (as I have found a means how to do it) that God hath sent a Virgin as it were from heaven, to be his Guide and Leader against his enemies, whom (as long as he should follow) he should undoubtedly be accompanied with good and fortunate success. Having won divers friends of his to allow of his device, and to consent to the putting of the same in execution, he and they spread a rumour in the Dolphin's Court, of many strange things which they said had been already done by this Virgin, which report came in time to the Dolphin's ears; who being (as Princes, and others commonly are) very desirous to know the truth of this report, sent for this Gentleman (because it was told him that he dwelt very nigh unto her) and asked him what wonders she had wrought: He verified the common report, and added further, That she must needs have some secret vertues more then other men or women could commonly have, for that she had told him divers secrets of his own, which he never told unto any man: Which seeming somwhat strange unto the Dolphin; he (to make up the matter) assured him, that if she were called from her Fathers poor cottage to the Court, he would not think any thing untrue that was reported of her; for I dare undertake (said he) that she shall tell you your own secrets, and know you, and reverence you as King, although she never saw you in her life, and albeit you disguise your self in the habit of the meanest Courtier within your Court: And further, I have heard say, that she can and will direct you a course, how you shall (within a very short time) drive the Englishmen your enemies out of France.

The Dolphin somwhat astonished with the strangeness of this tale, and very desirous to see the Maiden, caused her presently to be sent for, disguised himself in a mean apparel, and willed one of his chief Noblemen to be honoured, apparelled, and accompanied as King, upon whom, he amongst the rest attended in proper person. The Maiden being brought to Court in a strange attire made for the nonce, and apparelleld like a Souldier, and instructed in some points of Chivalry by the Gentleman before she came thither, and especially in the fashions of the Court, and other circumstances of the same, so demeaned her self, that it may be said of her, Non minuit, sed auget praesentia famam; She findeth out the Dolphin presently in the midst of the thickest th • ong, yeildeth him reverence due and usually shewed unto a King: Who ravished with the strangeness thereof (for that it was certainly known that she was never in the Court, nor had at any time seen him) talketh with her, findeth her wise in her answers, and able to tell • im m • st part of his secrets; and to be short, she being seconded by the Gentleman, and others (whom he, and the pity they had of the poor estate of the Country, had made willing and ready to joyn with her in such petitions and motions as she had made unto the Dolphin) setled such an opinion of wisdom and holiness in him, that he presently took her for a guide sent from heaven, to direct him in all his doings; and by her perswasions, left his Love, and followed this maiden to the wars; who being always accompanied with good Captains, and counselled by them what directions she should give to the Dolphin to the end she might win credit with him▪ at the first sped very well in many things which she attempted, and especially in raising our siege at Orleans, where I have seen her picture in brass, mounted upon a very large brazen horse, and there is yearly (as I have said before) a solemn Feast, and procession kept, in remembrance of her, that she drave the Englishmen from thence.

The Dolphin being thus animated by her, and encouraged by the good success which followed her for a while, proceeded so manfully, that he never left, until he had recovered all the Kingdom of France: So he by her sped not ill, but she for him had no good end; for being in the end taken by the Englishmen, and arraigned at Roan, upon divers articles of witchcraft, was found guilty, and there burnt for a witch. A strange metamorphosis, and not so strange as ridiculo • s. But if you consider how many things Scipo perswaded a few Roman Souldiers to do, which were almost impossible to be done by a few, only by telling them that he had often and secret conference with a Goddess, who counselled him to put those things in execution, and promised him good success in those enterprises; you may easily think that his policy might work the effect which it wrought.

It is written of Mahomet the God of the Turks, that he grew to the credit and reputation of a God,Marco Arrogo sans occino nel suo governo. by as mean a device as this; for he carryed a shew of holiness, was better learned then their Teachers were, had the gift of Eloquence, secretly had insinuated himself into the favour of the people, and to perswade them that he had secret conference with God, and that whatsoever he Preached unto them, was put into his mouth by the Holy Ghost; he had used a tame Dove to come and stand upon • is shoulder, ever when he Preached unto them, and to join his Beak and Head unto his Ear, as though it did whisper something into his Ear; Whereby he won such credit, that not only his Laws were thought to proceed from the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, but he ever sithence hath been honoured for a God.

It is written again of Kemitius King of Scotland, that when he had oftentimes endeavoured by divers ways to induce his Nobility to think well of his intended Wars against the Picts, Hect. Boet. and could not by any manner of perswasions prevail with them, he invented a policy never used or heard of before; he called his Council and Nobility together to consult of matters of weight, and held them in consultation until night, then he provided a great and costly Supper, which of set purpose he caused to continue until the night was very far spent, insomuch that they being overcharged with meat and drink, fell all asleep; then he commanded that into every one of their Chambers there should go a man apparelled in a long Gown, made of fish skins, with the scales still remaining upon them, who carryed in one hand a staff of rotten wood, because that it (as the scales of the fish do) in the dark, maketh a kinde of glittering able to astonish those who never saw the like; and in the other hand a great Oxes horn, out of which the man speaking, should give a sound and voice far differing from the voice of a man: These men so apparel'd, entring into the Counsellors chambers, spake in a great and grave voice, and said, That they were Messengers sent thither from Heaven, to tell the Scottish Nobility, that they ought to hearken to the advice and Counsel that Kemitius their King gave them, and to aid and assist him to recover his Kingdom out of the hands and possession of the Picts: When they had thus said, every one of them (as he was taught) hid his staff under his Gown, and gathering the fishes scales together in such manner, that it seemed unto the beholders, that as the glittering, so they suddenly vanished away. In the morning the Nobility met together, and every one of them telleth the King what he had seen and heard that night; he wondred thereat, as though he had not known thereof, telleth them he had the like vision, but thought not good to acquaint them therewith, lest that they glorying too much in the special favour which God shewed unto them, should by revealing the same, before it was time, unto over many, greatly offend his heavenly Majesty; but that he meant to shew unto them what he had heard and seen, when the Wars were happily undertaken and ended. The Nobility confirmed in the opinion of the Miracle by the Kings report, yeilded presently unto his Counsel, and with all possible speed made great preparation for the Wars against the Picts.

But now from these by-tales again to my purpose, which I might dilate and beautify with examples, confirming every one of these 24. Causes to be sufficient to lose a Kingdom; but your own reason and experience is able to assure you thereof; and therefore I will proceed no further in this Point; Saving that I have thought good to clear one thing, which perhaps may seem doubtful unto you; for I think it wil seem strange unto you why I call him by the name of Dolphin, whom the French Chronicles call Charls the seventh; you know that our Kings eldest Son, during the life of his Father, ever sithence that Wales, was first conquered by England, was called the Prince of Wales; And so the eldest Sons of the Kings of France, have bin called Dolphins of France, since that Imbert and Humbert dyed without Heir, and gave Dolphiny unto Philip deValois, King of France, Hottoman. Joh. Tilletius. with condition that the eldest Son of the Kings should be called Dolphins; which name was given unto Charls the seventh during his Fathers life,Du Haillan lib. 15. when he was dutiful, and retained, after that he grew to disobedience and rebellion; yea continued by our Writers and Chroniclers, after his decease: for me thought it not convenient to call him King of France, because our King was then entituled by that name; but we vouchsafed him still the name of Dolphin, even as the Spaniards having deprived the present and rightful King of Portugal of his Kingdom, calling him still by the name of Don Antonio, as he was called before the Kingdom fell unto him by descent; and the Leaguers call the now King of France, not by the name of King of France, but King of Navarra; yea the Spaniards (as I have said before) considering that their King enjoyeth a great part of that Kingdom, Pedro Corneio de la lyga y Confederation Francesca▪ and layeth claim to the whole, vouchsafeth him not the honour to call him king of Navarra, but in all their Writings they call him either the Prince of Bearn, or more plainly, the Bernois.

The first point whereat they wonder is, why the King of Spain (whose Predecessors not much more then 320 years agoe, were but very poor Earls of Hapsburg in Swizzeland, until that in the year 1273. Rodulph Earl of Hapsburg was chosen Emperour) is grown to be a King of more might,How the King of Spain his Predecessors grew from mean Earls to be mighty Kings. greater wealth, and larger Dominions, the either the Emperour, or any other Christian Prince possesseth at this present; and how he, and some of his Predecessors have kept and conserved the same, whereas the Emperour hath lost most part of his possessions, and we (as it hath been said) and many others besides us, have in a very few years departed, or rather been driven from all that we or they got and conquered in many years.

In this point there are these parts to be considered, The increase of the house of Austria, and how it came; The continuance thereof, and whence it proceeded; The fall and decay of the Emperour, and what was the cause thereof; Lastly ours and others losses, and how they hapned. The Spaniards increase is rare, but not marvelous; because few Princes have been blessed with the like fortune; not marvelous, because the causes thereof are ordinary, and not in any respect strange or wonderous, for that very many mean men have enjoyed the like success; for of the Kingdomes, Dominions, and Seigniories which he now possesseth, he came by some justly, as those which came unto him by succession and inheritance; others valiantly, as those which his Ancestors conquered by force of Armes; some fortunately, as those which his Predecessors got by marriages; others most wrongfully, as those which he or they usurped unjustly.

So private men which grow unto excessive wealth, get some thereof with cunning, as that which they attain by deceit and policy, other-some happily, as that which cometh unto them by marriage, some painfully, as that which they purchase by great Industry, other some wrongfully, as that which they extort from their Neighbours by violence, injury, wrong, or oppression. It is and hath been alwayes usual amongst Princes to give their Kingdomes and chief Dominions unto their eldest Sons, and the Appendancies unto their younger children; and those Princes who have commonly come by Election unto higher dignity then ever they expected, have likewife always accustomed for the increase of their greatness, and the advancement of their house and family, to bestow whatsoever falleth void in the time of their Government belonging unto the same, upon their children; even as Bishops, Deans, and other Prelates of the Church, in these dayes, grant all the Leases, Coppy-holds, Farms and Tenements which belonging unto their Bishoppricks, Deaneries, and Prebendaries, fall void in their time, upon their children, or their neerest kinsmen. But betwixt Princes and Prelates there is this difference, That Princes give with this condition, that for default of Heirs Males of their bodies unto whom they give, their gifts should return from whence they came; and Prelates for the most part give for term of life, or for certain years; and yet those Prelates who besides their prelacy challenge to be absolute Princes (of which number I read of none so absolute or liberal in that respect as the Pope of Rome) grant many times, not Seigniories, but Kingdomes and Principalities with the like conditions, yea and impose a yearly fee and pension to be paid unto them and their Heirs, unto whom they give out of the See of Rome, from whence they and their posterity receive the same gifts:Historia Pontifical. de D. Illescas Spanish. So there was a time when Benedict, the twelfth Pope of Rome, gave unto Suchin the Viscount and Government of Millan, and of all the towns, and of all castles belonging to the jurisdiction thereof. So there was a time when the same Pope bestowed upon divers Princes the like gifts, as upon Martin of Scala, the cities of Verona and Vicenza, upon William Gonzega, Mantua and Rezzo, upon Albertin Corazza, Padua, and the Territories thereof, upon Obizes Estenses, Ferrara and the Dukedom thereof:Piero M • xi. Vida de Ludovico Sp. So there was a time when as Lewis the Emperour, either to be as liberal as the Pope, or to have as many friends as the Pope, gave unto Geleotto Malatesta, the Regiment of Arminio, Pescar • , and Fano unto Anthony Mountefeltro the Dukedom of Urbine, and the Country called La Marca unto Geytel de Veronio, the Dukedom of Chamerino unto Guido de Polenti, the city of Ravenna unto Cinbaldo Ordelafy, the cities of Furly and of Cesena unto Iohn Manfred Faenza, and unto Lewis Adolisti the city of Imola: So there was a time when as Pope Urban gave unto Charles Earl of Argiers and of Provence, the kingdom of Sicily, and the Dukedomes of Puglia and Calabria, Nich. Giles. to hold them unto the fourth generation, who promised to pay him yearly seventy thousand Crowns for the same Kingdom and Dukedomes. So briefly, there was a time when as Alexander the sixth giving his only Daughter in marriage unto the Duke of Ferrara, confirmed unto him and his Heirs the same Dukedom, and reduced the yearly pension thereof from fourty thousand Crowns unto a thousand Ducates,Guicciard. not in imitation, but in the self same manner as those Popes and those Emperours used: the forementioned Emperour Rodolph, sometimes Earl of Hapsburg, having attained the possession of the Empire; contrary to all mens expectations, and perhaps far beyond his own deserts, meaning to increase his own ability, and to benefit his heirs and posterity for ever there by, bestowed the kingdom of Austria, which in his own time for want of Heirs Males reverted unto the Empire, upon his son Albert, to hold it for ever of the Empire; and from this Albert came all the house of Austria, Vida de Don Alonso. until Charles the fi • th, who was Emperour and Father to the present king of Spain.

There began his house: Now shall you see how it came to further advancement. His States, some are within his native Country, and some without the same: They within, are the Kingdoms of Castile, of Aragon, and of Lyons, &c. twelve in number; somtimes belonging unto so many several Princes, and in process of time united and appropriated unto one. So was France in ancient time divided into three Kingdoms;Du Hailan. Nic Gyles. Froissart. Munsterus. Functius. as the Kingdom of Mets, with the Country adjacent; of So • sson, with the Territory thereunto adjoyning; and of Paris, with the Provinces thereunto belonging. And the Kings of these several Kingdoms bore the names of the place where they kept their Courts: So was • hibault king of Mets, Childebert king of Paris, and Clotarius of Soissons: So in the year 514. was added unto these three Kingdoms a fourth, namely Orleans; and every one of those Kings was commonly called King of France; and for the better knowledge of them, and difference between them, it was added, The King of France holding his Mansion house or Royal Court at Paris, at Orleans, at Soissons, or at Mets. And the Soveraignty of Basemain of these four Kingdoms was due only unto the King of Paris, as unto the chief and principal King, until in the year 618. all these kingdoms were united and incorporated into one. So was England divided into many kingdoms, as into the kingdom of Kent, of Northumberland, &c. So the three sons of Brutus, as Camber, Locrinus, Polid. Virg. Holinshed. and Albanactus divided the whole kingdom betwixt them after their fathers death. And this division continued in France, in England, and in the Empire, until their mortal wars, or friendly marriages, voluntary agreement, or forceable violence, greedy ambition, or fatal destiny reduced them unto one Monarchy. The Union of the twelve Kingdoms of Spain fell out in Ferdinando his time, who being king of Aragon, Terapha Guicciard. matched with Isabella Queen of Castile, as heir unto her Brother Henry, and in her right, held himself, and after his decease transferred unto his Daughter Ioan, begotten upon her body, all the Kingdoms of Spain; which Daughter married with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria, who begate upon her body Charls the fifth, who was Emperour, and unto him succeeded Philip which now reigneth. And thus he came by the States within his own Country.

The States without the limits of Spain, some of them are Kingdoms, as of Naples, of Navarra, of both Sicilies, and of Portugal, together with the many Kingdoms of both the East and the West Indies; some Earldoms and Dukedoms, as of Milan, Brabant, and Flanders, of Burgundy, and briefly of the seventeen United Provinces: How he came by all these, it will be more tedious then wondrous to declare.

The Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been the butchery of most Nations of Europe; For the Popes challenging to be Soveraign Lords thereof,That the Kingdom of Naples hath been fatal to many Nations. and by vertue of that Title, to have full power and authority to dispose the same at their pleasure, according to the variety of their humours, their affections, their quarrels, and their factions, they have somtimes bestowed them upon Frenchmen, other times upon Italians, somtimes upon Germans, other times upon Swetians, somtimes upon Spaniards, other times upon Hungarians, and once upon the Englishmen. So that all these Nations, either for the conq • est, or for the de • ence thereof, have lost their blood, hazarded their lives, and spent infinite treasure; which is shortly proved by these examples following.

In the year 1381. Pope Clement crowned in Avignion, Nic. Gyles. Du Haillan Functius. D. Illescas Charls Prince of Tarento, King of Sicily, who had married the sister of Ioan Queen of Sicily, and of Ierusalem; the which Ioan for default of heirs, adopted for her son and heir, Lewis Duke of Anjou, and made him king of Naples Sicily, and Ierusalem, and Duke of Cambria, and Earl of Provence. This gift and adoption was ratified by the Pope, and furthered by the Frenchmen for these respects. Clement the pope having a Corrival named Urban, who was favoured by the king of Castile, and of Hungary, thought it convenient and necessary for him to procure the help and assistance▪ of the Frenchmen for the better maintenance of his cause (as divers of his Predecessors had done before him) and therefore with his gift and donation so wrought and won unto him the said Lewis, who was then Regent of France, that although the Kings above-mentioned had sent their Ambassadors unto the French king to entreat his favour and furtherance for Pope Urban, they could not prevail with him, because the said Lewis, who governed the king, and all the Realm, was wholly for Clement; insomuch that through his favour Clement's Cardinals had all the best Benefices, and Ecclesiastical promotions of France, without any respect being had to their lives, to their learning, to their qualities, or to their Religion. The Frenchmen aided the said Lewis in this quarrel, and in his Wars for the obtaining of these Kingdoms, most willingly; because they were desirous to send him far from home, who wearied them at home daylie with new Taxes, and unaccustomed grievances.

Pope Urbane, on the contrary side to gratifie his friends, and to be assured of their help,Piero Mexias vida de Wencelao D. Illescas vida de urbano 6. gave these Kingdoms unto Charls, Nephew of the King of Hungary, who willingly accepted the same, as well for the benefit thereby likely to arise, as for to revenge the death of his Brother, cruelly and unjustly murthered by the said Ioan his Wife; Wherein he had so good success, as that he took the said Ioan Prisoner, and caused her to be put to death: Here you see Frenchmen and Hungarians at mortal Wars for this Kingdom. And before these later Contentions, you shall understand that the above mentioned Ioan being weary of her Husband Lewis, and having divers ways so wronged him, that he lived many years indurance, Adopted for her Heir Alonso King of Aragon, who drave Lewis out of his Kingdom; Here you see Frenchmen and Spaniards at deadly feud for these Kingdoms.

Conradin, Functius lib. 10. Caxton. Du Haillan Duke of Suavia, and Son to Conrade the Emperour, being disposed and purposed to retire himself, after the death of his Father, into his Kingdom of Naples, obtained great help of divers German Princes, and especially of Frederick Duke of Austria, his very neer and dear Kinsman; but being encountred by Charls, brother of the King of France, and betrayed unto him by Pope Clement the fourth, both he and the aforesaid Frederick were taken Prisoners, and by the advice of the Pope, not long after beheaded: So came the Kingdom of Naples from the Suavian, unto the Frenchman; and the Dukedom of Suavia ended, and was utterly extinct by the Treason and wickedness of Pope Clement.

What Contentions have been betwixt divers Families of Italy, and divers Houses of Naples it self for those Kingdoms, the Chronicles of Italy report; And I hasten from this Nation to our own Country, because it may seem somewhat strange we had ever to do so far from home; and what quarrel, presence, or title we could lay to a Kingdom so remote and far distant from England.

By that which hath been said you may easily perceive that the Popes have used these Kingdoms, and their pretensive right unto them, for the only means and instruments to furnish themselves with friends in time of need and necessity: And when they began to be weary upon any occasion, of the present King of Naples, they incontinently set upon another; displaced their enemy, and called such a Prince as best pleased them, or the time or the opportunity made fittest to hearken to their perswasions, and to persecute their Adversaries, into Italy; and there continued and cherished him for a time, until they likewise grew weary of him, or he could no longer stand them in stead.

This is verified by many Armies that have been especially brought out of France, and by sundry Kings and Princes of that Country, who spent their time, travel, and treasure, in those Wars: But there is not one Example that confirmeth the same more apparently then that which our Histories report of Henry the third, King of England.

This King by reason he had Reigned many years, saw sundry alterations in divers Kingdoms;Math. Paris and (as Princes who continue long are oftentimes sought unto) he was honoured of all the Kings and Potentates that lived in his time; and many of them were glad of his am • ty and friendship; for as he was mighty, so was he very wise, and therefore able to help them with his strength, and counsel them with his wisdom; yet neither so strong, nor so wise, but that his power was abated, and his wisdom abused by the Popes subtle policies. There was a time when Conradus king of Sicily, began to be somewhat grievous and offensive to the Pope, who to be revenged of his supposed wrongs, had suborned divers Princes against him; and when all had either failed him, or faintly proceeded in their quarrel against Conrade, he fled for his last refuge unto the said Henry the third; and to induce him to shew his readiness and good will to drive Conrade out of his Royal Seat and Dominion, he used divers sinister means, and many subtle devices.

First he defamed the said Conrade, accused him of Heresie, layed murther to his charge, burthened him with the death and poysoning of his own Brother, thereby making him odious to the world. Then not thinking it sufficient to disgrace and discredit him (for that the Princes neither then, nor in those days did easily undertake Wars one against another in hatred of the vices which possessed them, but in hope of the Kingdoms which they enjoyed) he, to encourage our King the more, gave him the Kingdoms of Apulia and Sicily, and entituled his Son by the name of king of both those Countries; And understanding that he wanted sufficient men to imploy in that service,Math. Paris he dispensed him to take those Souldiers which had enrolled themselves for the Wars of the Holy Land, and publishing that his Adversary for grief was dead, and forsaken by his friends; With these devices, and his Embassadors subtleties, he induced our King to bind himself, upon pain of loss of his Kingdom, to spend and send 140m Marks to those Wars; and this promise was so readily performed, and men by our King so willingly transferred for that service, that the whole Realm in very short time felt great want, both of men, and of money.

Thus you see that Naples and Sicily have been both troublesome and chargeable to as many Nations as I before named; And yet you see not how they came directly unto the house of Spain, nor with what Right and Title king Philip possesseth them at this day.

To the end therefore that herein as well as in other Points, you may be fully satisfied, I will let you understand the late claims and challenges layed and made to those Kingdoms.

Charls the eighth,Paul Jovius. lib. 2. Guicciardine. king of France, challenged the Kingdom of Naples, because Renatus, Duke of Anjou, his very near Kinsman, dying without children, and being made Heir of the same kingdom by the last Will and Testament of Ioan, D. Illescas vida de Fagenio. Queen of Naples, had made and declared in his last Will and Testament, Lewis the eleventh for his Heir unto the same kingdom, which Lewis was Father unto the said Charls; who followed the Claim with such speed and expedition, that he got the kingdom by force of Arms, in so short a time,Phil. de Comines. that a notable Historiographer writing thereof saith, That an Embassadour would almost have spent as much time in going thither from France, as the said Charls did imploy in conquering thereof.

The Frenchmen enjoyed not their Conquest many years; for Ferdinando, Guicciard. lib. 5. king of Spain began to lay claim unto the kingdom of Naples, because that although Alphonsus king of Aragon had bestowed the same kingdom upon Ferdinando his base Son; yet both Iohn his Brother, and Successor in the kingdom of Naples; and also Ferdinando himself being Son unto the said Iohn had just cause of claim and title ther • unto; because that Alphonso having gotten the same both with the Forces and with the treasure of the Realm of Aragon, it should of right belong unto that Crown.

This claim of Ferdinandos was furthered by Pope Iulio the second, who either being wearied of the insolency of the Frenchmen, or desirous to follow the steps of his inconstant Predecessors, or rather willing to revenge the wrong offered unto his Predecessor by Charls the eighth,Guicciard. lib. 1. what time he imprisoned him in the Castle of S. Angelo, and enforced him to give him for his ransome or deliverance the Castles of Civita Vecchia, of Forracina, and of Spoleto, to hold them until he had made full conquest of Naples, and also constrained him to invest himself in the said Kingdom, besought Ferdinan • o king of Aragon, to undertake the defence of the Church, D. Illescas vida de Julio 2. and of the States and Dominions thereof, against all those who persecuted the same, and especially against Lewis the 11. of France; and to make him the more willing and ready to accomplish this his desire, he sent him the Investure and Gift of the same kingdom, with a very small and reasonable yearly Tribute for the same. Ferdinando thinking his Title the better by the Popes Grant, and his possibility to prevail the greater, because of his assured help and furtherance, prosecuted his claim by open Wars upon the Frenchmen; wherein he had so good success, that he drew the French King to make a friendly division of the kingdom between them. This composition (as all agreements betwixt Princes most commonly are) was kept inviolable, until Gonsalvo, General for the Aragonian king in those parts (who was afterwards for his Excellency called the Great Captain, as Pompey was amongst the Romans) took these occasions following to dispossess and drive the Frenchmen out of all that they possessed within the Realm of Naples. First he alledged that the division was not equally made, because the Dogana of Puglia (which indeed was the best and greatest Revenue of that Crown) was wholly allotted unto the Frenchmen, and neither any part thereof, nor any th • ng else that might countervail the same in worth, value, and goodness, was assigned unto the Spaniards.

Secondly, there fell such a disease amongst the Frenchmen, by reason of the abundance of fruit which they eat daylie,Guicciard. D. Illescas vida de Clemente 7. and because the waters which they drank (as it was thought) were poisoned by the Spaniards, that most part, as well of the private souldiers, as of the chief Captains, died thereof and many for fear thereof departed from the French kings Camp.

Thirdly▪ that poor and small remainder that was lest, presuming that this composition should be held inviolable, grew so negligent and careless, that they suffered the Spaniards to do all that they would, and never distrusted them, until it was too late.

Lastly, Gonsalvo being required to desist from Wars because there was a peace concluded betwixt the Spanish and French kings, in regard whereof the French General had long before surceased all acts of hostility; answered, That he could not leave off his wars, because he knew not what authority Don Philip (who was the Mediator of that Peace, and should have had the French Kings daughter for wife to his son Charls) had from the King and Queen of Spain to conclude the said Peace: And the said King and Queen hearing of the good success which their General had daily against the Frenchmen, permitted him to proceed as he began, and disclaimed all that was agreed, or yeil • ed unto by the said Don Philippo, saying that he had no power or authority from them to make any such agreement. But Don Philippo seeing his credit thereby called in question, published to all the world that he had done nothing more in the concluding the said peace,How the Spanish King came by Naples. then the King and Queen had given him full commission to do; and further before he departed out of Spain, he saw them both swear upon the holy Evangelists, and upon the Image of Christ crucified, that they would confirm, ratifie▪ and observe, whatsoever should be concluded by him.Guicciard. lib. 5. 6. & 9. Sleidon lib. 16. Thus Naples was gotten deceitfully, although Francis the first after that he was unhappily taken Prisoner at Pavia by Charles the fifth, did voluntarily renounce all his Right, Title, and Interest unto the same kingdom for the ransom and deliverance of his two Sons, who were Prisoners a long time in Spain, as pledges for their Father.

From Naples and Sicily, I hasten to the kingdom of Navarra, gotten by the Spaniards Predecessors, and held as unlawfully by him, as the two other kingdomes;How the Spanish King came by the kingdom of Navarra. for when as Ferdinando, so often before mentioned, had occasion to pass with an Army through the kingdom of Navarra to succour the Pope, he demanded safe passage of the King thereof; who being so commanded by Lewis the French king his Soveraign, denied him passage: Ferdinando certifying the Pope of his denial, the Pope excommunicated the King,Guicciard. and depriveth him as a Schismatique of his kingdom; Ferdinando hereupon having his Army in a readiness, invadeth the kingdom, taketh the King unprovided, and before he could have any help from the French king, depriveth him of his Royal Seat and Dignity; and his Heirs have held the same ever • ithence by no better Title then this. Of which give me leave in a few words to tell you my simple opinion, and then I will come to the kingdom of Portugal. As it is most certain that the Kings of Naples and of Scotland hold their kingdomes the one of the Pope of Rome, the other of the Queen of England as of their Soveraigns; so it is undoubtedly true, that the Kings of Navarra owe homage, faith, fealty, and obedience unto the king of France, as unto their Lord and Soveraign, for their kingdom; in regard whereof they are bound to many conditions of services unto him as their Soveraign, and especially to aid and assist him in his just quarrels, wars and contentions against any other Prince whatsoever, and never to leave him, upon pain of forfeiture of their States and Dominions holden of him; which is so true, that many Doctors of Law writing upon this case, make this question, whether a Vassal (such as the king of Navarra was in respect of the French king) leaving his Lord and Soveraign sorely hurt in the field, and forsaking him in that case, doth forfeit his Estate or no? And they all generally conclude, that it his wounds be not mortal, and such as they leave no small hope of life, then the Vassal for forsaking him loseth his Estate, be it never so great. But I will not stand upon the proof of this point, nor upon the justifying of the king of Navarra his denial made unto the Aragonian king by Commandment of his said Lord and Soveraign; for I shall have occasion to enlarge hereof in another place, whereunto when I come, you shall see it sufficiently and plainly proved, that the king of Navarra could not without manifest loss and forfeiture of his kingdom unto the French king, deny or resist his Commandment.

This then being most manifest, it must needs follow, that the king of Aragon did most wrongfully invade and take from him his kingdom; and so consequently the king of Spain withholdeth the same from the present king of Navarra, with no better right or reason then he that detaineth a private mans lands, who never having any just title thereunto, justifieth his Tenure by no other reason but by a few years wrongful possession; which giveth no just title▪ especially if the same hath been continually claimed and demanded by the lawful owners thereof, as without all doubt the kingdom of Navar hath been; for the present king and his Predecessors did oftentimes require restitution thereof of them which did wrongfully detain it; And had not the civil wars of France hindred the present king from demanding the same by force of Arms, he had long before this time warred upon the now king of Spain, for the recovery thereof. Now to the Kingdom of Portugal. This kingdom as Scotland and Navarra are members of the kingdom of England and France, so it is a member of the kingdom of Spain; Terapha de Regibus Hisp. for Alphonsus the sixth, king of Spain, had a base Daughter nam'd Taresia, whom he married unto Henry Count of Lotharinga, and gave him in Dower with her the Kingdom of Portugal, The Spaniards title to the Kingdom of Portugal. because he had done him very great service against the Moors: But his Son Alphonsus the first, was the first that was named King of Portugal, and the first that got the City of Lisbone from the said Moors; and having overcome in one Battel five of their Kings, he left five Shields for Arms unto his Posterity. This kingdom hath had many alterations, and sundry Wars, moved by such as layed claim thereunto; but none considering the small continuance thereof, more lamentable then the late Wars betwixt the now king of Spain, and him whom the Spaniards call Don Antonio, and no lawful king of Portugal; for besides that the chief of the Nobility of that Realm were either cruelly murthered in the said War, or unkindly held in extream thraledom or servitude by the Spaniard, their natural and professed enemy; the rightful King was most wrongfully driven from his lawful Inheritance, to live as you know, in a strange Country with the Princely, and yet slender releif that her Majesty of her Royal liberality and clemency vouchsafeth him and his poor Train.Sleidens Commentaries. The Spaniard for the better obtaining of his Kingdom, imitated in some measure, the policicy of Charls the fifth his Father, who during the competency betwixt him and Francis the first, king of France for the Empire; brought an Army of men unto the place where the Electors were assembled to make choice of the Emperour; pretending the cause of bringing his Army thither, to be his just and Princely desire to free the Electors from all manner of fear, which they might justly have of some violence to be offered them by the French king, if they made not choice of him; Whereas in very deed his Forces tended to no other purpose then to chuse him: But the king of Spains device was not in all respects so cleanly, as you shall hear by the sequel: But you must first understand how many Competetors there were for this one Crown, and what right every one of them had thereunto.

Emanuel king of Portugal married first Isabel, Don Antonio his Apology. Daughter to Ferdinando, king of Castile, by whom he had but one male child, which died in his infancy: Then he took to Wife Mary the second, Daughter of the said Ferdinand, by whom he had nine children; Iohn who had issue Iohn the third, and he Sebastian which was lately slain, not leaving any issue behind him, Lodowick, who was lately secretly married, and had issue this Don Antonio, who now liveth in England. The third child was Ferdinando, who married a daughter of the Earl of Marialva, by whom he had two Sons, who dyed before their Father. The fourth was Alphonsus, who was made Cardinal, and departed the world not having any child. The fifth was Henry, who was likewise a Cardinal, and king after Don Sebastian, and died also without issue. The sixth was Edward, who married Theodosia Dutchess of Burgantia, by whom he had three children, that is to say, Mary, who married Alexander, Prince of Parma, Katharine, who took to husband the Duke of Burgantia, and Edward who died unmarried. The seventh was Anthony, who died in his infancy. The eighth childe was Isabel, who was married to Charles the Emperour, and had issue by him the present king of Spain. The last was Beatrice, wife to the Duke of Savoy.

These were the issue, now follow the Competitors; they were five. Don Antonio, lawful son, (as he proved) unto Lodowick the second heir male of Emanuel, The Prince of Parma as Tutor unto his son, begotten upon the eldest daughter of Edward, the sixth heir male. The Duke of Bergantia, begotten on the body of Katharine, the second daughter of the said Edward. King Philip begotten of the body of Isabel, eldest daughter unto Emanuel. And the Duke of Savoy, the lawful heir of the youngest daughter of the said Emanuel.

Now of all these competitors, to deliver you first my opinion, I take it (alwaies salvo meliori judicio) that none of them all could lawfully claim the Crown of Portugal: For as many as hold the marriage of Henry the eighth king of England, with the Lady Katharine unlawful, because she was married unto his eldest brother Arthur, must needs hold the marriage of Emanuel king of Portugal far more unlawful, because both king Henry and he married unlawfully: For if two brethren cannot successively marry one woman, truly two sisters cannot be married unto one man: And the reason which some use to justifie king Henry his marriage, cannot serve for the justification of king Emanuel's matrimony; for all that was said in the defence of the Lady Katharine, was, that her husband never knew her carnally; which cannot be truly said for king Emanuel, because he had a son by his first wife: wherefore if all these nine children being begotten in unlawful wedlock cannot possibly be reputed legitimate, and therefore are not lawful heirs to their reputed fathers, much less can any of they who descend from any of these nine children be esteemed lawful heirs to the Crown of Portugal. But grant them to be lawful, and then to each of their Titles in order. Don Antonio hath sufficiently justified his Title in his Apologie, by many reasons, which I reduce to these three principally.

First he proveth his Fathers marriage, though it were with his far inferiour, to be lawful, notwithstanding the disparagement, in regard of which it was concealed. Then he fortifieth his Title by the custome of the people of Portugal, who by ancient priviledge challenge a right, in case of controversie for the Crown, to make choice of such an one of the competitors as they shall have a special liking and love unto. Lastly, he either sheweth, or might shew, that Bastards have succeeded in the Kingdom of Portugal; and that therefore although Bastardy had been fully proved against him, yet being chosen by the common consent of the people, it was no sufficient bar, or lawful exception, to say that he was a Bastard, especially being made by such an one as came from a Bastard himself, and holdeth his own Kingdom by right derived from a Bastard, as doth the present king of Spain: For the Chronicles of Spain report, that Henry bastard brother unto Peter king of Spain, Froissart vol. pr. c. 252. taking advantage of the evil opinion which was conceived of his brother, (by reason of his loose and dissolute life) by the help of the French King, notwithstanding that Edward the third aided the said Peter, and once restored him to his Crown, drave him the second time from the same;Du Haillan. lib. 6. Froissart vol. 3. c. 25. and having slain him in the Field, usurped his Royal dignity, and transferred it unto his heirs, of which king Philip is lineally descended: For there was a time when as Iohn Prince of Castile, and son to Henry of Castile, challenged the Kingdom of Portugal, because he had married Beatrice the only daughter and heir of Ferdinando late king of Portugal; but the people would not accept him for their king, because they naturally hated the Castilians, and therefore they chose a bastard for their king, named Denis, saying; That it was as lawful for them to chuse the said bastard for their king, as it was for the Castilians to admit Henry the bastard for their king, who had (as is above said) deprived most unlawfully and unnaturally the lawful king of his life and Scepter. Now from Don Antonio, unto the rest in general, who because they all claim by right of their mothers,D. Anton. his Apol. are all excluded by an inviolable law of Portugal, alledged against the aforesaid Iohn Prince of Castile, in the behalf of the aforementioned bastard Denis, whereby it is provided, That no woman shall enjoy the Crown of Portugal: For whereas there is a Law that no woman shall succeed; the same Law (as it appeareth by the Law Salique alledged against us in the time of King Edward the third) excludeth also the males descending from the woman. And so these four Competitors claim is utterly void, and of none effect. And in case where women may succeed, the Females descending from an heir male, are to be preferred before such as come only and directly from the female: And so the Prince of Parma, and the Duke of Bergantia descending from the daughters of Prince Edw. and they in law succeeding their Father, as the same person and his undoubted heirs, are not only to be preferred before the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy, who came of the daughters of the before-named Emanuel, but also before their Aunts, the said King Philips, and Duke of Savoy's mothers, because in matter of Succession, the elder brothers children are always preferred before the Uncles or Aunts. Those Titles, and the means how the Kings of Spain prevailed before the rest of his Competitors, are largely set down in Don Antonio's Apologie, unto which I refer you, Although there be (at the least) twenty points therein of no small moment, which (in my opinion) are not sufficiently cleared, nor substantially handled, yet therein you shall easily perceive how king Philip in getting the same kingdom,The Spanish King's right to the Indies. imitated (as I said before) his father. I must likewise refer you to the history of Hernan Logeres, touching the discovery and conquest of the Indies; for it were too long for me to tell you what small forces went thither out of Spain first; and how the Leaders of those slender Armies taking advantage of the divisions which they found betwixt the kings of those Countries, did easily overthrow some with the help of the other. There you shall see how a number of naked men fly like sheep before a few armed souldiers; there you shall read, that even amongst those barbarous people and princes, there wanted neither deceit nor policy; there you shall find, that the Spaniards being far from their Country, and not many, amongst an infinite number of mortal enemies, strived and contended amongst themselves for superiority, which argueth an unsatiable desire of rule and government, and their natural proneness to mutiny; although they challenge an especial praise above all other Nations for their obedience to their Superiours: there you shall see the fruits of division, the effects of tyrannie, the force of terror and fear, and the vertue of good and expert souldiers fighting against rude and ignorant multitudes: there you shall observe, in some of these unchristian Princes, more loyalty, friendship, constancy, and perseverance in their honest and lawful enterprises, then hath lately been found in many Christian Princes: there (briefly) you shall find enough to satisfie you, how the Spaniards came to the possession of the Indies; if withal it may please you to understand, that Pope Alexander the sixth being a Spaniard, and chosen Arbitrator betwixt the Kings of Spain and Portugal, at what time they were at variance for and touching the division of the Indies; the said Pope shewed himself too too partial unto the Spaniard, and gave him much more then the Portugal thought that in reason and conscience should have been allotted unto him.

Now from the Indies, and the aforementioned Kingdoms, unto the Earldoms and Dukedoms; And first to the Dutchy of Millan; a State which hath suffered many alterations, of which I may not speak without digressing too much from my purpose; and because I hasten unto many other points, whereof I intend by Gods grace to discourse at large, I may not be over-long in this point.

The Dutchy of Milan was anciently a member of the Empire,The Spanish Kings title to the Dukedom of Millan. and none was held lawful Lord or Duke thereof, which had not received his investure and approbation from the Emperour. It would be both long and tedious to relate unto you the many competencies for this Dukedom, the sundry Pretendants thereunto, and the mighty Partakers of these competitors; whereof leaving ancient quarrels aside, and not troubling you with the Titles of the Viscounts, with the pretentions of the Sforzas, nor with the claims of the Predecessors of Francis the first king of France, and of Charles the fifth Emperour;Guicciard. lib. 14. I will only tell you that the former challenged the same Dukedom in right of the Lady Valentine, wife unto the Duke of Orleance; and the later pretend right thereunto, because the contract of Marriage betwixt Valentine and the said Duke was not confirmed by the Authority of the Emperour, because the Emperour had never granted unto the before-named Duke the Investure of the said Dukedom: These reasons indeed are sufficient in Law to deprive a Vassal of his Seigniory, if by voluntary negligence, or wilful obstinacy, he refuse to do homage, or to demand the Investure of his hold and Tenure of the Lord and Sovereign. But there are many occasions which may excuse this demand, upon which I shall not need to stand, because they are not pertinent to this purpose, which is only to shew you whether the Spanish King came rightly or unrightly unto the Dukedom of Millan.

The which difficulty may be cleared in this manner: Let the Spaniard shew that his Fathers Allegation was lawful, then shall it follow that his War for the same, with the French King, was also most lawful; And so consequently his getting the same by force of Arms likewise lawful: Let him shew that it was gotten with the Forces and Expences of the Empire; then it shall follow that it belonged unto the Empire: Let him shew that his Father, having purchased his Dukedom in right of the Empire, and at the costs, and with the help of the Souldiers and Captains thereof, had full Authority to alienate the same, and to bestow it upon him his lawful Son, and that he so did; then shall it follow that he is true owner thereof: But I fear me it will be very hard and difficult for him to shew all these particulars; and therefore I dare not deliver it for any sound opinion, that he hath right thereunto, unless he shall plead the Renunciation, and Resignation made thereof by the said Francis, Vie de F • ancois p • Guicciardin. at what time the Treaty of Peace was concluded betwixt his Father, and he the said Francis, at Cambray; At which time the said Francis for himself and his heirs, renounced, demised, released, and resigned into the hands and possessi • n of the s • id Charlo • and of his Heirs, all Rights, Titles, and Interests which he or they had or might have unto the Dukedom of Millan. From which Dukedom I will now come to the Dutchy of Burgundy, The Spanish Kings Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy. D • Com. and to all the Earldoms, and other members implicatively contained therein, and lawfully invested in the Duke thereof. For Charls last Duke of Burg • ndy (who was unfortunately slain by the Switzers) was Earl of Flanders, and of Holland, Duke of Brabant, and Lord of all the united Provinces; by reason whereof, and of those laudible qualities which he possessed, he thought himself inferiour to no Prince living in his time, and never had been overthrown as he was, had he not dwelt too much in his opinion, had he not presumed too much of his own strength, had he not thought too basely of his enemies, and had he not made so sl • ght account as he did of the French Kings subtle and secret practises against him; which indeed were so politique,De Com. so wise, and so secret, that a French Historiographer writeth, That the French King still sitting in his Chair at home, and suffering the Duke to follow his own humours, and suborning and procuring him daily new Adversaries, did him far more much harm, then they who did openly and directly bear Arms against him.

This Duke being slain (as is above-said) in an unfortunate time for the house of Burgundy, and for a very small occasion (for the Wars wherein he was slain were but for a Cart loaden with sheep-skins) left issue but one Daughter, whom Maximilian the Emperour married, and had by her issue Philip Arch-Duke of Austria, who begat Charls the Emperour, and Charls (as it hath often been said) this present King of Spain. Besides Francis the first (who before that time was (as all his predecessors before him had been) Soveragin of all those Estates and Countries) did as well at Madrid in Spain, whilst he was Prisoner there for his own Ransome; as at Cambray, after he was set at liberty; for the deliverance of his two Children, renounce all his Rights and Interests to the Soveraignty of all these Countries. Thus came the Spaniard by all that he hath.

Now shall you see how he hath hitherto conserved all this his own possession,How the Spanish King retaineth all those States which he now possesseth. notwithstanding the reasonable pretences which many either do or may make to divers of his Dominions.

First, as amongst private men, whosoever attaineth unto great wealth, is reverenced amongst his neighbours, honoured by his friends, feared by his adversaries, and so sought unto by all men, that many indeavour to please him, few or none dare to contend with him; even so amongst Princes, he that exceedeth the rest in might, in wealth, in reputation, carrieth such credit with the rest, beareth such sway wheresoever he cometh, winneth such favour in all that he attempteth, and striketh such terrour in the hearts of them who have occasion to quarrel with him, that they had rather sit down losers, then rise up in Arms against him; they suspect his secret attempts, stand in awe of his exceeding power, doubt the aspiring projects of his ambitious mind, and are presently terrified when they enter into consideration of his strength, of his treasure, of his friends and confederates; provoke him think they, and you heap burning coles upon your own heads; anger him, and you awake a shrewd sleeping Dog; offend him, and you displease his friends; contend with him, and you strive against the stream; and therefore they hold it for extream folly to incur his displeasure, and for singular wisdom to continue in his favour. When the Romans were in the highest degree of their prosperity; What Prince was so mighty that feared not their power? What Commonwealth so rich that stood not in fear and awe of their huge Armies? What commanded they that was not obeyed? Or whither went they, where they were not received? Was there any Nation so far from them which heard not of their might and magnificence?Titus Liv▪ Corn. Tac. Polibius. Was there any Region (were it never so remote) that heard not of their strength and puissance; that trembled not at the very name and mention thereof? Came not Kings voluntarily to Rome from the furthest confines of the world to seek their friendship? Sent not the Princes of Asia, the Monarchs of Affrica, and all the Kings of Europe, their Embassadours, to crave their Favour and Alliance? What Prince presumed so much of his own force, that if he were wise, held himself not greatly honoured if he were so happy as to be one of the number of their Alliance? and if he were unwise, or over-hardy and bold, that found not himself deceived, yea utterly overthrown, if at any time he presumed to contend with them? Lived not Carthage in wealth and honour until she took stomach and heart at grass against Rome? Mighty Pyrrhus, wise Mithridates, deceitful Hannibal, puissant Massinissa, with a number of others of like renown, ruled they not in peace, and Raigned in security, until they began to conjure and combine themselves against the Romans? And then failed not their power? perished not their Authority? decayed not their Reputation? and went not all they had to wrack and ruin? It is therefore undoubtedly true, that this prejudicate opinion of the Spanish Kings Might and Power, hath been one especial means to preserve and keep his many Dominions; for although his might is in many degrees inferiour to the Romans Power; yet as they, because they possessed most part of the world, were redoubted and reverenced of all Nations in the world; so he possessing more then any Prince of Christendom, must needs be had in honour and reverence through the greatest part of Christendom.

Besides, as they, in all places of Conquest had their power and forces to hold them in continual awe and obedience; As in Germany eight Legions,Appianus. Alexand. every Legion consisting of 6100. Souldiers, and 726. Horse-men; In Spain three Legions; In Affrica two; In Seruia and Bulgaria two more; and in Salaminia other two; and about Rome in the Cities of Italy, twelve sundry Bands, whereof every one of nine of them, consisted of 1105. Foot-men, and 66. on Horseback; So that they had always in continual pay, twenty five Legions, which amounted in all to 165755. Foot-men, and unto 19734. Horse-men at the least, besides the help and succour of their friends and Confederates; And these Forces they kept as well in the time of peace as war, for the more safety and security of their Estates and Dominions: In the like manner the King of Spain hath certain men always in pay in the Dutchy of Millan, in the Kingdom of Naples, in the Country of Burgundy, in the Low-Countries, in the Realm of Portugal, and in other places of his Dominions, for the better secu • i • y of the same; and those Men lye in continual Garrison, as well when he hath Peace as when he is at Wars. Moreover, as the Romans destroyed the Cities of Alba, of Numantia, and of Carthage, because as long as they stood, they were always rebelling against them; So the Catholique King hath either forceably subverted, or voluntarily impoverished many Cities within his several Dominions, only to disable them to make head against him: And this pollicy of impoverishing Rebellious Cities, and their richest Inhabitants, is too too general and usual in Italy; where it is held a point of wisdom, and a strengthening, or rather a sure way to uphold and continue their Estate, to hold down and depress their most noble and wealthy Subjects, for fear that le • t over great riches embolden them to enter into conspiracy against their Rulers, or to seek some means to set themselves and their Cities at liberty.

Again,Tit. Liviu • as the Romans never entred into League or Amity with any Prince or Nation who did not wholly submit himself, and it self unto their discretion; So the Spaniard never receiveth any King or Potentate for his Ally and Confederate, unless he can and will be content to be wholly at his devotion. Plutarch in his book of the lives of the noble Romans and Graecians, Plut. in the life of Eumenes. writeth that Eumenes understanding that divers Satrapes sought all occasions and means to kill him, to stop and prevent their malice against him, feigned that he had great need of a great sum of money, which he borrowed of them which hated him most, to the end that they might give over the seeking of his death, whereby they were assured to lose all their money: In like sort, both the King of Spain, and his Father before him, doubting that Genoa, a very rich, mighty, and populous city in Italy, might be either induced by the perswasion of other Princes in Italy (who desire nothing more then to see a King of Naples and a Duke of Millan born within Italy it self as there was wont to be) or by the counsel of such Citizens as were wont to favour the French faction, to fall from him to the French, and especially for the great Traffique which they have at Lyons, Paris, and other places of France (which only respect hath moved the Florentines to be far more friendly and better affected unto the French King then unto him) did and doth borrow as much money as he could or can possibly get into his hands, of the best and richest Gentlemen and Merchants of that city; to the end that fear of losing their money may always retain them in love and friendship towards him.

It is written by the said Author,Plut. in the life of Theseus. that Theseus, to people and augment the city of Athens, invited as many as would to come and dwell there, promising and assuring them to enjoy the self-same Liberties, Priviledges, and Immunities, which the very Citizens themselves had. In like manner the Spaniard to enrich his city of Antwerp, and other cities of the Low Countries, by the Access and Traffique of our Nation with them, and to draw us thither for that purpose more willingly, freed us from divers Imposts,Idem in the life of Romulus. which his own natural Subjects usually paid. Again the same Author reporteth, that Romulus after he had builded Rome, and subdued the Sabines, and taken their City, he commanded them to throw down their own houses, and to go to dwell with him at Rome, where they should have the same Liberties and Priviledges, which his own Citizens had. And there was nothing that more increased Rome, then this joyning and incorporating with her own Inhabitants those which she conquered: In imitation hereof, the Spaniard when he had subdued the Indies, transported as many Spaniards as he could possibly thither, giving them great priviledges after they had inhabited there certain years: And in many mens opinions, there is nothing that doth more retain that barbarous people in obedience unto him, then the fear of those natural Spaniards, nor any thing that more inricheth his natural Subjects; we go thither very poor, and return thence infinitely rich: And in my simple conceit, the sending of those Colonies (as I may call them) into the Indies, is the best and surest means that the Spaniard doth and can use for the peaceable maintenance of those Estates: For albeit they tyrannize there far beyond the nature of humane creatures, as well in respect of them that inflict, as of those which endure afflictions and torments in those countries, yet because (as our Chronicles do testifie) that (as William the Conquerour did after he had conquered our Nation) he hath deprived the Inhabitants of all sorts of Weapons,Holinshed. Polid. Virg. whereby they are made unable to undertake any hostile attempt, he liveth and ruleth in peace amongst them, and his few number of Spaniards are held invincible, or such as may easily withstand and prevent their secret conspiracies.

Besides, those whom he placeth as Governours, or men of any Authority amongst them, do cunningly get into their hands the chief wealth of the Country, whereby the inhabitants are greatly impoverished, and they enabled when they return, to do better service unto their Prince and Country. In consideration whereof, many desire their places as soon as (or before) they become void; and some take the wealth purchased there, for a sufficient recompence of their many and several services done at other times, and in other places. But it may be said, that the Spaniards cruelty might long before this time have given occasion to the Indians to rebel: True, if they had weapons and arms wherewith to defend themselves, and offend their enemies: why necessity enforceth the old wife to trot, and putteth divers inventions into the heads of malicious and desperate men, to find out fit Instruments for the accomplishment and performing of their desires. Certainly, and past all doubt, put a few expert souldiers, and well defended Castles bid a number of uncunning and ignorant armed men. Multitudes most commonly prevail against a few, and sudden rebellions are dangerous and terrible: No man can deny this to be a manifest truth; but multitudes without an head seldom do any thing worthy their labour, or answerable to their desires, hazards, and perils: and where there is no order, no guide, no governour, there seldome or never followeth good success. The Romans after they had conquered Capua, Ti • us Liv▪ willingly yeilded that the Town should be still inhabited, haunted, and frequented by all sorts of people, as it was before accustomed, but they would not in any wise permit or agree that there should be any Senate, any form of Government, any Guide, any kinde of Magistrates, any common Council, as there was wont to be; because where these things are wanting, there it is impossible for any innovation, conspiracy, or rebellion to have good and fortunate success.

The Spaniard therefore ruling in the Indies by his own Nation, they being stronger then the natural inhabitants; and the people of the Country, either for ignorance not being able, or for want of authority, not having sufficient power to govern as they would, it is easie for him to rule as he list, and very difficult for them to change, alter, or subvert the manner of his Government, although it be hateful, prejudicial, odious, and hurtful unto them. But albeit that this kind of administration and government may for a small time work the like effect which a far milder sort of rule and commandment most commonly worketh; yet common experience, and the ready disposition of the Indians to revolt from the Spaniards, when as Sir Francis Drake was lately amongst them, declare, that they would willingly, if they could securely, be content to shake off the yoke of the Spanish Government. In like manner, although Naples and Milan live obediently under his regiment, and factions are not in this age as rife there as in ancient times they were wont to be; yet the people of both places being far more willing to be governed by their own Countrymen then by meer strangers, the exactions in both States exceeding by very much the old and ancient tributes, imposts, and contributions, by what name soever it shall please you to call them; and the Spaniards sparing them no more then they do the poor and simple Indians: It is to be supposed, that if there were a Brutus amongst them, who would vouchsafe to undertake the restoring of his Country and Countrymen unto their former and ancient liberty, he should not fail or quail in his enterprise, for want of a competent and sufficient number of friends and followers: For the general hatred conceived against the Spaniards, the general dislike of their Tyranical Government, the common desire of the inhabitants uttered in Table-talk, in secret conferences, in open assemblies, in private houses, and in all places where they may boldly speak without danger, argue manifestly that they lack ability, and not good will to rebel. But he provideth such Governours in both places, as are not only true and faithful unto him, but also so discreet and wise, that they both foresee and prevent all occasions of rebellion. These Governours have their eyes alwaies open and watching, not only over the Subjects committed to their charge, in holding them low, and in continual fear of severe punishment for every small offence, but also over the Princes which confine with the Governments, in keeping them from all opportunities of invading their States. These Governours are assisted by grave and wise Counsel, by whose advice they are directed in matters of great weight. These Governours are accompanied by many under-officers, who are employed in gathering such intolerable taxes as are layed upon the common people; upon which officers the fault is layed, if any offence be taken against the extremity of the taxes; and somtimes the Governour upon complaint made unto him (if no excuse can pacifie the complainants) mitigateth the rigour of the exactions, or sendeth them unto his and their king for relief and remedy; who if he shall see no other way to content them, or to continue and contain them within the bounds of their wonted obedience, yeildeth somwhat to their petition; and so laying the blame either upon the necessity of the time, or the extremity of his expences, or the severity of their officers, dischargeth himself of the fault which was imputed unto him, and sendeth the Petitioners away in some measure well pleased and satisfied. But I shall have occasion to handle this point more largely in another place, when I shall speak of such exactions as were levied in particular estates in this our age. And therefore reserving the residue of that which I have to say for that place, I will proceed in declaring unto you other means which the Spaniard useth for preservation of his Estates in peace, in quietness, and in dutiful obedience.

It is written that his Father Charls the fifth, fearing that Ferdinando Duke of Calabria, and the only remainder of Ferdinando late King of Aragon, might in time find some friends to help him or his issue (if he should so marry that he might have any) to the Crown and Kingdom of Aragon, married him unto Germana, widow unto the said Ferdinando, but barren, and past children; reaping of this marriage two benefits, and both of great weight and consequence: For whereas the said Duke, by refusing the Crown when it was offered him by the people,Guicciard. lib. 15. and by perswading them to accept and receive the same Charls for their King, had made the Emperour somwhat beholden unto him, he did not only seem in some measure to recompence that good turn, by honouring him with the marriage of a Queen, but also he assured that Kingdom unto himself and his heirs, by bestowing a barren wife upon him who was rightful heir thereunto, and by that marriage was utterly disabled to have any lawful Issue.

The Spaniard not by mariage, but by employment of the late Duke of Parma in such wars as were somwhat pleasing and answerable to his humour, kept him alwaies so busied, that he could never attend to the conquest of Portugal, which of right belonged unto his Son, rather then unto the King of Spain; And as the Emperour rather deprived the above-named Ferdinando, by giving him a barren wife, of all possibility to have any lawful issue, and so consequently of all earnest desire to recover that Kingdom, which should end in himself for want of a childe to whom it might descend; So the Spanish King deprived the said Dukes son of all hope to recover his right in Portugal, by procuring and counselling him to match in such a Family, as never can be able to yeild him any competent aid for the recovery of his said right.

Again it is written of Richard the third, and also of Edward the fourth, Kings of England, Polid. Virg. Hect. Bo • t. Holinshed. that they both fearing lest that Henry Earl of Richmond who lived in exile with the Duke of Britany, by whom he was only sustained and succoured, might in process of time find some Friends at home, or purchase the favour of some Forraign Prince abroad, to help him to recover the Crown of England, whereunto he always laid claim, did seek all means possible to have the said Earl delivered unto them by the Duke, but they could never prevail, and therefore never lived secure or assured of their Estate: And Richard the third, according as he doubted, was deprived of his Royal Dignity by the said Earl: In like manner the Spaniard hath sought all ways possible to have Don Antonio delivered unto him, and hath made him divers great and fair offers of great livings and dignities if he would return into his Country, and acknowledging him for King, live under his obedience, but he could never prevail; and God knoweth to what end it hath pleased the Almighty to preserve and reserve the said Don Antonio from many great, and almost inevitable dangers and hazards of his life: He is not now so low, so poor, so bare, so destitute of all friends, so void of all hope, but that Henry Earl of Richmond was in all degrees and measure of need and poverty equal unto him. It is an infallible rule in policy, that no Usurper hath any firm hold or strong assurance of his Estate, as long as any pretending right thereunto liveth; but the Spaniard hath sufficiently foreseen and provided for any manner of harm or detriment that may arise unto him, or unto any of his, by Don Antonio, or by his children: For as the loss of the Battel at Canna, deferred the Victories, that Hannibal might have had against the Romans, and his abode at Capua (where his Souldiers learned to be eff • minate, and forgot to be right Souldiers) took away all hope to subdue the Romans so the overthrow received by D • n Antonio, within his own Kingdom, when he was possessed thereof, made it very difficult for him to re-gain or recover the same; And the late repulse taken at Lisbona, when he was before the Town with the small and weak Forces of England, hath put him out of all hope to attain his purpose: And yet it is held for a sure and most sound opinion by many martial men, that not with much great strength then he had then from hence, it would be an easie enterprise to recover that Kingdom; which opinion I list not to controll (for that men of my profession may not conveniently contend with Souldiers, especially in matters concerning martial affairs) And yet I fear me, that if any second enterprise should be attempted against Portugal, with an English Army of greater strength, of better provision, of sounder bod • es, and of more convenient furniture then the last was; the Commanders of such an Army should be subject to no less inconveniencies then the other was; and so long as those incommodities are found in an Army, so long the like success (as hapned unto the first) will follow the latter.

You seldom hear or have read of any Army that went far from home, that hath not been subject unto many casualties, unto many accidents, and unto unexpected success and fortune; They are to day Conquerors, and to morrow conquered; this day strong, to morrow weak; sometimes in health and prosperity, upon a very sudden in sickness and penury: Their Triumphs are Messengers of evil fortune; their Victories forerunners of overthrows; their abundance, tokens of Penury; and their conceived hope, an infallible Prognostication of future calamity. Was there ever a wiser Captain then Hanniball? Was there ever any Army compounded of so many and diverse Nations? Was there any Souldiers that were better governed? or any Governor that was more carefull of his Company? more politique to win and purchase unto himself the favour and friendship of such people with whom he had any manner of commerce or society, or of whom he stood in any kind of need? And yet what success had his Providence, his Prudence, his Policy? Decayed not his strength daily? his Souldiers, became they not effeminate? his fortune, did it not forsake him? his faithful friends, did they not leave him? the Towns he got, did they not revolt from him? And briefly, lost he not in a very short space, all that he got in many years? And yet since Hannibal his time, there was never any Captain, General, Colonel, or Leader of any Army (call him by what name or Title you list) that in my simple conceit might compare with Hannibal; either for the governing of his Souldiers, or for temporizing with his Adversaries, for preventing mischeifs, or for inventing new Stratagems; for putting in execution, with good success and marvelous fortune, of all his attempts and enterprises; or briefly for furnishing his Camp with all things necessary, or keeping his Souldiers in awe and obedience; But Hannibal contended with the mightiest Adversary of the world: Hannibal had secret enemies at home, who were content to suffer him and his to live in want and penury abroad; Hannibal pretermitted many occasions of good fortune, which being taken in time, might have made him a most happy Conqueror: Hannibal suffered his Souldiers to dote in love, when it was no time to dally in Lechery; Briefly, H • nnibal would not win when he might have won; And therefore it was reason that Hannibal should lose when he would not have lost.

In later times Hannibal's follies have made wise men; Hannibal's evil fortune, hath taught others to beware of the like Fortune; Hannibal's losses have given his posterity occasion to take heed by his examples, lest following his steps, they chance to fall into his miseries. Now Princes measure their strength by their adversaries power; they rate their charges by the distance of places into which they are to convey their Armies; they furnish their company according to the time for which they purpose to use the same; they cast their accompts before they enter into wars; they consider the casualties which are accustomed to follow wars; they note the dispositions and affections of their neighbours; they mark and observe the provision of their enemies; they provide for longer time then they intend to spend in wars; they have their carriage to attend upon their Armies, their victuallers to follow them, their confederates to supply their wants, their Messengers to bring them word of their necessities, and their Officers both at home and abroad to make provision as soon as any thing is found to be defective or wanting in their Armies: So if they go far from home, they seem always to be at home; if they want, their wants are presently supplied; if they chance to decrease, their number is immediately increased; and although they may happen to languish, yet they are never suffered to perish: True it is, that other mens harmes have made men both in these dayes, and in former times, to be wise and wary: And the Prince is reputed to want the discretion and wisdom requisite in a Prince. who undertaketh wars without due consideration of all the circumstances above mentioned; and yet neither Hannibals ill fortune, nor his example, nor common experience, nor fear of inevitable accidents can make men so wary as it behoveth them to be, but in later times they have been and will be subject unto the self same Inconveniences which men in former times endured. Have Armies in times past, going far from home, perished in their journies by reason of the intemperature of the air, the heat of the weather, and the intemperance of the Souldiers, who seed too much of noisom and hurtful fruits, or drank too much of hot Wines in hot seasons, and in hot countries; as did the Army which Marcus Antonius led from Italy to Parthia, Appianus. Alexand. whereof better then 20000 Foot-men, and 4000 Horsemen perished by such casualties before he came to his Journies end? And do not, or have not some miscarried by the same means in our dayes, or within our memories? Have many Christian Armies led out of Christendom into Turky, not lost the grea • est part of their number before they came unto the place whereunto they were sent? Did not the first Army that ever the Romans sent by Sea against the Carthiginians perish in the Sea;Tit. Livius. and almost so dismayed the Souldiers, that they were utterly discouraged to commit any more men or ships to the unmerciful Tempests of the raging Seas? And did not the like befal unto the Navy that Charles the fifth sent in his time unto Algire, whose lamentable overthrow is pitifully described by a Spanish Historian in the life of Paulus tertius, Historia Pontifical. de D. Illescas sometimes Pope of Rome? Did a plague consume so many of the Souldiers of Radagasius King of the Gothes, that (as Saint Augustine reporteth) one day deprived better then an hundred thousand of their lives? And did not the like happen unto Francis the first his Army in his Wars for the Kingdom of Naples? Did better then 30000 of that Army which Iohn Duke of Lancaster carryed out of England into Portugal perish by the way for lack of victual and necessary sustenance:Neustra. Tho de Walsingh. and might not the same misfortune betide the small company which went out of late from England into Po • tugal? Justinus. Was the huge Army which Darius had against Alexander, overthrown for want of water, and other inconveniencies occasioned by their long aboad in a strange and unable country to receive so big an host? and can it seem strange or marvelous,Vida de Paulo 3. de D. Illescas. that Charles the fifth's Army, brought out of Spain to Marselles, and passing by the most barren and unfruitful countries of France, felt the like calamities? Plagues, Pestilence, Famine, Tediousness of the way, Want of water, Tempests by Sea, and sudden Sickness have always, and will continually lessen the number, weaken the Forces, and not spare the mighty multitudes that have been or shall be sent far from home by any Prince whatsoever. There is no policy can prevent it, no wisdom that can foresee it, no fore-sight that can withstand it; they be Scourges which it pleaseth the Almighty to send, and therefore it behoveth him that hath urgent occasion to send an Army into forraign countries, to think well thereon, to consider all casualties, and to provide for them long before they happen, lest that want of fore-sight cause his utter discredit and destruction. The only means is, to send such a number as is neither too great to be conveniently maintained, nor too little to effect and accomplish his purpose; especially if things be so ordered, that as soon as occasion shall be ministred, fresh supplies may be conveyed over in due time, and by competent and sufficient numbers. For if the supplies be defective in number, or not transported in seasonable time, they are sent (as experience teacheth) but as Sheep to the shambles. But from these matters (which are touched but by the way of digression) back again to the Spanish King, and to the narration of other reasons, why possessing many Kingdomes, he enjoyeth them all peaceably, or with so little distrurbance as he doth. For the better understanding whereof, you are to consider the State and condition of such Princes who have any Lands or Territories confining or bordering upon his Dominions; and in them you are to mark and observe what power they have to annoy him if they would, or what will if they could. The Princes with whom by reason of such Neighbourhood he hath any way to deal, are these.

The Turk, the princes of Italy, the princes of Germany, the French King, and the Queen of England: Of which some could be content to annoy him by all means possible, but they want ability answerable to their good will; others have might enough to prejudice him divers ways, but he carrieth so watchful an eye over them, is so jealous of their greatness, so well acquainted with their counsels, determinations and purposes, that all their intents, indeavours, and enterprises against him, are most commonly so soon prevented by his careful providence, as they are intended through their malice and indignation. But it is not sufficient to declare thus much in general terms; you shall see his particular proceeding with every one of these Princes.

The Turk he knoweth to be a Prince greatly to be feared of all Christians, as well in regard of his great power,The Spanish Kings opinion & proceeding with the Turk. as in respect of his subtile policy. His power is terrible, because he armeth speedily, and that in such multitudes, as both the number and the expedition terri • ieth all Christendom: For when he armeth, he most commonly bruiteth it abroad, that he meaneth to carry his Forces to one place, when indeed he conveyeth them to another; yea, and somtimes he sendeth Ambassadors to will them to be assured and out of all doubt, that he will not in any wise molest or trouble them, whom his full intent, purpose, and resolution is to invade upon a sudden. Considering therefore his strength, his religion, his natural hatred against Christians, together with the continual emulation, quarrels, and contentions that are betwixt Christian Princes, he holdeth it most convenient and necessary to have alwaies a vigilant eye over such an adversary. For of Christian Princes, he considereth who they be whom he most envieth, whose States he most longeth for, after whose Dominions he most thirsteth, and unto which he hath best access, and easiest possibility to attain them. The House of Austria are his nearest kinsmen, and on one side the next adjoyning neighbours unto the Turkish Territorirs: With them for kinred sake he entertaineth perpetuamit amity, and is loth to offer them any occasion of discontentment, because he knoweth that of late years they have not only possessed the Empire, but also been greatly favoured in Germany; with whose invincible power and puissance, they are both able and ready, when occasion shall be offered, to offend and defend the Turk: For it is their Dominion unto which the Turk hath an especial eye, and an unsatiable desire, and by them and their means, Christian Princes most annoy him; because by the Country of Hungary the way lieth open unto these Regions, which he lately subdued; and a Christian Prince leading an Army through that Country against the Turk, may undoubtedly have good success against his Forces, if he shall observe these conditions following.

First, if in conducting his Army he shall avoid and decline the wide plains, and come not neer unto the River Danubius; of the commodity whereof, the Turk by reason of his great courage, standeth alwaies in need.

Secondly, If he shall not come nigh unto such places where the Turk may have convenient use of his Horsemen, and innumerable Footmen; with the excessive multitudes of which, he will easily oppress and suppress a Christian Army, if they should chance to encounter in those Plains.

Thirdly▪ If the Christian Prince shall arm this year, and proceeding slowly on his journey, not meet with the Turk, but fortifie and strengthen such places as he shall get and conquer; and the next year, when as the Turk neither is wont, nor can arm with the like number and quantity, proceed manfully; For the Prince in thus doing, shall compel him to stand continually upon his Guard, and alwaies to entertain great and gross Armies, which he should not be able to endure long; or else enforce him to use such Forces as might be more easily conquered, and so consequently drive him to change the accustomed course and custome of his Wars, which would be as much as half a victory gotten against him.

Fourthly, If the Christian shall endeavour to draw him into some Streight, and there with some war-like stratagem enforce him to a Battel, and with a Troop of well ordered Footmen encounter his Janizaries, which he usually reserveth for some extremity, and with valour, and some unknown and unusual exploit, drive them to the worst, or put them out of their array and order; there is no doubt but with the strangeness thereof he might obtain a notable victory against him; whose horsemen are most easily overthrown, because they are for the most part unarmed.

Fifthly, If he shall mark and observe when there is mutiny, sedition, or secret dissention, disturbance, or discontentment betwixt the Turk and his Subjects, and by all cunning and policy entertain the same, maintain the procurers and heads thereof, and in the very heat of their tumult be ready to invade them. For indeed, the especial means to weaken the Turk, is to assault him when he is otherwise busied in wars with the Sophi, or with any other enemies, or when his successors are at contention for the crown, or his people divided amongst themselves, or he did lately receive some notable overthrow: for he tyrannizing his subjects in such manner as he doth, the least overthrow that can be must needs endanger his State greatly, because he feareth that his own people will be ready to give entertertainment, aid, and succour unto any, by whom they may have certain hope to wind their necks out of the yoke of that intolerable servitude which they now suffer.

This is so true, that it is credibly affirmed by the best Warriours of our age; That if the Christians had procceded with their invincible Navie, when Don Iohn de Austria gave the Turk the famous overthrow (for which all Christendom greatly rejoyced) they might haply have gotten Constantinople, and have recovered most part of the Turkish Dominion. Next unto the House of Austria is the State of Venice; which although it be far inferiour unto many Christian Princes in power and strength by land, yet it yeildeth unto very few or none of them in force by Sea.

With this State the Spaniard knoweth also that it is very good and convenient for him to entertain peace and amity: For albeit they have many Countries confining and bordering upon the Turk (for the which they pay him yearly Tribute) and that their Merchants have continual entercourse of Trade and traffique unto Turky, and likewise the Turks with them (which bringeth in inestimable wealth and benefit unto the State) and that in consideration hereof the Turk will not easily offend them, nor they willingly displease him; yet the Venetians knowing him to be a Turk, that is, a common enemy of Christendom, the devourer of other mens estates, the disturber of the common peace, and a most notable breaker of all League, Truce and Amity; as often as he stirreth they stand in continual awe of him, and notwithstanding all leagues, contracts, and confederacies with him, are content to joyn with the Spaniard at any time against him, and to use the utmost of their power to annoy and molest him; as it was seen by the great aid which they gave unto the Spanish King, when as Don Iohn de Austria gave the Turk the above-mentioned overthrow. Thus being assured of the Venetians friendship, entertaining perfect and perpetual amity with the House of Austria, and having the rest of the Princes of Italy for his friends, he hath little occasion to fear the Turk: And yet for his better security, he seeketh to live in league and amity with him; and likewise keepeth continual friendship with the Turks greatest enemies, hoping to turn them upon him, if at any time he should chance to attempt any act of hostility against any of his States and Dominions.

The French King is the second considerable friend or enemy the Spaniard hath,The Spanish Kings opinion & proceeding with the French King. of whose friendship or enmity he is to make no small account; For albeit the one hath many more Kingdoms, many more People, and much more Treasure then the other; yet because France is of it self, and within it self, a very great Kingdom, well inhabited, full of many great Cities, replenished with all things necessary, and sufficiently furnished with whatsoever is needful, either for Peace or for War: The King thereof is (in my opinion) nothing inferior unto the Spaniard, and much more able to pleasure or annoy him, then any other Prince of Christendom. It may be said that the Spaniards many Dominions yeilds him infinite multitudes of Souldiers; that his Indies furnish and enrich him with great abundance of Silver and Gold; and that the one and the other make him in a manner invincible; But if his men by reason they are far off, cannot easily be brought together; I • because they are of divers Nations they will hardly agree long together; It because they be of contrary natures and conditions, they are not in like measure fit for the Wars; If their discipline shall be found contrary, their humours divers, and their courages in no respects equal or like; What benefit? What good success may be expected of an Army being compounded of so many diversities? Again, if the wealth of the Indies may be (as it hath been oftentimes) intercepted; If his Treasures do scant suffice for his ordinary and extraordinary expences; If his debts be already more then he is well able to pay; What booteth his wealth? Or why should France fear his Treasure? Or what just occasion hath he, either in regard of his people, or in respect of his gold, to contemn or make small reckoning of the united Forces of France? especially since the Countries of France are able to set forth such a sufficient Army to encounter with his forces at any time, and the yearly revenues of the Crown of Fra • ce, will serve to maintain and furnish the same Army withal things necessary.

Appianus Alexandrinus, who lived in the time of Adrianus the Emperour, in his History of the Roman Wars writeth, That in his time, the Emperour Adrianus had in pay 200m. Foot • men, and 500m. men at Arms, 3000. Carts and Waggons for his Wars, and 300m. Armors to Arm his Soul • iers withal; he had also a Navy of 600. tall Ships, and of 1500. Gallies, with many other Vessels of divers sort, and with an infinite number of all kind of Instruments and Weapons for Sea-fight; besides 80. Ships with the Prores and the Poups of gold for a shew or ornamen • of his Wars: And lastly, he had in his Treasure-house, 150m. Talents in ready coyn: This force, this preparation, this strength and wealth, seemed unto the same Author so great, that in the proem of the very same History he saith, That all the Forces of Alexander the Great, of the Assirians, of the Medians, and of the Persians (which were four mighty Emperours) were never able to attain in 900. years unto half the power, strength and greatness that the Romans had. Titus Livius had the like opinion of the Roman power; For he saith, That Alexander King of Epirus, was wont to say, That all the Wars which Alexander the Great ever had, were in comparison of his own Wars, with women rather then with men; And that all the life of Alexander the Great would not have sufficed to end and finish one only War with the Carthaginians, with whom the Romans, in the first Wars against them, fought twenty four years together. And that the Romans had overthrown above 1000. sundry Armies, the least of all the which was far greater then the Armies of the Macedonians, or of Alexander the Great; All which may seem to be true, because Plutarch in his Lives of the Roman and Greekish Worthies, reporteth, That Iulius Caesar took in his time, one thousand Cities by assault; overcame more then 300. sundry Nations; took above a Million of men prisoners, and slew better then another Million of men in divers Battels; for if one General of the Romans wrought so many worthy Exploits, subdued so many Regions, and slew so many Enemies; how infinite, now incredible were the Armies and the Victories of the Romans, (who had many Captains (As both the Scipios, Fabius Maximus, Pompeius Magnus, and divers others) not much inferior to I • lius Caesar? Notwithstanding all this that is said, I must needs say that (as Iohn Bodin a French Authour saith, in his Book de Republica) the Romans having made tryal of four several Estates;Bodin. As of a Royal, a Tyrannical, an Aristocratical, and a Popular State, never thrived better, nor ever flourished more, then they did under their Popular State: And to what end say I thus? Forsooth to this purpose: To shew you that when the Romans were most mighty, when their Authority was greatest, when they commanded all Italy, they might justly stand in fear of such an Enemy in Italy, as the King of France may be thereunto; And so consequently, that the present King of Spain, whose power is by very many degrees inferiour and not equal to the Romans, hath very great and just occasion to doubt and fear the French King; for it is written that Hannibal, who was the greatest enemy that ever the Romans had,Tit. Livius. lib. 33. who in my simple conceit, was the most wise, politique, and valiant Captain that ever lived, who knew the strength of the Romans, and how they might well and conveniently be annoyed by any Prince that would undertake Wars against them, better then any General of former Age, or of our time doth, or can know, being driven after the ruin and destruction of Carthage, to fly for succour, and for his last refuge unto King Antiochus, delivered unto him, for his sound and setled opinion; that Italy was a Country that was able to yeild unto any forrain Enemy, both Souldiers and Victuals against it self; and yet whosoever would attempt any enterprise, either secretly or openly, against Italy; must take the advantage of some Conspiracy, Tumult, or Commotion, to be moved within the very bowels and entralls of Italy; for that if the Romans might wholly enjoy and imploy the only forces and strength thereof; there was never any King, or any Nation that might justly and truly compare with the Romans. Then if Italy be such a Country (as undoubtedly it appeareth to be by Hannibals Testimony) If it be able to yeild releif to Forrainers; if the next way to win it be to have a partie and partakers in it, who can be thought wise that shall be of opinion the Spaniard is of so great power and Authority in Italy, that he should not need to fear the French Kings might or puissance? Shall he not be feared, because some men perhaps think him not able to set forth an Army sufficient to encounter with the Spanish Forces?Tit. Livius. lib. 9. Why, it is written that Alexander the Great (who conquered mightier Princes then the present King of Spain is) never had in amy Army above 30000. Foot-men, and 4000. Horse-men. It is writen that the very Romans (whose power was such as you have heard it to be) never used greater Forces against any forrain enemy then an Army of 40. or 50m. at the most. Lastly, it is Recorded that the Spanish Kings Father held an opinion, for many reasons him thereunto moving; that an Army of the same number and quality which Alexander used, was (without all doubt and controversie) sufficient for any Prince whatsoever against any enemy, was he never so mighty: Again, shall he not be feared because his Treasure is not equal unto the Spaniards Golden Mines? Why, it is true that money and Gold are the very sinews of War; it is an infallible Maxime; we hold it for a most ancient and over-ruled Rule; but if riches had been the best and only means to subdue Nations, never had the poor Romans at their first beginning, nor the needy Swizzers in their Wars against the rich Duke of Burgundy, nor the beggarly Normans, in the Infantry of their Chivalry, obtained such Victories and Conquests as they did: But grant that the Spaniard needeth not fear any Enemy in Italy, unless he be as mighty as the Romans, both in money and in men; If the French King shall be found to be such an enemy, will the Spaniards favourers confess that he is worthy to be feared? If they should not, you would hold them to be senceless.

And if in this Point concerning the annoying of the Spaniard in Italy, I prove him not in some manner equal to the Romans, I can be content that my slender Reputation shall suffer any manner of indignity. Titus Livius, and many other Authors of the like Authority and Credit, make true and large mention of the harms, of the indignities, and of the damages which the Romans sustained by Hannibal; They report how he passed the Alpes with great difficulty, brought in forces into Italy with great danger, ruled his Souldiers with great dexterity, provided things necessary for them, with singular wisdom and providence; won divers Princes of Italy to join with him and them, with great Wit and Policy; Lastly, proceeded on his journey with so great courage and magnanimity, prevailed in his enterprises with so good success and fortune, terrified and daunted the invincible hearts and stomachs of the Romans, with so many unexpected and notable Victories; that they had no other way to be rid of him but to send Scipio to War in Affrica, and by besieging Carthage to call him home to the releif of Carthage. Now for the better proof of my purpose, give me leave I pray you, to compare the Spaniard and the Romans, the French King and Hannibal together; a Molehil indeed with a Mountain; an Eagle in truth with a fly, but such a Molehil, and such a fly, as will declare the greatness of the Mountain; as will illustrate the might and vertues of the Eagle. The Romans commanded all Italy; The Spaniard ruleth most part of Italy; they had no man in Hannibals time, that durst oppose himself openly against him; he hath few or none in our Age that dareth shew himself an open enemy against him; they were generally feared; he is undoubtedly redoubted; they were assisted by their friends against Hannibal; he would likewise find friends against the French King; Briefly, they stood upon their guard, and he is not without his Garrisons. But an Hannibal annoyed them when they were almost in the highest period of their pride and prosperity; And why may not a French King work him annoyance when he standeth most assuredly upon his defence? Shall he not be able to hurt him because the Alpes divide France and Italy, and maketh the passage hard and difficult? But Hannibal passed them when they were not so passable as they are now; And how many times have the Frenchmen passed them since Hannibals time? Shall he not find means to work him dispight and hindrance because he is not so well experienced in Wars, as Hannibal was? But may he not find many Captains, who in these days have little less experience then Hannibal had? Shall he not be sufficient to war against him in Italy, because the Country is far better fortified then in Hannibals time? but late experience hath taught us, that those Fortifications, Holds, and Citadels, could not stay the course of Charls the eighth King of France, who passed through all Italy as a Conquerour, until he came to the Kingdom of Naples, which he also subdued? Briefly, shall he not prevail against him in Italy, because the Spaniard is in League with most of the Princes hereof? But Histories afford us many examples, that the Italian Princes have oftentimes broken their League with the Emperour and other his Predecessors, whose greatness they either feared or enveighed as they do the overgrowing power of the Spaniard at this present.) And why may not these examples move them to do the like, when as the like occasion of fear or of envy is offered unto them? Hannibal counselled (as you have heard) Antiochus to war upon the Romans in Italy, when they were far stronger then the Spaniards is and no man had better experience of the Romans or of Italy then Hannibal had; The reasons therefore enforcing Hannibal to give that Counsel to Antiochus, may (as they have many times) serve to move the French King to follow his counsel; the rather because experience proved it to be true; and Antiochus failed of his purpose, because he hearkned to Hannibal's perswasion.

But this difficulty will be better cleared, if I shall let you understand the opinion of one of the best Warriors of our Age, as well touching the wealth,Monsieur de la Nove en le, discourse politiques. as the strength of the French King: Monsieur de la Nove (who dyed but a few years past, and when he lived was generally reputed and esteemed the best Captain of our time) in his Book of Military discourses, delivereth that the French King, Henry the second, levyed yearly by ordinary means of his Subjects, fifteen Millions of Francks, part whereof were engaged and pawned for his debts; and yet (saith he) our King levieth no less at this day. Here you see the French Kings Revenues were in some measure comparable unto the Romans: For Plutarch in his before mentioned History,Plutarch. writing of the life of Pompey (who was surnamed the Great) reporteth, That the yearly and ordinary Revenues of the Roman Common-wealth, before the Conquest obtained by Pompey, came but to five Millions of Crowns, which is fifteen Millions of Francks; the just Revenue of the French King, until that Pompey increased the same, and brought it to eight Millions, and 500m Crowns, and brought unto the Treasure-house, ten Millions of Jewels and ready coin: So if you remember, that (as it hath been shewed) the Romans never flourished more, then they did when they were governed by Consuls, and not by Kings or by Emperours; yea you shall see that the French King coming not much behind them in yearly Revenues, may be thought in some respect equal unto them.

The same Mounsieur de la Nove, in his twentieth Military Discourse, talking of the might and puissance of the French King, deliver • th, That he may very conveniently set forth an Army of 60. Companies of men at Arms, of 20. Cornets of light Horse-men, and of five Companies of Harquebusiers on Horseback (which were in all 10000. Horse-men) besides 4000. Royters, and 100. Ensigns of French Foot-men, and 40. Ensigns of Swizzars, and yet he shall leave his Frontier Towns sufficiently well armed and furnished with men and munition, as well to defend as offend the enemy.

Du Haillan, Du Haillan in his 14th Book of the History of France, setteth down, That Philip de Valois, when as he warred with Edward the Third King of England, for the Crown of France, had an Army of 100m fighting men. The same Authour in his sixteenth Book writeth, That Charls King of France, meaning to go into England against King Richard (as I take it) the second, brought to the Sluce in Flanders, a Navy of 128 • . Ships, all loaden with men and munition, which I have thought good to let you understand, to the end you may see, that if the Alps should be made unpassable by the Spaniard for the Frenchmen (which was the Emperour Charls the fifth's purpose and intention to do, if in his life time he could possibly have brought it to pass) yet the French King is not unable or unfurnished of ships to convey and carry (as his Predecessors have done) a sufficient Army by Sea into Italy. Plutarch in the life of Iulius Caesar recordeth, that the Frenchmen came with an Army of three hundred thousand fighting men, to raise Iulius Caesars Siege before Alexia; a huge number, and such a number as the Romans never used the like against any Forrain Enemy; as the same Plutarch testifieth in the life of Fabius Maximus, where he affirmeth, that the greatest power which the Romans ever had against any enemy whatsoever, was but eighty eight thousand souldiers: Andreas Friccius de Repub. and Andreas Ficcius in his book de Repub. reporteth, that they seldome or never passed the number of forty or fifty thousand; a less number then which, Charls the fifth, the present King of Spain's father, held to be sufficient (as I have said before) to encounter with any Christian Prince; and I have thought good to repeat, because hearing what you have heard of the French power, you may think the French King well able to annoy any King of Christendom: For although I should grant that his power is weakned, and he not able to arm such multitudes as his Predecessors have done (for which I see no reason, if he were freed of his Civil wars) yet it must needs be granted, that he could easily make an army of that number, and therewith greatly prejudice the Spaniard in Italy, especially since a Captain of valour and experience will adventure to set upon innumerable multitudes, nothing fearing their number, with a few well trained and experienced souldiers; as Alexander the great did upon Darius his innumerable hoste, and Hannibal did upon the Romans; who (as Polibius testifieth in his second book, with scant twenty thousand, feared not to fight with the Romans in Italy, Polib. l▪ 1. amounting unto seven hundred thousand footmen, and seventy thousand horsemen.

Thus, as in Revenues, so in multitudes of Souldiers, at the leastwise in such multitudes as they commonly used, you see the French King is in some measure comparable to the Romans, but especially in no respect inferiour unto Hannibal for men or money; and therefore without all doubt and controversie, as likely and able to war with the Spanish King within the very bowels of Italy, as he was to contend with the Romans when they were strongest, as all Princes are most commonly within their own Realms and Dominions, especially if they have (as the Romans had) the same wholly and entirely to themselves. But although this point touching the King of France his possibility and means to molest and trouble the Spanish King in Italy, be well and sufficiently cleared by that which is said, yet I cannot so leave it; for I hold it convenient to let you know the opinion of his Father concerning the same matter. He therefore considering the variable affections of the Princes of Italy, the hidden and secret malice which they inwardly bear unto all strangers and forreigners, the many pretensions which the French King hath unto Naples and Milan, together with sundry prosperous attempts and journeys which of late years they have made into Italy, counselled the present King of Spain, his son, at the time he resigned all his Kingdoms unto him (a very rare and commendable act) to carry a watchful and wary eye over the French King; he willeth him to be jealous of his greatness, and to seek all means possible to weaken him; he adviseth how to war against France, and how by his own examples, and by the remembrance of his own mishaps and evil success, he might fight against the French King with far better advantage then he did at Marselles; he exhorteth him to shut up the French King's passage, as much as in him shall lie, by the way of Turin; he admonisheth him to take heed lest that at any time the Frenchmen give him some overthrow in Italy; he assureth him, that if at any time they should haply obtain any victory there against him, his best and most assured friends in Italy would not run the same and the like danger and fortune with him, but presently joyn and associate themselves with his Adversaries; briefly, he warneth him above all other things, to look and foresee, that there be no league of amity and alliance concluded betwixt the French King and the Venetians, or any other Prince of Italy; he addeth to those counsels, divers other wise and considerable advertisements; as, to inform himself throughly of the contentions and strifes that are or may be betwixt the principal Houses and Officers of France; he counselleth him, if there be any, to nourish them; if none, to procure and set some forward; he considering that the Country of Piedmont is easie to be subdued by the French, and of great profit and commodity unto them, either by Wars, or by marriage, to keep them from the possession of all, or of any part thereof; assuring him, that it will not be so beneficial for him to take from the French King a third part of his whole Realm towards Flanders, as it will be to shut him out of Piedmont; because barring him by that means of an easie access into Italy, he shall live in good assurance of his Estates there, which are the chiefest parts of his strength, and the most especial pillars of his greatness. This counsel hath been as wisely followed and executed by the Son, as it was warily given by the Father: for it is better then thirty years ago since he by his instruments (I mean the Princes of the House of Guise) hath maintained and nourished civil dissention in France, whereby the Kings thereof in all this time have never been able to make wars upon him in Italy. It is likewise many years agone since he favoured the late Duke of Savoy (who by the French King was driven out of his Estate) with men and money for the present recovery of the same: and not many years since, for the better assurance of the Savoyans friendship, he hath given his second daughter (a match fit for a better man then he) in marriage unto the Duke of Savoy; and hath holpen him as much as he could possibly, in all his wars against the late French King, by whom (if God had spared him longer life) he had long before this time, been driven out of his Country. I shall not need to tell you in what terms he standeth with the present King of France; you, and all the world know, that he only maintaineth his Rebels, not for any love towards them, but for his own private gain and security. And therefore from the French King I will now come unto other Princes of whom the Spaniard maketh any reckoning or account.

And first unto the Princes of Germany, The Spanish Kings opinion & proceeding with the Princes of Germany. of whom I shall not need to say much, for I shall have occasion to speak of the Emperour in another place; and the other Princes either depend on him, or if they be absolute of themselves, set their whole care upon preserving their own Estates, and care not to augment and increase the same. Hence it cometh, that they live in continual peace, although they differ in Religion, and that one of them encroacheth not upon another, albeit they have their Estates and Territories very neer adjoyning together. Hence it cometh, that they live securely, and are not ready to enter into Wars for light occasions, or to succour their Allies and Confederates with such celerity, willingness, and expedition as is required, and thought meet and convenient. Hence again it cometh, that they opposed not themselves against the greatness of the Spaniard, and are not so forward, as they in reason and policy should be, to yeild aid both of men and money unto those whom he molesteth. Briefly, hence it cometh, that there are so many free Towns and Cities in Germany, which had framed unto themselves such Governours, and such Rulers as it hath best pleased them; and that these Towns and Cities being of great wealth, are not made subject unto the next adjoyning Princes; for if that the Princes of Germany had been so desirous and ready to increase their Estates, as the Pope, the Venetians, the Dukes and other Potentates of Italy have been, who by main force, and the advantage and benefit of times, have usurped the possession of divers Cities, whereunto they had no manner of Right, Germany should have fewer free cities, and far mightier Princes then it hath. The Spaniard therefore knowing that these Princes are peaceable men, and not easily let to enter into wars, and yet, because their country is populous, both able and willing to spare many of their Subjects to be imployed in forraign Wars, entertaineth as many of them as he can possible, for his friends, and hath lately sought to draw the Switzers (who are part of Germany) from the service of the French King; wherein he laboureth so earnestly by his Embassadours, that what by promising to pay the French Kings debts, what by assuring them to increase their monthly pay, he had undoubtedly won them, had not the ancient friends of the Crown of France, and the eldest captains and Senators stuck hardly unto the late French King, who was compelled for fear of losing their aid and assistance, to borrow as much money as he could possibly, to pay them some part of his d • bts, and to assure unto himself those Captains and Senatours, without which help, his ancient friends forsaking him, had entred into league and service with the Spaniards. Thus much, or rather this little briefly of the Princes of Germany.

Now to the Princes of Italy, which are the Pope, the Dukes of Florence, Ferrara, Mantua, and Savoy, and the Venetians; all which have some Town or other, neer unto the Kingdom of Naples or Dukedom of Mlian.

He maketh special account of the Pope,The Spanish Kings opinion & proceeding with the Pope of Rome. not because he is the mightiest (for the Venetians are undoubtedly of far greater strength and power then he) but because where he inclineth, there the rest most commonly bend their favour, and lend their furtherance; unto him therefore he carrieth great respect, feeeth his chief Counsellors, respecteth his colledg of Cardinals, giveth rewards and yearly pensions unto many of them; and unto those Courtiers who are in special favour with him, promiseth and protesteth that he will be always ready to defend and protect them, and their just causes and quar • els against all princes whatsoever. He careth not by what means he procureth his friends to make a Pope, whether it be lawful or unlawful, whether he be worthy or unworthy of so high a place and dignity, so that he be well assured of his Friendship. And if it so fall out, that those cardinals who are not well affected unto him, by plurality of their voices, make such a Pope as is rather his enemy then friend, he presently seeketh all means possible to purchase his favour, he corrupteth his best favourites, bribeth his neerest servants, winneth by yearly fees and pensions his chief cardinals, and so by direct and indirect courses procureth his assured Friendship. Or if he be past hope to obtain the same, that Pope shall be assured not to live long in his pontifical feat and Majesty; For, either he, or some one of his friends or followers for him, will find some way or other to dispatch him, as it hath been very lately seen and verified: So that either love, procured and continued by his benevolence and liberality towards the Popes Cardinals, or fear, proceeding from the consideration and remembrance of the dangers which later Popes have both incurred and endured, because they did not either like him, or were not well liked by him, containeth and continueth the See of Rome in peace and amity with him.

Next unto the Pope are the Venetians, with whom the Spaniard knoweth that he may very easily entertain Love and Friendship,The Spanish Kings opinion & proceeding with the Venetians, & the rest of the princes of Italy. because they do, or have always put great trust and confidence in the change and alteration of times; attributing so much thereunto, that it is greatly to be feared their long sufferance will be the cause of their utter ruine and destruction; for temporizing as they do, they will become in time a prey unto some warlike Nation, and namely, unto the Turk, with whom, by reason of their continual Traffique with him, they stand in such terms, that they lye always open unto him; and it is to be doubted, that he taking the advantage and benefit of time, will one day when they least suspect him, deprive them of Corsu, Candia, Zant, and other places, as he did suddenly spoil them of the Kingdom of Cyprus: notwithstanding because the Venetians are somewhat jealous of his greatness, and fear to see any man to be of over-great credit and authority within the bowels and heart of Italy; the Spaniard hath a watchful and suspitious eye over them, knowing that as nothing can sever or seperate them from the Turk, unless they see him not only ready to decline, but also in some manner thrown down; so they have always, and will still be most ready to withstand the aspiring ambition of any Forreigner that should seek to make himself great and mighty in Italy. Moreover he knoweth that the Venetians know not their own power, nor can tell how to use the same; which they shewed to be most true not many years since, when they took not such occasions of enlarging their Dominions as were offered unto them. Again he considereth, that they having lived a long time in peace, are grown so out of use of wars, that they have in a manner forgotten all military discipline; and therefore if they should at any time give him occasion to fall at variance with them, he might undoubtedly with assaulting them upon a sudden, drive them to some great inconvenience, especially if he should enter with his forces into the heart and very center of their Dominion, and there compel them to put strong Garrisons within all their Forts and Towns of strength, whereby they should not be able to keep the field▪ and in so many holds (as they have) it cannot be but that in some of them there would quickly be found want, either of victuals, or of munition, or else some means to corrupt the Garrison or the Captain, or the Inhabitants, or such as are factious; of which quality and humour there are many, in very many of their cities. Further he knoweth that if he were but once Master of the field, all that is not strong within the Seigniory (which in all States is a great deal more then the strong) would presently yeild unto his discretion; or else he should constrain them to come to the field, and there leave the Forts and Towns without sufficient defence, or else not to be able to continue their Garrisons long; and coming once to the field, they will easily be drawn of necessity unto a Battel, wherein they can hope for no great good success; or at the least they must suffer some great disadvantage, by reason of the want of experience, as well in their Souldiers as in their Captains: But the greatest care or fear the Spaniard hath of the Venetians is, lest that the remembrance of their good usage and demeanor towards the Neapolitans, and of their mild and gentle Government wheresoever they chance to have the upper hand, should make the Neapolitans willing and ready to further their Attempts, if at any time they should set upon the Kingdom of Naples: This care maketh him entertain friendship with them, and also putteth him in mind (if he see the least likelyhood that may be of Wars with them) to seek all the means possible, either by prevention or sudden Invasion to divert them from warring against Naples. Thus liveth he either in peace with them, or warreth against them with great advantage.

Now from them to the other Princes of Italy, the which are of such strength that he needeth not greatly to fear them; only of them he hath this care and this regard; That he suffereth none of them to augment and increase his Estate, no not him that dependeth most upon him; carrying always this mind, That it behoveth him as well to contain his best friends within a moderate and convenient greatness, as to weaken and depress his enemies: For he assureth himself, that those that love him best in Italy, who flatter him now most, who follow him with all favour and furtherance, would quickly forsake him, if his Power once began to decline: For the Italian lendeth his hand to his enemy to help him up; that is but up to the chin in Water; and putteth his foot upon his head to drown him that is, fallen in above the chin: And because he knoweth their weakness to be such, as that they cannot possibly annoy him, unless they chance to enter into League and Confederacy against him; he entertaineth their divisions, maintaineth his credit and reputation amongst them, provideth wise and discreet Officers to govern his Subjects there, useth his own people as gently as he can; and lastly, foreseeth that they shall not combine themselves against him; This is all that I shall need to say of the Princes of Italy.

From whom I must come to the Queen of England, The Queen of England is the mightiest enemy that the Spanish King hath. who (the times being as they are) is in my simple opinion the mightiest and most terrible Enemy that the Spaniard hath: For albeit France; is far bigger then England; the Turk mightier then France; and the other Princes of whom I have spoken, nearer unto him and his States then we are; yet France is divided, and therefore not able to molest him▪ The Turk is strong, but either otherways busied, or not so bold to set upon him, for fear of the other Princes of Christendom, who would be ready to succour him: And the forenamed Princes be many, but not equal in Forces to our Queen; for he that is mightiest of them, is mighty either by Sea only, or by Land only; her Majesty is strong both by Sea and Land, they there • ore not able to trouble him without the help one of another; and her Highness of her self sufficient to cross his enterprises, to withstand his indeavours, to prevent his purposes, and to invade his Kingdom. In so much that he may well reckon it for one of the chiefest blessings that God hath bestowed upon him; that it pleased his divine Majesty to make her a woman, and not a man, a lover of Peace, and not a friend of War, a Princess desireous to maintain her own, and not to Conquer other Princes Kingdoms; for if ever she had affected higher Dominion, if ever she had desired to enlarge her Territories, or coveted to enrich her self with his, or other Princes losses; What occasions have been offered unto her? What advantage hath time it self given her? What suit have some of her Neighbours made unto her? not to receive them only into her protection; but also with her aid, help, and assistance, to subjugate other Dominions? Scotland may commend her Justice and Liberality: France hath great occasion to extol her Lenity and Temperance: Flanders is bound to pray for her prosperity: And the Spaniard himself shall be unthankful, if he praise not her Equity. Time hath greatly favoured her by sending divisions amongst her Neighbours; The Almighty hath strengthned her, by impairing the strength of her adversaries; both have set her many degrees above all the Princes of Christendom, by giving her peace, when they have had wars; her abundance, when they haue suffered many wants; her loving and dutiful Subjects, when their people have been unkind and rebellious; briefly, her all the blessings that mans heart can wish, and them most part of the crosses that humane imbecillity can endure. I may not dwell upon her praises, because they are far beyond my capacity; I cannot set forth her blessings, because they are innumerable. The one require an higher stile, a more eloquent Tongue, a better Wit, and a greater understanding then the most High hath bestowed upon me: The other are apparent, but not computable; and whosoever shall undertake to express them, shall faint before he be half entered into them; And yet I may not thus leave them, lest passing them over in silence, I should seem curious in other States, and ignorant of our own. Neither may I adventure to write all that I know: Princes actions are open in outward shew, but inwardly obscure; subject to the view of many men, but exceeding the wisdom and capacity of most men; soon espied, but never throughly seen; seeming quickly to be known, but hardly well understood; in appearance easie, but in effect very difficult; in some mens opinions reprehensible, but in others judgments praise worthy: To be short, they may be talked of, but not controlled; admired but not censured; lightly enquired after, but not narrowly sif • ed and examined; It sufficeth to hear them, it becometh not any man to seek and search the Reasons of them: Nature enforceth us to desire the one; and wisdom warneth us not to be curious of the other.

But I have taken upon me to make a full Discourse of this time; and therefore may not omit the principal Actions of the only Princess of our time, nor obscure her Puissance by leaving it untouched, whose power is invincible, because it was never touched: The Maiden whose honesty was never attempted, deserveth the name of a true Virgin: And the Prince whom no man dareth to molest, may well be termed invincible: The Fort that never parteth, is seldom taken: And the King whose Power never decreaseth, can hardly be subdued.

It is written that the Frenchmen seeing the innumerable Armies that have been sent out of England into France; Da Hailan and considering that they murthered our men dayly, and in great numbers, and yet we received daily new supplies from home, as though our men never dyed; compare us unto wild Geese, which in the coldest Winters come unto the watry grounds every year by great flocks, and albeit most part of them be killed before the Winter be fully ended, yet they return the next year in as great quantities as they did the year before; And so, although they were wearied with killing and slaying our Country-men; yet as soon as one Army was defeated, there came a new supply, which took sharp, revenge of the others deaths, and never suffered them to live in peace, ease, or quietness, until they redeemed their vexations and troubles with such conditions as contented our Princes.

I might here take just occasion to trouble you with a long recital of the Forces and Armies which divers of our Kings have led and carryed, either under their own, or under their Lievtenants conduct into France or Flanders, into Italy or Germany, into Spain or Portugal, into Turky or the Holy Land; but our Histories and other Chronicles are full of them, and you carry them so well in mind, that I hold it very superfluous to refresh your memory. I leave the prowess of Edward the third undeclared; the fortunate Conquests of Richard the first untouched; the happy Victories of Henry the fifth unrepeated; and the strange and marvelous fortunes of many other of our Kings, not mentioned: I list not to boast of the black Princes valour, of the Duke of Glocesters boldness, of the Bishop of Winchesters pride, who being but Subjects under our Kings, carried out of our Realm divers Armies comparable to the Forces of Kings. Old Histories are reputed for Fables; Things beyond memory are not thought worthy of memory; And what our Fathers did, redoundeth not, in some mens opinions, to our praise or commendation, according to the Poets saying.

But later Years have held many Testimonies of our strength, manifold Arguments of our valour, infallible proofs of our power; The Spaniard is in the opinion of all men, the terrour of Princes, the controller of Kings, the Monarch of the world, and the most and highest Soveraign of all Soveraigns; It is he that maketh Italy to tremble; that holdeth Spain in great awe; that terrifieth the proud and invincible Germans; that molesteth the valiant and variable Frenchmen; that tyranizeth over the effeminate Flemmings; that mastereth the ancient and warlike Burgundians; that captivateth the free and manly Switzers; that miscarrieth the populous and poor Scots; that bridleth the simple and untamed Indians; that ruleth the unruly and obstinate people of Portugal; that overlooketh with an eye of ambition, with a heart of covetousness, with a desire of superiority, with an unsatiable appetite of Soveraign Authority, the whole face, and the large precincts of Christendom. It is he that useth his wit, imployeth his strength, bendeth his power, armeth his people, directeth his Council, and dedicateth all that he possesseth to the lawful or unlawful inlarging of his Territories. It is he that taketh of his Father to be Ambitious, that hath learned of his Ancestors to be troublesome, that thinketh it a work beseeming a Prince, and becoming a King, to vex and molest all Kings. It is he that dreameth by night, studieth by day, practiseth at all times how to let no time pass without a line (as it was anciently said) without a Stratagem, a late invented policy, an unknown practise, and a rare and marvelous enterprise. It is he that increaseth in ambition as well as in years, in covetousness as well as in pride, in rigour as well as in morosity; Briefly, it is he, and I would to God that it were not he, that troubleth the peaceable estate of Christendom, that only vexeth the Realm of France, that disquieteth Flanders, and setteth friends at jarrs, allies at variance, and confederates at dissention; insomuch that it may well be said of him, Phi-malus & lippus, totus malus ergo Philippus.

Now if a woman hath presumed to encounter with this man; if a Queen of one Island hath undertaken to bridle a Prince of so many Nations; if her sole Forces have tamed his invincible power, her only counsel prevented his subtile practises; her good will, withstood his ill-will, his mischievous practises, and his ambitious desires; if she alone hath hindred him to be Lord of France, Ruler of Italy, and Commander of all the rest of the world; shall he not err that compareth Hercules with her? Or can any man deem him wise, that taketh her in any respect inferiour to Iulius Caesar, mighty Pompey, or Alexander the Great? For two of these, with the invincible power of the invincible Romans, conquered some part of the rude and unwarlike people of the world; and the third and fourth are famous, not in true Histories, but in old Fables, for doing such exploits as are more pleasant then credible, more praised then possible, and much more admired then allowed for true, and not miraculous: But if any man shall deny her to be wise, her peaceable Government giveth him the lie; if her might and power shall be called in question, her actions in Flanders and France, testifie the fulness of her strength; if her justice be not worthily commended, her motherly care over the present King of Scotland while he was an infant, her pitiful charity extended to as many as have had need of her help, and her upright and just proceedings in as many matters forraign and domestical as have been referred to her discretion, shall convince him of falshood, or of malice, that shall derogate ought from her innumerable multitudes of her everlasting praises. I wonder when I hear the Romans boast of their Pompey, the Grecians brag of their Constantine, the French report wonders of their Charlemaigne, and the Syrians set forth the praises of their Antiochus (whom every one of these Nations baptized with the sirname of Great) because their actions were somwhat extraordinary, exceeding the common success of other Princes, and the usual fortune of many and divers Kings; for if a woman hath gone far beyond them all, and that without the aid of any Allies, without the help of Forrain powers, and without the strength of such as should have employed their whole strength to the furtherance of her endeavours; are not their praises eclipsed, their honours blemished, and their renown obscured? They lived in an age of ignorance, in a time of simplicity, in a season of cowardly pusillanimity; she ruleth in a world full of Machiavelists, pestered with deceitful Hanibals, plentiful of warlike Captains, and rather over-burthened, then not throughly furnished with sufficient Counsellors: and yet neither the policy of the wisest, nor the deceit of the craftiest; not the labour of most warlike, nor the wisdom of the best and most sufficient Counsellors, hath ever drawn her into any small inconvenience, but hitherto either wisely or happily, providently or fortunately, warily or worthily she hath not only prevented but escaped, foreseen but overgone, forecast but overcome the most secret, the most subtile, the most divelish, and the most unnatural and inevitable practises, devises, attempts, treasons, and trecheries of her adversaries. For many men and women, learned and unlearned, spiritual and temporal, noble and ignoble, courtiers and counsellors have sought her death, and committed treasons against her: Witness the late Queen of Scots, Mrs Arding, and her daughter, witness Dr Storey, Dr. Parrey, and Dr Saunders: Witness Campion, Sherwin, and their complices: Witness the Earls of Northumberland, Westmerland, and Arundel: Witness Babington, Throgmorton, Tilney, and their confederates: Witness the late Duke of Norfolk and Perrott, both Privie Counsellors of great account, wealth, credit, and honour, both greatly loved, trusted, and honoured by her Majesty, both bound unto her Highness for many favours, dignities, and advancements, both (briefly) counselled, animated, encouraged, and directed in their treasons by the wise Counsellors of the mightiest Prince, and the greatest enemy that her Grace had in the world: Their treason was plotted abroad, and intended at home; invented in Spain, and should have been executed in England; there it received a beginning, here an approbation: here were executioners, and there counsellors; here practisers, and there patrons; here the traytors were blinded with ambition, there the abettors were transported with envie; here reigned pride, and there revenge; briefly, here the treasons ended, but their malice continueth, and sendeth forth daylie new Conspirators, new devises, and new practises: Since therefore her Majesties death hath been so often intended, the subversion of her State so many times purposed, and the performance of both so desperately undertaken, her Highness for her self, and we for her Highness, are greatly bound to pray to the Almighty, who hath so many ways, so many times, and so miraculously preserved her.

Iulius Caesar was so fortunate,Plutarch. that being in great danger of drowning and presuming that it was not his Creators pleasure that he should perish in the Sea; when the Pilot durst not adventure to carry him for fear of the apparent and great danger which threatned his present death, he boldly said to the Master of the ship, Go thy ways, thou carriest Caesar, and Caesars Fortune; and yet notwithstanding it was his fortune to be killed with Bodkins, and that by his dearest friends, yea in the Senate House, where he thought himself as safe as in his own Palace, as sure as in a Castle, and as free from danger as a Prince invironed with a strong Guard.

Pompeius had many commendable qualities, great store of friends, infinite followers, strange fortunes, many signs of Gods blessings, sundry tokens of more then ordinary and humane felicity; and yet he was poysoned or done to death by his professed friends.

Alexander, who for his Prowess, was surnamed the Great; for his fortune was one of the Wonders of the world, and for his rare faithful friends and Counsellors, went far beyond all the Princes that lived either before or after him; neither by his vertue nor valour, nor by his fortune and good hap, nor by his friends and Counsellors, could escape the fatal poison that ended his days, before he attained unto those years which be the forerunners of Age: So as in others, so in this Point her Majesty far exceedeth Caesar, Pompey, and Alexander, the three greatest Princes that ever lived: For their death was so soon performed as purposed; Her life hath been often sought (but God be thanked therefore) not shortned; they escaped not the malicious Treasons of one or two; she hath been preserved from the wicked treacheries of very many; they could not prevent the Conspiracies of their friends; she hath withstood the open and secret attempts of their enemies; Briefly, they dyed before they became old, she hath attained unto sixty years of her Age; and the rare fortune which she hath hitherto had to escape so many and marvelous dangers, putteth me, and all her loving Subjects, in good hope, that it will please the Almighty to add many more years of bliss and haappiness to her days: neither do I think only that she shall live beyond the ordinary and usual years and age of other Princes; but I am fully perswaded, that her Grace is preserved and reserved to great fortune to some marvelous purpose; her qualities exceeding other Princes conditions; her fortune being more then ordinary, and her dangers escaped, not prudently, but providently, not by humane policy, but by divine prevention; give me good occasion to presume, that he that disposeth of Kings, and all Kings Actions, lengthneth her days, and hath dedicated her years to some notable accident: For what he hath intended, man cannot prevent: what he purposeth, Man cannot prevent what God intendeth. humane wit cannot change or alter, his resolutions are in Heaven, ours on earth; his eternal, ours changeable; his immutable, ours subject to alteration; We purpose, he disposeth; we intend, he changeth; we desire, he ruleth, yea so ruleth, that he directeth our thoughts, leadeth our counsels, inclineth our dispositions to his will and pleasure; he knows our necessities before we ask, our infirmities when we conceal them, our desires, albeit we keep them most close and secret; He giveth us what is expedient for us, granteth us more then we dare desire, provideth better for us then we can deserve; and to be short, is so resolute to do us good, that all our wits, capacities, and policies are not able to prevent the meanest of his determinations, so the same tend to our benefit: For although his mercy exceeding our merits, and his clemency yeilding to our contrition, do sometimes divert the evil that we have deserved, and mitigate the punishments which are due to our many offences; yet if our humility be not dissembled, or his pleasure fully bent to work us any good whatsoever; so good is he, that our good cannot be attended, nor his intention changed: An Example or two will prove this to be manifest; and therefore I will afford you these Examples.

Astiages dreamed that his Daughter Mandana made so much water at one time as filled his whole City,Herodotus lib. 1. and was likely to drown his whole Country; with which dream being greatly terrified, he propoundeth the same to be expounded by his best Interpreters of Dreams; They report, that of the said Daughter should come such an Issue, as should drive him from his Kingly Seat: He taketh counsel what to do to prevent this intention of the Almighty. It is resolved, that the best means is to marry his Daughter to a mean man. The counsel is followed, and she married not to a Median, worthy of such a Wife and Princess as she was; but unto a mean Persian, by name called Cambises, born of indifferent good Parentage, but not likely to carry such a mind as to deprive his Father in Law of his Kingdom. The same year that his Daughter was married, he dreamed again. That out of her Privities sprang such a Vine, as overspread all Asia. This Dream he likewise communicated with the Soothsayers: They delivered, That out of the Womb of Mandana should proceed such a Child as should be Lord of all Asia; and so desirous thereof, that he should hardly and very unwillingly attend his Grand-Fathers death: According to the Prophesie, the Child is born, his Nativity cast, and the disposition of his body, and other outward signs foretel, that the Prognostication made before his birth, was likely to prove true. The Grand-father minding to prevent a future mischief, giveth him unto one of his faithful Counsellors, commanding him to put him to death: The Counsellor moved with pitty, commendeth the child to the custody of his Shepherd, yet charging him to murther the Infant; The Shepherds Wife having a child of her own dead the very self same day, not finding in her heart to consent to the death of so pretty and Princely a Child, beseeched her Husband to expose her own dead Child instead of Cyrus, for so Astiages his Grand-father was called: The Shepherd followed his Wives counsel, and yeilded his consent that she should bring up Cyrus as her own: He groweth to years, and within a few years is chosen King by other children of all sorts, poor and rich, Noble and ignoble; and being elected King, commanded as a King, and inflicteth punishments upon his far betters, for disobeying his Authority. They disdaining to be commanded, much less to be punished (as they were) by their far inferiour, complain to their Parents, and they to Astiages, of the injury offered by poor Cyrus. The Shepherd is injoyned to bring forth Cyrus; he maketh appearance at the day appointed; carryeth himself not Shepherd like, but Princelike, before the King: And being demanded by the King how he durst presume to command his betters to be chastised; answered boldly and with a spirit far exceeding his years, and not becoming his supposed Estate, That since it had pleased the rest of the youth to chuse him for their King, and to subject themselves in general unto him, it was not lawful for any particular, were he never so good, to disobey him; And in case any one did so far forget himself as to contemn his Authority, that then it was as lawful for him, as for King Astiages, to punish his or their disobedience. At which Answer the King being astonied, looking upon the audacity of the Child, considering his wisdom, calling to mind the exposing of Cyrus, and conferring his Daughters childs Age, and his years together, suspected him to be Cyrus: Sent presently for Harpagus (for so was the Counsellors name unto whom he had given him to be destroyed) compelleth him to tell the truth; The Shepherd is likewise sent for, who declareth the means and manner how Cyrus was saved: The King highly offended with Harpagus, and fully resolved to depress Cyrus, dissembleth his anger with the one, and taketh present order for the base education of the other. Cyrus is sent from Media into Persia: and Astiages not long after, carrying a watchful and revengeful mind; and knowing that Harpagus had but one child, and being once rebuked of Harpagus, (more boldly then wisely) of drunkenness, sendeth for the Infant and the Father, unto whom he saith, Thou toldest me (of late) I was drunken; Now to shew thee whether I be, or no, I have here an Arrow in my hand, which if I do shoot so rightly, that I do hit thy Son at the heart, thou mayest well think I am not drunk; and if I miss his heart, then will I not be offended at thee for so saying of me: He shooteth the Arrow, and striketh the child at the heart: And not content with this severe revenge, commandeth the Father to sup with him, and compelleth him at Supper to feed on the best and cheifest parts of his only and dearest Son, baked in a Pie. Harpagus endureth the wrong for a while, and maketh Astiages to continue his cruelty, consenteth to his Marriage with his own Sister, bringeth him by secret means, and his own leud demeanor, into the hatred of his Subjects; And when he saw that it was time to begin to work his revenge; fearing that if he should send a Letter to Cyrus (whom he meant to use for the Instrument of his revenge) by ordinary means, the same might be intercepted, and so both he and Cyrus endangered; taketh an Hare, openeth his Belly, within it encloseth a Letter, and giveth the Hare to a trusty Messenger to carry unto Cyrus, willing him to take off the Hares skin; And to the end the matter might be less suspected, he apparelleth the man like a Hunter, giveth him Nets in his hand, and other instruments belonging unto Hunting: The Letters contained, That Cyrus should dispose the Persians to revenge the wrongs that Astiages had done unto him and to Cyrus: The trust that Astiages reposed in Harpagus, and that being assured to be made cheif Lievtenant of the Median Forces which should be sent against Cyrus, he would presently revolt unto Cyrus, who by that means might easily overthrow his Grand-father: The Plot was thus layed; Cyrus rebelled, Astiages put Harpagus in trust with all his strength; he flyeth unto Cyrus; Astiages is delivered into the hands of his enemies, and the Empire of the Medians is by this means translated unto the Persians.

Amulius to rule alone, killed Numiter, Just. lib. 43. Tit. Livius. and made his Daughter Rhea one of the Virgins Vestals, that no man-child might proceed from her to revenge the wrong done unto her Father, or recover the Kingdom due unto her Father, Rhea living thus sequestred from the company of men, is gotten with child, it is not known whether by mortal man, or by the God Mars. She bringing forth two Twins, they are called Romulus and Rhemus, who being brought up (as some say) by a Wolf, or (as others) by a common Strumpet called Lupa, as they grew in years, so they increased in vertues, valour, and credit, and in time wrought the revenge of their Grand-fathers death, and drave Amulius from his Kingdom.

Cambyses, Son to the afore-named Cyrus dreamed that a Messenger brought him word that his Brother Smerdis sitting in his royal seat,Herodotus lib. 3. touched the Heavens with his head; by occasion of which dream, fearing that he might be deprived of his Kingdom by his Brother, more speedily then wisely, he commanded Smerdis to be done to death: He is no sooner dead, but one Smerdis rebelled against Cambyses; with whom Cambyses riding to encounter, as he gat upon his horse, his Sword fell out of his sheath, and ran him through the Thigh, of which wound he dyed.

Gargoris Rex Curetum, Just. lib. 44. begat a Son upon his own Daughter, and being ashamed of so foul a fact, purposed to cause the child to be murthered. First he willed him to be cast to wild beasts: The wild beasts contrary to their kind, nourish him. Then he throweth him amongst hungry Dogs, and such as he had caused many dayes to be kept of purpose from meat: The Dogs likewise spare him. Next he exposeth him unto certain Hogs, unto which there was no manner of Sustenance given in a long time: The Hogs likewise do him no kind of harm. Then he willeth him to be thrown into the Ocean Sea, whence he is cast upon the shore, and presently an Hart giveth him suck. Lastly having lived a long time amongst a number of Harts, until he could run as fast as they, he was taken in Nets by certain Huntsmen, who presented him unto the King; by whom being known, as well by the proportion of his body, as by certain marks given him as soon as he was born, he is acknowledged and accepted for his Nephew, and in regard of so wondrous preservation from so many and different perils and dangers, is also declared only heir of his Kingdom, and called Atis.

These examples although they may seem to be untrue, and incredible, yet because they are strange and wonderful, and reported by such Authors whose writings deserve no small credit, they may right well serve to put us in mind, that whatsoever the eternal God hath decreed, it lies not in our power to prevent or alter his determination.

Astyages could command his daughter to marry with a mean man, he had power to will the fruit of her womb to be destroyed, he might entreat or enforce Harpagus to procure the Infants death; But after that he (moved with compassion) spared the childe, and committed the same unto the custody and discretion of the Shepherd: Astyages authority, and Harpagus commission expired, the Shepherd pitied the poor Infant, and it pleased the Almighty (who had resolutely determined his greatness and welfare) to suffer him to live, to the utter ruine and overthrow of the Grandfather.

Amulius, as a wicked Usurper, intended to deprive Rhea of her right, according to his purpose slew her father, and dedicated her to such a life, as there was smal hope that from her should succeed any off-spring to spoil and deprive him of his Royal Scepter: But God had fully resolved that out of Rheas womb should proceed the scourge of her fathers iniquity, and the founder of the Romans Majesty, and accordingly of her came Romulus and Rhemus, who founded that worthy and famous City.

Cambyses, dismayed with a dream, and fearing that his Brother would shorten his days, and usurp his Crown, took the ordinary means that Princes use to take in such occasions; but he had no sooner killed one Smerdis, but another arose and rose against him, who did put him besides his royal Diadem.

Briefly, Gargoris thought by adjudging the Son which he begate upon his own daughter, somtimes to one, and somtimes to another kind of death, to have hidden his own shame, and to have debarred the poor infant from his right: But he that righteth all wrongs, and undertaketh the defence of the innocent, would not have it to be so, would not suffer wickedness to prevail, nor permit the guiltless blood to be destroyed.

I may therefore infer by these examples, and by the rare fortune which our gracious Queen Elizabeth hath hitherto enjoyed, that it lieth not in the ambitious Spaniard, nor in the proud Prelate of Rome, her mortal enemies, her sworn and professed adversaries, to shorten her days, but one day, or one minute: Their wishes are on earth, but cannot ascend to heaven; they may purpose, but not dispose, they have often desired, but could never prevail; they have suborned many, but never found, nor shall find any that shall be able to accomplish their desire; the Axe may be layed to the root of the Tree, but it shall not have power to fell it; the Lyon perhaps may go about to seek his prey, but he shall never find it; the divel (as a divel) may provoke and procure his instruments to be ready to further his attempts, but Gods Angels attending on her person, having a care of her health, and a special charge of her safety, will not permit divellish ministers to have the least power that may be over her.

The Rule and Government of Women is rare; and omnia rara sunt chara: Their Sex is weak, and the Almighty hath promised to be the Protector of the infirm and weak; Their capacity is not answerable to mans policy; and the Lord hath said, that his elect shall not be confounded with humane wisdom; he hath said, and we may swear, That heaven and earth shall sooner perish, then his word shall fail. Why then do the Princes rage? Why then do the Pope and the King of Spain fret and fume against the Lords Anointed? Against his chsen Vessel? Against his dear Virgin? Why the cause is the Lords, and he will try it, he will end and determine it. Is it because she upholdeth and defendeth the Spaniards afflicted and oppressed Subjects? Why, therefore she was ordained, therefore the Lord preserveth her. Is it because she liveth in peace, and they in wars? Why, the Almighty hath blessed the Peace-makers, and hath vowed to be the Protector and Patron of as many as love peace. Is it because her subjects rebel not against her, as theirs do? Why that is an express and manifest sign of their evil, and her good Government. Is it because she withstandeth their attempts and purposes? Why she medleth not with their doings, but with such as tend to her hinderance; and those it is both lawful and honourable for her to cross and prevent. Briefly, Is it because the wisest Princes and Subjects of the world favour her more then them? Why, that is because their actions are not in any respect equal or comparable unto hers; for they pretend one thing, and intend another; her thoughts and pretensions do alwaies agree together: They would seem to love Peace, and yet dwell continually in wars; she seeketh peace and embraceth it: They combine themselves, and employ their strength and Forces against Christian Religion, she useth her power to no mans detriment or destruction: Briefly, they do or would usurp more then belongeth unto them, and she requireth no more then is her own. That such is her mind, desire, and purpose is most apparent to all the world, because when she might have had the Soveraignty and universal Government of Flanders, she accepted it not; when she might have excluded the Spaniard out of the possession of his rich and wealthy Indies, she deprived him not of them; And when as her Forces are sufficient to disturb his whole Realms of Portugal and Spain, she employeth them not to his disturbance: But In magnis voluisse sat est: She hath assaulted the Indies; attempted the conquest of Portugal, and assayed what her Forces could do in Spain: It cannot be denyed but that her Majesty hath done as much,The justification of the Queens attempts against Spain and Portugal. and perhaps more, then is said; but not before she was provoked thereunto, neither with a mind so much to prejudice the Spaniard, as to provide for her own safety; For when Sir Francis Drake, with such Forces as he and his friends with a very slender help from her Highness, had provided, happily spoiled part of the Indies, and returned thence with no smal prey, if he had gone thitherward somwhat sooner then he did, better furnished then he was, & with a larger commission then he had, al which lay in her Majesty to have granted him, undoubtedly either the season of the year, or the number of his ships or the largenes of his Authority, would both have encouraged and also enabled him to have done those her Highness enemies much more and greater despight then he did. But as wise men going about a great piece of work, and finding when they have begun the same, that their ability will not serve to accomplish it, sit down and study what ways to take, and how to put those ways in execution, for the full perfection of their enterprise: So her Highness having so mighty an enemy as the Spaniard, whose Attempts and purposes it was necessary (for her own security) to cross and prevent. And finding that her Treasure was not comparable to his wealth, especially seeing he attempted divers ways to annoy her, and purposed to weary her with length of time, and variety of expences, resolved with her self, that it could not be amiss to permit her loving Subjects to adventure some part of their wealth, and a small portion of her own Treasure, in • hope to bring from the Indies much more then they carried thither: The which her Resolution being put in practise, found the same event which was expected, and the sequel thereof sufficiently declared; that a greater Navy well furnished with sufficient men, and good store of Victuals and Munition, might then, and may yet, put her Majesty in quiet possession of the richest and best part of the Indies: But it sufficeth her Highness to try the Forces of those Countries; to acquaint her Sea men and Souldiers with the way thither; to give them a taste of the Indian wealth; and to make her power known as well unto the Inhabitants of those remote Countries, as of other nearer Regions of the world, who thought too basely of her strength, and carried too good a conceipt of her Adversaries might and puissance; And finally, to fetch from her mortal enemies own Dominions some Treasure wherewith to withstand the Rancor and extremity of his malice.Guicciard. lib. 10. In which Action her Majesty fully and wisely imitated the example of the Florentines, who fearing that▪ Pope Iulius the second would war upon them for consenting unto that Counsel which divers Cardinals, with the consent and furtherance of the French King and other Princes, had summoned against him; and thinking it convenient to defray the charges of Wars, moved in defence of Church-men, with Church goods; seized upon so much of the Clergies goods as they thought would suffice for the maintenance of those Wars: Even so her Highness hearing that the Spaniard had a long time prepared to invade her Realm, and being well assured, that as soon as he could be well able he would send the same preparation towards England; held it expedient and necessary to seek all means possible whereby she might happily be enabled to maintain either all, or part of the Expences of those Wars with his Treasure; And having learned of men of great experience what Forces would suffice to effect her desire and purpose, thought it superfluous and needless to send thither greater strength then they (not unadvisedly) required; And albeit neither her Majesty nor the Lords of her privy Council were ignorant that the Indians were far stronger then when they were first conquered; And therefore that such a Navy as was first sent thither could not work the like effect there; yet both her Grace and they thought it not meet to employ any more of her own, or of her Merchants Ships in that service, lest that the Spanish Fleet (which was expected in England many years before it came) coming upon her Realm in the absence of Sir Francis Drake, and his Consorts, should not have found the same sufficiently provided to make such resistance as was needful: For as it sheweth courage in a Prince to give the first on-set upon his enemies within his own Dominions;Machiavel in his discourse upon Tit. Livius. so it argueth want of discretion and wisdom to assault his adversaries with such force and power, as if the enemy in absence thereof invade his Realm, there should not be found at home, an Army sufficient to withstand his Invasion.

Now as touching her Majesties Attempt made against Portugal and Spain; The manner thereof is not unknown unto the world, the cause is notorious, and the success is not hidden nor secret: For Mr Anthony Wingfields, and Mr Dr Doylies Books; the one in English, the other in Latine, set down the order, motive, and the event of that Attempt, so truly, so fully, and so plainly, as I shall not need to say any thing thereof, especially having already touched his Right at large, for whose cause, and at whose instance the Voyage was undertaken: But because the said Books make but a plain and true Narration of the Journey, and of the cause and success thereof, leaving the Justification of the same cause unhandled, and you desire to see the same confirmed and strengthned by some examples declaring the equity thereof: I will in this Point somwhat satisfie your desire and pleasure.

Presupposing therefore Don Antonion his Title to the Kingdom of Portugal to be just and right (as his own Apology can, and doth testifie) I think it will not be denyed, but that what help soever was, or shall be hereafter yeilded unto him for the recovery thereof, was, and will be both warrantable by Law, and justifiable by many and infinite Histories.

The Law be it of Nature or of Nations, warranteth any man whatsoever, Vim vi repellere, to repel force by force, which is not tyed to this bare sence and meaning only; That it shall be lawful for him to defend himself only against him that assaulteth his person, or endangereth his life, but it reacheth further, and giveth him leave to use any moderate violence, yea sometimes to kill him (if he cannot otherwise retain his own) that goeth about by main force to put him out of possession of his lands and inheritance, or to take away his goods from him. The same proceedeth further with us in England, and in France, and provideth that if a man be assaulted, and others stand by, and help him not, they are held for partakers of the violence that is offered unto him; and if a man be robbed upon the high-way, and Hue and Cry be not made presently after the Theeves, the Town, Village, or Hamlet, which presently pursueth not the Malefactor, shall answer whatsoever is taken from the party that is robbed.

The reasons of this Law are many. First it is expedient for the Common-wealth to conserve the lives and goods of the Subjects thereof; then there should neither be Meum nor Tuum, if this Law did not take place. Next, the first and especial cause of assembling Societies together, and of making and fortifying Villages, Towns, and Cities, was a desire and care which men had to live together in safety, as well of their Goods, as of their persons. Lastly, nature detesteth unlawful violence, desireth the conservation of her Creatures, tendreth their welfare, and hateth the Procurers of her harm and detriment, and therefore provided Princes that should minister Justice unto all men indifferently, defend the innocent valiantly, maintain their Subjects in peace continually, and duly inflict condigne punishment upon the breakers and perturbers of peace and tranquility. Now because Justice loseth her name and majesty unless a proportionable Equity be observed in the administration and exercise thereof, as private mens security is regarded and tendred in Justice, so the Law must likewise have the indempnity, safety and commodity of Superiors, Magistrates, and Princes in recommendation, otherwise they should be in far worse case then their own Subjects are: For, the wrongs that are done unto them, are righted by their Magistrates; and therefore it standeth with good reason, that some provision be made, and some care had for the reformation of such injuries as are offered to the Kings and Princes. If a Subject be thrust out of possession of his proper Inheritance, the Law provideth that he shall be presently restored thereunto. And if a king be wrongfully driven out of his kingdom, shall not he be allowed to seek a restitution thereof? He shall, but how? Forsooth at his hands who hath deprived him; but what if the Usurper will not yeild to his petition? he is then to implore the help of other Princes, and they on his behalf are to pray and admonish the Usurper to make restitution of all that he detaineth wrongfully; whereunto i • he shall not hearken after due admonition given unto him, they may (junctis viribus) invade his Realm, and by main force inforce him to restore whatsoever he with-holdeth unjustly. For this charge lay upon the Emperours, as long as they were of sufficient force and authority to command and controll the Kings of this world: But now that the Imperial Majesty is somewhat abated, and Kings have freed and emancipated themselves from the Emperours power and jurisdiction it remaineth as part of the charge of Kings, to see that no violence be offered unto their Colleagues, and especially unto their Confederates. Therefore it is usual amongst Princes to enter into Alliance together, with express conditions to take the Enemies each one of the other for their own Enemies, and not only to defend their own Estates against all men whatsoever, but also to offend him, whatsoever he be that shall attempt any thing to their prejudice; and there is nothing more common then to see Princes oppressed to fly for aid unto the Oppressors Adversaries, and to receive help and succour from them.

They therefore are highly commended which receive and harbour a distressed Prince,That it is lawful for a prince to receive & succour another Prince flying unto them for refuge and relief. and they contrarywise worthy of perpetual shame and infamy, which either refuse to receive such an one, or after his receipt offer him any manner of wrong or violence; because as to adde affliction unto the afflicted is a point of great Inhumanity; so to comfort the comfortless is a work of singular Justice and Lenity. The commendation due to this kind of courtesie hath wrought so strange effects in the hearts of many Princes, that some have received their professed Enemies, others have fallen out with their dearest friends, rather then they would restore a poor Prince being fled unto them for succour, when he was demanded at their hands; some have refused great rewards which have been offered them for the restitution of such as lived in exile and banishment within their Territories, others have entertained them with large yearly Pensions, and presently aided them for the recovery of their Kingdomes; some have given them whole Cities to dwell in, others have been so forward in releiving such as implored their help, that they have lost their own Kingdoms for defending them.

It is written in the Histories of France, that Charles the seventh having upon just occasion of offence and displeasure conceived against the Dolphin of France(who was his eldest son) banished him out of his Realm,Du Haillan lib. 24. and commanded that none of his Subjects or Friends should receive him: The Duke of Burgundy (who was then Vassal unto the French King, and mortal Enemy unto the Dolphin) did not only receive him, but also gave him leave to chuse what Castle, Hold, or City of his soever he would to dwell in: and sent presently Embassadours to his Father to make his excuse for receiving him.

Piero Mexias, in his Book of the lives of the Roman Emperours, reporteth, That the Emperour Henry the third,Vida de H. 3 when as Peter King of Hungary was driven out of his Kingdom by his own Subjects, who for his evil Government had rebelled against him, did not only harbour and entertain him, but also restored him unto his Kingdom, although the same Peter not long before had favoured the Duke of Bohemia, who rebelled against the said Emperour.

The King of Cochin, being required by the King of Calicut not to harbour his enemies which were fled unto him for succour; Answered, that he could not expel them out of his Cities, having received them upon his word; with which Answer the King of Calicut being highly displeased, wrot him a Letter full of great threats, whereat the King of Cochin laughed, and willed the Messenger to tell him, that he would not do that for fear of all his threats, which he vouchsafed not to do at his request; whereupon the King of Calicut suddenly prepared a great Army invaded the King of Cochins Realm, drave him out of his Kingdom, and enforced him to fly unto a certain Island of his own which was then in the hands of certain Portugals, by whom he not long after was again restored unto his Kingdom.

Our Chronicles report, That both Edward the fourth, and Richard the third,Holinished. Du Hailan Polid. Virg. offered great Rewards unto the Duke of Brittan to restore unto them Henry, Earl of Richmond, who lived as a poor banished man within the Dukedom, but no money could win him to yeild unto their desire.

The same Chronicles testifie,Holinshed. that the poor King of Scots received Henry the sixth, flying from the persecution of Edward the fourth, and entertained him with a yearly Pension, and aided him for the recovery of his Kingdom.

David distrusting the protection of God,Bible, in 2 Kings. Chap. 12. slyeth unto Achich, King of Goth, who giveth him Siglag to dwell in; And Ierob • am flying unto Shishack, King of AEgypt, was honourably received of him, and maintained there like a Prince, until Rehoboam was deprived for his cruelty, and he sent for out of Egypt, and made King of Israel.

Frederick, King of Naples, being oppressed by his Uncle the King of Spain, used unto the French King, unto whom he made grievous complaints of the Catholique King, because without any regard of the kindred and consanguinity that was betwixt them, he had endeavoured by all means possible to deprive him of the Moity of his Kingdom. Lewis the French King received him with great honour and courtesie,Illescas vid • de Alexandro. 6. made him Duke of Anjou, and gave him 30000. Ducates of yearly Revenue. Our Chronicles and other Histories are full of a number of the like Examples, confirming the equity, and commending the clemency and gentleness of such Princes as have yeilded competent relief to their neighbours, to their enemies, to their Allies, and to meer strangers, being enforced to crave their aid and assistance. But hoping that these will suffice to satisfie and resolve you, I will forbear to enlarge this discourse with the supersluous and needless recital of others.

It is commonly said that troubles come in post, and depart by leisure; And who so seeketh unquietness shall easily find it, and therefore considering the displeasure that is done to the adversary of him that is received into another Kings Realm and protection, the danger which the Receiver may incure, and the manifest wrongs which are sometimes done unto the Receiver by the received, together with their most unkind and unnaturall Ingratitude; this kinde of charitie, is sometimes termed crueltie; this pity, peril, this favour extream folly, and this compassion a passion not agreeable to reason and Princely policy. Some Princes therefore weighting the perils that may follow the receiving of such Guests, or the aiding of Princes who were expelled or banished from their own Dominions, would neither receive them, nor succour them, unless they were well rewarded for their labour; to the end that such a reward might recompence the costs and charges which do necessarily depend upon the harbour and relief which is given unto them.

Alexis, sometimes Emperour of Greece, being deprived of his Empire, could not obtain any manner of aid from the Venetians, the Marquess of Montferrat, and the King of France, until he had faithfully promised to pay the Venetians debts,Biondo lib. 16. to recompence with so much ready money the harms which the Frenchmen had sustained by the Emperour Emanuel, Du Haillan lib. 9. and to bestow the Earldom of Candia upon the forenamed Marquess.

Macrinus, having slain the Emperour Bassianus, enjoyed the Empire; and his Son Antoninus Heliogabalus lived a long time in exile, until his Mother Messa, Piero Mexias vide Macrino. by great gifts and extraordinary liberality, won the Soulders of Macrinus, and his best Captains and Colonels, to acknowledg him for the true and indubitate Heir of the Empire; and in regard thereof, and of the duty of the young child (whom for his Fathers sake they quickly affected) to deprive Macrinus of his usurped Diadem, and Imperial Authority.

Other Princes perhaps terrified with the perils that accompany and attend upon the harbouring of such distressed Princes, when they have once received them, either restore them to their enemies, or detain them as lawful Prisoners, or cause them to be secretly murthered.

So did Alarick, Du Haillan. lib. 1. King of the Goths, send King Siagrius, who fled unto him for succour, back again unto Clovis King of France, his mortal enemy.

So did Toleny cause Pompey to be murthered,Jul. Caesar lib 3. who fled unto him as unto his ancient and faithful friend, from the wrath and indignation of Iulius Caesar.

So did Peter King of Castile murther Rubaeus King of Granado, Terapha de Regibus Hispan. for the greedy desire which he had of the infinite Treasure which Rubaeus brought into Castile with him.

So did Ptolomy imprison Antiochus, Justin. lib. • 7. who trusting him rather then his Brother Seleucus (whom he had many ways and times grievously offended) fled unto him from the heavy displeasure and persecution of King Eumenes.

So briefly did Henry the fifth King of England, Holi • shed. Polid. Virg. detain Iames afterward King of Scotland, prisoner many years, who flying from the unnatural persecution of his Uncle, who had deposed his Father, and usurped the Crown, was driven by tempest into England.

These Examples varying much from the former; And these Princes observing a quite contrary course unto that which the before-named Kings observed, maketh this question very doubtful; Whether it be lawful and commendable in Princes to receive and harbour another Prince who flyeth unto him for succour: But if humanity deserveth always more commendations then cruelty; if it be true that the Poet saith.

If Princes were first ordained and instituted to yeild relief to as many as were distressed; If God most commonly blessed them who yeilded such relief, and contrariwise punished those who exercised no kind of humanity towards them. Briefly, if wiser Princes have received them then have rejected them, this doubt is easily dissolved, and this difficulty quickly removed.

Now that humanity which is incident unto men, is to be preferred before cruelty, which is proper unto bruit beasts, is a thing so apparent to common sense, that I hold him for senseless that doubteth thereof; and what is he who blameth him not for incivility, who having received his friend into his house, and being very well able to relieve him, excludeth him without any occasion of discontentment offered by him: Or who is so ignorant, that knoweth not there is nothing more answerable unto the principal cause and motive of the first institution of Kings, then it is to succour as many as have need of their help: And our Chronicles do testifie, that God plagued the posterity of Henry the fifth, for his extremity used unto the poor distressed Prince of Scotland; and the French Histories do declare, that God never prospered Lewis sirnamed Oultremer, King of France, because he had dealt discourteously and unkindly with the Infant Richard Duke of Normandy, T. Walsing▪ in his Neustria. whom he had received into his safe custody and protection: And to be short, the wisdom of those Princes who have harboured their Neighbours and Allies,Du Haillan. are commended beyond all measure by the Writers who mention them; whereas their folly is reprehended, and their cruelty blamed, who rejected those of whom I lately made mention, and all histories shall sooner perish, then their infamy be forgotten. But to reconcile the contrarieties of the precedent examples, and to clear the difficulty of this question, I think it not amiss to descend from the general argument to a particular supposition; for so the controversie will soon be determined: Suppose therefore (for example sake) that the Kings of France and Spain being in fast League of friendship together, there ariseth a variance betwixt the Kings of France and Navarra; from this variance they fall to wars, of these wars follow the overthrow of the Navarrois; after that overthrow he flyeth unto the King of Spain for refuge: May the Spanish King in this case receive and harbour him? To this demand it is not possible to make a good and an absolute answer, unless the cause of the Wars betwixt France and Navarra, and the kind of Alliance betwixt France and Spain, be well and sufficiently known; for, the nature and quality of the one and the other, may make the receipt and entertainment of the Navarrois lawful or unlawful: If the French King had just occasion to war against the Navarrois, because he was wronged by him, or by some of his; and the League betwixt Spain and France bound the Kings of both places not to receive one anothers enemies, but that the one should hold him for his foe, which was, or is adversary to the other. Then doubtless except the King of France of his part had first committed some Act contrary and repugnant unto the conditions of the Alliance, whereby the same was broken and violated, the Spaniard could not lawfully receive the Navarrois: But contrarywise, if the aforenamed Wars were unjust, and the League not so streight as Alliance, which are both offensive and defensive are, then might the Spaniard without breach of his duty harbour the Navarrois, especially if the French King had before the receipt violated the conditions of the League; for as Bonds and Obligations betwixt private men tye not the Obligee to other things then are mentioned in the conditions; so Leagues betwixt Princes, do not prohibite them to do any thing that is not expresly or by implication forbidden by the Articles of those Leagues.

Besides (as the world is now adayes) Leagues are of no longer continuance then there is some profit or commodity arising or proceeding from them,That leagues are no longer inviolable then until there is some advantage given to break them. and as soon as the breach of them may be certainly and assuredly profitable and advantagious unto the breaker, they are not so religiously observed as they have been in times past, but some colour or other is presently pretended to justifie their unlawful violation. You have heard what a strait League was concluded betwixt the French King and Ferdinando King of Spain touching the Kingdom of Naples, and also what occasion was taken to break the same, as soon as Gonsalvo (surnamed the great Captain) had the French General at an advantage. But I think I have not as yet acquainted you with the colour and pretence which was used to excuse the breach thereof; the which, because it now cometh fitly to the purpose, I purpose to declare unto you.

Ferdinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain, being accused by the French King, that they had unlawfully broken the League of Friendship which was straitly concluded betwixt Spain and France against all enemies whatsoever,Guicciard. lib. 5. • . 2. that should attempt any thing against the Kingdom of Naples, being equally divided (as you have heard) betwixt the two Crowns, alledged for their excuse, that amongst other Articles of their League and Agreement this clause was inserted: That they should not be bound to any thing that might be prejudicial unto the See of Rome; and that therefore the Pope having required them, as Sovereign Lord of that Kingdom, to succour the distressed Kingdom of Naples, they could do no less, but yeilded unto his request, and with this Cautele, contrary to their former promise made unto the French King, the said King and Queen entred into confederacy and league against France, with the Pope, with the Venetians, and with the Duke of Milan, and the Duke of Ferara would not openly enter into this League, but cunningly, and with an Italian devise and subtilty, he suffered his Son to serve the Duke of Milan as his Lieutenant General with 150 men at Armes. A few more Examples like unto this will give some better light unto the obscurity and doubtfulness of this question, and therefore I will afford you some such examples.

Edward the third King of England espying a time of great advantage to invade Scotland, because he might be the less blamed if he should take the same occasion,Polid. Virg. lib. 19. publikely protested, that he was not in League with the Scot, because the League betwixt them was fully agreed and concluded upon in his minority, and while he being under Age, had not the capacity to perceive the disadvantage and great harm that grew unto him by the same League. The Scots and Picts being in League with the ancient Britanes, and spying a convenient time to molest them,Hect. Boet. lib. 7. whilest Maximinianus the Emperour was absent, invaded the Realm, and pretended that they were not bound to the League concluded betwixt them and Maximinianus if he were once out of the Kingdom. The same people notwithstanding their League, invaded the Brittanes another time, saying that the League was at an end by the death of Placitus the Roman Lieutenant, who had concluded the same League.

The Brittans in the time of King Arthur, Idem lib. 9. entred into League with Lothus King of the Picts, and bound themselves to receive Aludred a Pict, for heir and successour unto King Arthur, but when Arthur was dead, (contrary to the Convenants of this League) they made Constantius, and not Aludred their King, and being accused of the said Picts, for breach of the said League,Idem. they answered, that the League betwixt Lothus and Arthur was fastened unto this condition, that as soon as the one or the other dyed, the Subjects of neither of them should be tyed any longer thereunto, adding further, that it stood not with policy to admit a Stranger to bear rule and government over them. The examples are infinite that might be alledged to this purpose, but these few may suffice to shew the proneness and ready good will of Princes to falsifie their Faith, and to colour the breach thereof with some reasonable shew and pretence, when they found it not commodious or convenient for them to hold every Covenant and Article of their Agreements: Now having seen by this that hath been said already, that Leagues are lightly broken, it resteth for the better strengthening of my purpose, that I declare unto you by such examples as shall presently come unto my memory, what occasions one Allie hath taken to be offended with another, and how upon such occasions offered, of great friends they have become mortal enemies. For hereby you shall see (that since Princes are most commonly led and ruled by examples, insomuch that they hold all things to be well done, which (not being apparently unjust or dishonest) are done by example) that our Queen notwithstanding the ancient continuance of the League that hath been between the Crown of England, and the house of Burgundy, of which the King of Spain pretendeth himself to be lawful Heir,Princes for lawful occasions may, & have bin offended with their confederates and leave them. may most lawfully fall from the same, and by many and infinite Presidents justifie the receipt of the King of Portugal, and the aid given unto him. I find many causes in such Histories as I have read, which have moved princes who were conjoyned together in a very straight League of Amity and Friendship, to fall at variance, and either to war one upon another, or to associate themselves each one with the Foes and Adversaries of the other.

Iulius Caesar although the Romans were in League with the people which were anciently called Lingones, yet he held them, yea and used them as Enemies, because they aided the Helvetians (which are now called Swizzers) with corn and other provision. Other Princes have taken occasion of offence against their Allies and Confederates, because they have fallen to Agreement with their common Enemies and Adversaries without their consent of privity.

So was Pope Sextus the fourth highly displeased with Ferdinando King of Naples, Illeseas vida de Sexto 4. because he not making him privy thereunto, had agreed all matters of variance and controversie betwixt himself, and Laurence de medicis, and the City of Florence.

So did Lewis the twelfth of France justly complain of Pope Iulius the second,Idem vida de Julio▪ 2. because at what time France stood in most need of him, he compounded the differences betwixt the Church and their common Enemies; and for this injury offered unto him, published bills and books of greivous complaints against him, saying that he was worthy to be deprived of his Popedom.

Illescas in the life of Pope Leo the tenth,Idem vida de Leon. 10 reporteth, That the Venetians being in League with the King of Spain against the French King, departed from their Alliance with the Spaniard, and allied themselves with the French King, for no other occasion but because Prospero Colona, one of the Captains of the Spanish Army, did not presently give unto them Bressia, which he had taken from the French King, and should (as it seemed) have been restored unto the Venetians as soon as it was taken. Sometimes it falleth out that many occasions meet at one time to move a Prince to relinquish and leave the side and party of his confederate:Idem ibid. Paulus Jovius. l. 26. Many causes enforced Pope Leo the tenth to leave the French King, and to join with Charls the fifth. First his unsatiable desire to recover Parma and Placentia. The pity he took of Italy, to see what misery it endured under the French. Thirdly, The good will he had to gratifie the Emperor for the great love which he shewed at the Diet holden at Wormes, unto the See of Rome. Fourthly, his indignation and displeasure conceived against Monsieur Lotreth, Governour of Milan, because he did not only molest and trouble the poor Millanois, with a thousand vexations and grievances, but also gave all the Benefices, Bishopricks, and other Ecclesiastical Livings, within the Dukedom of Milan, without the Popes leave and licence; And further, because he had had given commandment that no man should appear upon any Citation sent from Rome, nor should go thither to follow any Suit or Process begun or moved there. And lastly the remembrance of those injuries which were done by the King of France unto his Predecessors, and especially unto Peter and Laurence de Medicis, his Father and his Brother.

Here you see the Pope (whom the rest of Italy most commonly followeth) partly moved with a just hatred against the Frenchmen; and partly fearing their overgrowing power in Italy; to prevent the hateful increase of their greatness, leaveth them, and joyneth himself unto their enemies. Now you shal see another Pope,Idem vida de Clement. 7. named Clement the seventh, and with him also the Venetians, finding that Charls the fifth (with whom Leo the tenth allied himself against the French King) yeildeth not, accordingly as he was bound, the investiture of the Dukedom of Milan, unto Francis Sforza, who promised to give him for the same six hundred thousand Ducates, and to marry with whomsoever it should please him; and also to hold the Dukedom at his devotion; And further, conjecturing by the on-set which he gave upon France, and by the great Power and Authority which he had even then in Italy, that he went about to make himself Lord of the most part of the world; And seeing that Francis the first, King of France, had lately won Milan from the said Emperour, they entred into League with the French King against Charls the fifth, as secretly as they might possible: You have heard before how Leo the tenth, taking the kindness shewed unto him by the Emperour, at the Diet of Worms very kindly, was moved thereby to leave the French party, and to become one of the Emperours Faction.

Now you shall hear how Pope Paulus the third,Idem de Paulo. 3. having the Cardinal Farnesius for his Embassadour with the said Emperour, and finding that his Majesty had proclaimed a Diet to be held at Wormes, touching the deciding of certain matters and controversies of Religion, took it in so evil a part: that the Emperour would intermeddle with the hearing of spiritual causes, the cognizance whereof belonged unto the Pope; that he commanded the said Cardinal to depart from the Emperors Court without taking leave of his Majesty, and to leave the Cardinal Marcello Corvino in his place; which was an indignity never offered unto any Prince, unto whom either the Embassadour or his Majesty bear any love or affection. This evil conceit of the said Paulus Tertius towards the same Emperour was encreased by three special Causes.

The first because the Emperour to strengthen himself against the above named French King, had lately entred into League and Alliance with Henry the eighth, King of England, who was then fallen from that obedience which the See of Rome looked for at his hands.

The second because Caesar had so quickly forgotten the wrong done unto his Aunt, lately divorced from the same King.

The third because the Emperor would neither sell unto him the Dukedom of Milan, nor make his Son Pier Lewis, Duke of Parma and Placentia.

I might proceed in the recital of many other Examples like unto these, but from these you may sufficiently gather, that the wisest, both Popes, Emperors, and Kings, that ever lived of late years, have made it a matter of small or no conscience to break their Leagues for very small occasions, especially if they found that any King or Emperour, by reason of their League, presuming to finde no resistance able to withstand his intent and purpose, went about to incroach upon other Princes, and to make himself Lord of the world: You may also perceive by the mutability and inconstancy of the Princes of Italy, and of their falling from France to Spain, and again from Spain to France; how greatly they fear the greatness of the one or the other in Italy, how ready they have been to supplant him that waxeth great amongst them; and how careless, negligent and secure they are now, since they notwithstanding (not as their predecessors always did before them) the aspiring Ambition of the Spaniard. Moreover these Examples may teach you what opinion was conceived of Charls the fifth; what jealousie and suspition other Princes had of him, and what an high and aspiring mind he carryed; The which having left as an Inheritance to his Son, with a number of precepts forged in so dangerous and ambitious a conceipt; no marvel though he do somewhat imitate his Father. But great marvel it is why the Princes of our Age do not foresee and fear in him the same minde, the same desire, the same ambition, and the same purposes which were in his Father. But the more careless other Princes are herein, the more commendations our Gracious Soveraign deserveth, who for better then these thirty five years hath (as I have said often, and cannot say too often) mightily crossed his endeavours without the help of any other that ever would vouchsafe to joyn with her Majestie in so honorable an Action. Neither may it be imputed to her Highness as a fault, that she hath forgotten the ancient league which was betwixt the house of Burgundie and her Predecessors, but rather, as he amongst private men, is highly commended, who forsaketh his dearest friends in their unjust causes, and when they go about to oppress and overthrow their Neighbours, so her gracious Majestie is worthy of everlasting praise and fame, because it hath pleased her Highness to prefer the justice and equitie of good causes, before the iniquity of any League or confederacie, Besides, since that the League (that was betwixt England and Burgundy) was (as it may be gathered by the Chronicles of both Nations) rather with the people subject unto the Princes of Burgundy, then with the Princes themselves, her Majestie continuing in Amitie with the States and People of the United Provinces, and being ready to do the like (if the like occasion were offered) with the other of the seventeen Provinces, doth not any thing in the prejudice of the Antiquitie of that League, but as her Predecessors have done before her, (as namely Edward the third,Holinshed. Pol: Virg. Du Haillan. and Richard the second) her Majestie hath thought it meet and convenient to stand with the poor and afflicted people against the unkind and unnaturall crueltie and oppression of their Soveraign. The which action being most commendable, and such as might be approved by infinite Examples; they do her Highness great wrong, who, not considering the indignities, wrongs, and injuries done unto her by the late house of Spaine, and not remembring the first occasion of displeasure between the Crowns of England and Spain, to have risen from Spain, blame her Majesty as the first breaker of that ancient League. These men, besides many other things which are already refuted, or remain to be fully answered hereafter in their several and fit places, more maliciously then wisely object unto her Majesty, that about the year 1569. her Ships intercepted 59 chests full of Ryals of Spain, amounting unto the sum and value of eight hundred thousand Ducats,Dinothus de bello Belgico. which were sent unto the Duke of Alva out of Spain to pay his souldiers withal, the which wrong gave (as they affirm) the first or greatest occasion of breach of amity and friendship betwixt Spain and England: For by the intercepting of this money the Souldiers were disappointed of their pay, and the Kings credit and authority was greatly impaired and weakened in the Low Countries. But those men neither consider that Spain had long before this time offered great wrong unto England, nor remember that when the Spaniard complained unto her Majesty hereof, that it was wisely and sufficiently answered; That her Majesty understanding that the said money was sent to pay certain debts of the Spanish Kings, which he owed unto divers Merchants of Genova, who being well able to spare the same, and her Highness having urgent occasion to use so much, thought she might be so bold (as the Spaniard had been) to borrow the said money for a small time, paying them (as he did) some yearly consideration for it: Which Answer might well have contented the King of Spain, since the said Merchants at no time had any cause why they should not credit her Highness as well as him: Nor did they weigh the violent and extraordinary dealing of the Duke of Alva; who as soon as he heard the news of the intercepting of the said money, commanded all our English Merchants that were then in Antwerp, or elsewhere in Brabant and Flanders, to be detained as prisoners, seized upon their goods and Merchandizes, and willed that the English house should be kept by a Guard of High-Dutchmen, and presently wrote unto the King his Master to detain all our Merchants in Spain; and further, knowing that there were divers English Ships in Zeland, laden with Cloth and other Merchandize of great worth and value, he caused them likewise to be stayed, and neither they, nor our Merchants in Brabant, Flanders, Zeland or Spain, were dismissed before the king of Spain was fully satisfied, which might easily be done; the very Cloth it self which was transported out of England into those Countries, being almost worth the sum that was pretended (God knoweth how truly) to be taken away from the Sp • niard: For although we should grant that this money was wrongfully taken and detained by her Majesty; yet the order which the Duke of Alva took for the recovery thereof, was not to be justified: He ought first to have acquainted his Master with the taking thereof; Then an Embassadour should have been sent from him into England to demand restitution thereof: And lastly, if her Grace had denied the restoring of the same, or not sufficiently satisfied the taking of it, the course which was taken had not been amiss: But here the Cart went before the Horse, and judgment was given before the Cause was heard. Now because our Merchants lived quietly in the Low Countries, as well before as after the taking of this money, because they enjoyed their Priviledges as largely as ever they did; because we had daily Traffique with Spain, and the Kings Embassadours remained then and many years after in England; (All which are Arguments and probable Conjectures, that there was peace betwixt us and Spain) the intercepting of this money will still seem unlawful, unless it be shewed that the Spaniard hath given her Majesty some just occasion of discontentment before the time of taking thereof. Truly it cannot be denied that our Merchants had Traffique (as it is said) in Spain, and elsewhere under the Spanish Dominions; but not for any love to our Prince or Nation, but in regard of the great benefit that they brought unto the King and to his Countries, which could not well stand or at the least wise (as late experience hath shewed) flourished as they did without them: Witness the misery of Antwerp at this present; the poverty of Burges, and the calamity of many other Towns, both in Brabant, and in Flanders, which as long as they were haunted and frequented by Englishmen, yeilded to few Towns and Cities of Christendom for wealth and prosperity. Witness again Middleboroug, Vlushing, Amsterdam and other Towns in Holland and Zeland, which before the departure of our Englishmen from those Towns which are now under the King of Spain, and before their Traffique in Holland and Zeland, had not the tenth part of the wealth or resort of Merchants thither, which they have at this present; in so much that many Towns in these two Provinces are of late years made larger, yea twice as big as they were wont to be. Witness lastly, the great wealth, power and strength which the States of the United Provinces are grown unto since they have cast off the yoke of Spanish Tyrannical Government, entred into strait League with our most gratious Queens Majesty, and hath had Traffique with her loving Subjects; for which the small aid which they have had from us (small indeed in comparison of their great charges) and with the yearly Revenues which they gather by the resort of Merchants thither; it is seen of late that they are become so mighty, as that for provision of Wars, for strength by Sea, for Munition, for all kind of furniture for Wars, both by Sea and Land, and especially by Sea, they may almost compare with the mightiest Prince in the world. Have they not of late years boarded the Spaniard? did they not when he sent his Invincible Army into England, stand us in great stead? Have they not won many Towns which were lost and betrayed in the time of the late Earl of Leicesters being there, when they had far greater help and countenance by us then they have had of late? Briefly, have they not, and do they not carry themselves so of late years, that it may not only grieve the Spaniard, but also all the Princes of Christendom, that he hath given them so just and good occasion to know and to use their own strength. For, if the chiefest Towns of France, which are grown to such an humor and liking of encantonizing themselves, as it hath been thought meet to publish many reasons in print to shew the great inconveniences and difficulties which they should incurre and find in so doing; if I say, these Towns should enter into consideration of the wealth and prosperity of the said States and their Subjects, and after due examination of their happiness, follow their examples; and so in time cast off the yoke, servitude, and obedience, which time out of mind they have owed, and most dutifully shewed unto their Kings; would it not be a very ill president, a dangerous imitation, and a most pernicious example? Should not other Princes have just cause to suspect and fear the like change and alteration in their kingdomes? And were it not greatly to be doubted and feared, that other Subjects would be as ready, as forward, as desirous as they of liberty, of alteration, and of a new kind of Government? Nay, was there not a time, when almost at one time all the Subjects of Europe, not seeing so much as they may now see, jumped so well in one desire to free themselves from their subjection unto Kings and Princes, as that all Kings and Princes were enforced to joyn together in strength and in good will to suppress them? The danger therefore of this inconvenience only, being well and wisely considered, all the Princes of Europe have great occasion to be offended with the Spaniard, who by his unjust severity hath in some manner endangered all their States and royal Principalities. But hereof more conveniently hereafter in another place.

Now again to my purpose. The Subjects of the United Provinces travell dayly into Spain, they carry thither and fetch thence many commodities, they only abstain from carrying and bringing of things necessary and profitable for the maintenance of Wars. May any man, considering the premises, and seeing how they and the Spaniards fight dayly one against another at home, and within their own Countries, say truly that there is no War betwixt them? No verily, it is not the entercourse of Merchants, nor the residence of Leaguers and Embassadours that alwayes proveth peace betwixt Princes: The one is permitted and entertained for commodities sake, and for the benefit of the Subjects on both parts, yea, for the better maintenance of the Wars: And the other is used and practised for his great advantage, whose Embassadour can carry himself most wisely and most cunningly. for Embassadours are (as Phil. de Comines said very well) but honourable Espies, and therefore it is usual to let them remain and reside in Princes Courts, not only after the rupture and breach of peace, but also sometimes when they are at mortal Wars, that they may be Mediators of peace. Send therefore saith de Comines, Embassadours unto thine Enemies, even when thou art at most deadly feud with them: For, though thy charges in sending be great, and thy Adversaries be wary and circumspect in foreseeing they shall do nothing to their prejudice; yet if those whom thou sendest be wise, they cannot chuse but learn somthing that may be very beneficial unto them, and countervail their expences, The reading of Histories hath taught me, that Embassadours are sent from one Prince to another even in the hottest times of their Wars, sometimes to demand a convenient place of parley.

So Caesar sent unto his enemy Ariovistus to require him to appoint someCzsars Commen • convenient place where they might meet and confer of matters concerning the profit of himself, 〈◊〉 and of Ariovistus; sometimes to require and offer conditions of peace. So Divito was sent Embassadour unto Caesar to desire peace at his hands: sometimes to spie and sound the affections of Subjects. So Hannibal when he was coming into Italy, sent certain Embassadours unto the French King, being then subject unto the Romans, to enquire of their affections, and to see how they might be disposed and perswaded o suffer him to pass the Alpes quietly, and to behold where he might pass them with least danger. But I shall have occasion to handle this matter more largely hereafter. And therefore from it again to my purpose.

The taking of the fore-mentioned money is the matter that is most urged,That the intercepting of the Spaniards money sent many years ago into Flanders gave him no just cause of quarrel against England. and therefore must be more sufficiently answered. This is the sore that gauleth, the wound that grieveth, the corro • ive that groweth. To this therefore I will adde another Plaister. It shall not suffice that the money intercepted was taken and esteemed not to be the King of Spains, but to belong unto certain Merchants of Genoa; that Allegation shall not go for sufficient and lawful payment; but it shall be added, yea and proved (for an Embassadour was sent by her Majesty into Spain of purpose) that her Highness complained unto the King of Spain of the great wrong that was done by the Duke of Alva unto her Majesty and unto her Subjects upon an unjust occasion of displeasure taken against her Grace and them for that money; which if the King (although it was certain it appertained unto those Merchants) would needs have it, it was offered unto him by the said Embassadour, that it should be restored, so that her Highness Subjects might enjoy their ancient Liberties and Priviledges within the Spanish Dominions, and also a restitution might be made by the Duke of Alva for all that was wrongfully detained from them: And the same Embassadour added further, that it was never her Majesties mind to offend the Catholick king, nor to provoke him to wrath and anger, whose Friendship the knew might be a great help and honour unto her. What might her Majesty have said more lovingly? or what better satisfaction could the king of Spain demand? Was he displeased because her Majesty gave no better audience unto the Duke of Alva his Secretary, who was sent to admonish her Majesty not to meddle with any matter belonging to his Master? Why, his cross and rash dealing deserved no favour at her hands, and made his Masters Subjects fare far worse then otherwise they should have done in England. For her Highness hearing that the Duke had made stay of her Merchants, and of their Goods, to be even with him, commanded that all the Merchants strangers that then lived in England, and were Subjects to the King of Spain, should likewise be arrested, and their Goods attached; and strait Commandment was given unto our Merchants, that they should forbear to traffique into any place subject unto the Spanish Dominion, until the Kings pleasure was fully known what should become of our Merchants. Here you see that the unordinary and unkind proceeding of the Duke of Alva, was occasion of greater unkindness then should have proceeded of so small a matter: For, if he had forborn to arrest our Merchants, and to attach their Goods, until his Masters pleasure had been known, his Kings Embassadours had had better audience, and his Subjects had been free from inconveniences and harms, as they suffered by his default. For after he had rashly and unadvisedly layed hands upon our Merchants and their Merchandizes, her Grace could do no less then she did, especially since the Lawes of her Realm have provided, that her Subjects being restrained, in the like manner shall have recourse unto her Highness, as unto her chief Justice, and there demand, that the Subjects of a forraign Prince who hath offered wrong or violence unto them and their Goods, be presently attached in England, until our Merchants and their Goods be released and set at liberty by that Prince: So the blame in this case must lye upon the Duke of Alva, who when this occasion of rupture and variance was growing betwixt our Queen and his King, should have wisely dissembled the same, and quickly have extinguished the flames of the displeasure and discontentment that was likely to burn betwixt them.

For a Servant and Counsellor may offend as well in being too forward, as in being too • low in his Masters business, as I shall have occasion to shew more at large hereafter; the which when I shall handle, will give light unto this matter, and fully and throughly cleer the same. Now to the proof that the King of Spain did before the intercepting of this money, give her Majesty just occasion to • eize upon the same, and to detain it, although it had been much more then it was, for her own use and benefit. It is since the taking of this money some four and twenty years agoe, and therefore if it may be proved that long before that time the Spaniard hath dealt more like an enemy then a friend with her Majesty; I think it will follow that she might justly have done him, even then, and before then, far greater despight then ever she did.

When the late French King suffered the Duke of Alencon, Dinothus de bello Belgico. his Brother to take upon him the Title of the Duke of Brabant, and the defence of those Countries, he sent an Embassadour into Spain to excuse his Brothers going thither, and to signifie unto the Spanish King that all that was there done was done without his Counsel and Privity; The Spanish King was highly displeased with this Message, and answered the Embassadour, that he had rather have the French King a profess'd enemy, then a dissembling friend; And not satisfied with the indignity of this disdainful Answer, he sent presently after him another Embassadour into France, to tell the King thereof; That the Spaniards were not so foolish and so unwise, as not to see and perceive, that whatsoever the Duke of Alencon did, was done by permission, counsel, consent, and furtherance of the King his Brother. Out of this Answer, and this Embassage, I gather thus much: That it is better for a Prince to have an open enemy, then a deceitful friend: And to prove the Spaniard to have been always such a friend unto the State of England, I use these Demon • trations.

First, It is not unknown (as I have said before) all the Treasons and Conspiracies which have been attempted, intended and practised against her Majesty, ever since her first coming to the Crown, have had their beginning or their comfort, their counsel or their furtherance, their countenance, or their invention from Spain; Witness (to omit others of lesser moment, and yet of most dangerous consequence) the Treasons of the late Duke of Norfolk, since whose death it is better then twenty years, and more then forty since he first began to be a Traytor. Is it not more then twenty one years ago that Robert Rudolphy, a Florentine Merchant (who had lived many years in England) departed out of England, for fear that the Duke being committed to prison, should reveal the practises and means which he had used by the solicitation of the King of Spain, and of the Pope, to draw the Duke unto those Treasons which he afterwards intended, and had executed, had he not been happily discovered? did not the same Redolphy go from hence to Rome? and there communicated with the Pope how the Duke was apprehended, and thereby their Plot and device broken and prevented? Was he not sent from Rome into Spain, there to make the same relation, and to consult with the Spanish king what means might be used for the liberty of the said Duke, and if that might not be happily wrought and effected, for some other kind of of annoyance to be done to England? Was it not publiquly noised, and certainly beleeved, that the Duke of Alva should have joined with the said Duke, and have done us more wo then I may boldly speak of, and my heart can even without extream grief to relate or remember? Witness again the most unnatural practises of the late Queen of Scots; unnatural, because she was a Queen as her Majesty was, because she was her neer kinswoman, and her Vassal beholding unto her Highness for her life, and for the life of her own only child, which unto good and loving Parents is always more dear then their own life. Lived not this unthankful, ungracious, and unfortunate Queen, more then twenty years prisoner in England? and which of all those years lived her Majesty free from some Treason or other? But hereof in another place.

Now let it suffice that it is apparent to all the world that she had secret Messengers, secret help and counsel from Spain, as well before as after her Imprisonment, to animate, encourage, and set her forward in all her mischievous endeavours and purposes against our gracious Sovereign, and her Realms. Is not then the Spaniard a deceitful friend unto England? Is he not then, by his own confession, more to be feared, and more to be disliked then an open enemy? Or are not we so wise as the Spaniard, to see and perceive such deceitful proceedings? and seeing them shall it not not be lawful for us to think of him as he thought of the king of France? and to deal so with Spain, as he dealt and dealeth with France? such justice as a Magistrate useth unto others, such must he expect himself, saith the Emperour Iustinian: He that seeketh dayly to increase his own power, purchaseth to himself envy and batred; So Said Sabellicus, The Prince that desireth Cities that are far off, cannot but covet those which are near at hand; So said Leo Aretinus; and it is hard and difficult to beware of such friends which secretly play the part of enemies; So said Dionifius Hallicarnesus. If therefore the king of Spain hath nourished civil dissention in France; if he hath been so ready to maintain the Rebels thereof against their King, that rather then the Realm should be without troubles, he hath relieved and succoured the very Protestants of France, and the heads of their Faction against their Sovereign, and other their professed enemies: And if he hath done all this to the end the French king might not be able to encroach upon him in Italy, Flanders, or any other of his Dominions: Why may not our Queen, who as a woman is fearful, and timerous, and, as a Prince ought to be, careful and provident for the safety of her Realm, and of her Subjects, relieve the States of the United Provinces, being her ancient friends and Allies, to the end that he Spaniard being busied in those parts,Dinothus de bello Belgico may have no time, leisure, or commodity, to work any manner of open or secret prejudice unto her Realm, and her Subjects? Dinothus a true Historiographer of the civil Wars in Flanders, reporteth, That when the King of Spains Embassador said unto the late French King, that it was neither seemly, nor convenient for his Majesty to receive the States who were Rebels unto his Master; The French king Answered him, that he neither received nor harboured them as Rebels unto his Master but as men wrongfully oppressed; and that Christian Princes have always used to grant and give help and succour unto the oppressed: And further that the States had assured him, that they had oftentimes sent many supplications unto their King, therein submiting themselves unto his mercy, and humbly beseeching his Majesty to remit their offences, and to receive them into his favour; yea, and when they might have any commodity, they delivered themselves such supplication unto the Kings own hands, but could never have any reasonable Answer from him. And that therefore it was lawful for them to appeal from him that denyed them justice; and to seek aid against him, where they might hope to find the same. If then the king of France, a Prince of contrary Religion unto the States; a Prince of as neer Alliance, and of later Affinity, unto the Spanish king, then our Queen is; a Prince that in his own Realm could never endure Protestants, because he thought it very dangerous to suffer two Religions in one Kingdom, held it the part of a Christian Prince to succour the oppressed, and to be their Protector, unto whom justice was openly denyed: Why should it be a fault imputed unto our Queen, that she releeveth her oppressed neighbours, since she doth it not in malice towards the Spaniards, but in mercy towards the afflicted; not so much to offend him, as to defend them, not to enlarge her Dominions, but to preserve her Realms and Subjects; for how can she think that the Spaniard desireth not her Kingdoms, who sheweth many and manifest signs that he affecteth the Rule and Empire of all the world? Why should she not envy and hate him who seeketh to encrease his power, to the end he may be the better able to annoy her? And how can she be too wary, too circumspect, too wathful over such a friend (if he will needs be taken as a friend) who watcheth and snatcheth, every little and great, secret, and coulourable occasion, to play her the part of a deadly and a mortal enemy? Shall she take him for a friend, that seeketh to murther her person, to estrange her Subjects, to destroy her Realms? The first, confirmed by the Treasons before mentioned: The second proved by the pernitious and detestable Book published by Dr Allen, wherein he exhorteth, teacheth, and licenseth her Subjects to rebel against her, and had for his labour a Cardinalship, procured by the Spaniard: The last lately verified, and manifested by the hostile attempt and violence of his invincible Navy, gathered together in seven years space, compounded of all Nations, and reported to have conquered before it came to the place where it meant to conquer; and yet by our Might, and the Almighties assistance, happily and speedily conquered.

It is truly written, or wisely fained, That Hercules (a man exceeding common mens stature; a man blessed with more then ordinary good fortune; a man of rare vertues, and of admirable force and strength) went up and down the world walking with a mighty Club in his hand, and wandring from place to place, only to subdue and chastise Tyrants; and this true History, or wise Fiction, tendeth to no other purpose, is reported for no other cause, but to signifie that oppression is hateful, and oppressors hated; that affliction craveth compassion, and afflicted persons are worthy of mercy; and that to subvert the one is laudable, and to succour the other is lawful: Then if (as Cornelius Tacitus saith) other men direct their counsels to things that they think may and will be profitable unto them; but Princes are and must be of another condition, because all their actions must tend to the affectation and purchasing of Fame and Renown; The Prince that succoureth the oppressed, and seeketh to supplant the oppressor, worketh a deed of Charity, an action of Piety, a work of commendation; and in working thereof, bendeth his counsels, and directeth his actions unto the attaining of true honour and everlasting fame: Then (if as Polibus saith) he that hath not compassion of other mens harms, must not hope that any man shall have pity of his miseries; Princes, because there is quaedam rerum vic • ssitudo, and fortune was never at all times favourable, although they be in the highest degree of felicity, must not presume too much on their own good fortune, nor condemn those that are in miseries, lest that if they chance to fall, no man will vouchsafe to help them up again: Then if (as Thucidides saith) he is not only a Tyrant that enforceth his Subjects to live in bondage and servitude, but he also that may withstand another mans violence, and do not withstand the same: Princes which see their neighbours violently oppressed, and as idle lookers on yeild them no manner of reliefe and succour when they may conveniently help them, and in danger to be esteemed and reputed Tyrants; Then if (as Zenophon saith) it be not lawful to break faith with him that falcifieth his word and promise; Princes that withhold not their helping hands from the oppressed, because they have been and are in League with the Oppressor, who hath violated his faith unto them, and unto others, are not to be condemned of wrong and iniquity; Then if (as Iosephus saith) patience and long suffering of an injury maketh the wrong-doer most commonly ashamed of his actions; the Prince that cannot be intreated to leave off his wrong doing may well be ashamed thereof; Then if (as Bartholomeus Facius saith) women-kind, the weaker and more fearful it is, the readier it is to beleive any credible report, her Majesty is not to be blamed for crediting the just complaints of the oppressed States, unto which the late King of France did (as you have heard) give open ear, and would (as it is credibly reported) have vouchsafed sufficient relief, had he not been letted by domestical dissentions and wars, nourished and maintained of purpose by the Spaniard because he should not be able to yeild them relief and succor.

Then though it belong unto private men to conserve and retain their own, and unto Princes to contend and strive for other mens Goods (as ambitious minds do affirm and desire) yet must they remember, that the desire of Rule passeth all other affections; yet must they not forget that some things resembling vertues are scant commendable, but rather hateful and odious; as too too great and obstinate severity, and a mind nothing flexible or relenting, at the sight, at the remembrance of another mans misery: Then though Princes be of power to begin Wars, and to oppress their Subjects, yet ought they to consider that it is not always expedient to do all that a man may or can do, that a wise man must first try all other means, then use the tryal of Armes; that as it is commendable to be valiant against the enemy, so it is praise-worthy to use clemency and gentleness towards them that are meek and penitent, that they which offend by force, and not of purpose, by constraint and not of free-will, and use Armes for their liberty, and not o • malice, deserve pardon, and not hard dealing, favour and not cruelty, life, and liberty, and not death and servitude; Then to be short, if every one of these reasons shall not be available unto the Queen of England, and the oppressed Flemmings, yet let all avail her and them; so shall she and they be justified, and the Spainiard condemned; so shall their and her actions be approved, and his doings be reprehended; so shall no man have just occasion to envie their and her prosperity, and all Princes good cause to fear and suspect his over-growing authority; so briefly shall it appear, that the Spaniards unkind dealing deserveth no kindness of her Majesty, and that although she hath hitherto spared him, yet she hath no occasion to favour • im. And now I will make it appear, that not withstanding his many Kingdomes and great power, it lay in her power long sithence to have overthrown him. For if it had pleased her Highness to have sent greater strength in Flanders then she did, and of late years to have aided the United Provinces with huger Armies then she ever sent thither, those Countries which are now partly in h • s possession, and partly freed from his bondage, had all before this time rejected him for their Lord, and not any of them ever returned to his Subjection. But the fear which she had of him and his power at home, the supplies which she sent into France, and the upholding of her friends in Scotland, together with the repressing of her Rebels in Ireland, never gave her leave to bend her whole forces against him in the Low Countries. True, and that is one of the principal reasons why he hath by all means possible laboured to sow discord, and to maintain factions in all and every one of the Countries, thereby disabling them to send out any forces sufficient to annoy him, and diverting her from using the uttermost of her power, to his prejudice; and yet, to conclude this point, considering the weakness of these his Neighbours, by reason of their domestical divisions, and her Graces whole strength, because her Realm is not divided, it cannot be denied that she hath far better ab • lity then any other Christian Prince to weaken his power, and to abate his pride; and truly he that shall well look into his State, such as it is, shall find that it is far different from that which it is supposed to be: For, although he be Lord and King of many Dominions and Kingdomes, although the Indies, in some mens opinions, furn • sh him with abundance of Treasure, yet in truth neither is his power greatly to be feared, not his wealth far exceeding her Majesties and other Princes substance.

For first,The Sp •• nia • d is not so strong as men •• pose him to be. touching his strength, some of his Countries are not so populous as France and England; others that have great store of people, have men of such a mould, and such conditions, that they are unfit and unapt for the Wars; and Spain it self from whence his best Souldiers come, sendeth forth so many Garrisons into the Indies, to Naples, to Milan, to Flanders, and to Burgundy, that he can hardly, upon an occasion of great and most urgent extremity, bring ten thousand Spaniards together: And although the benefit of the Camaradoes doth greatly help them, their long and late experience maketh them most expert and cunning; their military discipline containeth them in a very good order, and their extraordinary rewards and stipends maketh them both serviceable and very adventerous; yet neither can so small a number perform any matter o • great worth, neither was it ever seen, since the first Wars of the LowCountries until this day, that being inferiour but by a few, nay being equal unto our men in number, they departed with the honour of the field, neither can it be truly said, that our men being no choice men, but such as our Country can spare, and hath least need of, having had no long time of experience, nor fighting for the Liberty of their own Country, or the right of their Prince (which two things adde and put courage even in men scant having any great stomack at all) did ever refuse to meet the best trained and long experienced Spaniards in the field, and meeting them in equal places, and in like number, they most commonly have driven them to the worst, or made their party good enough with them; and although the Spaniards for these few years (few I term them because they exceed not the memory of man) have had the name of great Souldiers, yet if we consider with what people they have encountred, and by what policies they have prevailed, they have not received the tenth part of that honour and renown which they seem to challenge of just and due desert; for the people with whom they have contended in all this time, have been the unexperienced Flemmings, the careless Germans, the unwarlike Italians, and the fierce and quickly fainting French-men. The first sort by long practise are grown equal, and nothing inferior unto them; the second of late have holpe them to most of their victories; the third by their own Writers are termed Infamia militiae; and the fourth was in Iulius Caesars time, and are still, in the beginning of a conflict more then men, in the end thereof less then women; neither may I so much derogate from the Italians, or from the Frenchmen, but that I must of necessity grant, that many of the Captains who have done the Spanish King greatest service, have been Italians; and the unprofitable Journies which Charles the fifth made divers times into France, with full intention and assured hope to conquer the same; and also the late dishonours received by the Prince of Parma and other his Lieutenants sent into the same Realm, with a purpose and resolution to do much more then was effected, do argue that the French-men yeild not greatly unto them in valour or in discipline. Then if he cannot make an Army of many natural Spaniards, and they when they are strongest, be it in number or experience, are easily to be matched, and many times over-matched by men of less experience, practise and exercise then they, why shall his natural strength be feared, which cannot be great, unless he will disfurnish his Garisons, which were to overthrow himself, and to lose his best and richest Countries? Or why should a Prince fear his mercenary Souldiers, or hirelings? who fight no longer then they have money, and when they are ready to go to the Battel, either abandon their Master for want of pay, or fly to the enemy in hope of reward; or when they are in the conflict, behave themselves cowardly, faintly, and so indifferently, that if they might be assured of their lives, they would hardly strike one stroke. This is briefly his power.

Now to his Wealth.

It cannot be denied that his Revenues far exceed the Revenues of any Christian Prince whatsoever.The Spaniard is not so wealthy as he is taken to be. It must likewise be granted, that the Indies yeild him yearly great store and abundance of Treasure; And it is supposed that his credit with Merchants is able at any time to supply his wants, if he should chance to stand in need: But his States being most of them gotten (as you have heard) by conquest; or distracted (as you see) by division; they must needs (as all such States do) put him to so great charges, as the comings in will hardly serve to de • ray his Expences.

The Treasure that cometh from the Indies, sometimes part of it perisheth by the Sea, part is intercepted by us, and all that is brought home, doth not suffice to maintain his Wars. His credit is not in any measure answerable to the conceit and opinion that is had of it.

For first, It hath been published in French Discourses, Printed many years since; that he oweth more money to the Merchants of Genoa alone, then ever he shall be able to pay; And I can shew, whensoever it shall please you to require the fight thereof, a Letter written better then sixteen years ago unto him by his Secretary Escovedo, and intercepted by the States, wherein he signifieth unto him, That his credit would not serve, (the which Don Iohn of Austria affirmeth by another Letter unto his Catholique Majesty) to take up any more money upon the Bourse at Antwerp, because the Merchants would first be paid that which then was owing them, before they would lend any more; And Don Iohn de Austria, addeth in his Letter, That had not Escovedo his credit (by reason that the Merchants held him for a man of great wealth, and of great care to maintain his credit) been of greater worth upon the Bourse, then the Kings, their necessities had not been supplyed; and therefore in the end of his Letter, he beseecheth his Majesty to have an especial care of the payment of those small sums which were then taken up, lest that Escovedo his credit failing. for want of due payment, they might fail of their purpose when they should have the like occasion to borrow at another time.

Besides, his Father, by reason of the great Charges which his continual Wars put him unto, when he dyed, left him greatly in debt; and he himself ever since his Fathers death, hath been at exceeding great charges, either by building Castles and Citadels, or by making houses of pleasure, and Monastries, or by maintaining continual Wars, or by keeping many Garrisons, or by buying and building Ships to withstand our Navy, or by paying part of his Fathers debts, or by entertaining our Fugitives, or by upholding the Rebels of France: Now as private men being left in debt by their Parents, and living always at great charges, cannot not possibly be rich and wealthy: So Princes being not only charged with their Fathers debts, but also overcharged with ordinary and extraordinary Expenses, cannot have great store of wealth in their Treasure-houses; And Alphonsus Duke of Ferrara (as Paulus Iovius reporteth in his life) held opinion,Paul Jovius that the Prince was not worthy the name of a Prince, and was always likely to be contemned and wronged, who had not in his Treasure great store of ready money laid up against he should have need thereof.

But, to the end that all which I have said touching this last Point, may carry the more likelyhood of truth and probability, I take it not to be amiss to let you understand the proportion of some Princes expences, in their Wars; in their Buildings, and in other occasions, by which you may conjecture what the Spanish King hath expended of late years voluntarily and necessarily, beyond his usual and ordinary charges.

The Bishop and Town of Colen, Comines in their Wars against Charls Duke of Burgundy, spent every Month an hundred thousand Crowns; as Philip de Comines avoucheth.

The Florentines in their Wars against the King of France, undertaken by the Commandment of Pope Leo the tenth, spent eight hundred thousand Ducates, in the taking of the Dukedom of Urbin; In their Wars against Caesar, six hundred thousand; and in other occasions depending upon the Wars against France, after the said Pope Leo his death, three hundred thousand Ducates;Guicciard. And the same Pope spent in the said Wars against the Duke of Urbin, eight hundred thousand Ducates; as Guiccidine reporteth.Paul Jovius Clement the seventh spent in the Wars against Tuscany, for the restoring of his Family, ten hundred thousands Crowns; as Paul Iovius reporteth. Paulus tertius consumed in fifteen years, in needless Wars, above twenty Millions of gold;Illescas. as Illescas in his life affirmeth. The Duke of Alva for the building of the Castle of Antwerp, exacted of the Citizens thereof,Dinothus four hundred thousand Florins; as Dinothus testifieth. Cosmus de Medicis, being first a private man, and then Duke of Florence, spent in private and publique buildings, better then forty Millions of Crowns, and ten Millions in Gifts and Rewards;Paul Jovius as Paulus Iovius averreth. Edward the Third, King of England, spent in an idle Journey into France, nine hundred thousand pounds;Tho. Wals. as Thomas of Walsingham reporteth. The Frenchmen in the time of Richard the second, King of England, spent a thousand Marks every day from Easter until Michlemas,Idem. in maintaining but thirty seven Gallies, and eight other Ships; as the same Authour affirmeth. Henry the third spent in a Journey which his Brother Richard made into Germany, when he was chosen Emperour, above seven hundred thousand pounds;Math. Paris as Mathew Paris saith in his Chronicles. But to come more neer to our purpose: The King of Spain offered unto Don Iohn Duke of Austria, three hundred thousand Crowns every Moneth, to maintain his Wars in the Low Countties,Dinothus. as Dinothus setteth down in his History. The same King above sixteen years ago, had spent better then fifty Millions of Crowns in his Wars of Flanders; as Marco Antonio Arrayo M. Ant. Arrayo. testifieth. And the States of the said Countries gave unto the Duke of Alencon, yearly, four and twenty Tuns of Gold to maintain their Wars both by Land and Sea, against the King of Spain; David Chyt • aeus. as David Chaytraeus reporteth. Now, if mean States in small and short Wars; if petty Princes in private and publique buildings; if the French king in the maintenance of a few Ships, but for a few Moneths; if our Kings in idle Journeys; if the duke of Alva in building one Castle; if the State of the Low Countries in their Wars; and if the king of Spain himself so many years ago, spent so much as is before mentioned; What have his Citadels, his Castles, his Monasteries, his Journeys, his provisions by Sea, his Ships, and his Wars, not in one place, but in many, not against one Prince, but against divers, not for short time, but of long continuance cost him? And as these wonderful Expences are Arguments that he had much; so they be witnesses that he now wanteth: And as his long and continual Wars in Flanders do shew that he is malicious, prone to revenge, and desireous to recover his own; so they prove that his might, his puissance, and his power, is not so great as it is taken to be. For, he that withal his strength cannot master one poor Nation; that in many years cannot recover his own Patrimony; shall any man take him to be able to bring to pass all that he attempteth? Shall we deem him sufficient to subdue others Countries? common sence and reason teacheth us, that he which is not able to do little things, is far unable to bring to pass matters of great weight. Titus Livius divideth men into three sorts; Some are so wise that they counsel themselves and others; Others be not wise enough to advise themselves, and yet to conceive and follow such advice as is given them: And the third sort can neither take nor give good counsel: So some Princes are able to help themselves and others; Others can defend themselves, but not assist their friends; And there is a third kind that can neither defend their own States nor others. I know not in which of these three sorts to place the king of Spain: The last sort too base for him; the second not high enough; and the first in truth scant fit for him; for he that cannot help himself, how may we judg him sufficient to succour others? and yet we see that there are no Wars where he hath not somewhat to do, where he sendeth not some helps, either of men or money, or of both; which argueth that he loveth to be always doing, although he do nothing worthy his labour, always troublesome, although his troubles avail him little or nothing; always desirous to embrace many things, although he holdeth not safe any thing. But of Princes I had rather deliver unto you other mens judgments then mine own opinion.

You have heard what the Spanish Kingdoms are, and by that which hath been said you may easily conjecture that his principal force and strength cometh from Spain and Italy, Countries as far different in conditions and qualities, as they are distant in place and scituation: Of the force of these two Countries you shall therefore hear what a learned Writer, and what I (who am not worthy to write) hath set down for his resolute opinion. I have told you long since, that Guicciardine termeth the Footmen of Italy, Infamia della militia; And now to the same purpose (because it falleth out very fit for my purpose) I may not forbear to tell you, that the same Authour in his ninth Book of the same History, useth of the Infantry of Italy, these words following; All Princes that can be served with High Dutchmen, Spaniards or Swizzers, refuse the service of Italian Footmen, because they are neither acquainted with the Customs and Orders of other Nations, nor accustomed to continue long in the field. The same Writer considering that some kingdoms naturally are better able to defend themselves then offend their enemies; delivereth for his opinion, that the Spanish King is far better able to defend his Kingdom from any Invasion to be made by the King of France, then to offend or annoy the said King; By which two judgments I may boldly conjecture, and prove my conjecture by Nicholaus Machiavelli, (who hath written a whole Chapter upon this Argument) that not only the Spanish King, but also any other Prince whatsoever, being driven (when he hath occasion to offend or invade an enemy) to use forrain power, and mercenary Souldiers, is not to be esteemed a strong and mighty Prince: and that such is the state and condition of the king of Spain, is manifestly proved by the places before alledged out of Guicciardine. For, if his Italians (the principal forces of an Army always consisting of Footmen) be not fit for that service; and his Spaniards are better able to maintain his Realm at home, then to molest his enemies abroad; who can justly esteem him strong, whose chiefest strength dependeth wholy upon these two Nations? And now to leave the Italians, as men in this respect not worthy to be had in any great reckoning, and to proceed more largely in the discovery and declaration of the Spanish valour.

True it is that (as I have said before) continual use and daily experience in Martial affairs, have made them of late years very famous: It is also most certain and manifest,Munsteri Cosmog. that they are very patient, and able to endure labour, hunger and thirst; light of body, sparing in their diet, and therefore satisfied and maintained with a little; wary and politique, and therefore cunning in using and inventing new Stratagems; briefly, so desireous of Wars, that unless they have a forrain enemy, they will easily fall to variance and civil discord at home: But if you call to remembrance how they come to that fame, which now they have attained; if you consider that they are (as Titus Livius testifieth) of an unquiet and contentious disposition, and always affecting change and alteration; if you call to mind that (as Paulus Iovius reporteth) they have minds evermore thirsting for Rule and Government; whereunto if they once attain, they bend their whole force and thoughts unto the purchasing of further and higher Authority; Lastly, if you weigh and remember, that (as Piero Mexias, a Spanish Historiographer saith) they cannot endure to be governed by a stranger; you must needs think that the before mentioned vertues may be either obscured or hindred by these later vices: For let them meet with a Nation not so timerous as those with whom they had to deal of late; let them follow their natural disposition, and so fall at variance amongst themselves; let them still cover and affect Authority, and so when they should jointly help one another against their enemies, proudly disdain to be ruled by their own leaders, as they have done of late years: Lastly, let them contemn a stranger, as they did the late Duke of Parma, or not agree with strangers, as they did in Flanders; what fruit may be expected of their service? or what profit can proceed of their valour? It is imputed unto the Germans for a great fault, that when they are ready to join with their enemies in battel, they oftentimes refuse to strike a stroke before they have their due and monethly pays; and for this one fault Princes make no great account of them; and yet the Spaniards, who are subject to this fault as well as they, are commended for their loyalty and obedience; in so much that some men write, that they were never discontent for want of their pay: But if you read either the Indian History, or the Writers of their late Wars in Flanders, you shall find that they have oftentimes revolted for lack of their pay; yea they have banded against their Captains, and their best Souldiers have resisted the commandment of their Generals. This I could prove by many Examples, but one notable Example shall suffice for those many. At what time it was agreed betwixt the King of Spain, and the States of the Low Countries, that all Spaniards shall depart thence; It was thought convenient and necessary by Don Iohn de Austria, who was the General for the King in Flanders, to appoint some principal and chief Captains to have the leading and conducting of them into Italy; Whereupon Don Iohn gave express commandment unto the Kings Secretary Escovedo, to assemble the Counsel of War in the Town of Antwerp, and there to consult and deliberate what man was meetest for that purpose. This Councel assembled, made special choise of Don Alonso de Vargas, who willingly accepted the charge; but Iulian Romero, a man of great worth, and no small experience, openly re • u • ed to be commanded by Don Alonso, alledging for the only reason of his disobedience, that it would be a great dishonour for him to go into Italy under such a Leader; because that he being Master of the Camp, Don Alonso had been his Souldier; and De Vergas as boldly protested, that since he had been thought worthy by the Counsel to govern, he would not be governed nor guided by Iulian Romero. The Councel acquainted Don Iohn with this contention; he fearing to discontent either Romero or Vergas, and doubting that if they should be discontented, some great inconvenience might follow thereon; commanded the Councel to chuse a third man, which was the County of Mansfield; Whereat Don Alonso so stormed, that he complained of Don Iohn de Austria, a Danderas displagad, with Banners displayed, as the same Don Iohn termeth it in his Letters to the king of Spain; yea it seemed that he was so displeased therewith, and so resolute to signifie his grief and discontentment unto the King, that Don Iohn de Austria in his Letter unto the King is fain to intreat his Majesty that if Don Alons • , moved with the same passion which possessed him when he chid hand-smooth with him, should so much forget himself as to write, Alganalibertag, some unbeseeming speech unto his Majesty, Como la ha hecho a mi, as he hath done ( • aith he) unto me, it might please his Majesty not only to dissemble, but also to comfort, favour, and promise him some high reward, assuring his Majesty, that whatsoever recompence his Grace should bestow upon him, he would take the same as bestowed upon himself; yea further, beseeching his Majesty to let Don Alonso understand what he had written in his behalf, and that his commendations hath not a little availed him; to the end (saith he) Salga de la opinion que ya concedido, he may conceive no more so evil an opinion of me as he hath done. Was not this, think you, a point of great disobedience in a base Souldier, as Don Alonso had been? Was it not a bold part of a Souldier to rail at his General unto his face? Was it not a fault severely punishable, to refuse to march under a Leader chosen by consent of an whole Councel at War? Was not that General in an evil case, who was constrained to flatter so mean a Souldier? Or can that king be thought to have obedient and loyal Souldiers, who must of necessity be inforced, not only not to punish, but also to pardon, and not to tolerate alone, but also to recompence a rebellious and insolent Captain, for fear of some inconvenience that might follow of his discontentment or punishment? But this was not all, And Don Alonso alone shewed not himself discontented; Sancho de Avila, the Colonel Mudragon, the Captain Monteselega, the Colonel Verdugo, the Castellan Francisco, Hermandes de Avila, and many other of the most especial Captains of that time, were likewise so displeased, and uttered their discontentments in such manner, as that Don Iohn was compelled (as he testifieth in the same Letter) to pacifie them, not only by granting them their whole pays out of Wars which they had in Wars, but also by promising them that they should have the like charges and Offices in the Dukedom of Milan, as they had in Flanders. Now whereas the wisest, best, and most serviceable Captains shew manifest signs of undutiful carriage, and intolerable arrogancy; may the meaner Souldiers be justly blamed if they fall into the like offence? Or can that Nation be worthily commended for loyal and obedient Souldiers, whose chief Officers do so highly forget and neglect their duty? especially in a matter of such weight and importance as the departure of the Spaniards out of Flanders was at that time unto the King; but this kind of disobedience is not usual; and whereas there be good Masters, there most commonly be likewise good servants; So the Spanish King being better furnished with notable Captains then any other Prince in Christendom, he must likewise have sufficient and good Souldiers; And because it hath been said, that not the number and multitude but the goodness and valour of Souldiers maketh their Kings victorious, it must needs follow as a necessary consequent, that the King of Spain, whose Captains pass the Captains of all other Princes, both in number and experience, cannot be without good Souldiers, and therefore is strong enough to encounter with any Adversary whatsoever: To this Argument it is easily answered; that although the valour of Souldiers is better to be regarded then the number, yet that Prince who hath valiant Souldiers, not being able to bring into the field a proportionable and equal number unto his enemies, especially such enemies as rather excel then yeild unto his Subjects in valour and Chivalry may undoubtedly be held and reputed a Prince of no great strength and pui • sance. If then you remember (as you cannot forget) that the Christian Adversaries with whom the king of Spain hath any great contention; are, the king of France, and the Queen of England, (the Subjects of either of which Princes are neither inferiour unto the Spaniards in number or in valour) you cannot chuse but perceive and see, that the King is not of might and power sufficient to contend at once with both these Princes. This was well known unto his Father, who (as it hath been said before) so carried himself in all his life time, that when he had England for his enemy, France was his friend; and when he fell at variance with France, he presently procured the friendship and alliance of England; Besides there is nothing more usual then to make conjectures of things to come by things that are past, and to measure the present forces of Princes by their own or their Predecessors strength and power at other times; for although a Kingdom be at sometimes more populous then at others; yet because man in reason hath a better regard of that which is commonly and dayly seen, then of that which happeneth very seldom; he cannot greatly be deceived that measureth a new raigning Princes might and power, by his own and his Predecessors former puissance: But before I enter into the due consideration hereof, it shall not be amiss to let you understand whence it cometh to pass that the Spaniards are lately become so famous as they are: you know that in this our corrupt Age, as men are friended, so they are favoured, that they who are highest in Authority, are most commonly as high in praise, as they are in preheminence; that all men covet to win favour with the Mighty; that no man can so securely, as perhaps boldly, derogate the least jot that may be, from their credit and reputation, who in common opinion are held praise worthy. Common same is by Law a certain kind of proof; and our common Proverb saith; That it may be an untruth which two or three report; but that can hardly be untrue which all or most men affirm to be certain and manifest; yea such is the force of common same, that whensoever it proceedeth first from grave and honest personages, it carrieth great credit, and he shall hardly be credited that shall venture to gainsay or control the same. Since therefore divers Authors of great Antiquity, of marvellous gravity, of singular learning, and rare wisdom, have attributed in their speeches, in their conferences, in their writings, more praises, and far greater commendations unto Spain, then unto any other Country; many for fear to be reputed unwise, if they should not subscribe to their opinion; some to follow the new received custome of open and intolerable flattery; and others for affection (which easily deceiveth very wise men) have of late years either thought it a duty, or a degree and step to preferment, to concur in opinion, both openly and privately, with as many as have dedicated their Studies, and devoted themselves and their uttermost endeavours, to the setting forth, maintenance, and augmentation of Spain, and of the Spanish Kings honour and reputation; Thence it cometh to pass, that divers learned men in their Writing, striving to yeild more praises to Spain then it deserveth; make mention of such commodities to be as yet in Spain, which many years before our great Grand-fathers time were never seen nor found therein. So doth Iohannes Vasoeus, Vasoeus. in his Preface of his History of Spain say, that there was sometimes so great abundance of gold and silver Mines in one Province of Spain called anciently Boetica, as that divers forain Nations, being drawn thither with an unsatiable desire and covetousness thereof, did not only lade their Ships with Gold and Silver, but also made Anchors for their Ships of silver. The same Authour addeth further, That when the Carthaginians came first into Spain, they found in many houses great Barrels and Hogsheads made of pure silver; and in some Stables the Mangers for their Horses of silver: In so much that the Carthaginians being enriched only with the wealth of Spain, were made able therewith alone to subdue the Sicilians, Libians, and Romans; for they found their silver in such great quantity, that one man called Bebelo, gave daily unto Hannibal, there thousand Crowns: The same Authour proceeding in one and the same manner of commendation, affirmeth our of Iustin, That Spain may compare for fertility of soil, with France, Affrica and Italy, for that these Countries never help Spain, but Spain oftentimes holpe them with Corn, and all other kind of Victuals. The same Authour Hyperbolishing still in one manner, calleth Spain the most warlike Nation of the world; the Teacher of Hannibal to war, the Nurse of Souldiers, and the Province which knew not her self, nor her strength, before she was overcome; and that she troubled the Romans more then any other Nation of the whole world. The same Authour always continuing one course, preferreth Spain for Antiquity of true Religion, and for faithful obedience to her Soveraign Kings and Governours, before all other Nations, attributing the first foundation of their faith and profession of Christ, unto Paul the Apostle, and Iames the son of Zebedeus, and extolling their loyalty, because they have not only been always true unto their own Kings, but also to forraign Princes and Leaders; As Hannibal, Pompey, Iuba King of Numidia, Sertorius, a notable Roman Rebel, reposed greater trust and confidence in Spaniards then in their own Nations: Lastly, the same Authour striving to exceed all others in flattery, equalleth Spain for learned men and women, with the most learned Nations of Europe. And Sebastianus Foxius in his Book de Institutione Historiae, with a Spanish brag, speaking by way of a Dialogue, more arrogantly then wisely of himself; giveth such praises unto himself for eloquence, as T • lly the father and founder of eloquence, would or did ever challenge; And yet Tullies Verse (O fortunatam natam me Consule Romam, argueth that he was somewhat proud and arrogant. Now to avoid the just reprehension of hatred or malice, I will forbear to confute their Assertions at large; and briefly, impugn them, not by mine own, but by other mens Testimonies, who shall not be inferiour but equal to Vasoeus for learning and sidelity: Munster therefore shall tell you, that Spain now yeildeth no golden or silver Mines, but that all the Mines it hath are of Lead and Tin; which may perhaps in time turn into Gold and Silver, if we may beleeve Raymundus Lullius, and other Alchimists of his opinion, which if it should chance at any time as many Historiographers as write of England, would tell you that England should not then go behind Spain for gold and silver. The same Authour shall likewise tell you, how likely it is that Spain should excel Affrica, France and Italy, in fertility of soil, since (as he saith) Spain lieth barren, waste and desolate in many places; and late experience sheweth, that Denmark, Holland and England, have many times supplied Spains wants of Corn and other Victuals: How warlike a Nation Spain hath been, let not only Terapha, a Spanish Chronocler, and better witness for Spain then Vasoeus a Flemming; but also reason and daily experience testifie, both which telling us (as you shall hereafter hear) that Spain hath been conquered by more sundry Nations then any other Nation in the world do by necessary inference conclude, that Spain yeildeth unto all those Nations in Prowess and Chivalty; And all Historians of former times, and of this present Age, will undoubtedly controll as many as shall presume to affirm, that France and England troubled not Rome much more then Spain did, before they could be conquered, for where was Caesar in greater danger then in England? Where was there a Prince that durst challenge him to a single Combat but in England? And what hold had he of his Conquest after he had conquered England? No better then Vasoeus might have of a wet Eel by the tail.

But to proceed to the confutation of the rest; Terapha in some manner agreeth with Vasoeus touching the Antiquity of Religion; for he saith, that during the Raign of Claudius the Emperour, Iames the Apostle travelled over all Spain, and not long after Paul came to Narbona: but how many won Iames to profess the Gospel, by travelling over all Spain? Forsooth but poor nine Disciples, as Ter • pha reporteth; a small number for so great a Travel, or for Vasoeus to boast and brag of, much less for him to pre • et Spain in this respect before all other Nations; for I know not why for Antiquity of Religion, England should yeild unto Spain; because the same Iosephus which buried the body of Christ, not alone, as Paul and Iames came into Spain, but with great company arrived into England, and not he alone, but divers of his society, converted not poor nine, but infinite many, and not to profess Christ Jesus, but to be baptized: And if a Spaniard may carry equal credit with a Flemming (which a Spaniard will rather die then not do) our little English Island professed Christ long before Spain. For Dr. Illescas in his Ponti • ical History reporteth, that Pope Elutherius sent Fugacius, Vide de Elutherio. and Damianus into England to baptize King Lucius and all his Houshold: And England was the first Province in all the world, in common opinion of all other Nations, that received and professed Christian Religion;Functius. lib 1. and if Spain may brag of their Isidorus Archbishop of Sivil, Nic. Gyes • . Polid. Virg. lib. 4. or of Eludius, Archbishop of Toledo, which purged their Country of the Heresie of the Monopoliss; why may not our Island boast of Augustinus Militus, and that Iohn which Pope Gregory the first sent into England, Rob. Barns in vita Ponti • icum pag. 68. not to remove errors as their Bishops did, but to confirm our Countrimen in that Christian Religion and Profession which they had received and entertained almost five hundred years before their coming. Neither may it be justified that Spain (as Vasoeus saith) after it had once entertained the Doctrine of Christ, never fell from the same; for Illescas, in the life of Pope Pelagius the second, affirmeth, that in the 585. year of Christs Incarnation, Recaredus, King of the Goths, and of Spain, was the first King that expelled the Arrian Heresie out of his kingdom and expresly commanded all his Subjects to receive and profess Christian Religion: Whereby it appeareth that Spain lived from the time of St. Iames and St. Pauls being there, until Recaredus his Raign, which is better then four hundred years, in manifest and manifold Heresies; a crime which cannot be proved to have been in England, or in many other Nations, after they had once submitted themselves to the Doctrine of Christ and his Disciples. Lastly, if Spain will still continue to brag and say, that their King Ferdinand was entituled by Alexander the sixth, by the name of the Catholique King,Guicciard. lib. 10. 5. 18. they may leave to boast thereof, when they shall hear that Henry the eighth our King, not much after the same time, was surnamed by Leo the tenth, Pope of Rome, Defender of the Catholique faith; and that the Switzers for their service done unto the same Pope Leo the tenth,Nic. Giles. Munsterius received of him the Title of Helpers and Protectors of the Ecclesiastical Liberty; a Title in no respect inferiour unto that of Spain: And lastly, that Clouis King of France, above nine hundred years before their Ferdinando the fifth was honoured with the Title of The most Christian King: A Title as for Antiquity, so for worthiness better then the other, because the French Kings, for the worthiness and multitude of their deserts towards the See of Rome, are called Prim • geniti Ecclesiae, the eldest Sons of the Church of Rome: Now from their faith towards God, to their fidelity towards their Princes, a matter sufficiently handled, and therefore needless, and not requiring any other confutation, then the advantage that may be taken of Vasoeus his own words; for if they have been faithful unto forrainers and strange Princes, and have submited their necks unto many several Nations, it argueth inconstancy, fellow-mate to levity, which is either a Mother or a guid unto disloyalty; because light heads are quickly displeased, and discontented minds give easie entertainment unto rebellious and treasonable cogitations. To conclude then this Point with their learning, let me oppose a Spaniard unto a Flemming; a man better acquainted with the vertues and vices of his own Country then a stranger, a man who giveth his Testimony of Vasoeus, and of the cause of his writing of the Spanish History: Iohn Vasoeus a Elemming, seeing the negligence of the Spaniards, and how careless they were to commit to perpetual memory the worthy exploits and actions of their own Nation, began of late years to set forth a small Chronicle: Why then the Spaniards are negligent, they are careless of their own commendation; so thought Vasoeus, or else he had not written their History; so saith Sebastianus Foxius, the man whom I bring to confute Vasoeus; the man who by attributing (as you have heard) more unto himself then any modest man (unless it were a bragging Spaniard) would do, giveth me occasion to think that he will not derogate or detract any thing from the praises due unto his own Country: This man therefore in his before mentioned Book speaketh thus of the learning of Spain: Our Country men (saith he) both in old time and in this Age having continually lived in forrain or domestical Wars, never gave their minds greatly unto study; for the rewards of learning in our Country are very few, and they proper unto a few paltry Pettyfoggers; and our wits being high and lofty, could never brook the pains that learning requireth, but either we disdaining all kind of study, give our selves presently to the purchase of Honours and Riches, or else following our studies for a small while, quickly give them over, as though we had attained to the full and absolute perfe • tion of learning, so that very few or none are found amongst us, who may compare for learning with the Italians, or have shewed the ripeness and sharp maturity of their wits in any kind of any kind of study. You have heard two contrary opinions touching the Spaniards learning; I leave it to your discretion to follow and beleeve which of them you please; and withal to consider by the way what manner of Ecclesiastical Discipline and Government we should have, if the Spanish ignorant and unlearned Clergy might, as they have a long time both desired and endeavoured, prescribe Laws and Orders unto all the Churches of Christendom. The favourable Assertions in the behalf of Spain being thus briefly refelled, it remaineth now to make a conjectural estimate of the Spanish present Forces, by an Historical Declaration of the power thereof in times past; and because it were over tedious to trouble you with the recital of such forces as Spain hath imployed many hundred years ago, in her own defence, or in disturbance of her forrain enemies abroad, I will restrain my self unto such a time as is within the memory of man, and especially unto the Raigne of Charls the fifth; For (as I take it) Spain was never, for this many hundred years, so strong, as when the said Charles was both King thereof and Emperor. And albeit Piero Mexias, in the life of Gratianus the Emperor attributeth so much unto Spaniards, as that he more boldly then truly affirmeth; that the Emperor flourished more under Spaniards, then under any other Nation whatsoever; and alledgeth for proof of his Assertion, the flourishing Estate thereof, under the before named Charles the fifth. Yet I think that the Empire being added unto Spain, rather beautified Spain, then that Spain being conjoyned with the Empire, did any thing at all illustrate the majesty of the Empire; because as little Stars give no light or beauty unto the Moon, but receive both from the Moon; so a lesser dignity being joyned to a greater, addeth no reputation thereunto, but is greatly honoured and beautified by the conjunction thereof, neither redoundeth it much (in my simple opinion) unto the honour of Spain, or of the Empire, that Charles the fifth was Emperor.

Spain is not greatly honoured thereby, because Charles the fifth was a Flemming, and no Spaniard; and Spain came unto him (as I have said) by marriage with the heire of the Kingdoms of Arragon and Castile; and the Empire was rather disgraced then honoured by the said Charles, because he being born in Gaunt, was not onely a vassal, and natural-born subject unto the King of France, but also unto the See of Rome, for all the Dominions, Lands and Seigniories which he had in possession, saving those which he held of France and the Empire. But Charles the fifth, such an Emperor as he was (and undoubtedly he was a very mighty, wise and politick Prince) never brought into the Field against any of his Enemies whatsoever, so great forces, and so mighty an Army, as might worthily be called invincible (by which name the proud and bragging Spaniards baptized their late Army against England) This Emperor being (as you may conjecture and perceive by that which hath been already said) both Ambitious and Warlick, had in his life time many wars with divers Princes, but none more notable, famous, and worthy of perpetual memory, th • n his wars in France, Italy, and Germany: For the wars which he had against the Turk are not properly to be termed his, because his Forces alone were not imployed therein, but the aid and help of the best and most part of Christendom. His Forces in Germany were not above 9000 Horsemen, and 50000 Footmen, as Lewis Guicciardine testifieth in his Commentaries: And although he used in these wars all his wit and policy to increase his own power, and to weaken and diminish the strength of the Protestants; performing the one by drawing into League with himself, and unto his aid, the Pope, and other Princes of his own Religion: And effecting the other (as Sleidan writeth) by great cunning, and policy used in distracting many Princes concurring in opinion touching matters of Religion with the Protestants, from their side and Faction; yet the Protestants Army, consisting of 10000 Horsemen, and 90000 Footmen, was far greater then his in number, and had undoubtedly gotten the day against him when they joyned battel together, had not divers of their Confederates left and abandoned them before the battel was fought; Or had not the Duke of Saxony committed a gross error in joyning battel with him. His Armies brought into France were many, but none greater then at Laundresy and Marcelles: In the first he was aided by our King; And in the second, by most of the Princes of Italy, and other his confederates, Insomuch that the King of France, who had been first overthrown by him in Italy, was constrained to implore the help of the Turk against him: For when he came to Marselles he had (as Dr. Illescas reporteth in the life of Paulus tertius) in his Army about 25000 Almains, 8000 Spaniards, and ten or twelve thousand Italians; the Almains ga • hered within the Dominion of the Empire, the Spaniards within his own Realm of Spain, and the Italians not onely in the Kingdom of Naples, and the Dukedom of Milan, but also in the Dutchy of Savoy, and in other parts of Italy, At Laundresey, reckoning therein the Forces which he had out of England, his whole Army came not to above 50000 (as the said Guicciardine affirmeth.) These were the greatest Strengths that ever he gathered together; and these are not so great, but that our Queen, without the help of any other Allie or Confederate, hath oftentimes brought far greater Forces into the Field, as both our Histories, and the French and Scotish Chronicles do witness. And Mr. de la Noüe, his opinion before mentioned, sheweth, that the French King of himself is very well able to raise a far greater Army, then any of these were, against any of his Enemies. I shall not therefore need (as I might conveniently do in this place) confer the Forces of England or of France with the strength of this Emperor, who had never gotten the happy victory, which he obtained against Franci • the first, King of France, had not the Italian Captains, whom the French King put in trust, deceived him by taking pay for many more Souldiers then they had in their bands; (a fault too much used in our Modern Wars) had not the Switzers, when there was most need of them, departed to their own homes; had not the French King given himself too carelesly to pleasures, which caused his Forces to decrease and diminish daily; or had not the said King very unadvisedly attempted in the cold Winter to besiege Pavia: Vide de Marq. de Pescara For the Marquess of Pescara, understanding that the King of France, being counselled thereunto by Captain Bonnevet, was gone to besiege Pavia, said unto his Souldiers; We that were no better then men already conquered, are now become Conquerors; for our Enemy, being therein ill advised, leaveth us in Lody, and goeth to fight with the Almains at Pavia; where the French-men will not onely lose that Fury, with which many times they work wonders, but also will spend their chiefest Forces in a long and tedious siege of a Town, not easie to be taken, and in fighting with a very valiant and most obstinate Nation; and in the mean while we shall receive fresh supplies out of Germany; and without all doubt, if the War continue long, as it is likely to do, we cannot but hope for a most happy and victorious end thereof.

Now if this Emperor, in these Wars, (the worst of which was far more just, then the best which the King of Spain hath lately undertaken) could with the help and furtherance of all his Allies and Confederates make no greater Forces, then are before mentioned; nor with his Forces should ever have had so good success as he had, if his Adversaries had been so wise and wary as they might have been: Why shall his son King Philip be thought able to bring more men into the Field, then were in those Armies, or worthy of so good fortune as his Father had, since his strength is in no respect comparable unto his, and his Actions and his Enterprises have not the like colour and shew of Wisdom, or of Justice, as the Emperor had? That the Father excelled the Son in strength, all men will confess, saving those wich carry a partial and prejudicate opinion of the present greatness of Spain: for albeit the son hath lately added the kingdom of Portugal unto those Realms and Dominions which his Father possessed and left unto him; although the Empire hath continued for these many years, and is likely to • emain still in the House of Austria, and his very neer kinsmen; in regard of whose Affinity and kindred he may boldly rest in as great hope and assured confidence of the Aid and Assistance of the Empire, as he might if himself were Emperor: Yet having so governed in Flanders, that by reason of the long and continual Civil Wars, those Countries cannot yeeld him such Aid of Men and • oney, as they did unto his Father, who in all h • s Wars, (as Lewis Guicciardin • in the second Book of his Commentaries affirmeth) had greater help both of Men and money from them alone, th • n from all the rest of his Dominions; he hath greatly impaired his strength, and made it far inferiour unto his Fathers, or unto that same which he himself was like to make before, or at the first beginning of his Civil Wars. For to omit that he can now hardly make such strength as the Duke of Alva, or Don Iohn de Austria have had in their Armies in Flanders, whereof the first had at one time 6000 horse, and 30000 foot, and the other as many footmen, and 4000 horsemen more; The decrease and diminution of his strength doth manifestly appear in this, that the Low-Countries are now reduced unto that poverty, and to such a penury of men, that he cannot possibly fetch any reasonable great number thence to imploy them in forreign services, but he is fain to bring in Strangers to defend his Towns against the united Provinces.

Iacobus Meyerus in the sixth book of his Chronicles of Flanders, reporteth that Philip King of Flanders in the year 1181 having Wars against the French King, had 200000 Men in his Army: and Adrianus Barbadus, in the Chronicles of the Dukes of Brabant, recordeth, that the Bishop of Utritch is able, upon any urgent occasion, to arm 40000 Men. The first of these reports sheweth what the force of Flanders hath been; and the second giveth me occasion to conjectu • e and think, that the strength of the United Provinces cannot but be great, since a Bishop of one Town could readily and conveniently Arm so many Men. It is written that the chiefest cause of displeasure and contention betwixt Philip, sirnamed The Fair, king of France, and Pope Boniface the eighth, was, because the said Philip would not, at the request and intreaty of the Pope, restore Guido Earl of Flanders unto his Liberty, that he might accompany and assist the Christians in their Wars in the Holy Land, where the said Guido's Predecessors had done better service then any other Prince of Christendom; and the Pope held an opinion, that Guido's presence would avail the Christians much more then the society of all the other Princes. What a loss then hath the king of Spain by the Low Countries poverty, as well of money as of men, since the same Countries were of late years more populous, far richer, and better inhabited then they were in times past. It is a worlds wonder to see the Riches, the beauty, the Pride, and the jolity of those Citi • s before the late C • vil Wars; And it will make any mans heart bleed (as we say) within his body, to behold the poverty, desolation, ruine and calamity of them at this present. Neither is the weakness of Flanders so prejudicial or hurtfull unto the Spaniards, as the obstinate continuance of the United Provinc • s in their disobedience against him. For, considering the extremity of his malice against England, it must needs be very grievous unto him, that there is so fast a League of friendship betwixt us and them; And he cannot but be sorry in heart as often as he remembreth what aid they yeelded us against his invincible Navy, wh • reby the same was more easily subdued and overthrown: But if he should look considerately upon their Strength by Sea, and the multitude of their Mariners and Sea-fa • ing m • n, whereof he hath more need then of any other people whatsoever, 〈◊〉 cannot but utterly despair to attain unto his desires, or to satisfie his revengefull minde, so long as those P • ovinces shall continue in Amity with us. It will seem inc • edible that I have heard reported of the multitude of the natural Inhabitants in such a Country, where most part of their Martial men are imployed in forreign Garrisons, and the people remaining at home are scant fit to make soulders; For that every man that hath an aff • ction and liking to be trained up in Armes, desireth to be sent into some such place where he may have the use of Armes; It is an ancient custom amongst Princes, if one hath an occasion to passe with an Army through anothers Country, to take Pledges and Hostages that he shall passe without any kinde of Annoyance: And if caution be thought necessary when a multitude goeth but through a Forreign Dominion, how can a Prince be too watchfull, provident, and circumspect over an infinite number of Forreigners residing within the limits of his Kingdom, where although they be not armed, yet they may arm themselves at any time? although they be dispersed, yet they may congregate and unite themselves together at their pleasure: although they want Guides and Governours to direct them in any malicious enterprise; yet if any Army of their own Nation should attempt any manner of Hostility against the Prince within whose dominion they live▪ they may watch and wait for some good opportunity to joyne with their Countrymen, and so endanger his Estate that harboureth them: And sometimes Strangers of a few, grow to so great a multitude in other Princes dominions, that they become both terrible and dangerous unto the Countrey which they inhabit.

There was a time when certain wicked Rebels cruelly murthered Charles Earl of Flanders; Holin. shed. of which some were according to their desert severely punished, and others were (both they and their Poste • ity) banished out of all parts of the Earldome, and also out of all the dominions of the king of France; insomuch that all men and nations hating them for their wickedness, they wandered up and down the wide world, and could not finde any place that would receive and harbour them; until that Edward King of England vouchsafed them a simple dwelling place in a little Island of Ireland, called Gherma, where in a few years they so multiplied and encreased, that in the year 1287. they presumed to wage war against the said King Edward; but being happily subdued by him, the greatest part of them were slain, and the residue which escaped became Sea-Rovers, and spared not to pill and poll any Nation whatsoever, th • t chanced to fall into their hands. This example may warn all Princes to take heed of strangers, and especially of such as have been Traytors unto their own Princes; and whosoever considereth well every circumstance thereof, and of many others like unto it, may boldly presume to say, that the Prince, whose Country is replenished with strangers, and especially with such as have b • en Traytors unto their own Princes, hath great occasion to live in great doubt of his own security, and of his subjects safety. But I speake not this against such strangers as are fled into England, or any other Country for their conscience sake, to avoid the tyranny of the Spaniards. I know that God ordained Cities of refuge, whereunto it was lawful for • nnocents and men wrongfully oppressed, to fly for safety; and yet even over such strangers it cannot be amiss to have a watchful Eye, as well to Cherish t • em, if living well, and under Law, they be wronged by the natural subjects of his Country where they live, against the course of Law, as to foresee, that neither all, nor part of them be induced by the natural or professed Enemies of the State in which they are harboured, to attempt any open Hostility, or secret Treason against him that vouchsafeth to harbor them. You have heard what may be said against the present strength of the Spanish King; Now it remaineth, that you hear what can be objected against his wisdom and justice in Civ • l Government: For as necessary are Justice and Prudence for a peaceable regiment, as Force and Policy in time of Wars. To censure his wisdom, will argue small wisdom in me, who do both know and acknowledge it to be my duty to think well (as I have said) of all Princes, and not to examine their actions, nor look into the mysteries of their secret enterprises; And yet because his favorites and friends spare not to report whatsoever their wicked hearts can imagine against our Sovereign, I may boldy presume to commit to your secret view what others have published in prejudice of his wisdom and justice, especially since I intend not to discover any hidden oversights, but such as are known to the world for most manifest errours. These unto him that hath leasure to enter into considerations of them all, would fall out to be very many; but my purpose is at this time but to acquaint you with four, and of these four I will deliver you my opinion in this manner.Dionthus de Bello Belgi • o Sil • a 〈◊〉 aei. I hold it first for a great oversight, that being bound by oath to rule and Govern in the Low-CountriesThe fi • st 〈◊〉 of the Spanish King in governing the Low • 〈◊〉 by Spaniards. by Deputies, and principal Officers being born within the Limits of Brabant and Flanders, he contrary to his Oath and all good policy, hath ruled the said Countries by proud and d • sdainfull Spaniards.

For although a Magistrate loveth vertue, and hateth vice, embraceth justice, and disliketh oppression, possesseth all good qualities, and entertaineth scant any kinde of ill disposition; yet if he cannot accommodate himself unto the nature of those subjects which are committed unto his charge, instead of Peace and tranquility, he shall occasion and nourish among them discord and diss • nsion: For proof whereof I shall need to alledge no other examples, but the troubles and civil wars, which in these few years have (as I have said) turned the prosperity, wealth and riches of Flanders into Poverty, Ruine, and desolation. For whosoever will considerately look into the causes of th • se tro •• les, shall finde that they have proceeded principally from the contrari • ty of the natu • es and dispositions of the Spaniards, and of the Flemings, because the one never learned to command with a spirit of meekn • ss and lenity, and the other could never endure to be ruled by proud and arrogant Officers, but have alwayes been far better governed by the Courtesie and Clemency of Women, then by the severity and rigour of Men.

And truly, although Nimrod began his reign with cruelty and violence, as the Scriptures testifie; and it hath been, and it is a question disputable, Whether it be better that the Ministers of Kings and Princes should be severe and cruel, or gentle and courteous; yet the wiser sort are of opinion, that Humanity and Gentlenesse is both more commendable and necessary; especially where the People that is to be governed is milde by Nature, gentle in condition, and no way inclined to conceive well of cruelty. And certainly whosoever shall busie himself in reading many Chronicles, shall undoubtedly finde in them, that more Kingdoms, Dominions and Seigniories have been overthrown and ruinated by the cruelty of under-Officers, then by the severity of the higher Powers: For in Histories men shall see, that even those people who lived many yeers in peace, without knowing what belonged to the besieging of a Town, to the maintaining of a Camp, or to the entertaining of any Domesticall sedition, have been enforced by the barbarous and Cruel Tyranny of wicked Officers, to prefer Wars before Peace, and the effusion of blood, before the conservation of their lives.

The Province of Graecia, after that it had sought and gained many Battels, subdued sundry Nations, and triumphed over infinite Enemies, was at the last overthrown and destroyed by the wickednesse and cruelty of their Governors. The iniquity and cruelty of Appius Claudius shewed unto Virginius his Daughter, changed the state of Rome, and was the onely cause that their form and manner of Civil Government was altered. The Ancestors of the same Flemmings, which of late years have born Arms against King Philip of Spain, not being able to brook and endure the Indignities and Injuries of those Officers which king Philip of France (sirnamed The Fair) set over them, took out of Prison a poor Weaver, and made him their Head, rebelled against their king, and killed all the Frenchmen that were in Flanders. The People of sicilie, moved thereunto by the barbarous cruelty of such French Governors as Tyrannized over them, slew in one night all the Frenchmen that were in that kingdom, and opened the bellies of as many women of their own Nation as were with childe by Frenchmen, onely to destroy the fruit of their womb.

How many times have the People of England, the Subjects of France, and the Inhabitants of Spain rebelled for the same occasion? Yea, in the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth, whose Predecessors were driven out of all that ever they had in Switzerland, for the great Tyranny which was used by him whom they placed for their Lieutenant. And in truth, less grievous and offensive are the Injuries which Princes themselves do unto their Subjects, then those which proceed from the enmity and malice of their Officers; and certainly much more dangerous to a Princes State are the Extortions, Cruelties and Exactions of inferiour Magistrates, then of those unto whom as well the Magistrates as the Subjects are accomptable. This is first proved by the force and efficacie of Reason it self, because every particular man can better endure to be wronged by the Master then by the Servant; for that the Indignitie and base Condition of the wrong-doers many times increaseth the grief and discontentment which is conceived upon occasion of an Injury sustained. S • condly the Common People hating alwaies much more the evill and tyrannical Government of an Inferior Magistrate, then of the Superior Powers, think it far better to have a bad Prince, who wil be Governed and directed by good Counsellors, then to live under wicked Officers authorised to Rule and Govern them by a good and vertuous Prince. For, say th • y, a wicked Prince liveth at ease in his Kingly Palace, giveth himself unto pleasure, followeth his delights, and rejoyceth in the Company of his vain and foolish Favorites; and these are most commonly the worst things that he doth; But the wicked Magistrate studie • h continually, how to commit Violence, to invent new Exactions, to trouble and torment the common People, to clipp their Wings, to de •• owre their Children, to dishonest their Wives, and to seize upon their Goods, to withhold their Lands, and to violate and break their Priviledges. These are the harmes that proceed from the bad Magistrate, the remembrance of which is most greiv • us, the pain excessive, the beginning odious, and the end ex • crable. The consideration whereof maketh me think not onely ours, but all other Estates and Kingdomes most happy, which are governed by such Princes as are borne in the same Kingdoms which they Govern; And those contrariwise most unfortunate, and subject unto infinite miseries, which are ruled by Forain Princes: The consideration whereof made many kingdoms not to accept and acknowledge for their Kings the lawful Children of their deceased Soveraignes, because they were born in Fo • rain Countries. The which consideration (as it seemeth) had sometimes place in England, because am • ngst other Statutes of this Realme, there is one to enable and make the Child • en of our Kings which are born in other Countries capable of the Crown of England. Lastly the consideration whereof moveth many grave and wise Polititians to be of opinion, that the Princes are not overwise and discreet which labour all the daies of their lives to Conquer and subdue Forain Kingdoms; For after that they have attained the desired Fruits of their desired Labour and Travaile, what have they gotten worthy of their pain • s and charges? They have added somewhat to their former Reputation, They have increased their yearly Revenues of their Crown, They have (as it becometh good Husbands) augmented the Talent which God bestowed upon them; And what is all this, but a thing that glistereth and is no Gold? a shew of Reputation, that is no true Glory? and a Representation of great profit than can have no long continuance? For if this happie and glorious Conqueror shall leave his natural Country, and govern in person his new Conquered Kingdome, what sorrowes, what inconveniences, what troubles, dangers and vexations will follow thereof? His natural Subjects will complain that they are forsaken, and the • onquered will not long like of his Government; The former will find Fault with his Deputies, and the later will desire his room, rather then his presence; The one will not think him worthy to enjoy his own, and the other will esteem all that he getteth theirs, because they presume that it is gotten with the goods and wealth of the Country which they call theirs; So he becometh a stranger unto his own, and being daily amongst his own, his own will not know him; And that which is most greivous, if his own chance to rebell, as many have done in their Soveraignes absence, he is fain to imploy strangers to suppress them; And if his Strange • e happen to revolt, he mu • t either make a Butchery of his own, to subdue them, or lose in a few daies that which was gotten in many years: I shall not need to stand upon the proof hereof, I have cleared that by many examples, in the beginning of this discourse; And therefore I will now come unto the second Error not inferior, but rather greater then the fi • st.

It is an usuall Policie amongst Princes,The Spaniards • Error in not gra • ting Liberty of Conscience unto his Subjects in Flanders. when they have given their loving Subjects just occasion of discontentment, to yeild them some manner of satisfaction whereby their alienated mindes may be Changed; and their natural Affections enforced to return. But the King of Spain being neither mindful of his Policy, nor careful (as it should seem) to maintain and keep his own, having alienated the hearts and estranged the Affections of his kinde and tender Subjects, by an indiscreet toleration of bad and leud Officers, is so far from pacifying their Wrath, as that he provoketh them unto further Anger and discontentment, by refusing to condiscend unto a most reasonable Requ • st, which not they alone by their Ambassadors, but also other Princes for them make unto him: For after that the Low Co • ntries by the example of the Kingdoms of Poland, Swedland, Denmark, France, Scotland, and England; together with the Common-wealth, Dukedoms, Principalities, Counties Palatinates, and other Dominions and free cities of Switzerland, Savoy, Wittenberge, and other Provinces of Germany, fell from Popery unto the profession of Gods true Religion, they desired of their King that they have liberty of conscience; and without danger of a Spanish inqu • si • ion profess that Religion wherein they were fully resolved to live and die; But the King thinking it not convenient, or beseeming the Royall Majesty of a Prince, to yeild unto any extraordinary Petition, were it never so humble or reasonable, of his Subjects, refuseth to satisfie this request; For which his refusing, as many as • favor him, or his cause, alleage these reasons, First that Men of two Religions can hardly live in Peace and quietnes together in one Estate. Secondly, that these suppliants have been and are still the cause of all troubles and seditions in the Low-Countries. Thirdly, that he had faithfully promised the Popes holiness never to entertaine or maintaine any other then the present Roman Religion, within any of his Kingdoms or Dominions. Fou • thly, that such a toleration as was demanded by his Subjects, cannot be war • anted by the example of any K • ngs or Princes of later or former times: Fifthly, that the King of France, and the Queen of England having had the like motion made unto them by their natural and most loving Subjects, could never be moved to condiscend to their humble Petitions.

And lastly, that it was not seemly for his Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to yeeld or not to yeeld unto his Subjects, especially since he both held and knew himself to be very well able to enforce his rebellious and heretical Subjects to submit themselves unto the profession of that Religion which his Subjects in Spain and in other his dominions do profess.

These are in briefe all the reasons that ever I could heare alledged by any man for the justification of his refusal; and to the end that his error may not be coloured or maintained by the shew and shadow of these simple reasons, I will briefly confute every one of them in order. True it is that there is no streighter tie, no surer stay, no stronger hold to co • joyn and knit the hearts of Subjects together, then is the conformitie and unitie of religion; and that the readiest way to sever and separate their Affections is to set them at strife and variance for Religion; In regard whereof diverse wise men and grave counsellors have advised their Kings to take heed that no kinde of heresie creep into their kingdoms, to resist the first beginni • g of any heresie whatsoever, and to foresee that no new opinion enter into the hearts of their Subjects; and if any by chance happen to finde never so small entrance, to labor by all meanes possible to remove the same. For variety of opinions easily ingendred, findeth meanes to increase without great difficulti • , and having once penetrated, into the interior cogitations of mens hearts, so ravisheth their senses, blindeth their eyes, and obscur • th their judgements, that they can neither see, nor discerne the truth from falshood, nor the light from darkness, but so cleave and hold fast on their opinions, that they will almost as soon and as willingly depart from their lives as from their heresies. But if by reason of not opposing and withstanding the beginning and increase of opinions, the number of Subjects professing a Religion contrary to their Kings, be once grown to be equall or greater then the multi • ude of those which agree with him in opinion, there are but two waies to reforme and order this disorder. The one to command (as Dagabert King of France did) that all they that profess not the same religion which their King doth, shall by a certain time appointed, depart out of his Realme; and that those who remaine within the limits of his kingdome, beyond the day prefixed, shall be held as Enemies unto the State, and therefore be reputed 〈◊〉 worthie of present death. The other, to permit them to continue in their Country, and to enjoy liberty of conscience: The which way because it draweth nighest unto humanitie, seemeth unto mee best to bee followed: For since mens consciences ought to be free and at libertie, since no man may rightfully be deprived of the benefit and • ommoditie of his Conntry, without some off • nce committed worthy of ban • shment; since the life and wellfare of their Subj • cts is recommended unto Princes; since the fault that is committed by their Sufferance cannot be well punished without great prejudice unto their honor and reputation, and briefly since the life may be more beneficial then the death of such Subjects unto their Kings, it should undoubtedly be great Tyranny to deprive them either of their lives or of their Country. But we are commanded in the Scriptures to r • ject him that is an Heretick after one or two admonitions: Wee are told, that he that will not be obedient unto the Church, must be unto us as an Heathen man, or a Publican. And we are willed to take heed 〈◊〉 no man deceive us, and that we keep not company with such men; how then shall the religious converse with the Reprobate? How shall the Papist live with the Protestant? And how can a Prince maintain both in one Kingdome, in one City, in one Town, in one house? This is all that can be alleaged against us out of the word of God, and by these words the Protestants are not commanded to shun the Papists, nor the Papists to avoid the Protestan • s; only we are all in general taught to beware of vain Philosophers, of men delighting in many speeches, of such as with vanity of words excuse sins, and mock at at the Menaces and judgements of God; we are forbidden to give any credit to their Philosophie, and humane reasons, to put any confidence in their Traditions in their Fables, to be moved any thing at all with their Miracles, to participate with them in their Doctrine and Ceremonies, and to admit them to conference or communication with us; this commandement stretcheth not unto men varying somwhat from us in Religion; these words forbid not the true worshippers of God to converse with them that worship God truly, but not in the •• me manner in all respects as they do; For if this were a general commandement, then all men not being well instructed or perswaded in Religion, should not be admitted into the company of Christians. The Church of God from the beginning hath withstood and infringed this commandement; yea our Saviour Iesus Christ should seem to have given contrary commandements • nto his Apostles, unto his Disciples: For, when he willed them to go and preach his word unto all Nations, as well unto the Iewes as unto the Gentiles, unto the b • leivers as unto the unbeleiving, Is not this Commandement contrary unto the former? Or could they as they were commanded, teach the Infidels, or instruct the ignorant without conversing with them? did not he, whose word is a Lanthon unto our Feet, whose life must be our guide, whose Actions must be our imitation, daily converse with Publicans, with Pharises, with Sadduces, with all sorts of people, never having respect of men, nor careing of what profession they were, because the end of his coming was to save the Sinner, and to conver • the Infidel? And hath he not said, that two shall be in one bed, whereof the one shall be received, and the other rejected? And doth not this saying import that the true Christians shall converse with the Schism • ticks of the world? Did not Abell live with Cain untill he was murthered by Cain? Did not Seth and Enoch, both beleiving in God, dwell amongst the other Children of Adam, who lived without Religion, without any knowledge of God? Abraham was commanded by God to leave his native Country, and to go to seek a new Habita • ion amongst men not knowing nor worshiping of God; Isaack swore friendship and Alliance with Abimelech an Infidel, and Iacob dwelt with Laban an Idolator.

• ut these and the Prophets of God were men so well instructed in Gods word, so affected thereunto, so willing to observe every Precept thereof, and so unwilling to give any occasion of offence in what Company soever they came, that they lived in peace with all men, they exhorted all men unto peace; and there was no man so ungodly that could receive any loss, detriment, scandal, or offence by their company: Men are not so in these daies; And therefore the like effects will not follow of their company: And yet in these dai • s the unbeleiving may not onely, but are also commanded to abide with the believers; and the believers are enjoyned to dwell with the unbelieving; for the woman that hath an husband that believeth not, if he be content to dwell with her, let her not (sai • h the Scripture) forsake him; for the unbelieving husband is sanct • fied by his wife, and the unbelieving wife is sanctified by the husband, becau • e t • e Faith of the believer hath more power to sanctifie Mariage then the w • ckedness of the other to pollute it: And the Scripture goeth further, saying, what knowest thou O wife, whether thou shalt save thy husband? Or what knowest thou O man whether thou shalt save thy wife? Why then there cometh a benefit by suffering the Reprobate to converse with the Religious; the Faith of the one may sanctifie the other; and the b • l • ever may chance to save him that believeth not; and were it not th • n impious, wicked and irreligious to deprive the one of the societie, and of the instructions of the othe • ? But they will not live together in p • ace and quietness. How know you that? or what shall cause variance betwixt them? forsooth the varietie of their Religion.

But may not they be forbidden to argue of matters of Religion? and take away all kinde of dispu • ation and argument; and do you not therewithall remove all cause of cont • ntion? know you not that knowledg comet • partly by hearing? and if they should heare one another with mildness and modestie, would not the Faith of the believers be able to confound and confute the Infidelitie of them that beli • ve not? the prayer of a righteous man availeth much, as it was seen by Elias, who being a man subject to the like Passions as we are, prayed earnestly that it might not raine, and it rained not on the Earth for three years and six months, and he prayed againe, and the Heaven gave Raine and the E •• th brought forth her Fruit. The prayer of Fai • h shall save the sick, and the Lord shall raise him up, and if he have committed any sin it shall be forgiven him. If then by prayer raine is staied, and raine may be procured; if by prayer he • lth be restored, and sin be forgiven, shall not the prayer of the faithfull availe much? or shall not the Infidel be benefited or saved by their prayer? faith is the g • ound of things that are hoped for, and • he evidence of things that are not seen.

By faith Abell offered unto God a greater Sacrifice the Caine. By faith Enoch was taken away that he should not see death. By faith Noah, being warned of Go • , of the things that were as yet not seen, moved with reverence, prepared the Ark to the saving of his Household. By faith Abraham obeyed God, when he was called to go into a place which he should afterwards receive for an Inheritance. By faith Sarah received strength to co • ceiv • Seed, and was delivered of a Child when she was past Age. By faith Moses forsook Egypt. By faith he with his people passed through the red Sea as on dry Land. By faith the Walls of Iericho fell downe after they we • e compast about seven dayes. And by faith • he Prophets subdued Kingdoms, stopped the mouthes of Lyons, quenched the violence of Fire, escaped the Edge of the Sword, of weak were m • de strong, waxed valiant in Battaile, and turned to Flight the Armies of the Aliens. Then since faith is of this force, and efficacy, shall not the faithfull bee able to convert them, by whose conversation they shall reape no small benefit? for if any man hath erred from the truth, saith St Iames, and some men hath converted him, know that he that hath called the sinner from going astray out of his way, shall save a soul from death, and shall hide a multitude of sins. And is it not a thing commendable before men, acceptable unto God, and worth the l • bours of any good Christian to save a soul, and to hide a great multitude of sins? But to leave these Divine arguments, and to come unto humane reasons, because they are more pleasing and acceptable to children of this world, whom (mee thinketh) it should suffice for proof that Papists and Protestants may live in peace and quietness together, because that in Poland where there are many Religions professed, you seldome heare of any civil contention; and in Switzerland▪ in many Townes thereof, the Papists and Protestants eate together, lye in bed one with another, marry together, and that which is most strange, in one Church you shall have a Mass and a Sermon, and at one Table upon Fish dai • s, Fish and Flesh, the one for Papists, the other for Protestants. And whosoever shall look upon the present State of Spaine, or the present Government of Italy in this Age, in which Countries there is but one Religion professed, shall finde no greater peace, no more assured Friendship, no streighter League of Ami • ie amongst them then there is amongst the people of Poland, Switzerland, and other Nations which give Friendly entertainment unto pluralitie of Religions; neither can any m • n say with reason, that the Protestants of Flanders have been the occasion of the unnaturall variance and civill dissention which now troubleth their Country: For there is no man that reverenceth the Magistrate, obeyeth the Laws of God and man, or fulfilleth the true sense and meaning of bo • h Laws more willingly then they, as their Supplications, their Le • ters, their Apologies do testifie. It is not they, but their Enemies; not they but their evill Governors; not the Inhabitants of their Country, but the Strangers sent into the Country, and del • ghted wi • h the pleasures and the profits thereof, that have occasioned these Troubles. Neither is it to be thought that so many Princes, as the King of France▪ the Queen of England, the Archduke of Austria, and the late Duke of Anjou, being all strangers unto them, would ever have undertaken their defence and p • otection, if they had thought or seen that the principal c • use of Sedition might justly be imputed unto them. It was the Tyranny of Don Iohn de Austria, the Crueltie of the Duke of Alva, the intolerable Pri • e of the Spaniards in general, the unreasonable exaction of the Hundreth, the Twentieth, and the Tenth Penny of • v • ry mans substance, together with other Causes mentioned in the b • ginning of this discourse, that caused the forcible distraction of them from the usuall and dutifull Obedience. Devotion, service, and observance of their Prince. I • the time of Philip the Fair • King of France, as now in the Raigne of Philip the second King of Spaine (whereby it may appeare that the name of Philip hath been fatall unto this Country) there were the like troubles is Flanders as there are now; and as now, there were some of the Country it selfe that favoured Spaine more then their owne libertie; so then there were many Liliari that tendred the French Kings Factions more then the safetie of their owne Conn • ry; and as now, so then those Liliari together with the King of •• ance imputed the cause of the Troubles and Wars unto the peevish will • ullness of the poor Flemings, and not to the perverse obstinacy and obdurate malice and crueltie of the French King and his Councellors. Moreover, as now, so then, diverse flourishes and sh • wes of peace were made unto the Flemings; not because they that offered those conditions of peace meant to performe them, but to make the world believe that they were desirous of Peace; whereas indeed their tender of peace was but to save themselves from the hazard of a Battel; when they saw there was no way but to take it either with some great disadvantage, or to forsake it with great dishonour: Such offers of peace were those that have been lately made unto the United Provinces; and such were they that were tendered many years ago, by which the Spaniards received alwaies some benefit; sometimes he got a Town, a Hold, or a Castle; sometimes he distracted some of the Nobility from the Prince of Oranges faction, and at other times he avoided some eminent danger which could not otherwise be escaped. This will appear most true and manifest unto as many as shall read divers Apologies set out by the Prince of Orange and the States of the Low-Countries. And therefore I know not with what conscience, or with what shew of truth, the cause of this Civil Discord may be ascribed unto the Subjects of Flanders, and not unto the king of Spain and his evil Officers.

The first and second Reasons are sufficiently refuted; Now to the third.

He hath promised the Popes Holiness not to admit any other Religion but his in any part of his kingdoms or Dominions. How is his promise proved? What ground hath it? Upon what Reasons standeth it? He is in some manner subject unto the Pope; Be it; he holdeth all or most of his kingdoms and dominions of him: Let it be so; he beareth the title of the Catholick king, as an especial gift from him or his Predecessors; It shall not be denied. Lastly, it is he whose friendship and amity • is father willed him to embrace and entertain; this must also be granted: But what of all this? He may not break promise with his Holiness. True, if the promise be possible; for no man is bound to things impossible. And is this promise impossible? It is; or at least-wise like to a promise that standeth upon • mpossibilities; • r whatsoever cannot be done by a Prince without offence • o God, without effusion of blood, without ruin of his Estate, and without manifest and great prejudice unto his honour and dignity, that may in some respect be esteemed impossible; and whosoever maketh any such vow or promise, first, it had been very good that he had never made it; and next▪ it were very convenient never to put the same in execution; b • cause the sin that hurteth but one man alone, is much more tolerable then that which may endanger many. This promise therefore, if it were never made, but suggested, requireth no performance; and if it were once made, it likewise ought not to be performed, because it is impossible, and cannot be maintained without great effusion of blood, without hurt unto many, and prejudice unto a whole estate. From this promise therefore unto t • e fourth Reason, a Reason almost as easie to be refuted as to be repeated. For the Emperor Constans maintained the Corps and Colledge of Arrianus, not for any affection that he ba • e unto them, but because he thought it part of his charge and duty to conserve and preserve the life of his Subjects. Theodosius sirnamed the Great,Memories de France Ca • ion. Sleidanus who was always a most mo • tal enemy unto their opinion, did likewise permit them to live in company with his other Subject. And Valens and Valentian, whereof the one w • s an Arrian, and the other a Catholick, suffered men of both Religions to live under their Government. The Emperor Ferdinand granted leave and liberty unto his subjects of Silecia and Lituania, which are Provinces of Bohemia, to change their Religion. And not long after him, Maximilian the Emperor licensed them to build Churches after the manner and fashion of Protestants. Besides the Pope himself, the Dukes of Mantua, Ferrara, Florence, and Baviera, together with the Seigniory of Venice suffer Iewes to live in their Country. And the Kings of Poland and Moscovia vouchsafe to suffer a number of Tartarians and Mahometists to lead their lives in their Countries, Imitating therein the example of Constantine the great, who after that he had established Christian Religion in Rome, excluded not any Pagans and Infidels out of Rome. In the Kingdom of Poland, the Greek and Roman Religion was at one time a long whi • e professed; And now there are many Lutherans, Catholiques, Anabaptists and Calvinists.

Lastly it cannot be denied (and this methinketh should move the King of Spain most of all) that his Father Charles the 5 after that he had fought a long while with the Princes of Germany which profess • . Lu • herasme, being aided in the same Warrs by the Pope and all the Princes of Italy, granted at the length that Peace unto the Protestants which is called the Pe • ce of Aubspurge. Considering therefore, that al these Popes, Emperors, Kings, Dukes, Princes and Barons, having no less regard then the King of Spain, of their Soules health, & hoping to have no worse part then he in the kingdom of Heaven did permit & do yet permit the professed and sworn Enemies of Christ and of his Gospell, namely the Jewes, to live, nay to be born, and to enrich themselves within their kingdomes, Dominions, and Principalities; What Shame, D • shonor, or prejudice can it be unto the King of Spains Catholick Majesty, to give leave unto his loving and trustie Subjects to adore and worship the same Go • , which he himself honoreth and reverenceth in such forme and manner as they desire? I know not what should be the cause that he, who is so desirous in all other things to follow his Fathers 〈◊〉 , Examples, and Counsells, doth not vouchsafe to imitate him in this Toleration, which will be acceptable unto his Subjects, answerable • nto their desires, agr • e • ble unto Gods word, and very pro • itable for the Adv • ncement of his own reputation. It is (to come unto the fift Reason) because the Queen of of England and the King of France will not yeeld unto any such Toleration in the • r several kingdoms? Ala • ▪ neither the example of the one, nor the other can serve to strengthen his cause. For he hath not the like Authority in Flanders as they have in France and England: They are free, and he is bound; They are tied to no conditions, and he is fastened unto many; and especially unto these, not to break their ancient Priviledges, nor to innovate any thing without the consent of the States of the Country, by whom he is to be directed in all matters of great counsel and importance. Besides there must needs follow farr greater Inconv • nience unto him then unto her, by denying Liberty of conscience unto their Subjects: For, his are so many that require the same, that above 30000 departed at • ne time out of Flanders because he refused their humble Request; and the number of Traditioners in England is so little, that all that were of any note and name amongst them, were heretofore and are at this present reduced, into one little Island, nay into no great house of a little Island; But the late King of France, who was esteemed one of the wis • st Princes of Europe would not in any wise suffer two Religions to be professed in his kingdom; but because he would plant one onely there, he made wars a great while against his own subjects, destroying their houses, wasting their Fields, ruinating their Cities, and Massacring their persons. But who gave him Counsel so to do? Was it not the King of Spain, or his Pensioners? And what advantage got he therefore? Truly no other but the ruin and desolation of his Country: And what end had he of his war before he died? Forsooth such an end as made him to repent that ever he undertook those wars: And what continuance had these wars? Certainly they lasted above thirty years, and the Protestants are now stronger then ever they were. And what issue is come of these French troubles? Undoubtedly the issue was such, that whereas the Realm was divided but into two Factions, a little before the Kings death there were three; and of those three the last was most unjust, pernitious, and execrable; For in the same one Papist killed another, the son bore Arms against the father, the brother against the seed of his mothers womb, and the subjects (being in their opinion of a good Religion) against their King, whose Religion was as good or better then theirs. It is not then the French kings examples that moveth him; It beseemeth not his Cathol • ck Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to grant or what to deny to his subjects: This is the last, and in effect the best of his Reasons. For it is usual amongst Princes, and therefore no shame to crave counsel, advice and direction one of another, in matters of great weight and moment; and happy ha • h that Prince been alwayes accompted who could and would follow such advice as h • s faithfull Friends abroad gave him: Thence it cometh that Princes send Ambassadors one unto another, that they crave conference one with another, that they have oftentimes Interviews and solemn Meetings; and according to this custom he either dissembleth egrediously, or meant truly, that the Ambassadors sent by the Emperor, the Queen of England, and other Princes of late years to Cullen, should have ended all contentions and controversies betwixt him and his Subjects. Again, this was no direction but an admonition, no counsel but a request, and such a request as might rather have honoured then disgraced him: For had it not been a great glory and commendation unto him, not onely to have listened, but also to have submitted himself unto the motion and final judgment of so many Honourable and Princely Intercessors? Was it, think you, a dishonour unto Alphonsus King of Castile, and to Garsias King of Navarre, that they referred the contention betwixt them for the bounds and limits of their Kingdoms unto the judgement and decision of Henry the second, King of England? Wise Princes rather then they will enter into wars, or being at wars continue therein, do usually commit their controversies sometimes to the determination of their equals, and sometimes to their far inferiours; and although the cause be far greater, and of more weight then the controversie betwixt the Spanish King and his Subjects was, yet they have been content to stand to their doom and judgement. The contention betwixt Artobazenes and Zerzes, was one of the most famous and intricate questions that hath been betwixt Prince and Prince; Artobazenes challenged the Kingdom of the Medians,Herodotus. because he was the first begotten son of his father Darius; and Zerzes thought himself worthy to be preferred, because his Father was but a private man when his Brother was begotten, and a King whenas he begat him; and therefore his Fathers private Patrimony belonged in his opinion unto his Brother, but the Kingdom was his own Inheritance; the rather because Artobazenes came not onely of a private man, but also of a Mother and Grandfather by the Mothers side which were not Princes, whereas both his Mother and Grandfather had kings to their Fathers. This contention by mutual consent was referred unto the Uncle Artipherus, who after due examination of the Cause, gave the Kingdom unto Zerzes; and this judgement hath ever since remained, and been held for a lawfull sentence and notable president to be imitated in the like occasion even in these dayes.

There are few or no Historiographers of France, Holinshed Pol. Virgil. Boetius. England or Scotland, that mention not the notable controversie betwixt Iohn Ballioll, Robert Bruse, and Iohn Hastings, Husbands unto the three Daughters of David King of Scotland, and Co-heirs of that Kingdom after the death of their Brother Alexander; and by common consent of all Historians, this rare and strange contention was referred unto Edward the first, King of England, who chose forty, or some say eighty, the one half English men, and the other half Scotish-men, who having throughly discussed every mans right, gave sentence for Iohn Balliol, who discended of the eldest Daughter of the King of Scotland; which Award was confirmed by the King.

The Chronicles of Flanders, Annales. Flandriae. and our Histories testifie, that Henry the second, and Philip King of France, and after them Philip sirnamed The Fair, and the Flemings his subjects, after they had been over-wearied with a long continuance of most cruel and sharp wars, the first two compromitted their difference unto their Archbishops, and the later unto men of meanner condition; and yet both the first and the last stood unto their Arbit • ement. I could alledge many other Examples to this purpose; but they would rather dilate th • n discuss my purpose; and therefore that which hath been said shall suffice for the confutation of part of this last Reason; And the rest shall be confuted more conveni • ntly in another place.

Then to the third Error. Seeing that his purposes failed him in Flanders, The King of Spains third Error in entring into League with the Guis • rd • . that the Hollanders were continually secured against him by the Queen of England, & that the Princes & Cities Protestants increased daily as well in number as in power and authority, he thinking that it would redound greatly to his glory, honour and reputation to professe himself to be head and Protector of the Holy League which was intended to be made against all Princes, or any other whatsoever professing Lutheranism, entred into League with the Pope, the Princes of Italy, the Duke of Lorrain, and the House of Guise, with express condition, that he as head, and they as principal Adherents should labour, travel, and endeavour to the uttermost of their power to subvert all those which made profession of a contrary Religion unto theirs. To sound the depth of this Alliance, and to understand whether the same shall be profitable or glorious, honest or commendable for him, it shall be very expedient to enter into a particular consideration of the powers, qualities, conditions and means of every one of these Allies; For although some, or most of them have been spoken of before, when we handled their abilities and means to hurt and annoy him; yet it shall not be now amiss to declare what strength and sufficiency they have to help and further his intents and purposes: The Pope as Christs Vicar, the Holy Father of the Church, the lawfull successor of St. Peter, and the chief Protector of the Roman and the Catholick Faith (for all these are his Titles that he challengeth, as proper and peculiar to himself) will think that his sacred Holiness is greatly wronged, if I should not vouchsafe him the first place in this Alliance; For albeit he very seldom entereth into League with Princes that are of less might then himself; yet be his confederates never so great, let their charges never so much exceed his, and their Armies (be they by Sea or by Land) far excel his, as well in number as in valour, yet he claimeth a Prerogative to be chief Patron of the confederacy, and Umpier and Arbitrator of all con • entions that may arise thereof; The most famous Enterprise that hath been of late years, was the Attempt made at Lepanto against the Turk,Mar▪ Antonio Arrogo. by Pius Quintus, King Philip that now is, and the Venetians; For the performance whereof the Spanish King and the Seigniorie of Venice were at far greater charges, imployed more Gallies, and greater Forces then his Holiness; and yet the Reverend Father by reason of his usurped prerogative, must needs have the honor of the first place in that League; and whatsoever debates or difference fell out in any thing concerning the said League, the same was to be referred unto his Holiness, and to receive no other end then such as he should decree and determine; For fear therefore of his heavy indignation, I will not presume to defraud him of his honour. The Princes of Italy shall have the second place, and the Peers of France the last. It shall be easie for any man to make conjecture, and give his judgement of the Popes power and puissance, that will consider that his City of Rome, That the Pope is not able to yeeld the Spaniard any great help. which is the chief seat, and the greatest part of his strength, retaineth not so much as the bare shadow of her ancient vertue; that she loseth her Reputation, Prosperity, Peace and Dignity, as soon as she beginnineth to be troubled or molested with the factions and partialities of the contentious Ursini and Colonesi, two notable Families of Rome, that a petty Duke of Ferrara hath presumed to withstand the Popes Ordinances and Commandments,De Comines. Guicciardine. that the Florentines warred many years against him, that the Venetians make no account of his Forces; that the nigher any Prince joyneth unto him, the less he esteemeth him; and lastly, that a very small Army of Charles the fifth, sacked, not many years ago, his Pont • fical Seat, and put him to such a ransom as best liked the victorious and conquering Emperor. But his Excommunications are more feared then his Forces, and he hath much more money then might; I must needs confess that many Princes have been excommun • cated by him; but because I shall have occasion to shew what sl • nder accompt both Kings and meaner Potentates have made of his turbulent and thundering Excommunications, I will leave them, and come unto his demean, unto his treasure: For the better determination whereof I think it convenient to declare unto you what kinde of men our Popes are of late dayes; some of them are poor Inquisitors, of base parentage, brought up in beggery, advanced by corruption and preferred unto that Dignity by Bribes, Rewards aud Simony; And they who have been of best birth amongst them, have been but the younger brothers of Dukes of Florence, of Ferrara, of Mantua, or of some like mean Prince, and all of them have most commonly spent their poor patrimony, and the small gains of their former life in the attaining of their Pontifical Dignity. Besides when they come unto the height of that Authority, either they spend their Revenues prodigally (as did Paulus Tertius, who in less then fifteen years wasted 25 millions of Gold; or spare the same thriftily to buy some estate for their children, as did Gregory the 13th; so that what with prodigal spending, what with extream covetousness tending to the advancement of their posterity, the Popes have not much money otherwise to help their Allies and Confederates. Moreover, who so shal consider that their yearly Revenues are mightily decreased, by by reason that Bohemia, Hungary, Denmark, Sweden, Scotland, Holland, England, and most of France, Flanders and Germany, are fallen from their Obedience, and vouchsafe not to send them yearly such Tributes, Pensions, Tenths and other Commodities as they were wont to receive from them, must needs understand and confess, that there can arise no great profit from their Alliance and Confederacy: The terrour of their interdictions, of which some Princes, more Religious then wise, have in times past made some small accompt; The regard of their Authority, of which when their vertues were more then now they are, greater reckoning was made then is at this present; & the converting of their Crociados which were wont to be imployed in holy Wars, into profane uses, are the onely means and benefits wherewith they are now able to pleasure their best friends. Leaving them therefore to their passions and extreme sorrows conceived for the small hope which they have to recover their losses, which is in no respect answerable to the extremity of their desire, I will descend unto the • rinces of Italy as from a mountain unto a Molehill.

These Princes if they were to give aid and succour unto a King of France, unto an Emperor, or to any other Prince or Potentate pretending some Right. Title, or Interest un • o some Dukedom of Estate of Italy, may perhaps yeeld such help and Assistance as happily may further such a Princes Enterprise:That the Princes of Italy cannot greatly respect the Sp • niards. But as for such a League, and such forces as shall be sufficient to hasten the utter overthrow and subversion of all Protestant Princes, or to revenge the great injuries and indignities lately endured by the Spanish king, they are far unfit and unable to gather together any such strength; and he is greatly deceived that ca • rieth such an opinion of their might and power, The best guard that they have is the reciprocal fear which one of them hath of another, the continual and great jealousie which is betwixt them, and the small and slender Love which one of them beareth unto another, every one of them not onely enveighing, but also withstanding by all means possible the advancement of the other, be it in wealth or in credit, in power or preheminence: Their Subjects are not warlike; their best Souldiers are (as you have heard) of no great value or estimation; their Courage is soon cooled, their Armies are quickly defeated; there best Captains by reason of their long Peace, are of mean experience, and their is scant any Town, City or Country that is not a witness of their Cowardise, Adversity, bondage and servitude; you shall hear hereafter what discommodities may arise unto those Princes of Italy which have unadvisedly entered into this League, and therefore from them unto the Peers of France; These Princes are no other then Traitors, Rebels, and Conspirators against their Prince and Country; And therefore detestable before God, odious unto the world, and execrable unto their Post • rity; For although Princes, according to the Common saying, like such Treason as any wise is beneficial unto them; yet all men hate and abhor Traitors, especially such as these be, who having received great honour, pleasure, and prefermen of their King, did by all mean • possible endeavour to deprive him of his Crown, Scepter and Life: Their taking of many Towns, their purpose to seize upon the Kings own person, their desire to bring him to Paris as a Prisoner, their carriage towards him there, and their preparation, Army and Hostility against him after his departure from thence, do abundantly testifie and declare their Treason; now what honour can it be unto the King of Spain to joyn and associate himself with such men as the world detesteth, all men abhor,That the Spaniards can neither have pr • fit nor h • nour by the Leaguers. and his own Spaniards will not onely hate, but also be ashamed to receive them into their Company, or to harbour them in their houses? For I find in the Histories of France, Italy and Spain, that whenas the Emperor Charles the fifth intending to honour the Duke of Burbon, who had revolted from his King unto his service, prayed one of the chief and principal Dukes of Spain to lodge him in his Palace; the Duke shewing himself therein a greater Enemy to Traitors, then a Friend to Treason, answered the Emperor, that both he and his house were at his Majesties commandment; but if that it pleased him to lodge the Duke therein, he would set fire thereon as soon as the Duke should be out of it, as on a house infected with the Treason of Burbon. But Francis the first King of France used the like help of the Turks and Infidels to be revenged upon his Enemies; and Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan to make himself the better able to withstand their violence which went about to deprive him of his Estate, brought an Army of Turks into Italy; and it is commonly said, that the Queen of England was in the League with the Great Turk; Why then may not the king of Spain implo • e and use the help of his Friends in France, of whom because they are Christians and Catholicks, he may have far better assurance and confidence then of Turks and Infidells?

Truly, I have heard the befo • e mentioned French king greatly blamed for entring into League with the Tu • k, and his honour and reputation hath been, and still is so much blemished thereby, that a very wise and grave Author of our time, to cover his fault with some honest pretence, hath been enforced to distinguish how and in what manner a Christian Prince may be at league with the Turk; The causes for which a Christian Prince may (as he saith) enter into League and Amity with this common Enemy of Christians, are either to obtain Peace or Truce, or to end a conten • io • and qu • rrel for any Dominion or Seigniory, to have reparation and amends for wrong done unto him, or to entreat leave for his Subjects to trade & traffick i • to his Countries, and not to yeeld him any aid against his Enemies: And the same Author addeth, that the said Francis being continually assaulted by the Emperor Charles the 5th and by the king of England within his own Realm, and not being able to make his party good against them and other enem • es, who at their instigation and request did put him ofttimes in great & manifest danger to lose his whole estate, was counselled by his wisest Friends for his better defence to joyn in amity with Sultan Solimon, who was better able then he to interrupt and cross the violent course which Charles th • 5th took to make himself Lord and Monarch of all the world. Necessity therefore enforced Francis the first to enter into this League, without the which he had been in great p • rill and hazard of losing his whole Kingdom; For conservation whereof I read in Histories, that a Predecessor of the Spanish King called Peter, confeder • ted himself with the King of Bellemarine, Du Hatllan. a Sarizi • , married his Daughter and renounced his Faith and profession of a Christian. Considering therefore that necessity hath no law, that Commoditie and sweetness of Rule and Governmen • , maketh many good Christians to forget themselves and their Duties; that extreame malice conceived and borne against an Enemy, hath constrained many Princes to seek to be in League with their very Adversaries; and that a noble and valiant heart deteste • h nothing more then to yeild unto his Enemies, and laboureth by all meanes possible to avoid that dishonor; No man can can justly condemne Francis the first, or the Duke of Milan. Now touching the Queen of England, her Majesty having alwais the feare of God before her eyes, and walking in his waies as much as any Prince of Christendome, hath alwaies thought no better of the Turk then he deserveth, as well because she hath nothing to do with him, as for that by reason of the great distance that is betwix • her and him, she hath less occasion to stand in fear of his forces then any o • her Prince of Europe; True it is that in regard of the late Traffick which some few of her Merchants have into Turky, to their great benefit and advantage, her Majesti • hath suffered them to have their Agent there who carrieth not the n • me of Ambassador, as the Emperors, the French Kings, the Spanish Kings, the Venetians and other Christian Princes Ambassadors do, and yet his Credit is such, that either with favours or with presents (w • ereof the Turke is very desirous and coveteous) he might have broken the League of peace and Truce which is betwixt Spain and h • m, to the Spanish Kings great hurt & detriment. But he • Majestie had • ather that the H • stories of our tim • should mention her vertues, then declare her policies, and thinketh it far better that as all men of our Age commend her Beauti • , her bounti • and her goodness, so her after-Commers should have occasion to p • aise and ex • oll her constancy and Religious affection towards God and the Common wealth of Christendome. But to returne to the Spanish league with the Peeres of France, I think no good Christian can think b • tter of them then of a Turk; and I am of opinion that the League and Am • ty of Turkish Infidels is more to be este • med then the friendship of these Leaguers, more profitable and advantageous unto him that shall stand in need thereof, and more assured and firm • unto any one that have occasion to rely thereupon; For since that these Rebels have deserved to lose their Lands and possessions, have incurred the odious and detestable Crime of Tre • son, and have worthily merited the name of Traytors and Conspirators, there can be no other League or Amitie with them then is with Theeves and Felons, the societie and conversation with whome hath been in all Ages, and in all places accounted as most odious and execrable; yea by how much a Traitor is more odious and wicked then a Thief, by so much his Infamy, shame, and dishonour is greater who as • ociateth himself with a Conspirator, be i • that he conspireth against his Prince, or against his Country, or against both. Such as a mans Companions are, such shall he be held to be in all mens opinions; and he that converseth daily with wicked men shall hardly be reputed an honest man.