The history of Great Britain being the life and reign of King James the First, relating to what passed from his first access to the crown, till his death / by Arthur Wilson.
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THE HISTORY OF Great Britain, BEING THE LIFE AND REIGN OF King JAMES THE FIRST, RELATING To what passed from his first Access to the Crown, till his Death.
By
ARTHUR WILSON, Esq.
LONDON, Printed for
Richard Lownds, and are to be sold at the Sign of the
White Lion near Saint
Paul's little North-door. 1653.
I Am not ignorant, or insensible, from what
Precipice, and into what
Gulf I am falling; not like one in a Dream, who starts at the
horrour of the
Object, which his own
imagination creates: But deeply affected with those serious and real impressions, which
Time and
Experience (the two great
Luminaries of
Reason) have fixt upon me. Methinks I see the various, cloudy, and sad distorted Fancies of these
Times, (that flutter up and down betwixt the
Twi-light of
Ignorance, and
Self-conceitedness) bandy themselves against this
Work; led on by
Prejudice, which they muster up, and gather together, haply from the
dross of those
Fragments, or
vapours of
Story, that (like crude, and undigested Matter) have something tainted that precious
Order, which
Truth (the
Commandress of the
Soul) loves to appear, and be admired in. Making it a
Crime even to name
Kings; as if from that
Name nothing could result, but such dreadful
Apparitions as would blast and throw an odious
tincture upon them, to the defacing and besmearing of
Virtue and
Innocence; when these will sit
Triumphing upon a
Throne, in despight of
[Page]Envy, pleading their own
Cause; the
Beams of that
Majesty being too bright and splendid to be overcast with the
Mantle of
Malice, though
clouded and interwoven with all the false
Pretences she can put on.
And yet I see no
Reason why
Princes (towring in the height of their own
Power) should think themselves so far above ordinary
Mortals, that their
Actions are to be incomprehensible. This is but a weakness, contracted in the high place they look down from, which makes all things beneath them seem little, yea very little to them. And though
Men at so great a distance from them, are not able to discern every particular
Plume that carries them about, yet their often
Circumgyrations, and
Turnings, are
Obvious, many times stooping after a mean and inconsiderable
Quarry: By which they shew, that they are carried up by the
Airy Body of
Admiration, and that those gross
Materials which tend to their
Composition, are as subject to distempered
Passions, as the meanest of the
People.
Yet as they live in a
Sphere above others, if their
Minds be suitable to that
Height, if they aim more at
Piety than
Policy, if
Religion be set up in their
Hearts for her
Humbleness, rather than her
Ornaments, more for her
Beauty, than
Bravery, If
Mercy and
Iustice (instead of
Wild Beasts) be Supporters of the Throne, and Ensigns of
Royalty; If
Truth in her plain
Attire (
the loveliest Object of the Soul) be not turned out of the
Presence, and her painted
Enemy sit perching under the Cloth of
Estate; If
Vertue and
Goodness be venerated from an internal
Principle in them, rather than the specious outside of them: Who will not admire, and reverence such
Majesty? But when they shall so much debase that sublime and supereminent
Region they are placed in, and come down below that
Dignity, to drive a Trade of petty things, thinking it a great
Conquest to deceive; protesting to do what
[Page] they never intend, and intending what they rather should protest against: To what low
Condition do they bring themselves?
We see all the
Motions of
Superior Bodies, in what excellent
Order and
Perfection they move; and if some
Exhalation starts up among them, from gross and putrid
Matter, whose
Course is not yet known, what horrid trepidations bring they with them? and what
Prodigious Calamities are they the
fore-runners of? Yet they hold not that
Station long, but blaze a little there, and then extinguish; and all that can be said of them, is, That we know not for what mischievous intent these
Meteors did appear: Whereas the other
Celestial Bodies beget no
wonder, are no
Prodigies, but keep a constant
Course in their own
Spheres, and are not contaminated with
things below them, yet they retain a
Powerful Influence over them. So
Princes should always shine in
Glory, and a
Noble Soul, that loaths to soyl it self in sordid things, is the true
splendor of it. But when they grovel here for trash and trumpery, and trade away that gallant stock of
Love housed in their
Peoples Hearts, for some false
Coin, minted by
Passion, mutable
Affection, or mis-led
Reason, they do degrade themselves. And then the only difference betwixt a
King, and a mean
Man, is, That the one, by his Trade, cosens a few; the other a great many, but himself most.
Thus we can look up to things above us, easily discerning the Cracks and Flaws in Vessels of the purest
Metal, by that
lustre that comes from them; but if we cast an impartial
Eye into our own
Bosoms, we may doubtless discover in our selves so much of
Human Frailty, even of a grosser
Nature, that may make
Pity the
Mistriss of our
Passion, rather than
Pride, and mourn for our
own, rather than glory in the
Miscarriages of
Others. Shrouds are the fittest
Ornaments for
[Page]dead Bodies; and who will rip up
wounds that
Time hath closed? A little
Urn will hold a great
Mans Ashes; and why should we bedribble with our
Pens, the
Dust that rests there? there is now no fear that it will rise, and fly upon our faces.
Histories are like
Anatomies, especially when they reflect on
Persons: He must be a
skilful Artist, that can dissect a
Body well. If
Ignorance or
Malice attempts to hack, hew, or bespatter it, 'twill be most
inhuman and
barbarous; it must be done by a gentle hand, with
Authority and
Knowledg, lest instead of discovering the
Similar Parts, they mangle and deface them, and so dissect and open only their own
follies; When the true end of this dissection, is, to shew the
ways and
passages of the
Body, where
Obstructions have been, where
Diseases have bred, and by this
Pattern learn to remove the accretion of bad
Humors, and apply fitting
Remedies for prevention of such
Evils: So
History must not cauterise, and slash with
Malice, those
Noble Parts, the true end of whose discovery is to better
Mankind. For
Examples of baseness, and unworthiness, if truly and genuinely related, may deter and hinder the violent
Career of such as mind no other
happiness than what this
vapour of
vain-glory can contribute; and esteem a good
Name more among
men, than acceptance with
God. But yet in these
Relations, some grains of
Human infirmity must in reason be allowed to
Greatness, because they have the means to more
Temptations. And though there are very many guilty, and many
Men may justly suffer by the
Law, yet there are but few allowed to be dissected. Therefore he that is too rash in the
Censure of others, snatching
Reports from the lips of
Fame, and venting them for
Truths (without some probability or knowledg to enlighten and direct) digs in the
Bowels of another
Man, and wounds himself.
But the
Metaphor still holds; for as the
dissimilar parts of the body, head, hands, feet,
&c. are apparently known; and the
Similar parts, as veins, sinews, nerves,
&c.[Page] are easily discovered; so the
motions and
operations of the more secret and hidden parts are controverted, and hard to find out, as the
Circulation of the Blood,
&c. Yet we find the effects of it tend to life and preservation, the
end; though there be some dispute in the
motion or means to it. So in this
Work; the chief part of what is written, is either apparently
known, or easily
discovered, and those things that never saw the
Light yet, may be collected, and inferred, finding their
Operations tend to one and the same end: For I expect all men will not be of my
mind, and look to be
Anatomized my self by the
Hand of
Opinion and blinded
Passion, that strike at whatsoever comes cross to them. Yet this I will say boldly, I have made
Truth my
aim, and though I fly high, and may rove, I am sure not to
light very far from the
Mark.
For this
Piece is not culled out of several
Authors, of
intricate Opinions, and different
Iudgments, as a confused, and ruffled
Skein, where, with difficulty, an useful
Thread may be pickt out, which
Livie complains of, and wonders at in the
Authors that
wrote before him. But these like
Simples were gathered as they sprung up in the
Garden of the
Times (where
Weeds and
Flowers grow together) with intention to compose something for the
Publick health; for above thirty years before the Ingredients were mingled, in that long
Series of
Time, weighing every
Grain and
Scruple, that there might be a due proportion, and quantity as well as quality of them for the
Composition of it; and this not only acted by a natural
Propensity, but I may say the hand of
Providence brought many things to my knowledg, that were not in my hopes or thoughts to procure. And I confess there are some things in it may seem bitter, and sharp to some, and though they be so, the
Body many times requires such
Medicines, to dispel and check the peccant
humours, and I doubt not but it will do the more good to those that are distempered: But
sound and
gallant Minds have no need, and are above the
operations of it. As
Titus Vespasian said,
[Page] when one spake ill of him,
Ego cum nihil faciam dignum propter quod contumeliâ afficiar, mendacia nihil curo; He was above false Reports, and if they were true, he had more reason to be angry with himself, than the
Relator. The good Emperor
Theodosius commanded no man should be punished that spake against him; for what was spoken
lightly was to be laught at, what
spightfully, to be pardoned, what
angerly, to be pittied; and if
truly, he would thank him for it. Nor did I ever read, that
Tacitus was blamed for personating
Tiberius Dissimulation,
Nero's Cruelty,
Seianus Pride,
Livia's and
Messalina's Adulteries, nay,
Domitians Tyranny and Baseness, though he was his
Creature advanced by him. But they that intend
Truth, must take this
Counsel of his,
Sed incorruptam fidem professis, nec amore quisquam, & sine odio dicendus est; they must write without the passions of
Love or
Hate. And I am sure I have as little cause to be partial as
He, though I have more to inlarge my self in
Apology, having more Adversaries to incounter with; He living in (as he saith)
Rara temporum felicitate, where
Men might think what they pleased, and speak what they thought; Whereas these
Times are as full of perplexed and disasterous
Divisions, as the calamities of a
Civil War (when the poyson of
Malice lies raging and foaming in mens breasts, like the troubled
Sea after a
Tempest) can possibly produce. And this
Dis-union springs from that stock of
Pride in us, when we put a greater valuation upon our
Opinions, stampt, and made current by
Custom, than upon
Reason, that
Regent of the
Understanding, that should bring all things in obedience to it.
Nor can I discover all the
Contrivances hatcht, and brooded in the secret corners of
Princes Councils. All things are not revealed at a time. This
Ground-work may serve for others to build on, and 'tis easier to add to a
Pattern than to make
one.
The
Iews, to whom the
Oracles of
Truth were committed, calculated their
Times and
Seasons by
Lunary motions,[Page] the
Solar were found out long after by
Pythagoras, and now we have new apprehensions inserted by
Copernicus, that may be as useful, tending to one time and end, though various ways. So by degrees, there may be greater
Discoveries made, than is yet here related. And what is
doubtful, give me leave with
Tacitus only to touch at, who (speaking of
Domitians attempting to get the
Power of the
German Army under his command) saith,
Qua cogitatione Bellum adversus Patrem cogitaverit, an opes, viresque adversus fratrem in incerto fuit. Whether he intended
War against his Father by it, or to strengthen himself against his Brother, when time served, is not certainly known; for who can dive into the
Abyss of Princes intentions? And in another place speaking of
Domitian's jugling with
Agricola, Sive verum istud, sive ex ingenio Principis fictum ac compositum est. Whether this were true, or surmised, probably, as correspondent to the
Prince's disposition, I cannot affirm. Yet where he finds out his extravagancies (of Knowledg) he asserts them punctually. So some things in
Princes actions may be left to conjecture, if there be any ingenuity in the
Declaration of them. And I hope some will come after me, that will imbellish, and perfect the way with a more cunning and exquisite hand, though I must confess I have done my best, dressing this
Story with the best
Ornaments I could, to intice, and allure the
Reader, leaving out many long and tedious
Discourses, that often damp the
Spirits, and make them
Loiterers. And it were to be wished, that
Philosophy had some intermixtures of
History; and that
Divinity (the
Mistris of
Arts) were temptingly adorned, that she might intice her
Lovers the more to observe her. The
Iesuits dress their
Morality and
History with all the
Eloquence they can, and cunningly mix and intermingle with it, the fine
Baits of
Popish Theology, for people to nibble on, hoping to gain them by such tempting
Allurements. And I am not of
Marcus Aurelius's mind, that thankt
Rusticus, that by his example, he had given over
[Page] the study of
Elegant, and fine
Language; unless he reflected upon such crabbed pieces, as are interlarded with
huge lushious words, that give no good rellish to the
sense, or such high affected
strains (wherein words are crowded) that serve rather to amuse than inform the
Understanding. But
Elegancies in expression (though I am not able to reach them my self) I admire in others, especially if they run in a smooth Chanel, and keep that mediocrity that they overflow not the bank.
But while I am pleading for
Mediocrity, I find my self in a
Labyrinth (betwixt too little
Pamphlets, our
Kings Court, and his
Kitchen) and I know not by what
Clue to avoid it. They are like two extremes,
Scylla, and
Charybdis, therefore to pass by, and not be indangered by them, I will shape my
Course in the
middle, betwixt both, and
Truth shall be my
Gale: For I protest, without passion, I lean to no
Faction or side; but set down plainly what my
Conscience and
Knowledg dictates to me. Nor do I intend to asperse
Noble Families; Where is there one (as that famous
Orator, the Lord
Verulam, said) that like a fair
Pomegronate hath not some
corrupted Cornel? And may not that be pickt out from the rest, but it must taint them all? And how can
Truth be known, but by the good
savour it leaves behind?
For a good Name is like a precious Oyntment. Never any thing of
History should be left to
Posterity, if men may not be spoken of when they are dead. And if their
Actions be genuinely related, there will be an intermixture of Good and Bad, professedly allowed, according to the good or ill
Comportment of the person presented (though, as I said, tenderly to be dealt with) for
Man is of no
Angelical nature. But it is easie to daub over the foulest
Deformities, and make them appear
Beautiful: For as
Ulpian said of the
Laws of his time, so I say of
Historical Relations, Nulla veritas ita diserte ulla de re cavere potest, ut malitios a calliditas locum fraudi non inveniat. But this stirring of the
Waters, is only to make the
Truth less perspicuous, when time shall settle
[Page] them, all things will appear clearly.
Records, and publick
Actions, within
Memory, cannot sink, though the
Dregs and
muddy water (thrown in to trouble them) may. But I will steer steady, and avoid them both, hoping to arrive at some happy
Port, if I can pass the
Shallows of
Ignorance, or
Rocks of
Prejudice, that lie in the
Way.
THE LIFE & REIGN OF JAMES THE FIRST KING OF Great Britain.
THE various hand of
Time began now to
sheath the Sword of War,An. Reg. 1. that had been long disputing the Controversie,
An. Christi 1603 which
Religion and
Policy (that
Princes mix together) had for many years so fiercely maintained. The wearing out of that old, but glorious, and most happy
Piece of
Soveraignty, the late
Queen, bating the
Spanish Violence, and ending with the
Irish-Rebellion, and submission of
Tirone, as if the
old Genius of
Iron-handed-War were departed, and a
New one Crowned with a
Palm of Peace, had taken possession of the
English Nation; Iames the sixth, King of
Scotland, was proclaimed King of
England. For though
Princes that find here a
Mortal Felicity, love not the noise of a
Successor in their life-time, yet they are willing (for the
Peace of their people) to have
One, when they can hear no more of it. That which the
Queen could not indure from others,
She was well pleased to express her self, and bequeath in
her last Will, as a Legacy to this, then
Happy Nation. He was thirty six years of
Age when he came to the
Crown. How dangerous the passage had been from his very
Infancy to his
Middle Age, is not only written in many
Histories, but the untamed and untractable
Spirits of most of that
Nation, are a sufficient
Witness and
Record.[Page 2] The wise
Queen found many petty Titles, but none of that
Power; any other Hand that should have reacht for the
Crown, might a caught a
Cloud of Confusion; and those
Supporters, and
Props, that held up her
Greatness (loth to submit to
Equals) made
Scaffolds to his
Triumphs. In the Wane, or last Quarter of the late
Queen, the
Court Motions tended (by an Oblique
Aspect) towards this Northern
Star, and some of her great
Council in her
Presence, would glance at the King of
Scots as her
Successor, which would make her break into
Passion, saying, Was this imputed to
Essex as a
Crime, and is it less in you? Yea,
Cecil himself, held his
Correspondencies, which he was once like to be trapt in. For the
Queen taking the Air upon
Black-Heath by
Greenwich, a Post summoned her to enquire from what Quarter his business came, and hearing from
Scotland, She staid her Coach to receive the
Pacquet; but the
Secretary, Sir
Robert Cecil, (being in the Coach with Her) fearful, that some of his secret Conveyances might be discovered, having an active Wit, calls for a knife suddainly to open it, lest put offs, and delays, might beget
Suspition, and when he came to cut it, he told the
Queen, it looked, and smelt ill-favouredly, coming out of many nasty
Budgets, and was fit to be opened, and aired before She saw it; which reason meeting with her disaffection to ill
Scents, hindred her smelling out his underhand Contrivances.
Secretary
Cecil Proclaimed King
Iames. But now he may do it openly, for he was the first that publickly read, and proclaimed the late
Queens Will; Posts are sent in hast, yet in so calm and quiet a manner, as if the loss of so pretious a
Mistriss had stupified the people. And now the Great-ones strive who shall be most
Obsequious, and Court their
Happy Hopes. That
Party that had been
Opposite to the late
Earl of Essex (whose
death as some thought shortned the
Queens life) strove to ingratiate themselves, by suppressing them, that had any
Relation to him, assuring the King (that always counted him his
Martyr) that he aimed at the
Crown himself, and
Princes apt to be jealous soon take such impressions. And now I have stirr'd the
Ashes of great
Essex, I must revive his
memory with this short
Character; for
Reports flying upon the
Airy wing of the
Times, have variously exalted, or depressed him, as the
Serene for him, or the
cloudy fancy against him, waved up and down.
He had a Gallant and Noble Spirit, full of Vrbanity and innate Courtesie, which too much took the Popular Eye, and being a great ingrosser of
Fame, it procured him many
Enemies, which made his Spirit boil into
passion, and that was more suitable to his Enemies Designs than his own, for they lighted their candle by his fire, and this heat being blown by some fiery Spirits about him, gave to the
goodness of his
Nature, a tincture of Revenge, which his Enemies made reflect upon the
Queen, so
[Page 3] that the Coal he strove to bring to burn his Enemies Nests, kindled his own Funeral Pile.
But our King coming through the
North, (Banquetting and Feasting by the way) the applause of the people in so obsequious and submissive a manner (still admiring
Change) was checkt by an honest plain
Scotsman (unused to hear such humble Acclamations) with a
Prophetical expression; This people will spoil a gud King. The King as unused, so tired with
Multitudes, especially in his
Hunting (which he did as he went) caused an inhibition to be published, to restrain the people from
hunting him. Happily being fearful of so great a
Concourse, as this
Novelty produced, the old
Hatred betwixt the
Borderers not yet forgotten, might make him apprehend it to be of a greater extent: though it was generally imputed to a desire of enjoying his
Recreations without interruption.
At
Theobalds,The King comes to
Theobalds. Secretary
Cecil's House, the Lord Chancellor
Egerton, the Lord
Buckhurst Treasurer, the Earl of
Notingham Admiral, and others of the
Council to the deceased
Queen, met him; and they with him found the Duke of
Lenox, the Earl of
Marr, the Lord
Hume, and the Lord
Kinloss. These with others were made of his Privy-Council. The
Bishops forgot not to strengthen themselves, and their
Party, against their
opposites, the
Non-Conformists, who had gotten new
courage upon their
hopes of the Kings compliance with them, and the King to please both sides, went in a smooth way betwixt them, at first, not leaving out the third
Party, the
Popish, the most dangerous, whom he closed with also, by entertaining into his
Councils the Lord
Thomas Howard, and the Lord
Henry Howard, the one Son, the other Brother to the late Duke of
Norfolk, who would have been his Father, but became a Sufferer for his Mother: The one a
plain-hearted man, the other of a
subtile and fine Wit, of great Reading and Knowledg, excellent for outward
Courtship, famous for secret Insinuation, and cunning
Flattery; the first a
suspected, (though it was otherwise) the last a known
Papist, bred up so from his
Infancy, yet then converted (as he pretended) by the King, being the closest way to work his
own ends. On these he heaped
Honours, making the Son Earl of
Suffolk, and the Brother Earl of
Northampton. And this
Gentleness of the King to the
Popish party, was so pleasant to them, that they suckt in the sweet hopes of alteration in
Religion, and drunk so deep thereof, that they were almost intoxicated.
Now every man that had but a
Spark of
Hope,Changes beget hopes. struck fire to light himself in the way to Advancement, though it were to the
Consumption both of his
Estate and
Being. The
Court being a kind of
Lottery, where men that venture much may draw a Blank, and such as have little may get the Prize. Those whose
[Page 4]Hopes were almost quenched, like Water cast upon Lime, burn inward till it breaks out into Flame; so hard it is for uncomposed
Spirits (missing their aims) to settle upon the
Basis of solid
Reason. The Earl of
Southampton, covered long with the
Ashes of great
Essex his
Ruins, was sent for from the Tower, and the King lookt upon him with a smiling
countenance, though displeasing happily to the new Baron of
Essingden, Sir
Robert Cecil; yet it was much more to the Lords,
Cobham and
Grey, and Sir
Walter Rawleigh, who were forbidden their attendance. This damp upon them, being
Spirits full of
acrimony, made them break into Murmur,
A Conspiracy against the King. then into Conspiracy, associating themselves with two
Romish Priests (men that could not live upon lingring Hopes) and other discontented persons, which every
Change produces. The ground of the Design was to set up the Lady
Arabella (a Branch sprung from the same
Stem by another Line) and to alter
Religion and
Government; disposing already to themselves the principal places of
Honour and
Profit. The Lord
Grey should get leave to transport two thousand men into
Holland, with whom he should seise upon the King and Prince; Sir
Walter Rawleigh was to treat with Count
Arembergh for procuring of Moneys, and
Cobham to go to the
Arch-Duke and the King of
Spain, to perswade their Assistance. This
Embrion proved abortive, and they brought their Plea to excuse their attempting it, as compleat a One;
That the King was not yet crowned. The Arraignment was at
Winchester, where strong proofs meeting weak denyals, they with others were found guilty of
High Treason. George Brook, the Lord
Cobham's Brother, and the two
Priests suffered for it, the rest found
Mercy; the King being loth to soil the first steps to his Crown with more blood. But their Pardon carried them to the Tower, where the Lord
Grey some years after dyed, and in his Death extinguished his Family. The Lord
Cobham, Sir
Griffin Markham, and others, discharged of imprisonment, lived miserable and poor,
Cobham at home, and the rest abroad. And
Rawleigh while he was a Prisoner, having the
Idea of the
World in his
contemplation, brought it to some perfection, in his excellent and incomparable
History, but when Liberty turned it to Action, it taught him to roam, so, as the event proved
fatal to him.
A censure upon it. This
Conspiracy put on such a face, that few or none could discover, or know what to make of it: That the muddy waters were stirr'd, was apparent, but it was with such a
mixture, that little could be visible in it. The Lord
Grey, Cobham, and Sir
Walter Rawleigh were
Protestants, why should they strive to alter
Religion, though the
Priests, Markham, Bainham, and others might? But it seems they joyned together in a
Politick way, every one intending his own ends; Discontent being the Ground-work, upon which they built this slight Superstructure,
A great mischiefe intended to the
Kings Majestie at his first entrance into the Kingdome of
England before his Coronation;
Watson &
Clark Priests administring Oaths of secresie and applanding the project. It came to nothing by Gods mercy. The
Kings Majesties clemency towards the Conspiratours after judgment past upon them. No treason in
England attempted but had a
Romish Priest in the practise.
[Page 5] that being hudled together, could not stand long.
Rawleigh's greatest Accuser was a Letter of
Cobhams, which some say after he denyed to be his hand. Some of the Conspirators (it may be) desired to seem
formidable, venting their Anger so for being slighted; others strove to make themselves so, that they might have the glory of enlarging the
Roman Power, and they joyned together, thinking their
single strength would not prevail. In this
Cloud looking for
Iuno, they begot a
Monster, which having neither
head nor
foot, some part lived, the other dyed.
While these were provoked with
Neglects, others were incouraged with
Favours: Many of the Gentry that came out of
Scotland, with the King, were advanced to Honours, as well as those he found here, to shew the
Northern soyl as fruitful that way as the
Southern; But Knights swarmed in every corner; the
Sword ranged about, and men bowed in obedience to it, more in
Peace than in
War; this Airy Title blew up many a fair Estate. The
Scots naturally, by long converse, affecting the
French Vanity, drew on a Garb of Gallantry (meeting with a plentiful soyl, and an open-handed Prince) The
English, excellent for imitation, loth to be exceeded in their own Country, maintained their follies at their own charge. All this came accompanied with a great
Plague, which hapned this year in
London, whereof above thirty thousand dyed; Yet who will not venture for a Crown? For in the heat of it, on the five and twentieth of
Iuly,The King and Queen Crowned. being the day dedicated to Saint
Iames, the King, with his Wife Queen
Anne, were both crowned at
Westminster, fulfilling that old Prophecy, or rather Fancy, current among the
Scots (as they report) before
Edward the first brought the Royal Chair out of
Scotland, with the Stone in it, and placed it at
Westminster to Crown our Kings in. Which Stone some old
Saws deliver to be the same that
Iacob rested his head on.
Ni fallat Fatum
Scoti hunc quocunque locatum
Inveniunt lapidem,
Regnare tenentur ibidem.
Englished.
Fate hath design'd,
That wheresoe'r this Stone
The
Scots shall find,
There they shall hold the Throne.
But how the Stream of Time runs through the Chanel of these Prophetical Fancies, experience shews: For 'tis true, if
[Page 6] the
Scots came so near the
Throne, as to enjoy the
Stone, or Chair where the English Kings are Inaugurated, they may hold the
Crown. But being only grounded upon Conjecture, these Conceits are commonly made up before they are half moulded, or like Abortives, are shaped after they are born.
When these Ceremonies were past, the King retired from this croud of Infection, gave some admission to Ambassadors, that from all the neighbouring Princes and States came to congratulate his
happy Inauguration: For besides the
ordinary Ceremony among Princes, their Reason might tell them, that if his Predecessors were able to graple with the growing Monarchy of him that coveted to be
Vniversal, and to assist and relieve her Neighbours and Confederates from his oppression; He would be much more
formidable, bringing with him, if nothing else, Bodies of men, Warlike and industrious, hardned with cold and labour, and active in the difficultest attempts (however of late, by what Divine Judgment I know not, utterly disheartned) to be
Helpers, who were formerly
Hinderers to all the
English Expeditions; so that in him they courted their own Conveniences: For certainly, if ever the
English Monarchy were in its true Glory and Greatness, it was by this Union. But there is a Period set to all Empires.
The Prince,
Prince
Henry made Knight of the Garter. a little before this, was installed Knight of the
Garter, the Earl of
Southampton, and the young Earl of
Essex, were restored to the right of Blood and Inheritance; and Honours were conferred so thick, as if the King intended a new kind of Conquest, by a proceeding, that tended to their, and his own Ruin: For, to subdue the greatness of the Nobility (who formerly could sweep such a Party of People to them, with their long trains and dependencies, that they were able to graple with Kings) He by a multiplicity of them made them cheap and invalid in the Vulgar opinion; For nothing is more destructive to
Monarchy, than lessening the
Nobility; upon their decline the
Commons rise, and
Anarchy increases.
Tirone comes over.And now the old
Irish Rebel
Tirone coming over (led by his Conqueror the Lord
Monjoy) had not only Pardon, but Civilities, and all outward expressions to gain him; the edg of the Peoples hatred being abated by a Proclamation, that no man should shew him the least dis-respect. The Lord
Monjoy, as a reward for his good service, was created Earl of
Devonshire. And having given way to Creations, they break in upon us like a Deluge. The King being an inexhaustible Fountain of Honour, cannot be drained dry, when other means of gratifying his servants may fail. Those he brought with him wanted means more than Honour, those he found here wanted Honour more than Means;
Noblemen created. He could, and did supply both to excess. Sir
Robert Cecil, the first
English Trumpet that proclaimed
[Page]HONORAT: Do CAROL BLVNT CO: DEVON BA
R MOVNTIOY
The RIght honourable CHARLES BLVNT Earle of Deuon Baron Mountioy and Knight of the Garter.
[Page 7] him was made Baron of
Essingdon, and soon after Viscount
Cranborn, and Earl of
Salisbury; Sir
Robert Sidnèy Baron of
Penshurst, and not long after Viscount
Lisle; Sir
William Knowles Baron of
Grayes, Sir
Edward Wotton Baron of
Morley, Sir
Thomas Egerton (Lord Chancellor) Baron of
Elsmere, Sir
William Russel Baron of
Thornaugh, Sir
Henry Grey Baron of
Grobie, Sir
Iohn Petre Baron of
Writtle, Sir
Iohn Harington Baron of
Exton, Sir
Henry D'Envers Baron of
Dantsey, Sir
Thomas Gerrard Baron of
Gerrard Bromely, Sir
Robert Spencer Baron of
Worm-Leighton. The Lord
Buckhurst, Lord Treasurer, he made Earl of
Dorset, and his old Servant Sir
George Hume, Earl of
Dunbar. These, with
Suffolk and
Northampton, were
Nobles of the finest
metal, and first
stamp, and most of them he placed as
Iewels about his
Throne. But these were but as an
Essay; for they after grew to such a
Volume, that some unhappy
fancy pasted up a
Pasquil in
Pauls, wherein he pretended an
Art to help weak
memories to a competent knowledg of the
names of the
Nobility.
As the
Papist was different from the
Protestant Religion on one side,
Reformation in the Church sought for. so was the
Puritan (as they then called
pious and
good men) on the other; both which were active to attain their own
ends; and the King had the command of
himself, not bitterly to oppose, but gently to sweeten their
hopes for His: thinking himself unsecure betwixt them. The latter were now solicitous for a more clear
Reformation. This the
Bishops opposed, as trenching too much upon them, and the King listen'd to (having experience of it in
Scotland) how much it had incroached upon Him: For He thought their dissenting from the established
Government of the
Church, was but to get that
Power into a great many
mens hands, which was now but in
one, and that
one had
dependance upon him, with whom He might better grapple. The
Prelates distilling this
Maxim into the King,
No Bishop, no Monarch; so strengthning the
Miter by the same
Power that upholds the
Crown: Yet to satisfie the importunity, a Conference is appointed at
Hampton-Court,Conference at
Hampton Court. where the
Bishops Opponents, Doctor
Reynolds, Doctor
Sparks, Mr.
Knewstubs, and Mr.
Chadderton, men eminent in
Learning and
Piety, in themselves, as well as in the
opinion of the
people, did desire in the name of the rest of their party,
That the Doctrine of the Church might be preserved in Purity; That good and faithful Pastors might be planted in all Churches; That Church-Government might be sincerely administred; That the Book of Common-Prayer might be fitted to more increase of Godliness. Out of some of these
Particulars, they insisted upon the
Bishops power of
Confirmation, which they would have every
Minister capable of in his own Parish. They disputed against the
Cross in
Baptism, the
Ring in
Marriage, the
Surplice, the
Oath ex officio, and other things that stuck with them, which they
hoped to get all purged away, because the King was of a
[Page 8]Northern constitution, where no such things were practised, not yet having felt the Kings pulse, whom the
Southern Air of the
Bishops breaths had so wrought upon, that He himself answers most of their
Demands: Sometimes gently, applying
Lenitives, where he found Ingenuity (for he was
Learned and
Eloquent) other times
Corrosives, telling them these
Oppositions proceeded more from stubborness in
Opinion, than tenderness of
Conscience; and so betwixt his
Arguments, and Kingly
Authority, menaced them to a Conformity, which proved a way of Silencing them for the present (and some of them were content to acquiesce for the future) and the King managed this
Discourse with such power (which they expected not from him, and therefore more danted at) That
Whitgift Arch. Bishop of
Canterbury (though a holy, grave, and pious
man) highly pleased with it, with a
sugred bait (which
Princes are apt enough to swallow) said,
He was verily perswaded,Arch-Bishop
Whitgift dies.that the King spake by the Spirit of God. This
Conference was on the fourteenth of
Ianuary, and this good man
expired the nine and twentieth of
February following, in
David's fulness of
days, leaving a Name like a sweet perfume behind him. And
Bancroft, a sturdy piece, succeeded him, but not with the same
Spirit; for what
Whitgift strove to do by Sweetness and Gentleness,
Bancroft did persevere in with Rigour and Severity. Thus the
Bishops having gotten the
Victory, strove to maintain it, and though not on the suddain, yet by degrees, they press so hard upon the
Non-conformists (whom they held under the yoke of a
Law) that many of them are forced to seek Foreign
Refuge. They prevailed not only for themselves here, but by their means (not long after) the King looked back into
Scotland, and put the Keys there again into the
Bishops hands, unlocking the passage to the enjoyment of their Temporal
Estates, which swel'd them so high, that in his Sons time, the
Women of
Scotland pulled them out of their tottering
seats.
On the other side, the late
Conspiracy of
Cobham and
Grey, had so chilled the Kings blood, that he begins to take notice of the swarms of
Priests that flockt into the Kingdom: For though the
Conspirators were of several
Religions, yet in their correspondence with Foreign
Princes, Religion was the pretence. For in every alteration of Kingdoms, few are so modest but they will throw in the Hook of their vain
Hopes, thinking to get something in the troubled
Stream. The
Iesuits were not slack (coming with the
Seal of the Fisher) in spreading their
Nets; but a
Proclamation broke through them. The King being contented to let them alone, till they came too near him, willing to comply rather than exasperate; the safety of his own person, made him look to the safety of
Religion; and to secure both, He found this the best
Remedy, Declaring, to all the
World, the cause of this
Restriction.
[Page 9] Having (after some time spent in setling the
Politick affairs of this Realm) of late bestowed no small
labour in composing certain Differences We found among Our
Clergy, about
Rites and
Ceremonies heretofore established in this
Church of
England, and reduced the same to such an order and form,
A Proclamation against Jesuits. as We doubt not but every
spirit, that is
led only with
piety, and not with
humour, should be therein
satisfied; It appeared unto Us in debating these
Matters, that a greater
Contagion to Our
Religion than could proceed from these
light differences, was
eminent, by persons, common Enemies to them both; namely, the great
numbers of
Priests, both
Seminaries and
Iesuits, abounding in this
Realm, as well of such as were here before Our coming to the
Crown, as of such as have resorted hither since, using their
Functions and
Professions with greater liberty than heretofore they durst have done; partly upon a vain
confidence of some Innovation in
matters of
Religion, to be done by Us, which We never intended, nor gave any man cause to suspect, and partly from the assurance of Our general
Pardon, granted according to the
Custom of Our
Progenitors, at Our
Coronation, for offences past in the days of the
late Queen, which
Pardons many of the said
Priests have procured under Our Great Seal, and holding themselves thereby free from
danger of the
Laws, do with great
audacity exercise all offices of their
Profession, both saying
Masses, and perswading Our Subjects from the
Religion established, reconciling them to the
Church of
Rome, and by consequence seducing them from their
Duty and
Obedience to Us. Wherefore We hold Our self obliged both in
Consequence and
Wisdom, to use all good means to keep Our
Subjects from being affected with
superstitious Opinions, which are not only pernicious to their own
souls, but the ready way to corrupt their
Duty and
Allegiance; which cannot be any way so safely performed, as by keeping from them the Instruments of that
infection, which are
Priests of all sorts, ordained in Foreign parts, by
Authority prohibited by the
Laws of the Land; concerning whom, therefore We have thought fit to publish to all Our Subjects this open
Declaration of Our pleasure,
&c. Willing and Commanding all manner of
Iesuits, Seminaries, and other
Priests whatsoever, having
Ordination from any
Authority by the
Laws of this
Realm prohibited, to take notice that Our pleasure is, that they do before the nineteenth of
March next, depart forth of Our
Realm and
Dominions. And to that purpose it shall be lawful for all Officers of Our
Ports, to suffer the said
Priests to depart into Foreign parts, between this and said nineteenth day of
March: Admonishing and assuring all such
Iesuits, Seminaries, and
Priests, of what sort soever, that if any of them after the said time shall be taken within this
Realm, or any of Our
Dominions, or departing now
[Page 10] upon this Our pleasure signified, shall hereafter return into this Our
Realm, or any of Our
Dominions again, they shall be left to the penalty of the
Laws here being in force concerning them, without hope of any
favour, or remission from Us,
&c. Which though, perhaps, it may appear to some a great
severity towards that
sort of Our
Subjects, yet doubt We not when it shall be considered with indifferent judgment, what cause hath moved Us to use this
Providence, all men will justifie Us therein. For to whom is it unknown, into what peril Our
Person was like to be drawn, and Our
Realm unto Confusion, not many Months since, by
Conspiracy? First conceived by persons of that
sort. Which when other
Princes shall duly
observe, We assure Our selves they will no way conceive, that this alteration proceedeth from any
change of
disposition, but out of
providence to prevent the
perils otherwise inevitable; Considering their absolute
submission to Foreign
Iurisdiction at their first taking
Orders, doth leave so conditional an authority to Kings over their Subjects, as the same
Power by which they were made, may dispense at
pleasure, with the
strictest Bond of
Loyalty and
Love, between a King his People
Among which Foreign
Powers, though We acknowledg Our self personally so much beholden to the
now Bishop of
Rome, for his kind Offices, and private temporal Carriages towards Us, in many things, as We shall be ever ready to requite the same towards him (as
Bishop of
Rome, in state and condition of a Secular
Prince) Yet when we consider and observe the course and Clame of that
See, We have no reason to imagine, that
Princes of Our
Religion and
Profession, can expect any assurance long to continue, unless it might be assented by
mediation of other
Christian Princes, that some good course might be taken (by a general Council, free, and lawfully called) to pluck up those
Roots of
Dangers, and
Iealousies, which arise about
Religion, as well between
Prince and
Prince, as between them and their
Subjects, and to make it manifest, that no
State or
Potentate, either hath, or can challenge power to dispose of earthly Kingdoms or Monarchies, or to dispense with
Subjects obedience to their
natural Soveraigns: In which charitable
Action, there is no
Prince living that will be readier than We shall be to concur, even to the uttermost of Our
Power, not only out of particular
disposition to live peaceably with all
States and
Princes of
Christendom, but because such a setled
Amity might (by an Union in
Religion) be established among
Christian Princes, as might enable Us all to resist the common Enemy.
Given at Our Palace at Westminster
the two and twentieth day of February,
in the first year of Our Reign, &c.
This did something allay the
heat and
hopes of the
Iesuits, and their
correspondents, but it made way for dark, and more secret
[Page 11] Contrivances, which afterwards they put in practice.
On the contrary, another
Proclamation came out for
Vniformity in
Religion according to the Law established, to reduce those to Conformity that had not received satisfaction at the last Conference.
A Proclamation for Uniformity. The
Bishops thought themselves unsecure, while so many
opposites (unblameable in their
conversations) by their Pens and Preaching gained upon the people, striking at the very
Root of
Hierarchy, that it was a hard
Question, whether the
Iesuits, whose
Principles would advance their
Greatness, or these that would pluck it down, were most odious to them. And now
Proclamations are the
activest Agents, some go abroad to please the people, some the King. All
Monopolies (like
diseases) that crept in, when the good
old Queen had not strength enough to keep them out, must be purged away, and such
protections as licentious
liberty had granted to hinder
proceedings in
Law, must be taken off:
Saltpeter-men, that will dig up any mans house by
authority (where they are not well fee'd) must be restrained; and
Purveyors, Cart-takers, and such insolent Officers as were grievances to the people, must be cryed down by Proclamation. A
Prince that is invited, or comes newly to a Kingdom, must have his
Chariot wheels smooth
shod. And yet the liberty of Hunting must be forbidden, the Kings Game preserved, and a strict Proclamation threatens the disobeyers. Indeed, take this Kings Reign from the beginning to the end, and you shall find Proclamations current Coin, and the people took them for good payment a great while, till the
multitude of them lessened their
valuation.
The
Bishops could not be so wary,
A Sermon against Ceremonies. but some
Courtier or other would commend a
Preacher to the King, if they knew any of excellent
parts, so that some preached before him that were averse to the
Bishops ways. Among the rest one Mr.
Burges, an excellent Preacher, and a pious man, moderately touching upon the
Ceremonies, said,
‘They were like the
Roman Senators Glasses, which were not worth a mans life or livelihood: For (saith he) this
Senator invited
Augustus Caesar to a Dinner, and as he was coming to the Feast, he heard a horrid
Out-cry, and saw some company drawing a man after them, that made that noise: the Emperor demanded the cause of that violence; it was answered, their Master had condemned this man to the
Fishponds for breaking a
Glass which he set a high value and esteem upon,
Caesar commanded a stay of the
Execution, and when he came to the House, he asked the
Senator, whether he had Glasses worth a mans life? Who answered (being a great
lover of such things) that he had
Glasses he valued at the price of a
Province. Let me see them (saith
Augustus) and he brought him up to a
room well furnished. The
Emperor saw them beautiful to the eye, but knew withal they might be the cause of much
[Page 12]mischief, therefore he broke them all, with this expression,
Better all these perish than one man.’ I will leave it (saith he) to your
Majesty to apply. But the
Bishops, got this and some other things against him, by the end, and silenced him for venting any more such
comparisons. So that for many years after he practised Physick, and grew an excellent Physician. Put upon second considerations he was admitted again to Preach, retaining both his Piety and Integrity (though he writ a book for the moderate use of the
Ceremonies) ending his days in a good
old age, at
Sutton Cofeld in
Warwick-shire, after a journey into the
Palatinate, as shall be exprest in its time.
The fifth of
August this year had a new title given to it.
The fifth of
August made Holyday. The Kings
Deliveries in the
North must resound here. Whether the
Gowries attempted upon the Kings person, or the King on theirs, is variously reported. It may be, he retained something of his
Predecessor, and great
Parent, Henry the
seventh, that made
Religion give way to
Policy, oftentimes cursing and thundring out the
Churches fulminations against his own
Ministers, that they might be received with the more intimate familiarity with his Foreign
Enemies, for the better discovery of their
designs. I will not say the
celebration of this
Holy-day had so much Prophaneness, for
Fame may be a slanderer. But where there is a strength of
Policy, there is often a power of
worldly wisdom that manages, and sways it. The King forgot not the services there done him, or the secret contrivances acted for him; for
Erskin and
Ramsey, two of his then deliverers, were not long after rewarded with
wealth and
honour, the one made Earl of
Kellie, the other Earl of
Holderness,; the first, prime Gentleman of the
Bed-Chamber to the King; and second got to his Bedfellow one of the prime
Beauties of the Kingdom, daughter to
Robert Earl of
Sussex; and both of them had their
Masters purse at command, yet in our time, the one died poor with many children, the other poor and childless.
The Kings first going abroad was privately to visit some of his
houses; for
naturally he did not
love to be looked on, and those
formalities of State, which set a
lustre upon
Princes in the peoples eyes, were but so many burthens to him: for his private
recreations at home, and his
hunting exercises abroad, both with the least disturbance were his delights. While he remained in the Tower, he took pleasure in baiting
Lions, but when he came abroad, he was so troubled with
swarms, that he feared to be baited by the
people. And the
Parliament now drawing on, which was summoned to be the nineteenth of
March, The King,
The King and Queen ride through the City. with the Queen and Prince, four days before, rode from the Tower to
Whitehall; the City and Suburbs being one great
Pageant, wherein he must give his ears leave to suck in their gilded
Oratory, though never so
nauseous to the
stomach. He was
[Page 13] not like his
Predecessor, the late
Queen of famous
memory, that with a well-pleased affection met her peoples Acclamations, thinking most highly of her self, when she was born up on the
wings of their
humble supplications. He endured this
days brunt with
patience, being assured he should never have such another, and his
triumphal riding to the
Parliament that followed: But afterwards in his
publick appearances (especially in his
sports) the accesses of the people made him so impatient, that he often dispersed them with
frowns, that we may not say with
curses. So various are the
natures of
Princes, and their
actions so remarkable, that he may pass for a good man, that will not pass for a good Prince.
The Speech he made to the
Parliament, both
Houses being met, and the
first, cannot be waved, though it be somewhat
long, and printed in his
own Works; By the
crisis and constitution of it, the temper of his
mind may be discovered; For if ever he spake really to his
Parliament it was then; And I shall not comment upon it: For I know
Princes are made of those frail
Elements that other men are, but this much I will say; He had strong abilities in some things, that did dignifie the
doer of them, and in other things such
weaknesses, as would have much advanced his
Wisdom to have left undone. But if
worldly Greatness, and
Glory, may well make
Princes more loth to leave them, than they that have less, we must give them some allowance of fear to lose them. The Speech was to this effect.
It did no sooner please God to lighten his hand,
The Kings Speech to the Parliament. and relent the violence of his devouring
Angel against the poor people of this City, but as soon I did resolve to call this
Parliament, and that for three chief and principal
Reasons. The first whereof is (and which of it self, although there were no
more, is not only a sufficient, but a most full and necessary Ground and Reason for convening of this
Assembly) the first
Reason, I say, is, That you who are here present assembled to represent the Body of this whole Kingdom, and of all sorts of people within the same, may with your own ears hear, and that I out of my own mouth may deliver unto you the assurance of my due thankfulness for your so joyful and general applause, to the declaring and receiving of me in this
Seat (which God by my
Birth-right, and lineal Descent had in the fulness of time provided for me) and that immediately after it pleased God to call your late
Soveraign of famous
memory, full of
days, but fuller of immortal
Trophies of
Honour, out of this transitory life. Not that I am able to express by Words, or utter by Eloquence, the vive Image of my own inward thankfulness, but only that out of my own
mouth, you may rest assured to expect that measure of thankfulness at my hands, which is according to the infiniteness of your
deserts, and to my inclination,
[Page 14] and ability, for requital of the same.
Shall I ever? nay, can I ever be able, or rather so unable in
memory, as to forget your unexpected readiness and alacrity, your ever memorable
resolution, and your most wonderful conjunction, and harmony of your hearts, in declaring and imbracing me as your undoubted, and lawful King and Governour? Or shall it ever be blotted out of my
mind, how at my first entry into this Kingdom, the people of all sorts rid and ran, nay, rather, flew to meet me? Their eyes flaming nothing but sparkles of
affection,, their mouths and tongues uttering nothing but
sounds of
joy; their hands, feet, and all the rest of their members, in their
gestures, discovering a
passionate longing, and earnestness to meet, and imbrace their new
Soveraign. Quid ergo retribuam? Shall I allow in my self that which I could never bear with in another? No, I must plainly and freely confess here, in all your audiences, that I did ever
naturally so far mislike a tongue too smooth, and diligent in paying their
Creditors, with
lip-payment, and verbal thanks, as I ever suspected that sort of people, meant not to pay their Debtors in more
substantial sort of
coin. And therefore for expressing of my thankfulness, I must resort unto the other two
Reasons of my convening of this
Parliament, by them in
action to utter my thankfulness: Both the said
reasons having but one ground, which is the deeds, whereby all the days of my life I am by Gods grace to express my said thankfulness unto you, but divided in this, That in the first of these two, mine
actions of thanks are so inseparably conjoyned with my person, as they are in a manner become individually annexed to the same. In the other
reason, mine
actions are such, as I may either do them, or leave them undone, although by Gods grace I hope never to be weary of the doing them.
As to the first, it is the
Blessings which God hath in my
Person bestowed upon you all, wherein I protest, I do more glory at the same for your
weal, than for any particular respect of my own reputation, or advancement therein.
The first then of these
Blessings, which God hath joyntly
1 with my person sent unto you, is
Outward Peace; that is, Peace abroad with all Foreign
Neighbours: For I thank God, I may justly say, that never since I was a King, I either received wrong of any other
Christian Prince or State, or did wrong to any: I have ever, I praise God, yet kept
Peace and Amity with all, which hath been so far tyed to my person, as at my coming here you are witnesses, I found the
State imbarked in a great and tedious
War, and only by mine arrival here, and by the
Peace in my
person, is now
Amity kept, where
War was before, which is no small blessing to a
Christian Common-wealth: For by
peace abroad with their
neighbours the Towns flourish, the
[Page 15] Merchants become rich, the Trade doth increase, and the People of all sorts in the Land enjoy free Liberty to exercise themselves in their several
vocations, without peril or disturbance. Not that I think this
Outward peace so unseparably tied to my
Person, as I dare assuredly promise to my self, and to you, the certain continuance thereof; But thus far I can very well assure you, and in the Word of a King promise unto you, that I shall never give the first occasion of the breach thereof, neither shall I ever be moved for any particular, or private
passion of
mind, to interrupt your
publick peace, except I be forced thereunto, either for reparation of the
honour of the Kingdom, or else by
necessity for the weal and preservation of the same: In which case, a secure and honourable
War must be preferred before an unsecure and dishonourable
peace. Yet do I hope, by my experience of the by past blessings of
peace, which God hath so long ever since my birth bestowed upon me, that he will not be weary to continue the same, nor repent him of his
grace towards me; transferring that
sentence of King
Davids upon his by past Victories of
War, to mine of
peace; That that God who preserved me from the devouring jaws of the Bear, and of the Lion, and delivered them into my hand, shall now also grant me Victory over that uncircumcised
Philistine.
But although outward
peace be a great
blessing,2 yet it is as far inferiour to
peace within, as Civil Wars are more cruel and unnatural than Wars abroad. And therefore the second great
blessing that God hath with my Person sent unto you, is Peace within, and that in a double form: First, by my dedescent lineally out of the loyns of
Henry the seventh, is re-united and confirmed in me the
Vnion of the two
Princely Roses of the two Houses of
Lancaster and
York, whereof that King of happy
memory was the first
Vniter, as he was also the first ground-layer of the other
peace (The lamentable and miserable events, by the civil and bloody dissension betwixt these two
Houses, was so great, and so late, as it need not be renewed unto your
memories) which as it was first setled and united in
Him, so it is now re-united and confirmed in
Me; being justly and lineally descended, not only of that happy conjunction, but of both the Branches thereof in any Times before. But the Union of these two
Princely Houses is nothing comparable to the Union of the two ancient and famous Kingdoms, which is the other Inward peace annexed to my Person.
And here I must crave your
patience for a little space, to give me leave to discourse more particularly of the Benefits that do arise of that
Vnion which is made in my blood, being a matter that belongeth most properly to me to speak of, as
[Page 16] the
Head, wherein that great
Body is united. And first, if we were to look no higher than to
Natural and
Physical Reasons, we may easily be perswaded of the great Benefits that by this
Vnion do redound to the whole Island: for if twenty thousand men be a strong
Army, is not the double thereof, forty thousand, a stronger
Army? If a Baron enricheth himself with double as many Lands as he had before, is he not double the greater? Nature teacheth
Vs, that
Mountains are made of
Motes; and that at first, Kingdoms being divided, and every particular Town, or little Country (as Tyrants or Usurpers could obtain the possession of a Signory apart) many of these little Kingdoms are now in process of Time, by the
Ordinance of God, joyned into great
Monarchies, whereby they are become powerful within themselves, to defend themselves from all Outward invasions, and their
Head and
Governour thereby enabled to redeem them from Foreign Assaults, and punish private transgressions within. Do we not yet remember that this Kingdom was divided into seven little Kingdoms, besides
Wales? And is it not now the stronger by their
Vnion? And hath not the
Vnion of
Wales to
England added a greater strength thereto! Which though it was a great Principality, was nothing comparable, in greatness and power, to the antient and famous Kingdom of
Scotland. But what shall we stick upon any Natural appearance, when it is manifest that
God by his
Almighty Providence hath pre-ordained it so to be? Hath not God first united these two Kingdoms, both in Language, and Religion, and similitude of Manners? Yea, hath he not made
Vs all in one Island, compassed with one Sea, and of it self by Nature so indivisible, as almost those that were borderers themselves on the late
Borders, cannot distinguish, nor know, or discern their own
Limits? These two Countries being separated neither by Sea, nor great River, Mountain, nor other strength of
Nature, but only by little small Brooks, or demolished little Walls, so as rather they were divided in apprehension, than in effect; and now in the end and fulness of time united, the right and title of both in my
Person, alike lineally descended of both the
Crowns, whereby it is now become a
little World within it self, being intrenched and fortified round about with a
natural, and yet admirable strong Pond or Ditch, whereby all the former fears of this Nation are quite cut off: The other part of the Island being ever before now, not only the Place of Landing to all Strangers that were to make Invasion here, but likewise moved by the Enemies of this
State, by untimely Incursions to make inforced diversion from their
Conquests, for defending themselves at home, and keeping sure their Back-door, as then it was called, which was the greatest hindrance and Let my
[Page 17] Predecessors of this
Nation ever had, in disturbing them from their many famous and glorious Conquests abroad:
What God hath conjoyned then, let no man separate. I am the
Husband, and all the whole Island is my lawful
Wife; I am the
Head, and it is my
Body; I am the
Shepherd, and it is my
Flock: I hope therefore no man will be so unreasonable as to think that I, that am a
Christian King under the Gospel, should be a
Polygamist, and
Husband to two
Wives; that I being the
Head, should have a divided and monstrous
Body; or that being the
Shepherd of so fair a
Flock (whose
Fold hath no wall to sence it, but the four
Seas) should have my
Flock parted in two. But as I am assured, that no honest
Subject, of whatsoever degree, within my whole
Dominions, is less glad of this joyful
Vnion, than I am; so may the frivolous objection of any that would be hinderers of this
Work (which God hath in my Person already established) be easily answered; which can be none, except such as are either blinded with
ignorance, or else transported with
malice, being unable to live in a well-governed Common-wealth, and only delighting to fish in troubled waters: For if they would stand upon their
reputation, and
privileges of any of the Kingdoms; I pray you, were not both the Kingdoms
Monarchies from the beginning? And consequently, could ever the
Body be counted without the
Head, which was ever unseparably joyned thereunto? So that as the
honour and
priviledges of any of the Kingdoms could not be divided from their
Sovereign; so are they now confounded and joyned in my Person, who am equal and alike kindly
Head to both. When this Kingdom of
England was divided into so many petty Kingdoms (as I told you before) one of them eat up another, till they were all united into
One. And yet, can
Wiltshire or
Devonshire, which were of the
West-Saxons (although their Kingdom was of longest durance, and did by Conquest overcome divers of the rest of the little Kingdoms) make Claim to Priority of place or Honour before
Su
[...]sex, Essex, or other
Shires, which were Conquered by them? And have
We not the like
experience in the Kingdom of
France, being composed of divers
Dutchies, and one after another Conquered by the
Sword? For even as little
Brooks lose their Names by running and falling into great
Rivers, and the very name and memory of great
Rivers swallowed up in the
Ocean: so by the conjunction of divers little Kingdoms into One, are all these private differences and questions swallowed up. And since the success was happy of the
Saxon Kingdoms Conquered by the
Spear of
Bellona; how much greater
reason have
We to expect a happy issue of this greater
Vnion, which is only fastned and bound up by the
Wedding-Ring of
Astrea? And as
[Page 18] God hath made
Scotland (the one half of this
Island) to enjoy my birth, and the first and most imperfect half of my life; and you here to enjoy the perfect and last half thereof: so can I not think, that any would be so injurious to me, no not in their thoughts and wishes, as to cut asunder the one half of Me from the other. But in this matter I have far enough insisted, resting assured, that in your
hearts and
minds you all applaud this my Discourse.
3 Now although these
blessings (before rehearsed) of inward, and outward
peace be great: yet seeing that in all good things, a great part of their
goodness and
estimation is lost, if they have not appearance of perpetuity or long continuance; so hath it pleased
Almighty God to accompany my person also with that
favour, having healthful and hopeful Issue of my bod (whereof some are here present) for continuance and propagation of that undoubted
Right which is in my person; under whom I doubt not but it will please God to prosper and continue for many years this
Vnion, and all other blessings of inward and outward Peace, which I have brought with me.
4 But neither
peace outward, nor
peace inward, nor any other
blessing that can follow thereupon, nor appearance of the perpetuity thereof, by propagation in
posterity, are but weak pillars, and rotten reeds to lead unto, if God doth not strengthen, and by the
staff of his
blessing make them durable; for in vain doth the
Watchman watch the City, if the Lord be not the
principal defence thereof; in vain doth the Builder build the house, if God give not the success; and in vain (as
Paul saith) doth
Paul plant, and
Apollo water, if God give not the increase: for all worldly
blessings are but like swift passing shadows, fading flowers, or chaff blown before the wind, if by the profession of true
Religion, and works according thereunto, God be not moved to maintain and settle the
Thrones of Princes. And although since mine
entry into this Kingdom, I have both by meeting with divers of the
Ecclesiastical state, and likewise by divers Proclamations clearly declared my mind in
points of
Religion, yet do I not think it amiss in this so solemn an
Audience to take occasion to discover somewhat of the secrets of my heart in that matter. For I shall never (with Gods grace) be ashamed to make publick
profession thereof upon all occasions, lest
God should be ashamed of me before
Men and
Angels; especially lest at this time men might presume further upon the misknowledg of my meaning to trouble this
Parliament than were convenient.
At my first coming, although I found but one
Religion, and that which by my self is professed, publickly allowed, and by the Law maintained; yet found I another sort of
Religion, besides a private
Sect, lurking within the bowels of this
Nation. The first is the true
Religion, which by me is professed, and by Law is established: The second is, the falsly called
Catholicks,[Page 19] but truly
Papists: The third which I call a
Sect rather than a
Religion, is the
Puritans and
Novelists, who do not so far differ from us in
points of
Religion, as in their confused form of
policy and
parity, being ever discontented with the present
Government, and impatient to suffer any
superiority, which maketh their
Sects insufferable in any well governed Commonwealth. But as for my course towards them, I remit it to my
Proclamations made upon that
subject. And now for the
Papists, I must put a difference betwixt mine own private
profession of my
salvation, and my
politick Government of the
Realm for the weal and quietness thereof. As for my own profession, you have me your
head now among you of the same
Religion that the Body is of; As I am no stranger to you in Blood, no more am I a stranger to you in Faith, or in matters concerning the House of God. And although this my profession be according to my education, wherein (I thank God) I suckt the milk of Gods Truth, with the milk of my Nurse; yet I do here protest unto you, that I would never (for such a conceit of
Constancy, or other prejudicate
opinion) have so firmly kept my first
profession, if I had not found it agreeable to all
reason, and to the rule of my
conscience. But I was never violent, nor unreasonable in my profession: I acknowledg the
Roman Church to be our
Mother Church, although defiled with some infirmities and corruptions, as the
Iews were, before they Crucified Christ. And as I am no enemy to the life of a sick man, because I would have his body purged of
ill humours; no more am I an enemy to their
Church, because I would have them reform their
errors, not wishing the down-throwing of the Temple, but that it might be purged, and cleansed from
corruption: otherwise how can they wish us to enter, if their
house be not first made clean? But as I would be lother to dispense in the least point of mine own
conscience, for any worldly respect, than the foolishest
Precisian of them all, so would I be as sorry to streighten the
politick Government of the bodies and minds of all my Subjects to my private
Opinions: Nay, my mind was ever so free from persecution, or inthralling of my Subjects in matters of
conscience, as I hope those of that
profession within this Kingdom have a proof since my coming, that I was so far from increasing their
burthens with
Rehoboam, as I have so much as either time, occasion, or law could permit, lightned them. And even now at this time, have I been careful to revise and consider deeply upon the Laws made against them, that some
overture might be made to the present
Parliament for clearing these Laws by
reason (which is the
soul of the
Law) in case they have been in times past, further, or more rigorously extended by
Iudges, than the meaning of the
Law was, or might
[Page 20] tend to the hurt as well of the Innocent as of the guilty persons. And as to the persons of my Subjects which are of that
profession, I must divide them into two ranks,
Clericks and
Laicks: for the
Laicks, I ever thought them far more excusable than the other sort, because their
Religion containeth such an ignorant, doubtful, and implicite kind of
Faith grounded upon their
Church, that except they do generally believe whatsoever their Teachers please to affirm, they can not be thought guilty of these particular Points of
Heresies, and
Corruptions, which their Teachers so wilfully profess. And again, I must subdivide the
Laicks into two
ranks; which are, either quiet and well-minded men, peaceable
Subjects, who either being old, retain their first drunk-in liquor, upon a certain shamefacedness to be thought curious, or changeable: Or being young men, through evil
education, have been nursed and brought up upon such
venom, instead of wholsome
nutriment; And this sort of People, I would be sorry to punish their
Bodies for the
error of their
minds, the
reformation whereof must only come of
God, and the true
Spirit. But the other
rank of
Laicks, who either through
curiosity, affectation of
novelty, or discontentment, have changed their Coats, only to be
factious, stirrers of
sedition, and perturbers of the Common-wealth, th
[...]s giveth a ground to Me (the
Magistrate) to take better heed to their proceedings, and to correct their
obstinacy.
But for the
Clericks, I must directly say and affirm, that as long as they maintain one special point of their
Doctrine, and another of their
Practiec, they are no way sufferable to remain in this Kingdom. The point of
Doctrine is, that arrogant and ambitious
Supremacy of their
Head the
Pope, whereby he not only claims to be
Spiritual Head of all
Christians, but also to have an
Imperial Civil power over all
Kings and
Emperors, dethroning and decrowning
Princes with his foot as pleaseth him, and dispensing and disposing of all
Kingdoms and
Empires at his Appetite. The other Point which they observe, in continual Practice, is the
Assassinates and
Murthers of
Kings; thinking it no sin, but rather a matter of salvation, to do all actions of
Rebellion and
Hostility against their
Natural Soveraign Lord, if he be once
cursed, his
Subjects discharged of their
Fidelity, and his
Kingdom given a
prey, by that three-Crowned
Monarch, or rather
Monster, their
Head. And in this Point I have no occasion to speak further here, saving that I could wish from my heart it would please God to make me one of the
Members of such a general
Christian Vnion in
Religion, as (laying wilfulness aside on both
hands) we might meet in the midst, which is the center, and perfection of all things. For if they would leave, and be ashamed of such new
[Page][Page]
REVERENDIS
S: D
NS TOBIAS ARCHIEPISCOPVS EBORACENSIS ET ANGLIAE PRIMA
[...]
Exerit Hic Sanctos, viva ub imagine vultus
Ecce Senex: Vtinam fas sit et inde loqui.
Qui dum Zelus iners Boreali friget in Orbe;
Emicuit gelidis flamma corusca plagis:
Christiadae nautae, Mundi qui fluctuat
[...] dis,
Erranti et dubio Stellae Polaris adest.
Duplex cum Tibi sit Sanctorum Nomen Vtru
In vitam pariter conuenit, Alme, tuam.
[Page 21] and gross Corruptions of theirs▪ as themselves cannot maintain, nor deny to be worthy of
Reformation, I would for my own part be content to meet them in the Mid-way, so that all
Novelties might be renounced on either side. For as my
Faith is the
True, Ancient, Catholick and
Apostolick Faith, grounded upon the express Word of
God; so will I ever yield all
reverence to
Antiquity, in the Points of
Ecclesiastical Polity: And by that means shall I ever, with Gods grace, keep my self from either being an
Heretick in
Faith, or
Schismatick in matters of
Policy.
But of one thing would I have the
Papists of this Land to be admonished, that they presume not so much upon my
lenity (because I would be loth to be thought a
Persecutor) as thereupon to think it
lawful for them daily to increase their
number and
strength in this Kingdom; whereby, if not in my time, at least in the time of my
Posterity, they may be in hope to erect their
Religion again. No, let them assure themselves, that as I am a
Friend to their
Persons, if they be good
Subjects; so I am a vowed
Enemy, and do denounce Mortal War to their
Errors. And as I would be sorry to be driven, by their ill behaviour, from the protection and conservation of their
bodies and
lives; so will I never cease, as far as I can, to tread down their
Errors, and wrong
Opinions. For I could not permit the increase and growing of their
Religion, without betraying my self, and my own
Conscence, and this whole Island, as well the part I am come from, as the part I remain in, in betraying their
Liberties, and reducing them to the former
slavish yoke, which both had cast off before I came among them; as also the Liberty of the
Crown in my
Posterity, which I should leave again under a new Slavery, being left free to me by my
Predecessors. And therefore I would wish all good
Subjects that are deceived with this Corruption, if they find any beginnings in themselves of knowledg, and love to the truth, to foster the same by all lawful means, and to beware of quenching the Spirit that worketh within them. And if they can find as yet no motion tending that way, to be studious to read and confer with learned Men, and to use all such means as may further their
Resolution; assuring them, that as long as they are disconformable in Religion to us, they cannot be but half my
Subjects, be able to do but half
service, and I shall want the best half of them, which is their
souls.
And here I have occasion to speak to you, my Lords the
Bishops;
Tobie Matthew. for as you my Lord of
Durham, said very learnedly today in your
Sermon, Correction without Instruction is but Tyranny: So ought you, and all the Clergy under you, to be more careful, vigilant and careful than you have been, to
[Page 22] win
souls to God, as well by your exemplary
Life, as
Doctrine. And since you see how careful they are, sparing neither labour, pains, nor extreme peril of their Persons, to pervert, (the
Devil is so busie a
Bishop;) ye should be the more careful, and wakeful in your Charges. Follow the Rule prescribed you by Saint
Paul, Be careful to exhort and instruct, in season, and out of season: And where you have been any way sluggish before, now waken your selves up again with a new
diligence, remitting the success to God, who calling them either at the second, third, tenth, or twelfth hour, as they are alike welcom to him, so shall they be to me his
Lieutenant here.
The third Reason of my Convening you at this time, which containeth such
Actions of my Thankfulness towards you, as I may either do, or leave undone, yet shall, with Gods grace, ever press to perform all the days of my life. It consists in these two
Points; In making of
Laws at certain Times, which is only at such Times as this, in
Parliament; or in the careful
Execution of the
Laws at other Times. As for the Making of them, I will thus far faithfully promise unto you, that I will ever prefer the
Weal of the
Body above any particular or private ends of my
Own, thinking ever the Weal of the Commonwealth to be the greatest Weal, and worldly
felicity: A Point wherein a lawful King doth directly differ from a Tyrant. But at this time I am only thus far to forwarn you in that
Point, that you beware to seek the making of too many
Laws, for two especial
Reasons; First, because
In corruptissima Republica plurimae leges; And the execution of some good Laws is far more profitable in a Common-wealth, than to burthen
mens memories with making too many of them. And next, because the making of too many Laws in one
Parliament, will bring in Confusion, for want of leisure, wisely to deliberate before you conclude; for the
Bishop said well to day, That to
Deliberation a large time would be given, but to
Execution a greater promptness was required. As for the Execution of good Law, it hath been very wisely and honourably foreseen, and ordered by my Predecessors in this Kingdom, in planting such a number of
Iudges, and all sorts of
Magistrates, in convenient places, for execution of the same. And therefore must I now turn to you that are
Iudges, and
Magistrates under me, as mine Eyes and Ears in this case: I can say no otherwise to you, than as
Ezekias the good King of
Iuda said to their
Iudges, Remember that the Thrones you sit on are Gods, and neither yours nor mine. And as you must be answerable to me, so must both
you and
I be answerable to
God for the due Execution of
Our Offices. That Place is no Place for you to utter your Affections in; you must not there
[Page 23]hate your
foe, nor
love your
friend; fear the
offending of the
greater party, or pity the
misery of the
meaner; ye must be
blind, and not see distinctions of
Persons; handless, not to receive
Bribes; but keep that just
Temper and
Medium in all your Proceedings, that like a just
Ballance, ye may neither sway to the right hand, nor to the left. Three principal
Qualities are required in you,
Knowledg, Courage, and
Sincerity; that you may discern with
Knowledg, execute with
Courage, and do both in
upright Sincerity. And for my part, I do vow and protest here in the presence of
God, and of this
Honourable Audience, I never shall be weary, nor omit occasion wherein I may shew my
carefulness of the Execution of good
Laws: And as I wish you that are
Iudges, not to be weary in your Office, in doing of it; so shall I never be weary, with
Gods grace, to take account of you, which is properly my
calling.
And thus having told you the three causes of my Convening of this
Parliament, all three tending only to utter my
thankfulness, but in divers
forms; the first by
word, the other two by
action, I do confess, that when I have done, and performed all that in this
Speech I have promised,
Inutilis servus sum. When I have done all that I can for you, I do nothing but that which I am bound to do, and am accountable to God for the contrary. For the difference betwixt a Rightful King, and an Usurping Tyrant, is this; That the proud and ambitious Tyrant doth think his
Kingdom and
People are ordained for satisfaction of his
desires, and unreasonable
appetite; The
righteous and
just King doth by the
contrary, acknowledg himself to be ordained for procuring the
wealth and
prosperity of his
People, and that his greatest and principal
worldly felicity must consist in their
prosperity: If you be rich, I cannot be poor; if you be happy, I cannot but be fortunate; and I protest, that your welfare shall ever be my greatest care and contentment. And that I am a
Servant, is most true; that as I am a
Head and
Governour of all the People in my
Dominions, who are my
Natural Vassals, and
Subjects, considering them in
numbers, and distinct
ranks; So if we will take the People as one
Body and
Mass, then as the
Head is
ordained for the
Body, and not the
Body for the
Head; so must a
righteous King know himself to be ordained for his
People, and not his
People for
Him: For although a
King and his
People be
Relata, yet can he be no
King if he want
People and
Subjects. But there be many
People in the
World that lack a
Head; wherefore I will never be ashamed to confess it my
Principal Honour, to be the great Servant of the Commonwealth; and ever think the
Prosperity thereof to be my greatest
felicity, as I have already said.
[Page 24] But as it was the whole Body of this Kingdom (with an uniform assent and harmony) which did so far oblige me, so is my thankfulness due to the whole
State. For even as in Matter of
faults, Quod à multis peccatur, impunè peccatur; even so in the Matter of
virtuous and good
deeds, which are done by the willing Consent and Harmony of the whole
Body, no particular Person can justly claim thanks, as proper to him, for the same: And therefore I must here make a little
Apologie for my self, in that I could not satisfie the particular
humours of every
Person that looked for some Advancement or Reward at my hand, since my entry into this Kingdom. Three kinds of things were craved of me,
Advancement to
honour, Preferment to place of
Credit about my
Person, and
Reward in Matters of
Land or
Profit. If I had bestowed Honour upon all, no man could have been advanced to Honour; for the Degrees of Honour do consist in preferring some above their Fellows: If every man had the like access to my
Person, then no man could have it: and if I had bestowed Lands and Rewards upon every man, the
Fountain of my
Liberality, would have been so exhausted, as I should want Means to be liberal to any man. Yet was I not so sparing, but I may without Vaunting affirm, that I have enlarged my
favour in all the three Degrees, towards as many and more, than ever King of
England did, in so short a space. No, I rather crave your
pardon, that I have been so bountiful: For if the
means of the
Crown be wasted, whither should I have recourse but to you my
Subjects, and be burthensome to you? which I should be lothest to do of any King alive. Two special
Causes moved me to be so open-handed, whereof the one was
reasonable and
honourable, but the other (I will not be ashamed to confess unto you) proceeded of my own
infirmity. That which was Just and Honourable, was, that being so far beholden to the
Body of the whole
State, I thought I could not refuse to let some small
Brooks run out of the
Fountain of my Thankfulness to the whole, for refreshing of particular Persons, that were
Members of that
Multitude. The other which proceeded out of mine own Infirmity, was, the
Multitude and importunity of
Suters. But although
Reason come by infusion in a manner, yet
Experience groweth with time and labour: And therefore do I not doubt, but Experience will teach the particular
Subjects of this Kingdom, not to be so importune and undiscreet in craving; and Me not to be so easily and lightly moved, in granting that which may be
harmful to my
Estate, and consequently to the whole Kingdom.
And thus at length having declared unto you my mind, My Conclusion shall only now be, to excuse my Self, in case you have not found such
Eloquence in my
Speech, as peradventure
[Page 25] you might have looked for at my
hands. I might alledg the great weight of my Affairs, and my continual
business, and distraction, that I could never have leisure to think upon what I was to speak; And I might also alledg, that my first
sight of this so Famous and Honourable an Assembly, might likewise breed some impediment: But leaving these excuses, I will plainly, and freely, in my manner, tell you the true Cause of it; which is, That it becometh a King, in my opinion, to use no other
Eloquence than plainness and sincerity. By plainness, I mean, that his
Speeches should be so clear, and void of all ambiguity, that they may not be thrown, nor rent in sunder, in contrary senses, like the old
Oracles of the
Pagan gods: And by Sincerity, I understand, that
uprightness and
honesty which ought to be in a Kings whole
Speeches, and
Actions; that as far as a
King is in
Honour erected above any of his
Subjects, so far should he strive in
Sincerity to be above them all, and that his
tongue should be ever the true
Messenger of his
heart. And this sort of
Eloquence you may ever assuredly look for at my
hands.
Thus the
Beams of
Majesty had an influence upon every branch and leaf of the Kingdom, by reflecting upon the
Root, their
Representative Body; every particular expecting what fruit this
Sun-shine would produce; striving as much to insinuate into
him, as he did into the
general, so that there was a Reciprocal
Harmony between the King and the People, because they
courted one another. But when the Kings
Bounty contracted it self into private Favourites (as it did afterwards) bestowing the affection he
promised the whole people, upon one man; when the golden showers they gaped for, dropt into some few chanels, their
passions flew higher than their
hopes. The Kings aims were, to unite the two Kingdoms, so that the one might
corroborate the other, to make good that part of his Speech (by this intermixtion) wherein he divides
England and
Scotland into halves: But the
English stumbled at that
partition, thinking it an unequal
division, and fearing that the
Scots (creeping into
English Lordships, and
English Ladies Beds, in both which already they began to be active) might quickly make their least
half the predominant part.
But he was Proclaimed King of Great
Britain;
The King proclaimed King of great
Britain.England must be no more a Name; the
Scotish Coyns are made currant, and our
Ships must have Saint
Georges and Saint
Andrews Crosses quartered together in their Flags; all outward
Ensigns of
Amity. But those
English that had suckt in none of the sweets of this pleasant Stream of
Bounty, repined to see the
Scots advanced from
blew Bonnets to costly
Beavers, wearing instead of
Wadmeal, Velvet and
Satin, as divers
Pasquils written in that
Age Satyrically[Page 26] taunted at. Which is not set down here, to vilifie the
Scots (being most of them Gentlemen that had deserved well of their
Master) but to shew, how cross to the publick
Appetite the
Hony-comb is, that another man eats. But the King (like a wise
Pilot) guided the
Helm with so even an hand, that these small
gusts were not felt. It behoved him to play his
Masterprize in the Beginning, which he did to the
life, for he had divers
opinions, humours and
affections to grapple with, as well as
Nations, and 'tis a very
calm Sea when no
billow rises. The
Romanists bogled, that he said in his
Speech, They were unsufferable in the Kingdom, as long as they maintained the
Pope to be their
Spiritual Head, and He to have
power to dethrone
Princes. The
Separatists (as the King called them) were offended at that Expression, wherein he professed willingly, if the
Papists would lay down King-killing, and some other gross errors, he would be content to meet them half way. So that every one grounded his hopes, or his fears, upon the
shallows of his own
fancy, not knowng yet what course the King would steer. But these
sores being tenderly dealt with, did not suddenly fester, but were skinned over. The King desirous of the Title,
Pacificus, did not only close with his own
Subjects, but healed up also that old wound that had bled long in the
sides of
England and
Spain, both being weary of the pain, both willing to be cured. The King of
Spain, sent the Constable of
Castile with a mighty Train of smooth-handed
Spaniards to close up the wound on this side, where (the old Enmity being well
mortified) they were received with singular Respect and Civility. The King of
England sent his
High Admiral, the Earl of
Notingham, with as splendid a
Retinue of
English, to close it on that: Who being
Personages of Quality, accoutred with all
Ornaments suitable, were the more admired by the
Spaniards for beauty and excellency, by how much the
Iesuits had made impressions in the
vulgar opinion, That since the
English left the
Roman Religion, they were transformed into strange horrid
shapes, with Heads and Tails like
Beasts and
Monsters. So easie it is for those
Iuglers, when they have once bound up the
Conscience, to tye up the
Vnderstanding also.
The King and Parliament in good accord. But the
Parliament highly admiring the Kings abilities, made a Recognition thereof with many
Elogies, as the prime
Act of their
humble submission to his
Government, wherein they yield their most humble thanks to the
Divine Majesty for his access to the
Crown; and they desire from their Hearts, that as a
Memorial to all
Posterity (among the
Records of the High Court of
Parliament, for ever to endure) it may be published and declared, that they acknowledg his Right of
Succession to the Crown of
England, and the Empire thereof; and thereunto they faithfully submit, and oblige themselves, their Heirs, and Posterities
[Page 27] for ever,
An. Reg. 2.
An. Christi 1604. until the last drop of their
Bloods be spent. So high mounted was the Affection of the People to the King! And happily might have continued so, if some after
Iealousies had not intervened, that like
Clouds, hindred the
influence of their more intimate Correspondence.
And to satisfie the
Kings desires about an
Vnion betwixt
England and
Scotland,Commiss. for an Union. the
Parliament made an
Act to authorise certain Commissioners;
viz. Thomas Lord
Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor of
England; Thomas Earl of
Dorset, Lord Treasurer of
England; Charles Earl of
Notingham, Lord High Admiral of
England; Henry Earl of
Southampton, William Earl of
Pembroke, Henry Earl of
Northampton, Richard Bishop of
London, Tobie Bishop of
Duresme, Anthony Bishop of Saint
Davids; Robert Lord
Cecil, Principal Secretary;
Edward Lord
Zouch, Lord President of
Wales; William Lord
Mounteagle, Ralph Lord
Eure; Edmund Lord
Sheffeild, Lord President of the Council in the
North, Lords of the Higher House of
Parliament. And
Thomas Lord
Clinton, Robert Lord
Buckhurst; Sir
Francis Hastings, Knight; Sir
Iohn Stanhope, Knight, Vice-Chamberlain to his Majesty; Sir
Iohn Herbert, Knight, second Secretary to his Majesty; Sir
George Carew, Knight, Vice-Chamberlain to the
Queen; Sir
Thomas Strickland, Knight; Sir
Edward Stafford, Knight; Sir
Henry Nevill of
Berk-shire, Knight; Sir
Richard Bukley, Knight; Sir
Henry Billingsley, Knight; Sir
Daniel Dun, Knight,
Dean of the
Arches; Sir
Edward Hobby, Knight; Sir
Iohn Savile, Knight; Sir
Robert Wroth, Knight; Sir
Thomas Chaloner, Knight; Sir
Robert Maunsel, Knight; Sir
Thomas Ridgeway, Knight; Sir
Thomas Holcroft, Knight; Sir
Thomas Hesketh, Knight, Atturney of the Court of Wards; Sir
Francis Bacon, Knight; Sir
Lawrence Tanfield, Knight, Serjeant at Law; Sir
Henry Hubberd, Knight, Serjeant at Law; Sir
Iohn Bennet, Doctor of the Laws; Sir
Henry Withrington, Sir
Ralph Grey, and Sir
Thomas Lake, Knights,
Robert Askwith, Thomas Iames, and
Henry Chapman, Merchants, Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the House of Commons; or any eight of the said
Lords, and twenty of the said
Commons: Which
Commissioners shall have
power to assemble, meet, treat, and consult with certain select
Commissioners to be nominated and authorised by Authority of the
Parliament of
Scotland, concerning such Matters, Causes, and things, as they in their
Wisdoms shall think and deem convenient and necessary, for the
honour of the
King, and
common good of both
Kingdoms. Yet the good intentions of this
Vnion took no effect, as will follow in the
sequel of this
History. But there were a great many good Laws made, which are too voluminous for this place, having a proper
Sphere of their own to move in.
Thus the King sate triumphing as it were, upon a Throne
[Page 28] of his Peoples
Affections; and his
beginnings had some settlement: for being loth to be troubled, he sought
Peace everywhere. But our inbred
distempers lay upon the
Lee, intermixt with other gross
dregs, that the Princes
lenity, and the Peoples
luxury produced. For the King minding his
sports, many riotous demeanours crept into the Kingdom, the
Sun-shine of
Peace being apt for such a
production, upon the slime of the late
War. The Sword and Buckler trade being now out of date, one
corruption producing another (the City of
London being always a fit
Receptacle for such, whose
prodigalities and
wastes made them Instruments of
Debaucheries) divers
Sects of
vitious Persons, going under the Title of
Roaring Boys,Roaring Boys.Bravadoes, Roysters, &c. commit many insolencies; the Streets swarm night and day with bloody quarrels, private
Duels fomented, especially betwixt the
English and
Scots; many Discontents nourished in the
Countries, betwixt the
Gentry and
Commonalty, about Inclosure (the meanest gaping after new hopes) growing in some places to a petty
Rebellion. Daily
discords (incident to
peace and
plenty) betwixt private
Families, Papist against
Protestant, one Friend against another; the
Papists being a strong and dangerous
Faction, missing their
hopes, strove to make the
Scots more
odious than they could make themselves, though some of them went so high as to counterfeit the Kings
Privy-Seal, and make Addresses thereby to Foreign
Princes, for which one
Thomas Dowglas, taken in the fact, was executed in
Smithfield. Others were so insolent, as to quip and jear the
English Nobility; and other misdemeanours, which caused secret heart-burnings, and jealousies betwixt the
Nations. But then comes a
Proclamation, like a strong
Pill, and carries away the grossest of these
humours.
The Gun-powder Treason.Something yet stuck, especially in the
Consciences of the
Popish Party, that could not be purged away without a
Toleration, which they
Petition for; but not being granted, they contrived one of the most Horrid and Stupendious
Mischiefs, that ever entred into the Hearts of Men: For their
heat of
malice would not be quenched with the
Blood Royal, but the
Nobility and
Gentry, the Representative Body of the whole Kingdom, United at
Westminster, must be shattered in pieces, and dis-membred, by the blast of six and thirty Barrels of
Gun-powder, which those dark Contrivers had hid in a Cellar under the
Parliament House, being discovered by a
light from
Heaven, and a
Letter from one of the
Conspirators, when the
fire was already in their
hands, as well as
rage in their
hearts, to put to the
Train.
Principal Actors.The
principal of these
Contrivers, was,
Robert Catesbie, a Gentleman of a good plentiful
Estate, who first hatched and brooded the
Plot, and promised to himself the glory of an
Eternal Name, by the
Propagation of it; making choyce of
Thomas
Executed in the Year 1606. for the GUNPOWDER PLOT.
[Page 29] Percy, Robert Winter, Thomas Winter, Iohn Grant, Ambrose Rookwood, Iohn Wright, Francis Tresham, Sir
Everard Digby, and others, Gentlemen of good
Estates (for the most part) and
spirits as implacable and furious as his own; who like combustible matter took fire at the first
motion, their
zeal to the
Roman cause burning within them, which nothing but the blood of Innocents can quench. The
design thus set afoot, they bind themselves to secresie, by those
Sacraments which are the greatest ties upon the
Soul, and Saint
Garnet the
Iesuit was their
Confessor. The foundation being laid, every
man betakes himself to his
work, some to provide
money, some
materials. Percy was to hire the
Cellars under the
Parliament House, to lay Wood and Coal in, for his Winter-provision:
Guido Faux, a desperate
Ruffian (who was to give fire to the Train) was appointed to be his
man to bring in the Wood and Coal. The
Gunpowder provided in
Flanders, is brought from
Lambeth in the
night, and covertly laid under the Wood. Thus they prepare all things ready for a
Burnt-offering, against the
day the
Parliament should meet,
1604. which was to be upon the
seventh of
February. But the King for some
Reasons of
State (which at that time the
dictates of
Providence did much approve of) prorogued the
Parliament of the
fifth of
November following, which scattered the
Contrivers at present, and they were at their
wits end; and some of them went beyond
Seas, because they would not beat too much about the
Covert, their
materials being fitted; others that staid here persisted with
Patience (made a
Vice by them) and met often to consult how they should
manage their great
business, if it took effect. They looked upon the King and Prince, as already
sacrificed to their
Cruelty: And
Percy undertook to dispatch the
Duke of
York. But because they must have one of the
Blood Royal, that must serve as a
center to adhere to, to keep all from Confusion, they meant to preserve the Lady
Elizabeth, and make her
Queen, that under her
minority and
innocency, they might the better establish their bloody Principles of
Piety and
Policy. They had designed the
fatal day to be upon the
fifth of
November, when the King and both Houses were to meet, and that
day they appointed a great
Hunting-match at
Dunsmore-beach in
Warwick-shire, to be nearer the Lord
Harington's House, where the Lady
Elizabeth was. And they had by their horrid Art, and Experience, so fitted their
Matches, that were to convey the fire to the
Powder, that they could know a hundred
Miles off, to a
minute, when that
Monstrous Fiery
Exhalation would break out.
Solacing themselves in this bloody expectation, and thinking their Conveyances under ground were not seen above by the
Divine Discoverer, they stood like
Vultures gaping for their
Prey; when,
behold! one tender-hearted
Murderer among the
[Page 30]Pack,An. Reg. 3.
An. Christi 1605. willing to save the Lord
Monteagle, writ this
Letter to him.
MY Lord, out of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care of your Preservation, therefore I would wish you (as you tender your Life) to forbear your attendance at this Parliament;
A Letter to my Lord
Monteagle. for God and Man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this Time. And think not sleightly of this advertisement; for though there be no appearance of any stir, yet, I say, they shall receive a terrible blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who hurt them. This Counsel is not to be contemned, because it may do you Good, and can do you no Harm: for the danger is past as soon as you have burnt this Letter. I hope God will give you grace to make use of it, to whose Holy Protection I commend you.
Here is the
Protection of the Holy God desired, a strange expression in so unholy an
action, which is like their
zeal, that made their
children pass through
fire to
Moloch; what horrid
madness kindles such
Sacrifices? The Lord
Monteagle astonished at the
Letter (though he understood it not) thinking there might be something in it of dangerous concernment, communicated the contents of it to the Earl of
Salisbury, and some others of the Kings Council.
Salisbury could not find out the
Riddle, he concluded him either a
fool or a
mad-man that wrote it, by this expression,
The danger is past as soon as the Letter is burnt: If the danger be past when the Letter is burnt, what needeth any warning? But he did not reach the meaning; for the
Writers desire was to have the Letter burned, and then the danger would be past both to the
Writer and
Receiver, if he had grace to make use of the
warning. The King was Hunting the fearful
Hare at
Royston, while they layed this
Snare for
him at
Westminster. As soon as he came to
Whitehall, the Earl of
Salisbury being of his intimate Councils, and principal
Secretary, shewed him the
Letter. The King considering it circumspectly (as
Cicero said of the
Sibyls works,
Id majus est attenti animi quam furentis) said,
This is no Mad-mans writing. There is a great
Blow to be given, they shall not see it that feel it, which is some secret
mischief. Many times
fear is a profitable and an active
servant, if it do not
domineer and grow
masterly. He was so sensible of a
stroak, that he felt it (as it were) coming: Therefore the day before the
Parliament should begin, he commanded the Earl of
Suffolk, Lord Chamberlain, to make a strict search about the
Parliament House, who accompanied with the Lord
Monteagle, entred the Cellar under the House, which he found stuffed with Billet, Faggot, and Coal, and asking
Whinyard of the
Wardrobe (who was House-keeper) what
provisions they were, he said, he had let the Cellar to Mr.
Thomas Percy (who
[Page]THOMAS PERSI NOBILIS ANGLVS MAGNIBRITANNIAE REGIS STIPENDIARIVS ANNO 1605
Haec est vera & prima originalis editio Thōae Perci
Os vultumq vides
Thomae cognomine
Percy
Inter Britannos nobileis no
[...]ssimi
Queis rebus
[...] ambitione superstitioso
Animo nefandam machinatur dum necem
Regi Regina Ordinibus diprenditur: ipsum
Deo volente seclus in auctorem
[...]
A Thomas Ichry
[...] Cap
[...]runt
B Tho: Iehrus̄ Regi adduxerit
C Tho: Persi in Arce fugit
D Thomas Persi sagittatus mortuus
[Page]Execution of the Conspirators In the Gunpowder Plot in the Year 1606.
[Page 31] was one of the Gentlemen
Pensioners to the King) and close by in a corner of the Cellar stood
Faux, in a gastly condition (being a raw-bon'd tall man) who being questioned, said, he was
Percies servant. The Lord Chamberlain, that would make no noise, and bustle as that time, left both the
Engin and
Engineer as he found them, taking no further notice, but apprehended Just Cause to have the Cellars further searched; the Lord
Mounteagle assuring himself, it was
Percie that writ the Letter to him, as soon as he heard him named, for there were little intimacies betwixt them. The King with his Council advising what to do, resolved of a further
search that
night, committing the Trust to Sir
Thomas Knevet, one of the
Gentlemen of his
Privy-Chamber, a Man of approved Fidelity; who with a
Retinue suitable to such an Enterprise, coming to the Cellar about
Midnight, he met the watchful
Minister of
Impiety, Faux, at the door, on whom he presently seized; and making further search, pulled out the
core of all that horrid Contrivance.
Faux, his under-ground Works being digged out, and seeing all unkennel'd, confessed the intention, and was only sorry i
[...] came not to perfection, saying,
God would have concealed it, and the Devil only discovered it. In his pockets they found a Watch (which were not common then) and a Tinder box, the Engines to minute out his time to strike the stroke; so punctual was he in his wickedness! This tough
piece, upon examination by the
Lords of the
Council, could have little drawn from him, only he said again,
he was sorry it was not done. But the
Conspirators revealed themselves; for finding all discovered, they pack to
Dunsmore to the Hunting-meeting, breaking open some Stables in
London, and taking out divers Horses of
Noblemens, that were put into
Riders hands to manage, thinking to make a great
Party: But the High-Sheriffs of
Warwickshire, and
Worcestershire, hunted these Fire-brand Foxes so, that they were forced (most of them) to Earth themselves in
Littletons House at
Halbach, and there
Piercie and
Catesby desperately sallying out, were both slain, so were
Iohn Wright, and
Christopher Wright: Thomas Winter, Francis Tresham, and the rest, were taken;
Tresham died of the Strangury in the
Tower;Traitors executed.Thomas Winter, Guido Faux, Robert Keyes, Thomas Bates, Robert Winter, late of
Hoodington in
Worcestershire, Esquire;
Iohn Grant of
Northbrook in the County of
Warwick, Esquire;
Ambrose Rookwood, late of
Staningfield in the County of
Suffolk, Esquire; and Sir
Everard Digby of
Gothurst in
Bucking hamshire, Knight, were executed according to their demerit.
This Prodigious Contrivance did not only stupifie the whole Kingdom with amazement, but Foreign
Princes made their Wonderment also; And though, for the Propagation of the Catholick Cause, they might have
Conscience enough to
[Page 32] with it had taken Effect; yet they had
Policy enough to Congratulate the
Discovery; and some of them, to take off the asperity of the
Suspect, sweetned their Expressions with many rich Gifts, and Presents, to the King and Queen. But this bloody Design, found in the hand of the Malefactors, grasping the
Mischief, and confirmed by their own
Confessions (being such
Spirits as were fit
Boutefeus for so desperate an Enterprize) was notwithstanding father'd upon the
Puritans (as
Nero did the burning of
Rome upon the
Christians) by some impudent and cunning
Iesuits (whose practice is to deceive) if not quite to clear their party, yet by stirring this muddy water, to make that which is in it to appear the less perspicuous; and it is like the rest of their
Figments, fit baits for
Ignorance to nibble on: Which some years after I had
opportunity at
Bruges in
Flanders, to make
Weston, an old
Iesuit, active in the
Powder-plot, ingenuously to confess.
The Parliament meet the 9. of
Novemb.This preceded the second
Sessions of the first
Parliament, prorogued till the fifth of
November, and upon the ninth they met; where with Hearts full of Fears and Jealousies, they ripped up the ground of the
Machination, for discovery of the
Complotters; and laid such a Foundation of good
Laws against
Papists, as might serve for a Bulwark in the time to come. The King was not unmindful of the Lord
Monteagle, the first
Discoverer of this Treason, for he gave to him and his Heirs for ever, two hundred pounds a year in Fee-farm
Rents, and five hundred pounds a year besides, during his life, as a reward for this good service.
Rumors of the Kings death.In the midst of the
Parliaments Activity, a rumour was spread (by what strange means unknown) that the King was stabbed at
Okingham (twenty miles from
London, where he was Hunting) with a poysoned knife: The
Court at
Whitehall, the
Parliament, and
City, took the
Alarum, mustering up their Old Fears, every man standing at
gaze, as if some new
Prodigie had seized them; such a Terror had this late
monstrous intended
mischief imprinted in the
spirits of the People, that they took Fire from every little Train of
Rumour, and were ready to grapple with their own
Destruction before it came. In the midst of this
Agony, there came assurance of the Kings safety, which he was enforced to divulge by
Proclamation, to re-establish the
People. The
Spanish Embassador gave Sir
Lewis Lewknor, Master of the
Ceremonies, a Chain of Gold of good Value, for bringing him the news of the
Kings safety, which presently resounded in the
Court; and it was thought, he was so
bountiful, either out of Terror, being afraid of the People in this
Confusion, because it was
rumor'd, that the
King of
Spain was a Fomenter of the
Plot; or out of a desire to
vindicate his Masters Honour, and take the
Odium from him; for he had been solicited by divers
Iesuits, together with
[Page][Page]
Si quid patimini propter iustitiam, beati i petri
[...] Henricus Garnetus anglus e societate IESV passus 3 May 1606
[Page 33] these
Conspirators,An. Reg. 4.
An. Christi 1606. to invade
England. The
Principal of which
Iesuits, called
Henry Garnet (
Provincial of the Order in
England) was arraigned at
Guild-hall, the twentieth of
March 1605. and executed at the West end of St.
Pauls soon after.
Henry Lord
Mordant, and
Edward Lord
Stu
[...]ton, not coming to the
Parliament according to their
Writ of
Summons, were suspected to have knowledg of the Conspiracy, and so was the Earl of
Northumberland from some presumptions, and all three were committed to the
Tower. The two Barons (after some imprisonment) were redeemed by
Fine in
Star-chamber, but the Earl continued a Prisoner there for many years after.
In
Iuly this year the King of
Denmark (Brother to the
Queen) came in Person as a
visitor,The King of
Denmarks first coming. where he found their Shakings somewhat setled, their Terrors abated, and met with not only all those varieties that Riches, Power, and Plenty are capable to produce for
satisfaction, where
will and
affection are the
dispensers, but he beheld with admiration the
stately Theatre, whereon the
Danes for many hundred of years had acted their bloody parts: But how he resented their
Exit, or the last
Act of that black
Tragaedy, wherein his Country lost their interest, some
Divine Power, that searches the capacious hearts of
Princes can only discover. This
short Month of his stay carryed with it as pleasing a countenance on every side, and of their
Recreations and
Pastimes, flew as high a flight, as
Love mounted upon the wings of
art and
fancy, the sutable
nature of the
season, or Times swift foot could possibly arrive at. The Court, City and some parts of the Country with Banquetings, Masks, Dancings, Tilting, Barriers, and other Gallantry (besides the manly Sports of Wrestling, and the brutish Sports of bayting Wild-beasts) swelled to such a greatness, as if there were an intention in every particular man, this way to have blown up himself.
The seven and twentieth of
May last, the
Parliament was prorogued to the eighteenth of
November following;
The fifth of
Novemb. made Holy-day. but before they parted (having hearts full of affection for Gods great
deliverance of the whole Kingdom from ruin and destruction) they made an
Act to have the fifth of
November for ever solemnized with publick Thanksgiving: Imputing the Discovery of the Treason to Gods inspiring the King with a
Divine Spirit to interpret some dark
phrases of the Letter, above, and beyond all ordinary
construction. They attainted the blood of those Traitors that were Executed, as also, those that were slain in the field, or dyed in Prison. They made many good Laws, for the discovering and suppressing of
Popish Recusants. And gave the King three intire
Subsidies and six
Fifteens. Besides four
Subsidies of four shillings in the pound granted by the
Clergy. But they put off the Treaty of
Vnion, by an
Act that referred it to be done as well any other
Session of
Parliament, so willing they
[Page 34] were to keep close to the Kings affections, and not to start from him. But the next
Session (the King being loth to be longer delayed) the business of the
Vnion was much pressed again, by some that knew the Kings mind, among whom, Sir
Francis Bacon (now the Kings
Solicitor) was a principal
Instrument, who came prepared for it, and first moved the House of Commons, that the
Scots might be
Naturalized by
Act of
Parliament; which was opposed by divers strong and
modest Arguments. Among which they brought in the comparison of
Abraham and
Lot,Arguments about a Union. whose
Families joyning, they grew to difference, and to those words,
Vade tu ad dextram, & ego ad sinistram.
It was answered, That
Speech brought the
captivity of the
one, they having dis-joyned their strength.
The
Party opposing said, If we admit them into our
Liberties, we shall be over-run with them, as Cattle (naturally) pent up by a slight Hedg, will over it into a better
soyl, and a Tree taken from a barren place will thrive to excessive, and exuberant Branches in a better, witness the
multiplicities of the
Scots in
Polonia,
To which it was answer'd, That if they had not
means, place, custom, and
imployment (not like
Beasts but
Men) they would starve in a plentiful
soyl, though they came into it; and what
spring-tide and
confluence of that
Nation have housed and familied themselves among us, these four years of the Kings reign? And they will never live so meanly here as they do in
Polonia; for they had rather discover their poverty abroad than at home. Besides, there is a question whether
England be fully peopled, witness the drowned Grounds, and Common-wasts; the ruins and decays of ancient Towns in this
Realm; Witness how many serve in the
Parliament for desolate
Burroughs; Witness our Wasts by Sea, as well as by Land, suffering the
Flemings to carry away all our
Fishing, the sinews of our industry being slackned, we want active
spirits to
corroborate them by their
example: Besides the planting
Ireland, fully abounding with Rivers, Havens, Woods, Quarries, good Soyl, and temperate Climate. No surcharge of people hath been prejudicial to Countreys, the worst will be an
honourable War, to recover our ancient
Rights, or revenge our
Injuries, or to attain to the
honour of our
Ancestors. We should not forget the consideration of Amplitude and Greatness, and fall at variance about Profit, and Recknings, fitter for private persons than Kingdoms.
The other side objected, That the
Fundamental Laws of both Kingdoms are divers, and it is declared, they shall so continue, and therefore it would not be reasonable to proceed to this
Naturalization, whereby to indow them with our
Rights, except they should receive, and submit to our
Laws.
[Page]EdwardusI DG Rex Ang: Dux
Aqui: ete Dom: Hib:
sould by Robt: Peake.
[Page 35] It was answered, That in the Administration of the
World under God, the great
Monarch, his Laws are divers; one Law in
Spirits, another in
Bodies, one Law in
Regions Celestial, another in
Elementary, and yet the
Creatures are all one
mass, or lump. That in the state of the
Church, among People of several languages, and lineages, there is a
Communion of
Saints, and we are all fellow-Citizens, and
Naturalizants of the
Heavenly Ierusalem, and yet divers
Ecclesiastical Laws, Policies, and
Hierarchies; for the
Laws are rather
Figura Republicae, than
Forma; rather bonds of
Perfection, than
Intireness. That in
Ireland, Iersey, G
[...]rnsey, and the Isle of
Man, our Common
Laws are not in force, and yet they have the benefit of
Naturalization.
To which it was replyed, that these are only Flourishes of
Rhetorick; for God (who is the only
Disposer of all his
Creatures) keeps them in
Order and
Obedience to
Him, by a Law which they cannot deviate from, unless he withdraws his preserving Hand from them: But betwixt Man and Man, or Realm and Realm, there can be no such Tie, or Obligation, to hold an
Vnity, where they have various
Laws, and various
Priviledges. And for the immunities given to the
Irish (for some
Ages past) they were
English Colonies sent there to plant, being a great part of them
Natives with us, of the same blood and stock, with whom we are ingrafted by Time, and made (as it were) one Body, the better to secure their obedience, and hinder any
League or
Amity with a Foreign
Nation. But
Scotland hath an intire
Vnion with the
French, continued for some hundreds of years, that is indissolvable, and therefore incompetent, yet to the
freedoms of
England. When we have had as much experience of the
Friendship of Scotland, as of them, we shall incline to a more intimate
Vnion. Besides there is an inequality in the
Portunes of the two
Nations; and by this
Commixture, there may ensue advantage to them, and loss to us.
To the latter part was answered,
Beatius est dare quàm accipere: And
Edward the First, among other Commendations of
War, and
Policy, none was more celebrated than his purpose and enterprize, for the Conquest of
Scotland; as not bending his
Designs to glorious Acquests abroad, but solid strength at home; which, if it had succeded, could not but have brought in those inconveniences, of the Commixture of a more
opulent Kingdom with a less; for it is not the yoke either of
Laws or
Arms, that can alter the
nature of the
Climate, or the
nature of the
Soil; neither is it the
manner of the
Commixture, that can alter the
nature of the
Commixture; and therefore if it were good for us then, it is good for us now; and not to be prized the less, because we paid not so dear for it.
[Page 36]They strive further to prove, That the benefit of
Naturalization is by
Law, to as many as have been, or shall be born, since the Kings coming to the
Crown; for there is no more than to bring the
Ante-nati unto the
degree of
Post-nati, that
Men grown may be in no worse case than
Children, and elder
Brothers in no worse condition than younger
Brothers. That if any object the
Law is not so, but that the
Post-nati are
Aliens as the rest, it is contrary to the Reason of
Law. The Wisdom of the Common Laws of
England is admirable, in distribution of the Benefit, and Perfection of the Law, according to the several conditions of
Persons, The
Degrees are four, two of
Aliens, and two of
Subjects: The first
Degree is of an
Alien born under a King or State, that is an Enemy; if such an one come into the Kingdom without safe
conduct, it is at his
peril, the
Law giveth him no
protection, neither of Body, Lands, nor Goods; so as if he be slain, there is no remedy by any appeal, at the Parties sute, though she were an
English Woman; though at the Kings sute the Case may be otherwise, in regard of the offence to the
Peace, and
Crown, The second
Degree is of an
Alien that is born under
Faith and
Allegiance of a King, or State, that is a Friend; unto such a Person the
Law doth impart a greater benefit and protection concerning things personal, transitory, and moveable, as Goods and Chattels, Contracts, and the like, but not concerning Free-hold, and Inheritance; and the
Reason is, because he
may be an Enemy, though he
be not; for the State where he was born, may enter into
Hostility; and therefore as the
Law hath but a Transitory assurance of him, so it rewards him with Transitory
benefits. The third
Degree is of a
Subject, who having been an
Alien, is made free by
Charter, and
Denization: To such a one the
Law doth impart yet a more ample
benefit, for it gives him a power to purchase
Free-hold, and Inheritance to his own use, and likewise inables his
Children (born after his
Denization) to inherit: But yet he cannot make Title, or convey any
Pedigree from any
Ancestour Paramount; for the
Law thinks not good to make him in the same
Degree with a
Subject born, because he was once an
Alien, and so might have been an
Enemy; and
Affections cannot be so setled by any
benefit, as when from their
Nativity they are inbred, and inherent. The fourth
Degree, and the perfect
Degree, is of such a
Person, as neither is Enemy, nor can be Enemy in time to come, nor would have been Enemy at any time past; and therefore the
Law gives unto him the full
benefit of
Naturalization. Now if these be the true steps and paces of the
Law, no man can deny, but whosoever is born under the Kings
obedience, never could,
in aliquo puncto temporis, be an Enemy; and therefore in reason of
Law is
Naturalized. So though the
Scots seem to be in Reason,
Naturales ipso jure, yet it is not
superfluous to have it done
[Page 37] by
Parliament; for it will shew the
World our
love to them, and good agreement with them.
Then they shewed by authority of
History, and
Experience, the Inconveniencies that may grow, if this
Vnion of
Naturalization doth not close, and bind up the Veins, so as to make it one perfect Body; For else it may be apt to open, and break out again upon all
occasions, and
relapse to the detriment of both: Ripping up ancient
Stories of the
Romans and
Latines, and the
Wars they had, meerly for want of this
Vnion, and never were at quiet till they injoyed it. Then between the
Peloponnesians, and the
Spartans the like. And from ancient
Stories to the Kingdom of
Arragon and
Castile, united in the Persons of
Ferdinando and
Isabella, severed and divided from the rest of
Spain in Priviledges, and directly in this point of
Naturalization, or capacity of
Inheritance. But what came of this? A
Rebellion grew among them, which a
Royal Army with difficulty suppressed, and (they being made one incorporated
Body with the rest of
Spain) perpetuated
Peace to
Posterity.
The like example was betwixt
Florence and
Pisa. And whatsoever Kingdoms and States have been United, and that
Vnion corroborated by the
Bonds of
Naturalization, you shall never observe them afterward, upon any occasion to break or sever again: Whereof divers Provinces in
France, by time annexed to that
Crown, are further witnesses. So that except they proceed to this
Naturalization, these
Realms will be in continual danger to divide and break again.
Next they shew the Benefits to be Security and Greatness. Surety, by stopping up the Postern-gates of our Enemies, so that we shall not be so much a temptation to the
ambition of Foreigners, when their Approaches and Avenues are taken away: For having so little
success when they had these advantages, they will have less comfort when they want them. And Greatness by this
Vnion must needs follow: For having so many Iron-handed men in these three Kingdoms, we shall not only pluck Gold from the (once poor)
Spaniards Indian-mines, but by our
Arms keep in
awe the whole
Christian World.
These
Arguments prest with gilded
Oratory by the
Solicitor and his
partakers, could not prevail, though urged with all the
power Wit could invent, or
Hope aim at: For being new budded in
Court, he was one of those that smoothed his
way to a full
ripeness; by
liqu
[...]rish and
pleasing passages, which he at last attained to, being made Lord
Chancellor of
England. But such
sweets, though delightful at present, breed
rottenness in the end: for he withered, and came to nothing, as in due time shall be expressed.
But the King (like a great Sea) being troubled when such cross-winds are boistrous, sent for both Houses of
Parliament to
White-hall
[Page 38] hall the last of
March,An. Reg. 5.
An. Christi 1607. 1607. to calm them; where betwixt a Sun-shine of fair Words, and a Cloud of Anger, he colours over some of the
Arguments that had been used, and urges others for his best advantage, with a plain
natural bluntness fit for Kings. He tells them,
The Kings Speech to the Parliament about the Union. the
Vnion he desires, is of
Laws and
Persons, such a
Naturalizing as may make one
Body of both
Kingdoms; that as there is but
Vnus Rex, so there may be but
Vnus Grex, & Vna Lex. His intention is not, as some idly alledg, to give
England the labour and sweat, and
Scotland the fruit and sweet, vainly talking of transplanting Trees out of barren ground into better, and lean Cattle out of bad pasture into a more fertile soyl. Can any man displant them unless they will? Or is
Scotland so strong, to pull them out of their
houses? Whereas the waste grounds in
Scotland would rather be planted by Swarms of People that cumber the
Streets here.
First, He desires that all Hostile Laws should cease, being the King of
England cannot make War with the King of
Scotland.
Secondly, That there should be Community of Commerce, he being no Stranger, but descended of their ancient Kings: and how can he be
Natural Liege-Lord to both, and they
Strangers to one another? And shall they that be under the same Allegiance be no freer, nor have no better Respect than
Frenchmen and
Spaniards?
Thirdly, They all agree they are no
Aliens, and yet will not allow them to be
Natural. That he was informed by their own
Iudges and
Lawyers, at his first access to the
Crown, that there was a difference between the
Ante and
Post-nati of each Kingdom; which caused him to publish a
Proclamation, that the
Post-nati were
Naturalized by his accession; but he confesses,
Iudges may err, so may the
Lawyer's on their side: Therefore he admonishes them to beware to disgrace, either his
Proclamations, or the
Iudges, for so they may disgrace both their
King and
Laws; who have
power, when the
Parliament is ended, to try them both for Lands and Lives.
And for some of them who with their flattering
speeches would have the
Ante-nati preferred, alledging their
merit in my
service, such
Discourses have
mel in ore, & fel in corde; carrying an outward appearance of
love to the
Vnion, but a contrary
resolution in their
hearts. For the King would have them know, it lies within the compass of his
Prerogative to prefer whom he pleases to any
Dignity Civil or Ecclesiastical. But he is so far from prejudicing the
English, that he is willing to bind himself to reasonable
Restrictions. Besides, it is a special Point of the Kings
Prerogative, to make
Aliens, Citizens; and in any case wherein the
Law is thought not to be clear,
Rex est Iudex; for he is
Lex loquens, supplying the
Law where it wants. But this he
[Page 39] speaks as knowing what belongs to a
King, not intending to press it further than may agree with their
loves, and stand with the conveniency of both
Nations.
The inconveniences supposed to arise from
Scotland, are pretended to be,
1. An evil affection in the
Scots to the
Vnion.
2. That the
Vnion is incompetible.
3. That the Gain is small, or none.
If this be so, Why is there talk of an
Vnion? For the first, They alledg the averseness of the
Scots, from the
Preface, and
Body of their
Act; where they decare, they will remain an absolute and
free Monarchy, and not alter the
Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom. And yet in the beginning of this
Session of
Parliament, the
opinion was current, that
Scotland was greedy of this
Vnion, and pursued it with so much
violence, that they cared not for the strictness of the Conditions, so they might attain the
substance, and
end. And yet they now say, they are backwards, which is a Contradiction; for how can they both beg and deny the same thing, at one and the same time? And by preserving their
Fundamental Laws, they mean, those
Laws by which
Confusion is avoided, and their Kings
Succession, and
Monarchy maintained. To which he
Declares, That he is in descent three hundred years before
Christ, not meaning (as they do) their Common Law; for the
Scots have no
Law but that which is
Ius Regis. And for their desire of continuing a
free Monarchy, he hopes they mean not he should set
Garrisons over them, as the
Spaniards do over
Sicily and
Naples.
And then he tells them, That he governs
Scotland with his
Pen; he writes, and doth more by a Clerk of the
Council, than others could do by the
Sword. And though he knows there are many seditious Persons in that Kingdom, that may talk
lewdly enough, yet none of them ever spake dishonourably of
England, as they have done of
Scotland: For if any man speaks any thing uncomely there, the
Chancellor by his
Authority interrupts him; but here they have freedom to speak what they list, and as long as they list, without contradiction. Then the King shews what the
Laws of
Scotland are.
1. Those which concern
Tenures, Wards, Liveries, Signiories, and
Lands, are drawn out of the
Chancery of
England, brought by
Iames the First (who was bred up here) and differ only in terms.
The second are
Statute Laws, to which he hopes they will be no
Strangers.
The third is the
Civil Law, brought out of
France by
Iames the Fifth; and serve only to supply in such Cases, where the
Municipal Laws are defective: So that he hopes it is no hard matter to unite the
People together, who are in effect already
[Page 40]subject to the same
Law. And whereas it is
Objected, that the
King of
Scotland hath not a
Negative Voice in
Parliament, but must pass the
Laws agreed on by the
Lords and
Commons: He assures them, that the
form of
Parliament there, is nothing inclined to
Popularity: For about twenty days before the
Parliament begins,
Proclamation is made throughout the Kingdom, that all Bills to be exhibited that
Session, be delivered to the
Master of the
Rolls by a certain day: Then they are brought to the King, perused, and considered by him; and only such as he allows, are put into the
Chancellors hand, to be propounded that
Parliament, and no other. And if any man speak of any other Matter than is in this
Form first allowed by
him, the
Chancellor tells him, that there is no such Bill allowed by the
King: And when they are past for
Laws, he ratifies and confirms them, first racing out what he doth not approve of. And if this be to be called a
Negative Voice in
Parliament, then he hath
one.
2 For the
Vnion betwixt the
French and the
Scots, which makes this
Vnion so incompetible; he assures them, it was a
League only made between the
Kings, not the
People. For
Scotland being solicited by
England and
France at one Time, for a
League Offensive and Defensive, against each others
Enemies. There was a great
Disputation maintained in
favour of
England, that they being our
Neighbours joyned in one
Continent, a strong and
Powerful Nation, it would be more Security to the State of
Scotland to joyn in
Amity with
England, than with
France, divided by the Sea, where they must abide the hazard of wind and weather, and other Accidents that might hinder relief.
But on the contrary, it was alledged in the
favour of
France, That
England ever sought to conquer
Scotland, and therefore there would never be kept any
sound Amity: Whereas
France, lying more
remote, claimed no
interest, and therefore would be found a more
constant and
faithful Friend; so it was concluded on their Part. But by the
Tenour it was ordered to be renewed, and confirmed from King to King successively, by the
mediation of their
Ambassadors, and therefore merely
personal. And so it was renewed in the
Queen his
Mothers time, but not by assent in
Parliament; which it could not have wanted, if it had been a
League of the
People: And in the Kings Time, when it came to be
ratified, because it appeared to be in
Odium Tertii, it was by him left un-renewed, in consideration of his
Title to the
Crown.
3 For the Profit and Commodity that shall arise to
England by this
Vnion; Who is so ignorant that doth not know the gain will be great? Do they not gain by the
Vnion of
Wales? And is not
Scotland greater than
Wales? Shall not Lands, Seas, and
Person be added to their
Greatness? Two Snow-balls put together
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[Page]HONORATISS: D
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[Page 41] grow greater; two Houses joyned make one the larger; and two Castle-walls made into one, makes one as thick and strong as both. And he professes, he seeks this
Vnion only to advance the greatness of their
Empire here in
England, yet with such caution as may stand with the weal of both States. What is now desired, hath oft been sought, and not obtained, to refuse it then now were double
iniquity, And for their security in such reasonable points of
Restriction, which he shall agree to, they need not doubt his inclination: For he will never say any thing he will not promise, nor promise any thing which he will not swear, nor swear any thing which he will not perform.
This urged with asseveration might have wrought much with the
Parliament,The Parliament declined the Union. but that they apprehended a great inconvenience in such an
Vnion, where the Laws and Government are of different
natures. All were not
Romans that were born
subjects to the
Roman Empire, though St.
Paul was born one, the
Centurion was a purchaser. For notwithstanding all the former
Arguments by the King, and his Ministers, the
Parliament knew that it is true, That if
Scotland had been Conquered, the only way to tie them to
obedience, were to let them taste the
sweets of
English Liberties. But to let them sit Triumphing upon their own
priviledges, and roam about among the
English Freedoms, were to make them straggle too much. The
Scots would not lessen, nor in the least derogate from the
dignity of their long continued
Monarchy, and the
English thought they had no reason to come to them to derogate from themselves. The
Parliament only feared the Kings
Power would have such an influence upon the
Iudges of the Kingdom; that the
Scots would be
naturalized too soon, they were resolved not to be accessary to it: which indeed some two years after was confirmed in
Calvins case of
post-nati, reported by the Lord Chief Justice
Cook, who was fit
metal for any
stamp Royal, and adjudged by him, the Lord Chancellor
Ellesmere, and most of the Judges of the Kingdom in the
Exchequer-Chamber, though many strong and valid
Arguments were brought against it (
such Power is in the breath of Kings!) and such
soft stuff are Judges made of, that they can vary their
Precedents, and
model them into as many
shapes as they please. And thus this
Case stood like a
Statue cloathed by the Lord Chief Justice in the
vulgar Language (when the rest of his
Reports spoke an unknown Tongue) that the Kingdom might take more particular notice, that the
Scots were as free in
England as themselves, yet it fell not out to their
wishes. But all that could be gotten from the
Parliament, was, That the Laws of
hostility that were anciently made betwixt
England and
Scotland were repealed, that the old
grudges which caused the
Dis-union (the War in the
members) might be taken away. And
[Page 42] in the said
Act they provided,
An. Reg. 6.
An. Christi 1608. That if a
natural born
subject of
England did commit any misdemeanour in
Scotland, and sly into
England, he should be tried where he was taken, and not carried into
Scotland to receive his
judgment there;
Till such time (which are the very words of the
Act)
as both Kingdoms shall be made one in Laws
and Government,
which is the thing so much desired, as that wherein the full perfection of the blessed Vnion (already begun in the Kings Royal person) consisteth. And further they went not: For they found and feared the old
enmity would yet a while continue; for since the Kings coming into
England, the loose and uncomposed
Borderers, that lived upon rapine and spoil (seeking
new benefits from
new changes) had broke out and committed many insolencies, who though they were suppressed by the Forces of
Barwick and
Carlile, and many of them suffered in it, yet
custom and
habit had bred in them a
natural Ferity, which could only be restrained by giving
freedom to the
Laws, that within a short time gave bound to that
barbarous animosity. The
Laws made in
Scotland to the prejudice of the
English were likewise repealed there, so that all passages were made smooth on both sides. This
Session also produced divers good
Laws for the
benefit of the Common-wealth.
But this
Session brought in no money, that is as the
blood of the
Subject, which He (as a wise
Physician) would not strain from them the
ordinary way, lest the sense of it should bring the more fears and faintings with it, but by laying on little Burthens at first, he not only inured them to bear greater, but made them sweat out some of that
humor insensibly, though they felt it afterward, when they found the
weight laid upon their
shoulders, only (as they conceived) to daub other
mens with
bravery. For the Kings Bounty was seen by the
vulgar eye to overflow in many little
Rivulets, who knew the golden streams that out-faced the Sun came not from the
Norths cold climate, but were drained out of the
fountains of their
labor. They could not endure to see their
fellow Subjects grow fat, by what should be their
nourishment. Collecting that the King had received three hundred and fifty thousand pounds
subsidies, due to the
late Queen, besides what the
Parliament had given him. And fearing that
Proclamations (who were indeed very
active Ministers) would now become
Laws, ushering in the Kings will with large
strides upon the
peoples Liberties, who lay down while they stept over them. The ingenious
sort, sensible of this incroaching
Monarchy, brake out into private
murmur, which by
degrees (being of a
light nature) carried a Cloud with it, by which the wise
Pilots of the
State, foreseeing a Storm gathering, strive to dissipate it the next
Session of
Parliament, which was held the nineteenth of
February, in the seventh year of our Kings Reign.
[Page 43]Not long after this,
An. Reg. 7.
An. Christi 1609. the Earl of
Dorset, Lord High Treasurer, died suddenly, as he sate at the
Council Table; which gave occasion to some persons disaffected to
him (as what eminent Officer that hath the managing of Moneys can please all?) to speak many things to his
Dishonour.The death of the Earl of
Dorset suddenly. But they considered not, that besides the
Black worm and the
White (day and night, as the Riddle is) that are gnawing constantly at the root of this tree of Life, there are many insensible Diseases, as
Apoplexies, whose
Vapors suddenly extinguish the
Animal Spirits; and
Apostems both in the upper, and middle
Region of
Man, that often drown and
suffocate both
Animal and
Vital; who are like imbodyed
Twins, the one cannot live without the other; if the
Animal Spirits fail, the
Vital cannot subsist, if the
Vitals perish, the
Animal give over their
operations. And He that judges ill of such an
Act of
Providence, may have the same hand, at the same time, writing within the Palace walls of his
own Body, the same
Period to his
Lives earthly Empire.
The Earl of
Salisbury succeeded him,
The Earl of
Salisbury made Treasurer. a man nourished with the milk of
Policy, under his father the Lord
Burley (famous for Wisdom in his
Generation) a Courtier from his infancy, Batteld by Art, and Industry, under the late
Queen, mother of her
Country. Though
Nature was not propitious to his
Outside (being Crooked backt)
She supplied that want with admirable indowments within. This man the King found
Secretary, and Master of the
Wards; and to these he added the Treasurers staff, knowing him to be the staff of his
Treasury: For he had knowledg enough to pry into other
Mens Offices aswell as his own, and knew the ways of disbursing the Kings moneys. The Earl of
Northhampton, he made Lord
Privy Seal; and these were the two prime wheels of his triumphant
Chariot. The Earl of
Suffolk was made Lord
Chamberlain before, but he came far behind in the management of the Kings affairs, being a
Spirit of a more
Grosser Temper, fitter to part a fray, and Compose the differences of a disordered
Court, than a Kingdom. Upon the Shoulders of the two first the King laid the
Burthen of his business: For though he had many
Lords his Creatures, some by
Creation, and some by insinuation (for Kings will never want supple-hand
Courtiers) and the
Bishops, being his
Dependents, the most of them tending by direct Lines towards him, as the
Center of their advancement; so that
He (like the
Supreme Power) moved this upper
Region, for the most part, and that had an influence upon the
lower, in inferior
Orbs; yet these two noble
Men were the two great
Lights that were to discover the Kings mind to the
Parliament, and by whose
Heat, and
Vigor, the blessed fruits of
Peace, and Plenty,
Salisbury and
Northampton Sticklers for the King. should be produced.
The Lord Treasurer (by a Command from the King) instructs both
Houses in their business, and what they shall do well to insist
[Page 44] upon this
Session. First, To supply his Majesties wants. Secondly, To ease the people of their Grievances. They go commonly yoakt together; for the peoples Grievances are the Kings Wants, and the Kings Wants are the peoples Grievances, How can they be separated? If the King will always want, the people will always suffer: For Kings when they do want, lay commonly
lawless impositions on the people, which they must take off again with a
sum of money, and then they want again to a continued
vicissitude.
These two Propositions are sweetned by him with a third: Which is to make the
Parliament witnesses of those great
favours, and
honours, that his Majesty intended his Royal Son, Prince
Henry, in creating him Prince of
Wales: Which though the King might do without a
Parliament, and that divers Kings his
Predecessors had done so, (as by many
precedents was manifested) yet being desirous to have a happy
Vnion betwixt him and his People, he would have nothing resound ill in their
ears, from so eminent an instrument to the Kingdoms good as his Son. Then they excuse the Kings
necessities, proceeding from his great
disbursements. For the three hundred and fifty thousand pounds
Subsidies, due in the late
Queens time, he received with one hand, and paid her Debts with another, redeeming the
Crown Lands which she had morgaged to the City. He kept an
Army of nineteen thousand men in
Ireland, for some time a foot; wherein a great many of the
Nobility were Commanders, and other deserving
Soldiers, that would have been exposed to want and penury, if not supplied: And it was not safe for the King to trust the inveterate
malice of a new reconciled
Enemy, without the
Sword in his hand. The late
Queens Funeral Charges were reckon'd up, which they hoped the
Parliament would not repine at: Nor was it fit the King should come in as a private Person, bringing in one
Crown on his
head, and finding another here; or his
Royal Consort, with our
future Hopes (like so many precious
Ienels) exposed to
Robbers, without a
Guard and
Retinue? How fit was the
Magnificence at the King of
Denmarks being here? And how just that
Ambassadors from Foreign Princes (more than ever this Crown received) should find those Entertainments and Gratuities, the want whereof would put a dim lustre abroad upon the most sparkling Jewels of the Crown; Besides the necessary Charge of sending
Ambassadors to others, being concurrent and mutual
Civilities among Princes.
That these are the causes of the Kings wants, and not his irregular Bounty, though a
magnificent mind is inseparable from the Majesty of a King. If he did not give, his
subjects and
servants would live in a
miserable Climate; And for his Bounty to those that were not born among us, it must be remembred, he
[Page 45] was born among them; and not to have them taste of the blessing he hath attained, were to have him change his
Vertue with his
Fortune. Therefore they desire the Kings wants may be supplied; a thing easie to be granted, and not to be valued by Wise-men, nor spoken of without contempt.
Philosophy saith, that all
Riches are but
food and
rayment, the rest is
nugatorium quiddam: And that it is but
purior pars terrae, and therefore but
crassior pars aquae, a thing unworthy the
denial to such a King who is not only the wisest of Kings, but the very
Image of an
Angel, that hath brought good tidings, and setled us in the
fruition of all good things. He whose depth of Knowledge as well as Conscience, deserves the Title of
Fidei defensor; whose
numerous Issue makes Foreign Princes study to keep their own, not look abroad. He that hath shut the back-door of the Kingdom, and placed two Lions, a red and a yellow to secure it, who would have us live under our own
Olive, that we may
laetari & benefacere. That none will wonder at the Want, or startle at the supply, but such as study to serve their own turns, and believe nothing but what they find written in the
stories of their own
ignorance. Among which those are to be reckon'd, who (hearing of an
Order to bind up the printed
Proclamations in a book, that the better notice may be taken of the things contained in them) have raised a bruit, that it was intended this
Parliament to make
Proclamations equal to the
Laws, which never entred into the Kings heart; who is so far from governing by
will and
power, that he will yield to any
motion from them, wherein they shall hold a just
Diameter, and proportion among themselves, and observe those
Duties due to a great and gracious King.
Thus these Lords did please themselves and the King, by striving to keep the people in the milky way of
Obedience, which they had long suckt in, and found the
sweet of it tending to nourishment, not yet meeting any Callous, or Brawny-constitution (which must harden them by degrees) nor yet finding their own Tempers grown Robust enough, by so harsh a
diet as afterwards they met with. They therefore are willing to go on in the way pointed out to them, as
Pupils follow their
Masters, minding rather the
smoothness of the Tract they saw, than the roughness of the end. Yet some of them, whose
hopes were not so high mounted, and their
spirits more; spoke plainly,
That the whole wealth of England
would not serve the Kings vast Bounty; therefore it was a vain thing to give him, that would give it away again: That Gold and Silver in
Edenburgh now in our
Solomons time are like the
stones in the
streets, never so much glittering there, like a perpetual
spring-time. Besides they look upon the Kings incroachments upon the publick
liberty, by undermining the
Laws, taking notice of some
[Page 46] expressions that fell from him publickly at his dinner, in derogation of the
Common Law, extolling highly the
Civil Law before it; and approving a Book lately written by Doctor
Cowell, a Civilian, against it: Which netled our great
Lawyers, that had not some of them been raised so high, that they could not with that
Court-gag look downwards, it had bred a contest.
The High-Commission a grievance.The
High-Commission also began now to swell into a Grievance, which the
Parliament complained of. Seldom is
Authority and
Power exercised with
Moderation: Every man must conform to the
Episcopal way, and quit his hold in
Opinion, or safety. That
Court was the Touch stone to try whether men were
metal for their
stamp; and if they were not soft enough to take such impressions as were put upon them, they were made
malleable there, or else they could not pass current. This was the beginning of that
mischief, which when it came to a full ripeness, made such a bloody Tincture in both Kingdoms, as never will be got out of the
Bishops Lawn sleeves. And though these Apples of strife thrown in the way did a little retard the course in hand, yet they carried not the prize: For the King according to his old wont (like a cunning
Hunter) when they began to run counter, called them off, and at
White-hall by one of his
Lectures he strives to bring them into the way again; By laying himself open as in a Glass, wherein, if they could not
see his
heart, they might
scent out his
meaning, and so follow the chace which was to be pursued.
The Kings Speech to both Houses.He tells them, though the Kings
heart be in the hands of the Lord, yet he will set it before the eyes of the people: Assuring them that he never meant to govern by any Law, but the Law of the Land; though it be disputed among them, as if he had an intention to alter the Law, and govern by the absolute Power of a King. He knew, said he, the Power of Kings, resembling it to the
Power Divine: For as God can create and destroy, make and unmake at his pleasure, so Kings can give
life and
death, judg
all, and be judged of
none. They can exalt low things, and abase high things, making the
subjects like men at
Chess, a
pawn to take a
Bishop or a
Knight. (But he left out the power of a Pawn to take a Queen, or check a King). And when he had raised the Kings
power to the height, with
Vos dii estis, he brings them down again, with,
They shall die like men: And that all Kings who are not
Tyrants or perjur'd, will bound themselves within the limits of their Laws, and they that perswade them the contrary, are
Vipers and
Pests both against them and the Common-wealth. Yet as it is
Blasphemy to dispute what God may do, so it is
Sedition in
Subjects to dispute what a King may do in the height of his
power. And as he will not have his
subjects discourse of what he may do, so he will do nothing
[Page 47] but what shall be
consonant to
Law and
Reason. Then he strives to mitigate the sharpness of the words dropt from him at his Table to the
disparagement of the
Common Law, and assures them, though he likes the
Civil Law very well, as being
Lex Gentium, which maintains intercourse with foreign Nations, and sitted to the
Ecclesiastical Courts, Court of
Admiralty, and
Courts of
Request, yet he is so far from disavowing the
Common Law, that he protests, if he were to chuse a new
Law for this Kingdom, he would prefer it before any other
National Law, yea, the
Law of Moses, nay, without
blasphemy, the very
Law of
God. Then he recalls himself, and tells them, That though for this
Nation he had preferred the
Common Law to the
Law of
God, yet it is inferiour to the
Iudicial Law: For no Book, or Law is free from
corruption, but the Book and Law of God.
And therefore he could wish that three things specially were purged out of
Common Law.
First, That it were written in the
vulgar Tongue, and made plain to the peoples understanding, that they might know what to obey, that the
Lawyers in the
Law, like the
Romish Priests in the
Gospel, might not keep the people in
ignorance.
Secondly, That the
Common Law might have a setled Text in all
Cases, for being grounded upon old
Customs, Reports, and
Cases of former
Iudges, called
Responsa prudentum, which are not binding (for divers times
Iudges disclaim them, and recede from the
Iudgment of their
Predecessors) it were good upon mature deliberation, that the Exposition of the Law were set down by Act of Parliament, that the people might know what to depend upon.
Thirdly, There is in the Common Laws divers contrary
Reports and
Precedents, and divers
Statutes and
Acts of
Parliament, that do cross one another, being so penned, that they may be taken in divers
senses, therefore he could wish, they might be reviewed, and reconciled. And whereas he is thought an
Enemy to
Prohibitions, he saith he is not ignorant of the
necessity of them, if every
stream might run in its own
chanel, but the overflowing, and super-abundance of them, in every Court, striving to bring most grist to their own Mill, was a distemper fit to be cured, therefore he did not disallow the Use but the Abuse.
Then he closes with the House of Commons, and not only thanks them for the
Bonefire they made of certain Papers which were presented
Grievances from some discontented
murmuring spirits, but he instructs them how to receive
Grievances hereafter: In which he would have them careful to avoid three things.
The first, That they meddle not with the main points of
Government,[Page 48] that is his
craft, Tractent fabrilia fabri. To meddle with that were to lessen him, who hath been thirty years at the Trade in
Scotland, and served an Apprentiship of seven years here, therefore here needs no
Phormios to teach
Hannibal.
Secondly, He would not have such ancient Rights as he hath received from his
Predecessors accounted
Grievances, that were to judg him unworthy to injoy what they left him.
And lastly, That they should be careful not to present that for a
Grievance, which is established by a
Law; for it is very undutiful in
Subjects to press their King wherein they are sure to be denyed.
Complaints may be made unto them of the
High-Commissioners, let the abuse appear then, and spare not, there may be
errors among them, but to take away the
Commission is to derogate from him, and it is now in his thoughts to rectifie it in a good proportion.
Then he shews the emergent cause of his great expences, since his coming to the Crown, which makes him desire a supply from them, confirming what the
Lords formerly delivered; wherein he said, when they opened his
necessities unto them, his
purse only
labour'd, now his
desires are taken notice of both at home and abroad, his
Reputation labours as well as his
Purse; for the
World will think it want of
love in them, or
merit in him, that both lessen'd their
hearts, and tied up their
hands towards him.
Thus the King expressed himself to the Parliament, desiring their assistance, assuring them he had no intention to alter the
Government, though he wished the
Laws might be rectified. But his
King-craft (as he calls it) failed in striking at the
Common Law, and he was convinced in it, how dangerous it was to give too much knowledg to the
people; the two great
Hammers of the
State, the
Church-man and
Lawyer, that work the people to obedience, upon the two Anvils of
Conscience and
Policy, beat him to the understanding of it, so that ever after he joyned with them, and that three-fold Cord was not easily dissolved. But the times not being ripe yet to produce any thing but the fruits of
obedience, they after this Lesson setled themselves to make divers good Laws, which they purchased at the rate of a Subsidie and a Fifteen.
A Proclamation against new buildings.About this time, the
Suburbs betwixt
London and
Westminster, had many ruinous Piles of Building, which Age had worn out, and Industry, and Riches (the two great supporters of this
momentary Eternity) did strive to renew. Among the rest the
Lord Treasurer erected out of the
rubbish of the old
stables of
Durham-house, a goodly
Fabrick, to be
Rival to the
Old Exchange, which the
King by his
presence dignified with the name of
Britains Burse. But he took notice of the swelling Buildings upon
[Page]DURHAM HOUSE SALISBURY HOUSE WORCESTER HOUSE.
ILLUSTRISS. PRINC. IOHAN. GUILIELMUS DUX IULIAE, CLIVIAE & BERG. COMES MARCH. RAVENSBERG. & MEURS. DOMINUS IN RAVESTEYN.
IN DEO REFUGIUM MEUM.
Natus a
o 1562, 28 Maÿ, obÿt a
o 1609, 25 Martÿ, aetatis suae ann
o 46. mens. 9. die 25.
[Page 49] new
foundations, which he looked upon as a Rickety
constitution in the Head of the Kingdom, being Inviters of a Flux of
humours, and
diseases, to be near the Court; besides, he feared the Plague would come too near
Whitehall, if that Distemper increased. And therefore he carefully, with mature deliberation of his
Council, forbids all New Buildings to be set up for the
future, within two miles of the City; and by
Proclamation strictly commands if any be, they shall be pulled down, though not taken notice of till seven years after. Whereby many men that did not so well heed the
Proclamation) laid out their whole
estates upon little
Hovels, and building fair
houses upon
new foundations (though it were but two yards from the
old) they became
Trespassers, and must either purchase their houses again at a dear rate, or pull them down, both ways tending to their ruin; thus falling under the stroke of the
times rough hand, without a providential care of the danger that would follow: For what was so strictly forbidden then, was permitted after; and those
reasons that caused the restraint then (the increase of the
Plague) were found upon better experience to be a
remedy; for there was more room, and better air to prevent it, among thin and single
families, than full-crouded
houses. And this
severity had a second
consideration, which was, to prevent the greatness of the
Body of the
Kingdom from swelling to be all
Head, when the
Head it self wanted so much increase of
Building, as to plump, and make those thin parts appear more round and beautiful, which was then a
disgrace, but is now an
Ornament to both
Cities. So that what the
wisdom of one time doth decry, the
experience of another may advance: Such is the
Worlds career! And they are only miserable, whose imprudence, or ill luck, puts them in the way to be over-run by it.
This year 1609.
The Siege of
Iuliers. begot a Truce betwixt the King of
Spain, and the Low Countries; yet by the
death of the Duke of
Cleve, the War was like to revive again: For while two petty
Princes, Brandenburgh and
Newburgh, strove for the inheritance,
Spain, like the
Vulture in the
Fable, attempted to catch it from both, seizing upon
Iuliers, one of the chief Strengths of the
Country; which the States of the
Netherlands, by the help of our King, and
Henry the Fourth of
France, besieged, and recovered again. Sir Edward Cecil, Brother to the Earl of Salisburg, commanded four thousand
English at that Siege, whose Conduct gave Life to his Soldiers Valour, and that advanced the
Glory of his
Conduct. But where such fiery Spirits are congregated into a
Body, there will be often violent and thundring
eruptions. Sir
Hatton Cheek was next Commander to Sir
Edward Cecil, a Man of a gallant and daring
courage in the difficultest enterprises; who speaking to Sir
Thomas Dutton (one of the Captains
[Page 50] under his Command) somewhat hastily,
An. Reg. 8.
An. Christi 1610.Dutton disdaining to be snapt up (being a man of a crabbed temper returned as hot an answer, which broke into a flame: But
Dutton quenched it, by telling Sir
Hatton Cheek, He knew he was his Officer, which tied him in the Army to a strict Obedience, but he would break that Bond, and vindicate himself in another place: And instantly quitting his Command, he went for
England.
A Duel betwixt Sir
Hatton Cheek, and Sir
Thomas Dutton. Some small time after the taking of
Iuliers, Cheek fell sick; and his
distemper was the greater, because he had heard
Dutton strove to defame him, both in Court and City: for being full with
passion, he vented it with freedom enough in every place.
Cheek being recovered, and heart-whole, would not give time to his decayed limbs to suck in their old vigor, but sends to
Dutton that threatned him, to give an account of the large expence of his tongue against him;
Dutton, that waited for such a reckoning, willingly accepted the Summons:
Cheek took
Pigot, one of his Captains, to be his Second;
Dutton took Captain
Gosnald, both Men of well-spread fame; and they four met on
Calais Sands: On which dreadful Stage, at first meeting,
Dutton began to expostulate his
injuries, as if a Tongue-Combate might decide the
Controversie; but
Cheek would dispute it otherwise. Then their Seconds searching, and stripping them to their Shirts in a cold morning, they ran with that sury on each others Sword, as if they did not mean to kill each other, but strive who should first die. Their Weapons were
Rapier and
Dagger, a fit Banquet for
Death. At the
first course, Cheek ran
Dutton into the neck with his
Rapier, and stab'd him in the neck backward with his
Dagger, miraculously missing his windpipe; And at the same instant, like one
motion, Dutton ran
Cheek through the Body, and stab'd him into the back with his left hand, locking themselves together thus with four bloody
keys, which the Seconds fairly opened, and would sain have closed up the bleeding
difference: but
Cheeks wounds were deadly, which he finding, grew the
violenter against his
Enemy; and
Dutton seeing him begin to stagger, went back from his
fury, only defending himself, till the others
rage weakned with loss of
blood, without any more hurt, fell at his feet.
Dutton, with much difficulty recovered his
dangerous wounds, but
Cheek by his Servants had a sad
Funeral, which is the
bitter fruit of
fiery passions.
Henry the 4. of
France stab'd by
Raviliac. The next year was
fatal to
Henry the Great of
France, who (in the
height of his
Glory, when he had impt his
Wings with a Mighty
Army, and a Mass of
Treasure, and none knew which way his
towring spirit would fly) was stopt by a horrid hand, that with a poysoned knife cut out his passage to another
World: Such poor and penetrable things are
Kings, as well as other
Men! And when in this
Worlds Sea they have toyled their
spirits, in a
[Page][Page 51] continued
Tempest of
fond Hopes, and built upon the Sand their vast desires, either old Age doth wash them quite away, or else some sudden
storm makes them cast Anchor upon the shores of
death, and there's an end. But one
Act of
Providence is very remarkable towards him, as a Fore-runner of this ensuing
mischief. When he came first to the Crown (which he (as it were) snatched out of the fire, the whole Kingdom being in a flame) he was a professed
Protestant, so born, and so bred up: but finding himself in a
tottering condition among his
Popish Subjects, for his better
security, he did something comply with them in
Ecclesiastical affairs, which gave great
scandal to the
Reformed, yet did not much advance him in the good opinion of their
Opposites. For the
Iesuits unconfident of him (inclining more to the
hot zeal of
Spain) one of their Instruments stab'd him into the
mouth with a knife, without much hurt. Which done, an intimate of his, that came to visit him, told him plainly, that the Hand of
God was much seen in this
Action; for he had now denied the
Truths of
God, and the
Religion he suckt in with his
milk, but from the teeth
outward, and therefore this punishment came to him as a warning: But let him take heed of denying it with his
heart, for if he did, (it is to be feared) God would strike him there also: Both which were too much manifested. So suitable often are
Gods Iudgments to our
Sins!
The
venom of this
blow reached presently into
England: and came somewhat near our Kings Heart; therefore he took the best way to prevent his Fears, by striving to prevent his Dangers, having no other
end but his
own. For when he considered the horridness of the
Powder Plot, and by it the irreconcileable
malice of that
Party, he thought it the safest
policy, not to stir those Ashes, where so much Fire was covered; which gave way to a flux of that
Iesuitical humour to infest the Body of the Kingdom.
But now being startled with this poysoned knife,
A Proclamation against Jesuits. he ventures upon a
Proclamation, strictly commanding all
Iesuits and
Priests out of the Kingdom, and all
Recusants to their own Houses, not to come within ten miles of the
Court; and secures all the rest of his Subjects to him, by an universal taking of the Oath of
Allegiance; which the
Parliament, both
Lords and
Commons, (then sitting) began, and the rest of the People followed, to the Kings great contentment.
For the last
Session the
Parliament was prorogued till the sixteenth of
October this year; and meeting now, they were willing to secure their
Allegiance to the King out of
Piety; yet they were so stout (even in those youthful days, which he term'd
Obstinacy) that they would not obey him in his incroachments upon the
Publick Liberty, which he began then to practise. For
[Page 52] being now season'd with seven years knowledg in his profession here, he thought he might set up for himself, and not be still
journy-man to the
lavish tongue of men, that pryed too narrowly into the
secrets of his
Prerogative, which are
mysteries too high for them, being
Arcana imperii, fitter to be admired than questioned: But the
Parliament were apprehensive enough, that those hidden
mysteries made many dark steps into the Peoples Liberties, and they were willing by the light of
Law and
Reason, to discover what was the Kings, what theirs; Which the King unwilling to have searched into (after five
Sessions in six years time) dissolved the
Parliament by
Proclamation.
Prince
Henry created Prince of
Wales.Prince Henry, the prime branch of this
Royal Cedar, now growing Manly (being the sixteenth year of his
Age) put forth himself in a more
Heroick manner than was usual with
Princes of his Time, by Tiltings, Barriers, and other exercises on horseback, the Martial Discipline of gentle
Peace, which caught the peoples
eyes, and made their
tongues the Messengers of their
hearts, in daily extolling his hopeful and gallant towardliness to admiration. And now the King thought him full of ripeness for the
Honour of
Knighthood (which admitted of a willing contribution from the people, and such old Customs as bring in money are never out of date) and (to add the more
splendor to his sparkling youth) created him Prince of
Wales, (as he formerly intimated to the Parliament) with all the
pomp and
solemnity that a great King could express to a hopeful Son, his first born; or the
merit of a Prince (that floated in the peoples affections) could possibly attain to. For as yet the King could discover nothing in him but that harmless and wanton innocency that commonly accompanies youth, being of a light
nature, and soon blown away. But how far the Kings
fears (like thick clouds) might afterwards blind the
eye of his
Reason, when he saw him (as he thought) too high mounted in the peoples
love, and of an alluring
spirit, to decline his paternal affection to him, and bring him to the
low condition he fell in, may be the
subject of my
fears, not of my
pen. With this Ingrandizing Title the King added a great Revenue, establishing also a full and splendent Retinue and Family to attend his person at St.
Iames, now appointed to be the Princes Court, where this
new Star placed in the
third House, might be feared to
culminate, and become
Lord of the
Ascendant: His
Palace being as gloriously attended with young and sprightly Blossoms, as the Kings was with older, and more sage Plants. And now the King deliberates for a Wife for him, and sends to Sir
Charles Cornwallis, his
Lieger Ambassador in
Spain, to treat with that King for his eldest Daughter. But after some traverses, it was found there was more time lost than ground gotten: For Princes
[Page]
HENRICUS Princeps Walliae etc
a.
[Page]Reverendissimus in Christo Pater D.D. RICHARDUS BANCROFT Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis.
[Page 53] in Treaties lie at the
snap, and the most backward often gets the better of it. But the King being not so hot then for this, as he was after for the other Son, with another Sister (the eldest being matched into
France) made a quicker, and a more
honourable Retreat.
About this time
Richard Bancroft,Bancroft Arch-Bishop of
Canterbury dies. Arch-Bishop of
Canterbury, died; a person severe enough, whose roughness gained little upon those that deserted the
Ceremonies. One work of his shewed his
spirit better than the ruggedest Pen can depaint it: For it was he that first brought the King to begin a new Colledg by
Chelsey, wherein the choice and abiest
Scholars of the Kingdom, and the most pregnant
Wits in matters of
Controversies, were to be associated under a
Provost, with a fair and ample allowance, not exceeding three thousand pounds a year, whose
design was to answer all
Popish Books, or others, that vented their
malignant spirits against the
Protestant Religion, either the
Heresies of the
Papists, or the
Errors of those that strook at
Hierarchy, so that they should be two-edged
Fellows, that would make old cutting and flashing; and this he forwarded with all industry during his time;
7
Regis. and there is yet a formal Act of Parliament in being for the establishment of it. But after his death the King wisely considered, that nothing begets more contention than
opposition, and such
Fuellers would be apt to inslame, rather than quench the
heat that would arise from those
embors: For Controversies are often (or for the most part) the exuberancies of Passion; and the
Philosopher saith, men are drunk with
disputes, and in that
inordinateness take the next thing that comes to hand to throw at one anothers faces; so that the design fell to the ground with him; and there is only so much Building standing by the
Thames-side, as to shew, that what he intended to Plant, he meant should be well Watered, and yet it withered in the bud. I can lay nothing to the charge of this great man, but from common fame; yet this I may truly say, That for his Predecessor
Whitgift, and his Successor
Abbot, I never heard nor read any thing tending to their disparagement: But on him, some unhappy
Wit vented this
Pasquin,
Here lies his Grace in cold Earth slad,
Who died with want of what he had.
The Queen was Mistress of
Somerset-house (as well as the Prince was Master of St.
Iames) and she would fain have given it the name of
Denmark-house, which name continued her time, among her people, but it was afterwards left out of the common
Calender, like the dead Emperors new named
Month. She was not without some
Grandees to attend her for outward
glory:
Masks in great esteem. The Court being a continued
Maskarado, where she and
[Page 54] her Ladies,
An. Reg. 9.
An. Christi 1611. like so many
Sea-Nymphs, or
Nereides, appeared often in various
dresses to the
ravishment of the
beholders. The King himself being not a little delighted with such fluent
Elegancies, as made the
nights more glorious than the
days. But the
latitude that these high-flying
fancies, and more speaking
Actions, gave to the lower World to judg and censure, even the greatest with
reproaches, shall not provoke me so much as to stain the innocent Paper. I shall only say in general, That Princes, by how much they are greater than others, are looked upon with a more
severe eye; if their
Vertues be not suitable to their
Greatness, they lose much of their
value: For it is too great an allay to such
resinedness to fall under the
common cognizance.
Pembroke a favourite.
Mountgomery a favourite. As she had her
Favourites in one place, the King had his in another. She loved the elder Brother, the Earl of
Pembroke; he the younger, whom he made Earl of
Mountgomery, and Knight of the
Garter: But either not finding him suitable to his
humour, or
affections, or seeing another
object more delightful, his
fancy ran with a violent
stream upon a young Gentleman, who had neither Parts nor Birth to entertain such a current.
Car a favourite. His name was
Robert Car, born about
Edenburgh in
Scotland, descended from Gentry of that name, a young man about twenty years of Age, a comely personage, mixt with a handsom and Courtly
garb, which he had been practising in
France, and lately came over; Sir
Iames Hayes, some say the Lord
Dingwell, at a Tilting (among the rest of the Pages and Gentlemen that in their richest ornaments attended him for that days Triumph) made choice of Mr.
Car (according to the custom) to present his
Shield, and
Device to the King; and as he was descending. the Horse full of
fire and
heat, prevented him, threw him down before the King, and broke his
leg. This accident gave the King occasion to take notice of him, and hearing that his name was
Car, remembred he had a Page of that name when he came first into
England, which this proved to be: For the Pages the King brought first with him, according to the
French way to wait upon his Coach, were discharged, and Footmen according to the
English way supplied those places. The King mustering up his thoughts fixt them upon this
object of
pity, giving special
order to have him lodged in the Court, and to have his own
Physicians and
Chyrurgions use their best endeavours for his
recovery. The King visited him often during his necessitated restraint, sometimes an hour or more discoursing with him, to sound him, and know what he was; and though he found no great depth of
Literature or
Experience, yet such a smooth and calm outside, made him think there might be good Anchorage, and a fit Harbor for his most retired thoughts. As soon as he recovered (which the King with some impatience attended)
[Page]Philip Earle of Pemb: & Mong: Lord Chamberlaine to y
e King. etc.[Page]
[Page 55] he made him Knight, and Gentleman of his
Bed-Chamber, took the pains himself to teach him the Latin Tongue, and laid a Foundation, by his daily discourses with him, to improve him unto a capability of his more indeared affections.
Now all addresses are made to Sir
Robert Car, he is the
Favourit in
Ordinary; no sute, nor no reward, but comes by him; his hand distributes, and his hand restrains; our
Supreme Power works by
second Causes; the Lords themselves can scarce have a smile without him. And to give the greater
lustre to his
power, about this time the Earl of
Dunbar, the Kings old trusty Servant (the
Cabinet of his secret
Counsels) died; so that he solely now took the most intimate of them into his
charge, and the Officer of Lord high Treasurer of
Scotland, which staff the other left behind him; and though it could be no great Supporter, yet the credit of it carried some reputation in his own Country, where it was his happiness to be magnified, as well as in
England; for he had
Treasure enough here, where the
Fountain was. And to ingrandize all, the King
created him Baron of
Brandspech, and Viscount
Rochester, and soon after Knight of the
Garter.1612. Made Viscount. Thus was he drawn up by the Beams of Majesty, to shine in the highest Glory, grapling often with the
Prince himself in his own
Sphear, in divers
Conteslations. For the
Prince being a high born
Spirit, and meeting a young
Competitor in his Fathers Affections, that was a
Mushrom of yesterday, thought the
venom would grow too near him, and therefore he gave no
countenance, but
opposition to it; which was aggravated by some little
scintils of
Love, as well as
Hatred (Rivals in
passion) being both
amorous, and in
youthful blood, fixing by accident upon one
object, who was a third
mans; in which the Viscount got the
Mastery, but to his
ruin. The
Prince shewing his affection, by his neglecting of her, to be grounded rather upon
envy to the Man, than
love to the Woman.
But before this time,
The Earl of
Essex marries the Lady
Frances Howard. the Treasurer
Salisbury, that great Engin of the
State, by whom all Wheels moved, held an intimate Correspondence with the House of
Suffolk, which he had strengthned with an Alliance; marrying his eldest Son, the Lord
Cranborn, to
Katharine, the eldest Daughter of that
Family. And being mindful of the asperity and sharpness that was betwixt him, and the late Earl of
Essex, he thought it a good
Act of
Policy, and
Piety, not to suffer
Malice to become
Hereditary; and therefore he was a great
means in marrying the young Earl of
Essex to the Lady
Frances Howard, another of those
Sisters, that the Fathers
Enmity might be closed up by the Sons
Nuptial Fraternity. The Earl of
Essex was fourteen years of Age, and she thirteen, when they married; too young to consider, but old enough to consent: Yet by the advice of Friends separated after marriage, she under her Mothers
wing, and he visiting
[Page 56]France and
Germany, till Time should mature, and ripen a happy Co-union. The
Court was her
Nest, her Father being Lord
Chamberlain; and she was hatched up by her Mother, whom the sour breath of that
Age (how justly I know not) had already tainted; from whom the young
Lady might take such a Tincture, that Ease, Greatness, and
Court Glories, would more distain and impress on her, than any way wear out and diminish. And growing to be a
Beauty of the greatest
Magnitude in that
Horison, was an
Object fit for
Admirers, and every
Tongue grew an
Orator at that
Shrine.
The Prince of
Wales now in his
Puberty, sent many
loving glances, as
Ambassadors of his good respects, and amorous expressions are fit
subjects for jealous
reproaches to work on. Her
Husband having been now three or four years beyond the
Seas, (sick with absence from her whom his desires longed after) came over again, and found that
Beauty, which he had left
innocent, so
farded and
sophisticated with some Court
Drug which had wrought upon her, that he became the greatest
Stranger at home. His
Patience made way for him a while, and he bore up with a
gentle gale against the
stream of this
Womans affections, which ran altogether (unknown to him) into another
chanel. Nor was her
reputation yet become so
rebust (being of a tender growth) to
strike his ears with
reproaches, and therefore he imputed her
sly entertainments to a
Maiden bashfulness; till surfeted with that dull
Potion (upon better advice) he went to the Earl of
Suffolk (her Father) and demanded his
Wife, thinking himself capable to enjoy both her and her love. The Father, that thought there had been an
intimacy betwixt them, suitable to their
Conjugal Knot, made use of his
Paternal power, to reduce his Daughter to the obedience of a Wife. But while these things were strugling for, a most
violent Disease of a
poysonous Nature, imputed to, but far transcending the small
Pox, seized on the Earl of
Essex; and had not the strength of Youth, and that Almighty Power that orders all things, wrought out the venom of it, the
Earth (as probably wished by her) had been his
Marriage Bed.
The Countess of
Essex in love with
Rochester.For this Lady being taken with the growing
fortunes of the Viscount
Rochester, and grounding more hope upon him, than the uncertain and hopeless
love of the
Prince, she cast her
Anchor there; which the
Prince soon discovered, and slighted her accordingly. For dancing one time among the
Ladies, and her Glove falling down, it was taken up, and presented to him, by one that thought he did him acceptable
service; but the
Prince refused to receive it, saying publicky, He would not have it, it is
stretcht by another, meaning the
Viscount: This was an aggravation of
hatred betwixt the Kings Son and the Kings Friend.
[Page][Page 57]The Countess of
Essex having her heart alienated from her Husband, and set upon the
Viscount, had a double task to undergo, for accomplishing her ends. One was, to hinder her Husband from enjoying her; the other was, to make the
Viscount sure unto her: For dishonest
Love is most full of
jealousie. Her Husband she looked upon as a private person, and to be carried by him into the
Country out of her
element (being ambitious of
glory, and a Beauty covetous of
applause) were to close (as she thought) with an insufferable Torment, though he was a man that did not only every way merit her love, but he loved her with an extraordinary affection, having a gentle, mild, and courteous
disposition, especially to women, such as might win upon the roughest
natures. But this fiery heat of his Wives mounted upon the
wings of
Lust, or
Love, (call it what you will) carryed her after so much mischief, that those that saw her
face, might
challenge Nature of too much
Hypocrisie, for harbouring so wicked a
heart under so sweet and bewitching a
countenance.
To strengthen her designs she finds out one of her own
stamp,She consults with Mistriss
Turner. Mrs.
Turner, a Doctor of Physicks Widow, a woman, whom Prodigality and Looseness had brought low, yet her Pride would make her fly any pitch, rather than fall into the jaws of
Want. These two consult together how they might stop the current of the Earls affection towards his Wife, and make a clear passage for the
Viscount in the place.
And
Forman about it. To effect which, one Doctor
Forman, a reputed
Conjurer (living at
Lambeth) is found out: The women declare to him their
Grievances, he promises sudden
help, and to amuse them, frames many little Pictures of Brass, and Wax, some like the
Viscount and
Countess, whom he must unite and strengthen; others like the Earl of
Essex, whom he must debilitate and weaken; and then with
Philtrous powders, and such
drugs, he works upon their persons. And to practise what effects his
Art would produce, Mrs.
Turner, that loved Sir
Arthur Manwaring, (a Gentleman then attending the Prince) and willing to keep him to her, gave him some of the
powder, which wrought so violently with him, that through a storm of Rain and Thunder, he rode fifteen miles one dark night to her House, scarce knowing where he was till he was there.
Such is the devillish and mad rage of Lust, heightned with Art and Fancy.
These things matured and ripened by the cunning of this Jugler
Forman, gave them assurance of
happy hopes. Her Courtly invitements, that drew the
Viscount to observe her, she imputed to the operation of those
drugs he had tasted; and that harshness, and
stubborn comportment she expressed to her Husband, making him (weary of such entertainments) to absent himself, she thought proceeded from the effects of those unknown
[Page 58] known
potions and
powders, that were administred to him: So apt is the Imagination to take impression of those things we are willing to believe.
The good Earl finding his Wife nousled in the
Court, and seeing no
possibility to reduce her to
reason,The Earl of
Essex gets his Wife to
Chartley. till she were estranged from the rellish, and tast of the
delights she suckt in there, made his
condition again known to her Father. The old man being troubled with his Daughters
disobedience, imbitter'd her being near him, with wearisome and continual
chidings, to wean her from the
sweets she doted on; and with much ado forced her into the Country. But how harsh was the
parting, being rent away from the place where she grew and flourished? Yet she left all her
Engines and
Imps behind her; the old
Doctor, and his Confederate Mrs.
Turner, must be her two
supporters: She blazons all her miseries to them, at her depart, and moystens the way with her tears.
Chartley was an hundred miles from her
happiness and a little time thus lost is her
eternity. When she came thither (though in the pleasantest time of Summer) she shut herself up in her Chamber, not suffering a beam of
light to peep upon her
dark thoughts ▪ If she stirred out of her Chamber, it was in the dead of Night, when sleep had taken possession of all others, but those about her. In this implacable, sad, discontented
humour, she continued some moneths, always murmuring against, but never giving the least
civil respect to her Husband, which the good man suffered patiently, being loth to be the divulger of his own
misery: yet having a manly
courage, he would sometimes break into a little
passion, to see himself sleighted and neglected by
himself, but having never found better from her, it was the easier to bear with her.
She writes to
Forman. While she was at
Chartley she writ to her Confederates, That
Her Husband found little operation in their Drugs, complaining of his Lustiness, and her Misery: For (she said)
the Viscount would never love her, if her Husband did meddle with her, which with difficulty she yet impeded, but how long she should resist his Violence she knew not, therefore she implored their assistance, if they would not see her the most despicable creature in the world: And for satisfaction they should make their own price. With this kind of stuff she filled her Letters, which were after found in
Formans Closet. These instigations made him active, and the man being skilful in
natural Magick, did use all the
Artifice his
subtilty could devise, really to imbecillitate the Earl; for no Linnen came near his body, that was not rinsed with their
Camphire Compositions, and other faint and wasting ingredients, and all Inward applications were foisted on him by corrupted servants, to lessen and debilitate the
seminal operations. Which
Veneficium is one great part of
Witchcraft, destructive to
nature, and
[Page][Page]Robert Earle of Essex his Excellence Generall of the Army etc:
[Page 59] horridly abominable to be practised. And this in time wrought such effects upon his
person, that he found himself unable with her, though she permitted him; yet when he had been from her some reasonable
Time, to renovate his
spirits, by shaking off those artificial
applications, then his abilities made her unwilling, and refractory. Though some are of
opinion, that he was not much
debilitated, but that she got (by her
vertuous Agents) an
Artifice too immodest to be exprest, to hinder
Penetration. And thus she to
[...] mented him, till he was contented to let her steer her own
course, which after run her on
ground.
For coming to
London next
Winter with this
full sail,She comes again to Court. loaden with
lust, she found the
Viscount much prepared for her; who being at first fastned on the
Object, absence, and all those
little Artifices, that mischievous
Women, and cunning
Impostures could devise, had advanced him as much in his
desires, as they had hindred the other. We could dispute the Nature of these
Operations, how far they are Contingent, and how the fancy works with them, though ignorant of them, making their impulsions more active, being the
sparks that kindle this
combustible matter; for we will never allow there was any other
Diabolical means used,
Nature being strong enough for such a
production; but being not pertinent to the
Story, will leave it, and follow them that found the
effects of it, and had
affections suitable to it, which they made use of with an unbridled
appetite, yet meeting closely in
corners (
Sin being at first shamefaced) but afterwards they grew more bold; and every hour that the
Viscount could steal from his
Royal Master, he dedicated it to his
Disloyal Mistris; being caught in this Net of
Adulation, he becomes a willing
Prisoner; Lust only getting
liberty to all looseness and licentiousness:
Places of frequent Meetings are daily renewed,
Persons fitted for such practices are employed; and when
Nature was exhausted,
Art, her subtil Imitator, brought in her store, to contribute new
Spirits, purchased at any rate. All outward Adornment to present
Beauty in her full
Glory, were not wanting on both sides, being
Lusts fuel, which tended to the
Consumption of all
Reason. And among the rest,
yellow starch, the invention and foyl of
Iaundice Complexions, with great Cut-work
Bands, and
Piccadillies (a thing that hath since lost the name) crouded in, and flourished among us, Mrs.
Turner, being nominoted to be the first
Contriver, happily in
England, but the
Original came out of
France; which fashion and colour did set off their lean sallow countenances. Thus did the
Viscount get the
Conquest of two, the
King, and this
Lady, but could not subdue his own
lustful Appetite.
The Wheel of
Fortune running towards the
Scots,The Lord
Sanquir murthered a Fencer. turned by the Viscount
Rochester, was unhappily diverted upon the Lord
Sanquir, a Baron of that Nation, and married to a good
Family in
[Page 60]England: who some years before meeting with a sturdy
Fencer, one
Iohn Turner, who was a Master of the Weapon-Trade, in his own School, the young Lord strove to put some affront upon him (making it no little
Conquest to disgrace a Master in the
Art, as they termed it) and the man apprehensive of the Attempt, with a bold
rudeness prest so hard upon him, that he thrust out one of the
Barons eyes. This business was much regretted by
Turner, and the
Baron being
conscious to himself that he meant his
Adversary some ill, took the Accident with as much
patience, as men that lose one eye by their own default, use to do for the
preservation of the other. Some time after, being in the Court of the late great
Henry of
France, and the King (courteous to Strangers) entertaining discourse with him, askt him, how he lost his eye; he (cloathing his answer in a better
shrowd than a plain
Fencers) told him, it was done with a
Sword: The
King replies, Doth the man live? And that question gave an end to the
Discourse, but was the beginner of a strange
Confusion in his working
Fancy, which neither Time nor Distance could compose; carrying it in his
breast some years after, till he came into
England, where he hired two of his
Country-men, Gray and
Carlile (men of low and mercenary
spirits) to
murther him, which they did with a
Case of
Pistols in his own House in
White-Fryars; many years after the loss of his
bodily eye, thus the
Baron lost the
eye of his
Reason. This
bold nefarious Act was very deeply resented at
Court, and the Kings Commands were so active for apprehension of the
murderers, that they were all three taken; one upon the Borders of
Scotland, so far had his fears carried him; another in a Ship bound for
Hamburgh, who scaping in a Storm, the
Seas delivered up; and the
Lord himself being obscured (in this Tempest of his
Soul) hearing a thousand pound was offered to bring his Head (so liberal was the
King for
Iustice) threw himself into the
Arms of his
Mercy, by the
mediation of the Arch-Bishop of
Canterbury, to whom he presented himself an
Object of
pity: but no intercession could prevail,
Is hanged. their lives satisfied the
Law, the
Baron not having the
honour of a
Noble death.
Causes of the Kings severity.The Cause of the Kings
severity (if
justice may be called
severity) was contrary to that of the
Barons presumption; for he thought the
Scots might do any thing, and he suffered because they had done so much. For
Ramsey, one of the Kings Servants, not long before had
switcht the Earl of
Mountgomery, who was the
Kings first
Favourite, happily because he took it so.
Maxwell, another of them, had bitten
Hawley, a Gentleman of the
Temple, by the Ear; which inraged the
Templers (in those times Riotous, and subject to Tumults) and brought it almost to a
National Quarrel, till the
King stept in, and took it up himself. The Lord
Bruse had summon'd Sir
Edward Sackvill, (who was
[Page]
[Page]Edward Earle of Dorset. Lord Chamberlaine to y
e Queene. etc.
[Page 61] after Earl of
Dorset) into
France with a fatal
complement to take
death from his hand, such killing
civilities these times produced! And the much lamented Sir
Iames Stuart, one of the Kings blood, and Sir
George Wharton, the prime branch of that noble Family, for little worthless punctillioes of
Honour (being intimate friends) took the Field, and fell together by each others hand. These, and many more private differences (though some of them of an ancient date) were bleeding fresh in
memory; so that the King, like a wise Physician, opened this vein of blood, hoping by it to stop all other issues.
The Kings affections were not so monopolized,
Salisbury not pleased with the Viscounts greatness. but that his crafty Servant the Earl of
Salisbury, had a good hole as well in his
Councils, as
Treasure. And being not well pleased to see himself bearded by a Youth new started into the affairs of the World, and mounted by the
wing of
love, not of
merit; he cast out many
mists before him, to hinder and damp his passage so, that the
Viscount could not rise to that pitch (during his life) that he afterwards arrived at. And one thing among the rest he obstructed was five thousand pounds the King had given him to maintain his Riot: Which sum the Treasurer thought too great a bulk to be carried lightly away, and therefore he desired the King might see what he did. And having layd the money in Silver upon Tables in his Gallery at
Salisbury-house, he invited the King to dinner, making this the passage to his entertainment. The King strucken suddenly with such
heaps, asked the Treasurer what this money was for; who told him, he had received his Majesties Commands to give so much to the Viscount
Rochester. The King that either carelesly thought five thousand pound to be no more than the noise so much makes in
Scotland (which doth not amount to above five hundred pounds) or, cunningly (if he knew the value, knew also the Treasurers meaning) said it was too much for one man, and made him be contented with less than the half.
And now the King casts his thoughts towards
Peterborough,The Queen of
Scots translated to
Westminster. where his Mother lay, whom he caused to be translated to a Magnificent Tomb, at
Westminster. And (somewhat suitable to her mind when she was living) she had a translucent passage in the night, through the City of
London, by multitudes of Torches: The Tapers placed by the Tomb and the Altar, in the
Cathedral, smoaking with them like an
Offertory, with all the
Ceremonies, and
Voices, their
Quires and
Copes could express, attended by many Prelates and Nobles, who payd this last Tribute to her
memory. This was accounted a
Piaculous action of the Kings by many, though some have not stuck to say, That as Queen
Elizabeth was willing to be rid of the Queen of
Scots, yet would not have it her
action, and being it could not be done
[Page 62] without her command, when it was done she renounced her own
act. So though the King was angry when he heard his Mother was taken away by a violent death, recalling his Ambassador, threatning War, and making a great noise (which was after calmed and closed up with a large
Pension from the Queen) yet he might well enough be pleased that such a
spirit was layd, as might have conjured up three Kingdoms against him: For
Patrick Grey that the King sent to disswade Queen
Elizabeth from taking away his
Mothers life, was the greatest
Instrument to perswade her to it; Distilling always into her this Sentence,
Mortua non mordet. When she is dead she cannot bite; But the Love that tends to
self-preservation, is an adjunct of Nature, more powerful than
Filial duty, and therefore there will be no great strife where there are not adequate operations,
The
Palatints arrival 16.
Octob. This time was also presented unto us in a various dress, and the
event shewed (though some years after) there was more cause of Mourning than Rejoycing, though the latter got the
predominance: For the
Prince Elector Palatine came over into
England to Marry the Kings only Daughter, and Death deprived us of the Kings eldest Son.
Prince
Henry's death 6.
Nov. A Prince as eminent in
Nobleness as in
Blood, and having a
spirit too full of
life and
splendour to be long shrouded in a
cloud of
flesh.His gallant spirit. If that which gave life to his life had been less, he might happily have lived longer: Not that there was too much Oyl, or that concurrent
Natural Balsamum in this fair and well-composed
Lamp to extinguish it self, but the
light that came from it might cast so
radiant a
lustre, as (by darkning others) it came to lose the
benefit of its own
glory. Iealousie is like fire that burns all before it, and that fire is hot enough to dissolve all Bonds, that tends to the diminution of a Crown. The Prince of
Spain (his contemporary) Son to
Philip the second (not long before this) like a young
Phaeton, wished himself but one day in his Fathers Throne, and he fell (not long after) into the hard hand of an immature
fate, before he could step into the
Chariot. So dangerous are the paths of Greatness, that the tongue (many times) rouling aside, makes men tread awry. Strange Rumors are raised upon this sudden expiration of our Prince, the disease being so violent, that the
combate with
Nature in the strength of
youth (being almost nineteen years of age) lasted not above five days. Some say he was poysoned with a bunch of Grapes, others attribute it to the venemous scent of a pair of Gloves, presented to him (the distemper lying for the most part in the head.) They that knew neither of these, are strucken with
fear and
amazement, as if they had tasted, or felt, the
effects of those
violences: Private
whisperings, and
suspicions, of some new
designs a foot, broaching
Prophetical terrors, That a black
[Page][Page 63] Christmas would produce a bloody Lent. For the
Spaniard, who opposed the marriage of the Prince
Palatine, and saw their
ruin growing up in Prince
Henries towardly
Spirit, were reputed (vulgarly) the
Mint-masters of some horrid
practices; and that a Ship of
Pocket Pistols was come out of
Spain, fit Instruments for a
Massacre. And these
Trepidations were not only in the lower
Region, but wrought upwards, so high, that
Proclamations were sent abroad, to forbid the making or carrying of
Pistols, under a foot long in the
Barrel. And all
Papists are not only dis-armed (being ever esteemed
Vassals to the
Catholick King) but their
Actions with
caution pried into. In such dark
clouds as these, the whole Kingdom was at a loss; all ordinary Transitions of
Nature, are imputed to
prodigious Omens; the greater the
fears are, the more blazing is the
Meteor that arises from them.
Some that knew the
bickerings betwixt the
Prince and the
Viscount, muttered out
dark Sentences, that durst not look into the
light; especially Sir
Iames Elphington, who (observing the
Prince one day to be discontented with the
Viscount) offered to kill him: but the
Prince reproved him with a gallant
Spirit, saying, If there were Cause he would do it himself. Now whether these
rumors begot a further
scrutiny, or whether it be the
Court-trick to daub and slubber over things that may be perspicuous, I know not: But the
Physicians about the
Prince gave it under their hands (which was spread abroad in
several copies) that he died of a strong malignant
Feaver (so are all violent dissolutions, where
Nature hath power of
resistance) that his
Liver was
pale, and
livid, lead-like; the
Gall had no
Gall, but was full of
wind; the
Spleen was unnaturally black, and the
Lungs in many places spotted with much
corruption; the
Midriff, or
Diaphragma, blackish; and the
Head in some places full of blood, and in some places full of clear water. Thus was he Anatomized to amuze the
World, and clear the suspicion of
poyson, as if no
venoms could produce these
effects. He died the sixth of
November,His Funeral. and was carried on a
Hearse (
Triumphing even in Death) to
Westminster, the seventh of
December following; the
pomp of the
Funeral being fully
compleated, with the People
tears and
Lamentations.
Mourning laid aside. But the
King (though he could not but be troubled to lose so near a part of himself) looked over all these
Mists and (like the
Sun) dispelled all these
Clouds and
Vapours; commanding, no man should appear in the
Court in
mourning; he would have nothing in his
Eye, to bring so sad a Message to his
Heart. The
jollity, feasting, and
magnificence of
Christmas, must not be laid down. There were
Princes, and
Nobles, that came out of
Germany with the prince
Elector, that must see the
Glory of the
English Court; which was presented with so much
eminency in
[Page 64] gorgeous
Apparel, that the precedent
mourning was but as a
sable foyl, the better to illustrute it.
The Prince Elector
Palatine, and
Maurice Prince of
Orange, were made Knights of the
Garter, Lodowick Count of
Orange being
Maurice's Deputy;
Knights of the Garter made. and Prince
Maurice took it as a great
honour to be admitted into the
fraternity of that
Order, and wore it constantly: Till afterwards, some
Villains at the
Hague, that met the Reward of their Demerit (one of them a
French man, being Groom of the
Princes Chamber) robbed a
Ieweller of
Amsterdam, that brought
Iewels to the
Prince, this Groom tempting him into his Chamber to see some
Iewelr, and there with his Confederates they strangled the man with one of the
Princes blew
Ribonds; which being after discovered, the
Prince would never suffer so fatal an Instrument to come about his Neck.
The Prince
Palatine married to the Lady
Elizabeth.In
February following, the Prince
Palatine, and that lovely
Princess, the Lady
Elizabeth, were married, on Bishop
Valentines Day, in all the
Pomp and
Glory that so much
Grandure could express. Her
Vestments were white, the
Emblem of
Innocency; her
hair dishevil'd, hanging down her back at length, an
Ornament of
Virginity; a Crown of pure Gold upon her
head, the
Cognizance of
Majesty, being all over beset with pretious
gems, shining like a
Constellation; her
Train supported by twelve young
Ladies in
white Garments, so adorned with
Iewels, that her Passage looked like a milky way. She was led to Church by her Brother Prince
Charles, and the Earl of
Northampton; the Young
Batchelor on the right hand, and the Old on the left. And while the Arch-Bishop of
Canterbury was solemnizing the Marriage, some eruscations and lightnings of
joy appeared in her Countenance, that expressed more than an
ordinary smile, being almost elated to a
laughter; which could not clear the
Air of her
Fate, but was rather a fore-runner of more sad and dire
Events: Which shews how slippery
Nature is, to tole us along to those things that bring danger, yea sometimes destruction with them.
She returned from the Chappel between the Duke of
Lenox, and the Earl of
Notingham Lord High Admiral, two married Men. The
Feastings, Maskings, and other
Royal Formalities, were as troublesome ('tis presum'd) to the
Lovers; as the
Relation of them here may be to the
Readers: For such
splendor and
gayety are fitter to appear in
Princes Courts, than in
Histories.
The City of
London (that with high magnificence had feasted the Prince
Palatine, and his
Noble Retinue) presented to the
fair Bride a Chain of
Oriental Pearl, by the hand of the Lord
Mayor, and
Aldermen (in their Scarlet and Gold Chain Accoutrements) of such a value, as was fit for them to give, and
[Page]GUILIELMUS LUDOVIC: COMES A NASSAU / CATZENELNB: VIANDEN ET DIE:
[Page 65] her to receive.
A. Reg. 11.
An. Christi 1613. And the people of the Kingdom in general, being summoned to a
contribution for the
Marriage of the Kings Daughter, did shew their affections by their
Bounty. And though it be the
custom of our Kings to pay their Daughters
Portions with their
subjects purses, yet a hundred years being almost past since such a
precedent, it might have made them unwilling (if their
obedience had not been full
ripe) to recall such
obsolete things, as are only in practice now by the meanest of the people.
But,
The Prince
Palatine returns home with the Princess. tired with Feasting and Jollity, about the middle of
April, when the
beauties of the
Spring were enticing enough to beguile the tediousness of the way, the
Prince Elector willing to review, and the
Princess to see what she was to injoy; After all the
caresses, and sweet
embraces, that could be between the King, Queen, and Princes, that were to be separated so long, and at such a distance; And after all the Shews, Pastimes, Fire-works, and other
Artifices that could be devised, and manifested, they parted at
Rochester; The Lord Admiral being ready with a Royal Navy in the
Downs for their passage and conduct. The
season smiled on them, and they arrived the nine and twentieth of the Moneth in
Flushing. The Duke of
Lenox, the Earl of
Arundel, the Viscount
Lisle, and the Lord
Harington, with divers Ladies and persons of Quality, attended them to
Heydelburgh. Their entertainment was great and magnificent in the
Low-Countries, not only suitable to the Persons, but the place from whence they came, (The
English having been ever a
Bulwark to the
Netherlands) and now they were in full
peace with
Spain, which gave the better
rellish to their
Banquetings. And in every eminent
Town in
Germany as they passed, they found that
welcom which prolonged their time, but made their travel the less, so that with much ado they reached
Heydelburgh. And after some time spent there, to see the
beauties and
delights of that Court, and Country (which were extended and put forth to the uttermost) the Nobility and Ladies of
England returned home, only they left the Lord
Harington behind them, who dyed by the way: A Gentleman much lamented in his own person, but much more in his Sons (who not long after survived him) with whom were buried, not only those excellent indowments that make Noble-men
great indeed, but the
memory of a
noble Posterity, which makes them little, or indeed nothing at all.
The Viscount
Rochester all this while (though plunged in
Lust) was held up by the
chin in the
glories of the
Court;
Rochester rules all. and the Prince (that interposed betwixt him and the
beams of
Majesty) being removed, the Earl of
Salisbury (another
obstacle) dying six months after the Prince, in the way from the
Bath: he now took full possession of the Kings favours alone. He executes
[Page 66] the place of
Principal Secretary, receiving all
Pacquets, and dispatching Answers without the knowledg of the King or Council, or if the King did know, his
love had hoarded up such a
confidence in him, as he laid all out upon that
stock. Rochester's greatest assistant was a private Gentleman, one Sir
Thomas Overbury,Assisted by
Overbury. by whose
Compass he steered his
course, who (being a man of
parts and
abilities) had wrought upon the Viscount so, as not only to keep him in, and close with the King, but to make him capable of managing the highest affairs, if he had kept himself within the
Circle drawn to his head This
intimacy betwixt them, spake
Overbury an
actor in all his
privacies. And when he understood by the Viscount his intention of
Marriage with the Countess of
Essex, he opposed it with all the
powerful Arguments he could use: For though he might be so
active, in his
initiation of
favour with the Viscount, to be assistant to his pleasures, and for carrying forward some of his dark contrivances (those
Secretaries being always the greatest
favourites) yet having now gotten good footing in his affection, and building his
fortune thereon, his
reason might tell him, there could be nothing more destructive to both their growing
hopes, than to lay a
foundation upon so much
publick Injustice, as to marry another Mans Wife, her Husband living; therefore he passionately persuaded him to cast his thoughts upon a more
honorable object, and not on one, whose disloyalty (in her
present condition) was so much branded with
infamy, that the marks of it would be visible on his face. But the
Viscount bewitched with the inticements of his
soul-ravishing Mistriss, (uncapable of good
counsel) doth not only call home his affections from
Overbury, that had been long
lieger with him (denouncing enmity) But incites his
Beloved against him also; who mustering up all her
passions, with the greatest
acrimony that a
feminine malice could devise, she never left, till she had discharged all the
vollies of her
rage upon him. And the better to do it, she consults with her Uncle the Earl of
Northampton, aggravating
Overburies offence, as tending to the
dishonour of their whole
Family. That he (a petty fellow) should dare to raise such
scandals against her innocency. The Earl of
Northampton, that knew of the indearments betwixt the
Viscount and his
Niece (so base and mercenary was his
spirit) thought it good policy to stop all passages, that it might not come into the
publick mouth: For being in a
sphere elated above others, it was a sin of a high presumption for any of a inferior
orb to move but in its own place, or meddle with what is above them.
Rochester and
Northampton plot
Overburies death. He therefore closes with the
Viscount (whom in his flattering acclamations by Letters he makes a little
Deity) and after some dispute of the manner how to be revenged of
Overbury, they conclude to dispatch him by poyson, which could not be done so well in a publick
[Page]HENRY HOWARD. End of Northampton. From an Original Picture in the Collection of M
r. Harding
[Page]The liuely Portraiture of the worthy Knight Sir William Wadd late Lieutenant of the Tower &c.
[Page 67] way; and therefore they subtilly contrive to exasperate the King against him, that being a Prisoner, and shack'led by them to a place, he might be a more setled mark for their envenomed Arrows.
About the same time,
Rochester betrays
Overbury. the King thinking fit to send an
Ambassador into
Flanders, to the
Arch-Duke (some say, into
France) the Viscount recommended Sir
Thomas Overbury to the King for that Service (extolling his abilities, and fitness for the same, publickly, that more notice might be taken of the affront) and the King made choice of him for that Imployment. Which done, the Viscount (under the shadow of
friendship) imparts to
Overbury what intentions the King had towards him; but he thought it would not be so convenient for him to accept of it, because he should not only lose his
converse, and
company, by such an alienation (which he highly valued) but many a fair
opportunity of improving his
respects to him, in some better way of advancement.
Overbury had not been so little a
Courtier, or a man of so mean Reason, but that he was sensible what
displeasure he should pull upon himself, by refusing the Kings Commands; And therefore he told the Viscount, that betwixt the Kings
favours, and his
friendship, he had a great
conflict in his
spirit, being willing to retain both; but how he should refuse the Kings commands with
safety, he knew not. But the Viscount, with fair
promises, prevailed with him to set up his rest at home, upon higher expectations (
such a sweet bait is Ambition!) protesting to take off the asperity of the Kings anger from him, and smooth his way so, as should be for his better advantage. When he had wrought
Overbury in this
forge, he goes to the King, and blows the
fire, incensing him with all the aggravations he could; so that the poor
Gentleman, for his
contempt, was forthwith committed to the
Tower. And to prepare all things for his
reception there, Sir
William Wade, the late Lieutenant, was removed; and Sir
Iervis Ellowis, a Person more ambitious, than indigent (having made his way by money, the
common merit) was admitted to the
place.
Now the Countess,
The Countesses designs. like another
Alecto, drove furiously, her
Chariot having two wheels, which ran over all impediments: One was, to sue a
Divorce betwixt her and her Husband, that she might marry the
Viscount: The other was, to take away
Overbury, the blemish in her Eye, and that laid such a stain upon her, that nothing but his blood could expiate. For these she hath several
Engins; the one must be acted
Overtly; the other
Covertly, in dark Corners; and she and her
Agents find fit
Ministers for both.
The Earl of
Northampton resenting his
Nieces grievances,
Northampton joyns with her. makes the King acquainted with her Maiden bashfulness, how loth she is to divulge her Husbands infirmities, and how long
[Page 68] it is since her Marriage, and yet she hath not enjoyed the happiness of a Wife; that her Husbands inability must needs be an unnatural
conjunction, such as neither
Law nor
Reason can admit of; and that there was a great affection betwixt the
Viscount and
her, so as there seemed to be a more excellent
sympathy, and sweet
composition of
Soul in them, more suitable
Reason and
Nature, than in the state she was in. Which was seconded by the
Viscounts humble
submissions to the Kings great
wisdom, who (he acknowledged) had not only raised him to what he is, but may yet make him more happy, by uniting him to a
Lady of so much
honour and
vertue.
The King, that took delight to compleat the
happiness of them he loved, commanded the
Bishops to sue out a
Divorce between the Earl of
Essex, and his
Lady, that the
Viscount might marry her: For he had been practised formerly in
Scotland, in his minority, with the like
experiment. Elizabeth Daughter to the Earl of
Athol,Rob. Iohnstons Hist. of
Scotland. being married to the Earl of
March, under pretence of
impotency, but meerly for
lust (as the Author reports) was Divorsed from her Husband, and married to the Earl of
Arran (the Kings Favourite) who had been before a Partner in her
Adulterous Sheets (so current is the
Parallel, and so equally are
lust and
ambition yoked together, that they both (with full
violence) draw one and the same way,)
The
Bishops, and others, having a
Commission under the great Seal of
England to convent the Earl of
Essex, and his
Countess, before them, sent out their
Summons, and they made their appearance accordingly. But before they proceeded, they caused a
Iury of twelve discreet
Matrons to be impannelled, to search the
Countess, whether she were (as she pretended to be, and was reputed) a Maid still; for if she were a Maid, they could fasten upon a Nullity, and so separate them, for the more honour of her
Virginity. The Countess being ashamed, and bashful, to come to such a Tryal, would not expose her
face to the
light; but being to appear before the
Matrons under a
Veil, another young Gentlewoman, that had less offended, was fobbed into the place;
[...] and she passed, in the opinion, both of
Iury and
Iudges, to be a
Virgin. Then the Articles were drawn up, where she accused her Husband of
impotency (and that he was hindred with a
perpetual and incurable impediment, whereby he is unable to have
carnal copulation with her, with
frigiditas quoad h
[...]nc, often reiterated, &c.) The good Earl, willing to be rid of so horrid a
mischief, did acknowledge he had attempted to enjoy her many times, but he never did, nor could
carnally know her, and believed he never should. Upon these Grounds the
Iudges proceed to a
Divorce.
[Page 69]Declaring, That
Robert Earl of
Essex, and the Lady
Frances Howard, contracted by shew of Marriage, did cohabit in one House, and lie together in one Bed,
Nudum cum Nuda, & Solus cum Sola;
The Countess divorsed from her Husband. and that the said Lady
Frances did shew her self prompt, and ready to be known of him; and that the said Earl neither did, nor could have knowledg of her, although he did think himself able to have knowledg of other
Women. And that the said Lady
Frances, by inspection of her
Body by
Midwives, expert in matter of Marriage, was proved to be apt for
carnal copulation with
Man, and yet a
Virgin. Therefore we the said
Iudges deputed in the Cause, first invocating the Name of Christ, and setting God before our eye, do pronounce, decree, and declare, That the Earl of
Essex, for some secret, incurable, binding impediment, did never carnally know, or was, or is able carnally to know, the Lady
Frances Howard: And therefore we do pronounce, have decreed, and do declare, the pretended Marriage, so contracted, and solemnized,
de facto, between them, to have been, and to be utterly void, and to no effect; and that they did want, and ought to want the strength of the Law. And that the Lady
Frances was, and is, and so ought to be free, and at liberty, from any Bond of such pretended Marriage,
de facto, contracted and solemnized. And we do pronounce, that she ought to be Divorsed, and so we do free, and Divorce her; leaving them, as touching other Marriages, to their Conscience in the Lord. Which our Definitive Sentence, and Decree, we ratifie and publish.
These Bishops, and the rest of the Judges, could not be ignorant what
scandalous reports of this Ladies
actions flew up and down, from lip to lip; which however sweetned by the
Partakers, carried an ill savour with them in every honest understanding, who were not blinded with wilfulness, or deafned with prejudice, which made the Bishops of
Canterbury, and
London, decline the business, though nominated in the
Patent. But Kings will never want fit
Ministers in corrupted Times, both in
Church and
Common-wealth, as long as there are
Degrees, and
Places of
Ascent to clime to. And though these things floated awhile upon the
Stream of
Greatness, yet there is
One above that moves the
Waters, who did not only see what passed in the Bishops
Palace, but in the closest
Prison, which he discovered to the
shame and
ruin of the
Actors.
[Page 70]For while this Wheel was turning at
Lambeth, the other Wheel had its motion in the
Tower. Mrs.
Turner, the Mistriss of the
Work, had lost both her
supporters: Forman, her first prop, dropt away suddenly by
death; and
Gresham another rotten
Engin (that succeeded him) did not hold long:
Mrs.
Turner imployed to poyson
Overbury. She must now bear up all her self. But she wrought in a
Mine of inexhaustible
Treasure, therefore she may buy
instruments at any
rate. One
Weston is thought on for this
Vnder-work, who was sometime Doctor
Turners (her Husbands) man, and hath a little experience in the nature of poysonous Drugs. This venomous Plant is sent for out of the Country to be transplanted here, and two hundred pounds promised to disperse his
Venom, so as it may be killing. Sir
Thomas Monson is made by the Countess to recommend him to Sir
Iervis Ellowis, and he to Sir
Thomas Overbury to wait on him; where he goes under the
character of a right honest man, making it good with a sober and fair
outside, the true
vizard of
Hypocrisie, a fit
Pipe for such corrupted
Waters to run through; which must be provided by one
Franklin, a swarthy, sallow, crooked-backt fellow, who was to be the
Fountain whence these bitter waters came.
The Lieutenant of the Tower ingaged in it.But
Overburies meat must be dressed in the Lieutenants
kitchen, and therefore it is necessary to make him acquainted with it; which the Earl of
Northampton undertook, smoothing him with such
language, and promising him such
rewards, as he thought fittest to gain upon him;
Assuring him that it would be an acceptable service to the King to have him removed, being an insolent, and pernicious fellow (as he called him) of a
factious and
dangerous spirit, and therefore advised him to be
cautious in admitting any to see him, lest his
passions should vent themselves and become
publick. The Lieutenant being a man intelligent enough, could not but apprehend the dangerous
path he trod in pursuing this business: For if he should make the King acquainted with it, to know more of his
mind, before it were done, and he 'disclaim it,
Northampton was powerful enough to crush him on the one side; and if it should be discovered after it were done, he might be sure the King would not own it, and it would bring him a certain
ruin on the other side: betwixt these two
extremes he knew no
mean, and therefore he took that which tended (as he thought) to most safety, hoping that the Earl of
Northampton had some higher
Authority for the same. And now they begin to put their design in
practice; Franklin furnishes
Weston with
materials, compounded to consume
Nature insensibly; but this was not quick enough,
Malice must be as active, as cunning! stronger Ingredients are infused, which
Weston having received from the Countess by his Son, he meets the Lieutenant as he carried up
Overburies meat, saying to him,
Sir, shall I give it him now? The Lieutenant askt him,
What?
[Page][Page]THE Portracture of Sir THOMAS OVERBURY Knight AETAT 32
[Page 71]Weston answered,
Sir, you know what is to be done. The Lieutenant that would not have it known that he knew any thing, gave him a
check, and would not understand his
meaning, or at least would have him take notice that he understood it; for he thought that this
connivance would not bring him within the
compass of the
fact (and for the
guilt he could dispense with it well enough) and therefore his part of
Working was only not to seem to know what was done.
So subtily sometimes men strive to cousen themselves.
But these
lingring operations do not suit with the Countesses implacable
humor,Their poysons set a work.Weston is chid by Mrs.
Turner for being so
slow. But he that knew he might be too
active, kept on his old pace, as the only way to have it pass unsuspected, aiming at his own
preservation, as well as
Overburies destruction. He gets therefore (by the help of
Franklin) several sorts of poysons, tempering them with his broaths, and every bit of
meat he eat, that he might diminish by
degrees; for his very
Salt was mixt with
white Mercury: And besides these, Sir
Thomas Monson sent Tarts and Jellies of the Countesses and Mrs.
Turners composition (by some of his servants) to
Weston, for the better expedition. Thus was the poor Gentleman tortured and rackt in a horrid
distemper, who being
young, and of a
strong constitution, was able to
grapple a long time with these
corroding Tormentors: But his body being not always able to bear it, at length he fell extreme
sick, and having no friend that could, or durst
visit him, none to complain to but the causers of his
misery (such strict
guards were kept about him) he languished both in
body and
mind. But some friend by accident taking the advantage for a
visit, and finding him very sick, procured him a wholsom
Glister, which
Weston was willing enough to have administred, because he would not be too quick, and that retarded the work, by carrying away some of the
poysonous matter. Which
Northhampton hearing, the Lieutenant was checkt for being so careless, and commanded that none should come near him, being fearful lest the
desperateness of his
condition should make him reveal some thing of
high concernment, that had been
machinated among them. And Mrs.
Turner rebuked her Minister
Weston, for looking no better to his charge, so that they dealt with him now upon a new account.
The Countess got loose from her Husband grows wanton in her
prosperity. Nature is
unbounded where neither
Law nor
Grace doth
limit. The good Earl of
Essex must repay the
Portion, to do which he is forced to sell
Benington in
Hartford-shire, a very gallant
seat, and glad he is rid of a
Torment at any
rate. She now mounted on her
Car drives over all
oppositions, her
Beauties shine in the Court (as she would have it) she is the Kings
Favourite, as well as her
Husband; the
glories of her Marriage
[Page 72] must appear there, and she is a fit
gift for the King to bestow, he that took her away from one Husband, can give her to another, who must be of equal rank to her, that she may not descend, therefore he is Created Earl of
Somerset; and all the splendid
Equipage,Rochester made Earl of
Somerset, 4.
Nov. married 5
Dec. following. and magnificent
Preparation, that can either fill a Court with
delight, or People with
admiration, are not wanting for the Marriage. She thinking all the World ignorant of her sly
practices, hath the impudence to appear in the habit of a
Virgin, with her hair pendant almost to her feet; which
Ornament of her Body (though a fair one) could not cover the deformities of her Soul: But these, and her high Elations, are Clouds to her Conscience, that (though her
Bauds might for her) her indeed lovely
Cheeks did not betray themselves to
blushes. These glorious
Days are seconded with as glorious
Nights, where Masks and Dancings had a continued
motion; the King naturally affecting such high-slying Pastimes, and banquetings, as might wrap up his
Spirit, and keep it from descending towards Earthly things.
Feasted in
London.The City of
London, and the Court at
White-hall, like two great Stars in Conjunction, had one and the same influence, and operation; they must do something for the Man whom the King loves: Therefore a great Feast is prepared by them in
Merchant-Taylors Hall (and all the
Grandees and
Ladies are invited) with so much magnificence, as if it had been Competitor, and vyed with
Whitehall for
Glory. They all rod on horseback into the City in the Evening, following their two Leaders; the Men attending the
Bridegroom, and the Women the
Bride; so mounted, furnished, and adorned with Trappings, and so bespangled with
Iewels, that the Torches, and
Flambeaux (which were numerous) were but little light to the Beholders.
Overbury hears of the Marriage.The noise of these
Triumphs resounding in the
closest Corners, brought the news to Sir
Thomas Overbury, which was an unfit and comfortless
Companion to a Man in
misery, conscious to himself, that all his
sufferings proceeded from his
opposition to that which was now in
agitation; so that in his obscure
Prison, and darker thoughts, he could not see the least
glimps of
hope that looked towards
liberty, when he considered the implacable
nature of the
Woman. But yet he was not so guilty to his own
Reason, and that
friendship (as he thought) that was betwixt him and the Earl of
Somerset, as utterly to despair, he having so faithfully promised to procure his Release.
Writes to
Somerset.Therefore
Overbury writes to him in the midst of his
glory, to let him know the sad
condition wherein he was, and how much his health was impaired, which he imputed to his
reclusedness,[Page 73] and want of
Air, humbly imploring his assistance, that he might no longer languish under the burthens of his infirmities.
Somerset not willing to have him exclaim made answer, That the King was now full of great
business, but he would take the first opportunity to move him for his Release (though he was highly incensed against him) and make his
indisposition a ground for the Kings
mercy to work upon;
Somerset sends poysons in his Answers. including in the Letter a white
Powder, which he desired him to take, assuring him, that though it made him a little sick at first, it would do him much good in the end. The poor abused
Gentleman took his
Powder, which having a poysonous
Quality, added to his affliction: But there must be something more violent to work the Feat.
The Lieutenant of the Tower (that was his frequent
Visitor) opened his Breast to his complaints,
The Lieutenant betrays
Overbury. and with an outward
pity received them, against those that were
Authors of his
calamities, and discharged them again into their
bosoms, against whom they were spoken; so that he could say nothing that came not to their knowledg, his very words being racked, as well as his body tormented. For the Lieutenant confest after, with repenting tears, as one of his great sins, that he was unfaithful and treacherous to him, doing things to his disadvantage that he trusted him to do, promising him secrecy, and betraying him to satisfie
greatness. Thus he continued in this
dismal Den above four
Months, whipt daily (as it were) with
Scorpions, whose venomous stings entred even into his
Soul. So that his
Enemies, being more impatient for his enduring so long, than he was to endure so much, forced
Nature so,
Overbury dies. with an impoysoned
Glyster, (compounded by
Franklin) that within a short time after he died.
And to kill him again after death,
Northampton reviles him. they brand him with the scandal of a
lascivious life, giving out, that he died of the
Pox: Which
Northampton expressed to
Somerset in a Letter, telling him of strange
Sores, and
Vlcers found upon his Body, ugly to behold, stinking intolerably, the People forced to throw him in a loose Sheet into a Coffin, and bury him privately on
Tower-Hill: Concluding, That God is gracious in cutting off evil
Instruments before their time. Which Sentence (while he was writing it) reflected the
judgment on himself; For
Northampton having a great influence in the Kingdom, being a prime
Counsellor to the
King, and intimate with
Somerset, they two grasping all
Power, and
Northampton having the better
head to manage it, the miscarriages were, not without cause, imputed to him. For being a
Papist, he did not only work upon
Somerset to pervert him (by letting him see there was a greater
latitude for the
Conscience in that
Religion) but got him to procure many
immunities for the
Papists, as the Kings best affected
Subjects. And
[Page 74] being Lord Warden of the
Cinque-Ports,A. Reg. 12.
An. Christi 1614. he gave free access to
Priests and
Iesuits, that abundantly flockt again into the Kingdom, the
operation of the last
Proclamation having now lost the
vertue: And a Letter being discovered which he had written to Cardinal
Bellarmine, wherein he expresses the
condition of the Times, and the Kings importunity compelled him to be a
Protestant in shew, yet nevertheless his heart stood firm with the
Papists, and if there were
cause he would express it; with much more to this purpose. These things first muttered, then urged against him, touched him to the heart, so that he retired, disposed of his Estate,
Northampton dies. and dyed. He had a great mind tending towards eminent things, which he was the better able to effect, by living a Batchelor to an old Age, being always attended (and he loved it) with Gentlemen of Quality, to whom he was very
bountiful. His affections were also much raised to
Charity, as by the
Almshouse he erected appears, and his Works shew him to be a great getter. But leaving no Issue to
propagate his name, he built a fair House by
Charing-cross to continue it, which it lost soon after his death, being called
Suffolk-house for a time, and now is
Northumberland-house. Such
changes there are in the Worlds measures! His Body was carried to be buried at
Dover, because he was Warden of the
Cinque-Ports, as was reported by some of his Followers, but it was
vulgarly rumored to be transported to
Rome. But these actions of his about
Overbury lying
dormant, made no great noise at this time against him; but when they broke out, they laid upon his name as great a
stench as
Infamy or
Oaium could produce.
People go to
New England 1614. The Bishops that were only to move in their own
spheres had an influence over more than their own
Seas: For some of them that were never unactive for establishing their
Temporal Greatness, were not contented to suppress many Pious and Religious men, but, I know not for what
Policy, restrained their going beyond Sea: For there were divers Families about this time shipped for
New-England, and were not suffered to go, though afterwards they were upon better thoughts permitted. For in
Reason (being there was an impossibility to reduce them to their
Wills) it had been the best course to have set open the
door, that the
Enemy might have had a smooth passage. But this
malicious proceeding was no hindrance to the
establishment of that
Colony, nor is the blame to be laid upon the
Function (for some of the Bishops in these
Times were holy men, and great
Lights to the
Truths of God) but on such, whose
ambition made them indeavour more after
Earthly things than
Heavenly, and less to please God than the King (as Cardinal
Woolsey long since confessed of himself) and the
malice of evil men may protract, but it shall never destroy what God intends to build up. A
wonderful Light breaking forth in the
West-part of the
World, this
latter
[Page 75]Age, discovering the
nakedness of the
Nations both in
body and
soul; which carried a
resemblance of the
Creation of a new
World, or at least the
imperfection of the old. A vast
Territory and few people.
The
Spaniards, the first
discoverers, being more covetous to grasp, than well able to plant, took possession of the most precious places, so that the
English, French, and
Dutch, caught but what they left. Sir
Walter Rawleigh and others (after Sir
Francis Drake) found out that Country now called
Virginia, which was long since planted with a Colony. And in that tract of Land more
Northerly,New-England described. within the
degrees of 40 and 48 of
latitude, lies
New-England, a
Climate temperate and healthful, but not so much as the
Old. It is rather a low than a high Land, full of
Rocky-Capes or
Promontories. The Inmost parts of the Country are Mountainous, intermixt with fruitful Vallies, and large Lakes, which want not store of good Fish. The Hills are no where Barren (though in some places Stony) but fruitful in Trees and Grass. There are many Rivers, fresh Brooks and Springs, that run into the Sea. The Rivers are good Harbors, and abound with plenty of excellent Fish, yet are they full of
Falls, which makes them not Navigable far into the Land. The Seas bordering the Shores are studded with Islands, about which great Shoals of Fishes (Cod, Haddock, and such like) do wantonly sport themselves. The main Land doth nourish abundance of Deers, Bears, Wolves, and a beast called Moose, peculiar to those Regions; and the Rivers and Ponds are stored with some Beavers, Otters, and Musquashes. There are also divers kinds of small Beasts, but the most offensive are Foxes; Fowls there are store in their several seasons, as Turkies, Geese, and Ducks; and the soyl naturally produces wild Vines with very large Bunches of Grapes, but the extremity of
heat and
cold hinder their just temper. There are many other Fruits which are very good, with Plants, whose Rinds or Barks transcends our Hemp or Flax; both Air and Earth concurring to bring forth most things that Industry and Art can provide for the use of man.
The first that sent a
Colony into this Country,
Planted first 1606. was the Lord Chief Justice
Popham, in the year 1606. A man highly renowned in his time, for persecuting such as transgressed the
Laws among
Christians, living like
Beasts of
prey to the prejudice of Travellers. And in this he had a special aim, and hope also, to establish
Christian Laws among
Infidels; and by
domestical, to chace away those
ferous, and
indomitable Creatures, that infested the Land: Brave and gallant
spirits having ever such
publick ends. But
Planters are like
Alchymists, they have something in
projection, that many times fails in
production. It is conceived the
Romans were not well advised to settle one of their
[Page 76] first
Colonies at
Maldon in
Essex, whose soyl about, is neither yet sound, nor Air salubrious. And the first opening of ground in a Climate not
Natural, hath an extraordinary
operation upon the
Bodies of
Men, whose
Senses must comply to give entertainment to a
Stranger, that often spoils the place where it finds
Hospitality. For the first
Planters of
New-England having seated themselves low, few of them were left, to direct those that succeeded, in a better way. Yet People, by dear experience, overcame it by
degrees, being yearly supplied by men, whose industry and affections taught them, there was more hope to find safety in
New-England than in the
Old.
Somersets devices to get Money. Though these found some stop, yet our great
Favourite, the Earl of
Somerset, and his business, runs smoothly, without
rub, since
Overburies death. But he must alter his
Bias, and go less, or find some new ways to bring in
Monies; the
Revenues of the
Crown are not competent to maintain such vast
Expences, accumulated by his
Riot, though he had all the Earl of
Westmorelands Lands at his Marriage, and Creation, added to his Earldom. There must be therefore a new
Order of
Baronets made, in number two hundred, that must be next
Degree to
Barons, and these must pay a thousand pound a piece for their
Honour, having it by
Patent under the great
Seal, and continued to
Posterity with the Title of
Knights. Some of these new
Honourable men (whose Wives pride, and their own Prodigalities had pumpt up to it) were so drained, that they had not moisture to maintain the
radical humour, but wither'd no nothing. This money thus raised, is pretended for planting the North of
Ireland, but it found many other Chanels, before it came to that
Sea. And though at our Kings first access to the
Crown, there was a glut of
Knights made, yet after some time he held his hand, left the Kingdom should be cloyed with them: And the World thriv'd so well with some, that the price was afterwards brought up to three hundred pounds a piece. But now again, the poor
Courtiers were so indigent, that sixty pounds would purchase a
Knighthood, the King wanting other means to gratifie his
Servants.
The Kings Bounty. Yet he was of so free a Nature, and careless of Money, when he had it (though solicitous to get it) that he
batled in his own
bounty. For being one day in the
Gallery at
White-hall, and none with him but Sir
Henry Rich (who was second Son to the Earl of
Warwick) afterwards Earl of
Holland, a Gentleman of
excellent Natural Parts, but youthfully expensive; and
Iames Maxwel, one of his Bed Chamber; some
Porters past by them, with three thousand pounds, going to the
Privy Purse: Sir
Henry Rich whispering
Maxwel, the King turned upon them, and asked
Maxwel, what says he? what says he?
Maxwel told him, he wisht he had so much money;
Marry shalt thou Harry,
[Page 77] (saith the King) and presently commanded the
Porters to carry it to his
Lodging, with this Expression,
You think now you have a great Purchase; but I am more delighted to think how much I have pleasured you in giving this money, than you can be in receiving it. This Story intervenes, to shew the
Temper of his
Mind.
About this time also
Gold was raised to two shillings in the
pound,Gold raised. occasioned from the high value set upon it abroad, which made the Merchant transport it. But the first Inhancers can make their
Markets, by ingrossing great
Sums; especially the Payments of those times, and all this Kings Reign, being for the most part in
Gold so that it might be called the
Golden Age; that it is a wonder now, what
gulf hath swallowed those great
sums, if their
golden wings be not flown to the
Sun-rising. But these little
projects will bring in but small store of
money, to maintain the
Work; many such
Materials must go, to make up a
Royal Building, and little
Streams will not easily fill a
Cistern that hath many Issues. A
Parliament can furnish all: but who dare venture on such
Refractory Spirits?
Yet there was a
generation about the
Court,A Parliament undertaken. that to please and humour Greatness, undertook a
Parliament; as men presuming to have Friends in every
County, and
Borough, who (by their
Power among the
People) would make Election of such
Members for
Knights and
Burgesses, as should comply solely to the Kings
desires; and
Somerset is the Head and Chief of these
Vndertakers. But this was but an
Embrion, and became an Abortive. The
English Freedom cannot be lost by a few base and tame
spirits, that would unmake themselves, and their
Posterity, to ingrandize one Man. For the
Parliament meeting according to their
Summons, such Faces appeared there, as made the
Court droop; who, instead of Contributing to the Kings
wants, lay open his
wasts, especially upon the
Scots, with whom they desire
medietatem linguae, a share of favour:
The Bread (by our Saviours rule)
properly belonging to the Children of the Kingdom. And they beseech His Majesty to stop the Current of
future access of that
Nation to make
residence here, having enough to eat up their own
Crums. They enquire into the
Causes of the unexpected increase of
Popish Recusants, since the
Gun-Powder Plot, the detestation whereof (they thought) should have utterly extinguished them; and they find it to the Admission of
Popish Nobility into his
Counsels; the silencing of many watchful, and diligent
Ministers; the divers
Treaties his Majesty hath entertained, not only for the Marriage of the deceased Prince
Henry, but for Prince
Charles that now liveth, with the Daughters of
Popish Princes, which dis-heartneth the
Protestant, and encourageth the
Recusant; laying open with these, many other
miscarriages in
Government, which the King willing to have concealed, stopt them in their
Course, dissolving the
Parliament,[Page 78] and committing to the Tower and other Princes (the beginning of incroachment upon the publick
liberties) such as were most active for the
Common good.
These fair
Blossoms not producing the hoped-for fruit, they find out new
Projects to
manure the People; different much in
name and
nature;
A Benevolence required. a
Benevolence, extorted; a
Free-gift against their
wills was urged upon them, and they that did not give in their
money, must give in their
names, which carried a kind of
fright with it. But the most knowing men (like so many
Pillars to the
Kingdoms liberties) supported their
Neighbours tottering
Resolutions, with assuring them, that these kind of
Benevolences were against
Law, Reason and
Religion.
First against
Law, being prohibited by divers Acts of Parliament; and a Curse pronounced against the infringers of them.
Secondly, against
Reason, that a particular man should oppose his judgment and discretion, to the wisdom and judgment of the King assembled in Parliament, who have there denyed any such aid.
Thirdly against
Religion That a King violating his Oath (taken at his Coronation for maintaining the
Laws, Liberties, and
Customs of the
Realm) should be assisted by the people in an
Act of so much
Injustice and
Impiety. These, and many other Arguments instilled into the people by some good
Patriots, were great impediments to the
Benevolence: So that they got but little
money, and lost a great deal of
love: For no
Levies do so much
decline, and
abase the
love and
spirits of the people, as unjust
Levies. Subsidies get more of their
money, but Exactions enslave the
mind; for they either raise them above, or depress them beneath their sufferings, which are equally
mischievous, and to be avoided.
The King of
Denmarks second coming. This Summer the King of
Denmark revisited his Sister the Queen of
England, with some forty Lords, Gentlemen, and others in his Train; landing at
Yarmouth, and passing directly to
London, took up his Lodging in our Common Inns, and was not known but for some
Outlandish Nobleman, till he came to the Queens
Palace in the
Strand, where she was surprized with the unexpected joy of a
Brothers company, distanced from her by the interest of his people, the great Bar that hinders Princes the common
civilities and happiness of their Inferiors. But the joy continued not long; for after some fourteen days interview, they parted again. But those days had such a
plenitude of all those
delights that contend to satisfaction, as if a great deal of more time had been involved and contracted in them.
The Queen opposes
Somerset. The Earl of
Somerset new made
Lord Chamberlain, succeeding his Father-in-law the Earl of
Suffolk, and the
Lord Treasurer[Page]
VERA EFFIGIES FRANCISCAE COMITISSAE SOMERSETIAE / VICECOM: ROFFEN: ETc
The lively portraict of the Lady Francis Countesse of Somerset
[Page][Page 79] Successor to
Salisbury, were not very acceptable to the Queen, having the same
spirit and
animosity against
Somerset that her Son had: But whether from an apprehension that the Kings love and company was alienated from her, by this
Masculine conversation and
intimacy, or whether the mans
insolence, (thus high mounted) had carried him too near the
Beams of
Majesty (his creature
Overbury being a little before his Commitment condemned for presumptuous walking with his hat on in her Palace Garden, she being in the window) or whether from that
natural inclination that makes every one oppose
Pride in others, though it be more active in themselves, and see it not; or from that
Rumor of Prince
Henries death, covertly imputed to
Somerset, I know not. But she became the head of a great
Faction against him.
Sir
Ralph Winwood, who had been
Lieger-Ambassador with the States in the
Netherlands, for his abilities and good service had merited so much from the King, that he made him Secretary of State; The Queen closes with him, the better to discover
Somersets miscarriages, and he was ready enough to oblige her; for
Somerset made him but an
Vnderling, grasping all
Publick imployments into his own hand, not caring whom he disobliged, or what
Malice he pulled upon himself; for like a
Coloss he stood the
brunt of all the Tempests of
Envy, making those that carried the greatest
sail to strike and come under him. Nor would he suffer any place in Court, or dignity in State, to be bestowed; which was not sweetned with his
smile that gave it, or their
bounty that injoyed it; so that (it was thought) he ingrossed a
mass of
Coin, as if his
soul intended to take her ease. This
Pride and
Covetousness added to his other
miscarriages such a number of
Vnderminers, that he stood upon a tottering
foundation, having no
support but the Kings
favour, which, whether by
Providence from above, or purposes below (both ever concurring from the
Will to the
Means) was soon removed.
For about this time the King cast his eye upon a young Gentleman,
George Villers a favourite. so rarely
moulded, that he meant to make him a
Masterpiece: His name was
George Villers, he was second Son to Sir
George Villers, a Knight of
Leicester-shire, by a second
Venter: For the old man coming to
Colehorton in that County, to visit his Kinswoman the Lady
Beaumont, found a young Gentlewoman of that name, allyed, and yet a servant to the Lady, who being of a handsom presence, and countenance, took his affections, and he married her. This was the
soil where the glorious
Cedar grew? who having only the breeding and portion of a younger Brother, with the Mothers
help and
travel, got the
addition of a
French garb, which brought him to the Court in no greater a
condition than fifty pounds a year is able to maintain.
[Page 80] The King strucken with this new
object,A. Reg. 13.
An. Christi 1615. would not expose him to so much hazard as the
malice of a jealous
Competitor, nor him self to so much
censure, as to be thought changeable, and taken again with a sudden affection▪ therefore he instructs some of his Confidents to bring him in by
degrees; who intimated the Kings pleasure to him, that he should wait
Cup bearer at large, being so, at too strait a distance of
place, to have any
mark of
favour for
suspition to level at. And if the King had not received a new Impression thus, the old Character of
Somerset that was imprinted in his
soul, could not so soon (as many men thought) have been blotted out. But
Courts that are the
wisest, though not the most
vertuous Schools, do teach their
Scholars to observe the
Seasons, and by the
Astronomy of the Princes
eye, to calculate what Fortune such Aspects, and such Conjunctions may happily produce: And they found so much as gave them incouragement to hear, and boldness to discover, that which pulled down the
one, and set up the
other.
Somersets decline 1615. But
Somerset that had the
pulse of his
Conscience always beating at
Overburies door, was as active to preserve himself, as his Enemies were to ruin him: and finding himself shaking (though there was nothing yet laid to his
Charge, but the imbezelling some of the
Crown Iewels) he throws himself at the Kings feet, acknowledging the great Trust his Majesty had reposed in him, and the weight of business lying on him, might make him incounter him with some
miscarriages through youth and ignorance (great imployments often meeting with
envy, that jossels them in the way) he therefore humbly besought his Majesty to grant him a general
Pardon for what was past, that he might not be exposed to the
malice of those that would wrest all his
Actions to the worst meaning. The King that raised this fair
Edifice, being loth to have it quite pulled down again, gave order for the drawing up of a general
Pardon, in so ample and full a manner, that it might rather exceed, than take rise from any former
precedent; This the King signed and sent to the Great Seal; But the Queen having notice of it, and using her
Power with the Lord Chancellor, gave stop to the Seal till the Kings coming to Town (who was on his
Progress in the
West) and then what was mutter'd in corners before, rung openly in the Streets: For the
Apothecaries boy that gave Sir
Thomas Overbury the
Glister, falling sick at
Flushing, revealed the whole matter, which Sir
Ralph Winwood by his Correspondents had a full Relation of, and a small
breach being made, his
Enemies, like the noise of many
Waters, rise up against him, following the
Stream.
The King deserts him. The King hearing of the
business, and what ill sound it carried with it (as it was set out to him) that in the face of the
Court, and so near his own bosom, such poysonous practices should be perpetrated, and on one that was his
Prisoner, he
[Page][Page]VERA EFFIG: REVER
[...] DOMINI IOHAN̄IS KING EPISCOPI LONDIN
[...]
Lo here his shade whose substāce is divine;
Like God, in all that may his Angell fitt:
Whose light before men, like a lampe, doth shyne
The Oyle of Grace and learning feeding it:
Yet, like a lampe, that others light doth gieve,
Still wast's the Oyle by which him self doth lieve.
See thy true shadowe Nature and suppose
How much thy Substance is belov'd of Harts
O Cunning, if thy Mirror could diclose
His heavenly Formes, of Zeale, Religion, Arts;
This picture might exactllie shewe in Hym.
Each vertue done to Life for each dead Lym.
[Page 81] seemed to be much moved with the
Relation; and sending for the
Iudges gave them strict Charge to examin the Matter throughly, imprecating a
Curse upon them and their
Posterity, if th
[...]y did not endeavour to discover it; and if he did spare any guilty Person,
He wished Gods Curse mi
[...]ht light on him, and his Posterity; So violent the King appeared in prosecution of it! And away to
Royston he goes, and
Somerset with him; thither these
rumours came buzzing about his
ears, like a rising
storm upon a well spread
Oak; but he thought himself too firmly rooted in the Kings favour to be removed, therefore he went back to
London, to still the murmurs vented against him. Some say, the Lord Chief Justice
Cook sent for him, upon which he went to the King with a Complaint, as taking it to be a great
presumption; but the King made answer,
Thou must go then, for if Cook
sends for me I must go too. Others say, when he came to take his leave of the King, he embraced and kist him often, wisht him to make haste back, shewed an extreme
passion to be without him; and his back was no sooner turned, but he said with a
smile, I shall never see thy face more. Whether either, or both of these were so, cannot be asserted, but to
London he went; his Countess was apprehended (and committed to Custody in
Black-Fryars) before he came thither; he was no sooner there, but he was seized on, and commended to the Charge of Doctor
Mountain, Dean of
Westminster; and then they went on roundly with the Business.
For a little before this,
Weston and the rest tried.Weston was taken, and examined, but like a stubborn
piece (unmoulded for impression) nothing could be drawn from him; but God (by the means and persuasion of the Bishop of
London, Doctor
King, a man eminent for
piety in his time) so wrought upon his
heart, that the
eye of his
soul being opened to the
foulness of his
sin, he discovered all, so that the whole
Confederacy were laid hold on; Who falling into the hands of the Lord Chief Justice
Cook (a Spirit of a fiery exhalation, as subtil as active) he left no stone unturned, till he had ript up the very
foundation.
But in the mean time, between
Westons standing mute, and his Trial, one
Lumsden a Scotchman, took upon him to make a false and
libellous Relation of the business, and delivers it to
Henry Gib of the Bed-Chamber, to be put into the Kings hand; in which Writing he falsifies and perverts all that was done the first day of
Westons Arraignment, turning the edg of his imputations upon the Lord Chief Justice
Cook: which Bolt was boldly shot by him, but it was thought not to come out of his own Quiver; and it lighted into an ill hand for him, for the King discovered it, and left him an open Mark to that
Iustice, he had traduced.
[Page 82]Weston was the first that suffered by the hand of the Law; which Sir
Iohn Hollis (after Earl of
Clare) out of friendship to
Somerset; and Sir
Iohn Wentworth, a Person debauched and riotous (hoping from the beams of of
Somersets favour to increase his wanting
fortunes) strove to blast in the
spring;
Weston executed. for they rod to
Tyburn, and urged him at his Execution to deny all, hoping that way to prevent the
Autumn that followed: but
Westons Soul being prepared for
Death, resisted their temptations, sealing penitently the Truth of his
Confession with his last. And this attempt of
Hollu, Wentworth, and
Lumsden, to pervert
Iustice being aggravated against them in the Star-Chamber by the Kings Atturney, Sir
Francis Bacon, they were sentenced there, and found the reward of their Presumption.
Mrs.
Turner.Mistris
Turner followed next: A Pattern of
Pride and
Lust; who having always given a loose Rein to her
life, she ran this carreer at last into the
jaws of
death.
Sir
Ierv. Ellowis. Sir
Iervis Ellowis, Lieutenant of the Tower, was the third, who suffered on
Tower Hill; a Man much pitied, being drawn in by the
allurements of
Northampton to be a
Spectator rather than an
Actor in this bloody
Tragedy; but his Connivence cost him his life. And being a man full of sorrow for his offence, he left two Pillars behind him at his death, for Watch-Towers to all that pass by, in this Bark of frail
Mortality, to prevent Shipwrack. One was,
Not to vow any thing to God, but to perform it. The other was,
Not to take a pride in any Parts, though never so excellent. For the first, he said he was a great
Gamester, and loved it; and having lost one time much money, he seriously and advisedly, between
God and his own
Soul, clapping his hand on his breast, spake thus (as it were to God)
If ever I play again, then let me be hanged! and breaking my Vow (said he)
now God hath paid my Imprecation home. The second was, He took a great delight in his
Pen, And that Pen (to use his own words)
which I was so proud of, hath struck me dead, and, like Absolons
hair, hath hanged me; for there dropt a word or two from my Pen, in a Letter to the Earl of Northampton,
which upon my salvation I am not able to answer: At my Arraignment I pleaded hard for my life, and protested mine innocency; but when my own Pen came against me, I was not able to speak for my self, but stood as one amazed, or that had no tongue. Such damps doth guiltiness cast upon the Spirit!
The fourth that fell by the stroke of
Iustice, was
Franklin, a Fellow as sordid in his death,
And
Franklin. as pernicious in his life, whose name deserves not so much as
memory.
The fifth and sixth were
Somerset and his
Countess. At her Arraignment, all the Letters that passed betwixt
Forman and
she, were read in
open Court, and the waxen and brazen Poppets were made visible, dancing up and down from hand to hand, which discovered the folly of her
Actions: But the Earl and
[Page][Page 83] she, being condemned, found the King
mercy, and were, after some time of imprisonment in the
Tower, set at liberty, holding their lives by a Lease of the Kings
Will, living in a private, and almost obscure
condition. Shewing in it, That no
content or
happiness can be truly established, but on the foundation of
Iustice. For that
Love that made them break through all
Oppositions (either by her decling to some new
Object (as was the common rumour) or his inclining to
reluctancy for the
Old) grew so weak▪ that it pined away, and they lived long after (though in one House) as Strangers one to another.
She died before him.
The Countesses description in her death. Her death was
infamous, his without
fame, the
obscurity of the rest of his life darkning the
splendor of it. And though she died (as it were) in a
corner (in so private a condition) the loathsomeness of her
death made it as conspicuous as on the
house top: For that part of her Body which had been the
receptacle of most of her
sin, grown rotten (though she never had but one
Child) the
ligaments failing, it fell down, and was cut away in
flakes, with a most
nauseous and putrid
savour; which to augment, she would roul her self in her own
ordure in her bed, took delight in it. Thus her affections varied; For nothing could be found sweet enough to augment her
Beauties at first, and nothing stinking enough to decipher her loathsomeness at last: Pardon the sharpness of these expressions, for they are for the Glory of God, who often makes his
punishments (in the ballance of his Iustice) of equal weight with our
sins.
For his
Person,Somersets in his life. He was rather well compacted than tall; his features and favour comely, and handsome, rather than
beautiful; the hair of his head flaxen, that of his face tinctured with yellow, of the
Sycambrian colour: In his own
nature, of a gentle mind, and affable disposition, having publick
affections, till they were all swallowed up in this
gulf of
beauty, which did precipitate him into these dangerous Contrivances. For that which made his
friendship false, diverted his publick affection to his private interest; and when he found himself guilty of what he thought might ruin him, he grew covetous to heap that together, which he thought might preserve him; So that at one breach that our
Corruptions make, many mischiefs follow in the crowd. And if he had not met with such a
Woman, he might have been a good man: but trials, and strong temptations, enhanceth the Price of Vertue; the conflict is gallant, but to be overcome debaseth a man the more, by how much his fall is the greater.
I was loth to separate these
Delinquents in their Trials (being close woven) by the length of Sir
Francis Bacons Speech in the
Star-Chamber, against
Hollis, Wentworth, and
Lumsden. But knowing what an
Ornament his
Oratory will give to this Story,
[Page 84] and how usual it was for ancient
Historians to insert their
Harangues of State,
A. Reg. 14.
An. Christi 1616. as well as
Military Orations, I could not decline this, though it comes almost in the
Rere; the rather because it will serve as a Seal and Confirmation of what is formerly written. And thus it was.
Sir
Francis Bacons Speech in Star-chamber.THE Offence wherewith I shall charge the three Offenders at the Bar, is a misdemeanour of a high
Nature, tending to the defacing and scandal of
Iustice, in a great Cause Capital. The particular Charge is this:
the King among many of his
Princely Vertues, is known to excel in that proper
Vertue of the Imperial Throne, which is
Iustice; it is a
Master Vertue, unto which the other three are ministrant, and do service:
Wisdom serveth to discover, and discern of Innocencies, and Guiltiness;
Fortitude is to persecute, and execute; and
Temperance so to carry
Iustice, as it be not passionate in the pursuit, nor confused in valuing Persons, nor precipitate in Time.
For this his Majesties
Vertue of
Iustice, God hath of late raised an Occasion, and erected (as it were) a
Stage, or
Theatre, much for his
Honour, to shew, and act it, in the pursuit of the violent untimely death of Sir
Thomas Overbury, and therein cleansing the Land from blood. For if blood doth cry to Heaven in Gods ears, this is a stench, I may say, in the Nostrils of God and Man.
This work of
Iustice, the greater and more excellent it is, you will soon conclude, the greater is the offence of any that have sought to affront or traduce it. And therefore, before I descend unto the particular Charge of these Offenders, I will say somewhat of the Crime of Impoysonment; somewhat of the particular Circumstances of this Fact upon
Overbury; and thirdly, of the Kings great and worthy care and carriage in this business.
The offence of Impoysonment is most truly figured in that Device and Description which was made of the nature of
Caius Caligula, That he was
Lutum sanguine maceratum, Mire cemented with blood: For as it is one of the highest offences in guiltiness, so it is the basest of all others in the minds of Offenders. Treason,
Magnum aliquid spectant, they aim at great things; but this is vile and base. I have found in the Book of God, examples of all other offences, but not any one of an Impoysonment, or an Impoysoner. I find mention of some fear of casual Impoysonments; when the Waters were corrupted and bitter, they came complaining in a fearful manner, Master,
Mors in olla: And I find mention of Poysons of Beasts, and Serpents,
The Poysons of Asps is under their lips, saith the
Psalm, but I find no mention in a Human Creature, of a
[Page 85]malicious and
murtherous Impoysonment.
Let their table be made a snare, is certainly most true of Impoysonment, but that I think was meant of the Treachery of Friends, that were participant of the same Table.
This is an offence that hath two
spurs of
offending, Spes perficiendi, & spes celandi, it is easily committed and concealed. It is an
offence, that is,
Tanquam sagitta nocte volans, it is the Arrow that flies by night, it discerns not whom it hits: for many times the poyson is laid for one, and another takes it. As in
Sanders case, where the poysoned Apple was laid for the Mother, and the Child eat it. And so in that notorious Case, whereupon the
Statute of 22
Hen. 8.
cap. 9. was made, where the intent being but to poyson one or two, poyson was put in a little Vessel of Barm that stood in the Kitchen at the Bishop of
Rochesters house, of which Barm, Pottage or Grewel was made, wherewith seventeen of the Bishops Family were poysoned, nay, divers of the poor that came to the Bishops-gate, and had the Pottage in Alms, were likewise poysoned. Here is great talk of Impoysonment, I hope I am safe, I have no enemies, nor any thing men can long for; that is all one; for he may sit at the Table by one, for whom poyson is prepared, and have a drench of his Cup or of his Pottage, and so (as the Poet saith)
Concidit infelix alieno vulnere, he may die another mans death, and therefore it was most gravely, judiciously, and properly provided by that
Statute, that Impoysonment should be High-Treason, because whatsoever offence tendeth to the utter subversion and dissolution of Human Society is in the nature of High-Treason,
But it is an offence, that I may truly say of it,
Non est nostri generis nec sanguinis; It is, thanks be to God, rare in the Isle of
Britain: It is neither of our Country, nor of our Church; You may find it in
Rome, and
Italy, there is a
Religion for it, if it should come among us, it were better living in a Wilderness than in a Court.
For the
particular fact upon
Overbury; I knew the Gentleman, it is true, his mind was great, but it moved not in any great good
order, yet certainly it did commonly fly at good things; and the greatest fault that ever I heard by him, was,
That he made his Friend his Idol. But take him as he was, the Kings Prisoner in the Tower, and then see how the Case stands. In that place the State is (as it were) a Respondent to make good the Body of the Prisoner, and if any thing happen to him there, it may (though not in this Case, yet in some others) make an aspersion, and reflexion upon the State it self: For the person is utterly void of his own defence, his own care and providence can serve him to nothing; He is in the
custody and
preservation of
Law, and we have a
Maxim[Page 86] in our
Law, that when a
State is in
preservation of
Law, nothing can destroy it, or hurt it, and God forbid but the like should be in
Persons, and therefore this was a
circumstance of great
aggravation.
Lastly, To have a man chased to death, in a manner, as it appears now by matter of
Record (for other privacy of Cause I know not) by poyson after poyson: First
Rosaker, then
Arsnick, then
Mercury sublimate, then
sublimate again, it is a thing would astonish mans nature to hear it. The
Poets feign that the
Furies had
Whips, and that they were corded with poysoned
Snakes; and a man would think that this
subject were the very Case: To have a man tied to a
post, and to scourge him to death with
Serpents, for so truly may diversity of
poysons be termed.
It pleased my Lord Chief Justice to let me know that which I heard with great
comfort, which was the
charge that his
Majesty gave to himself, and the rest of the Commissioners in this Case, worthy to be written in
Letters of
Gold, That the business should be carried without touch to any that was innocent, not only without impeachment, but without aspersion, which was a most
Noble and
Princely caution; for mens
Reputations are tender things, and ought to be like
Christs Coat without seam. And it was more to be respected in this Case, because it met with two great
Persons; A
Nobleman that his Majesty had favoured and advanced, and his
Lady, being of a great and Honourable House, though I think it be true that the
Writers say, that there is no
Pomegranate so fair, or so sound, but may have a perished Kernel. Nay, I see plainly in those excellent Papers of his Majesties own handwriting (as so many
beams of
Iustice issuing from that
Vertue which so much doth shine in him) the business so evenly carried without
prejudice, whether it were a true Accusation on the one part, or a practice or false Accusation on the other, as shewed plainly that his Majesties judgment was,
Tanquam tabula rasa, as a clean pair of Tables, and his ears,
Tanquam janua aperta, as a gate not side open, but wide open to the Truth, as it should be discovered. And I may truly affirm, that there was never in this Kingdom, nor in any other, the
blood of a private Gentleman vindicated,
Cum tanto motu Regni, or to say better,
Cum tanto plausu Regni: If it had concerned the King or Prince there could not have been greater, or better Commissioners. The term hath been almost turned into a
Iustium, or
Vacancy; the people being more willing to be lookers on in this business, than proceeders in their own. There hath been no care of discovery omitted, no moment of time lost; and therefore I will conclude, with the saying of
Solomon, this part of my Speech,
Gloria Deicelare rem, and gloria Regis scrutari
[Page 87] rem, It is the glory of God to conceal a thing, and it is the glory of the King to find it out. And his Majesties honor is the greater; for that he shewed to the World this business, as it hath relation to my Lord of
Somerset (whose Case in no sort I do fore-judg, being ignorant of the secrets of the cause, but take him as the Law takes him, hitherto for a
suspect) I say the King hath to his great honor shewed, That were any man in such a case of blood, as the Signet of his right-hand (as the Scripture saith) he would put him off.
Now will I come to the particular
Charge of these Gentlemen And first I will by way of
Narrative relate the
Fact, with the occasion of it.
This wretched man
Weston, who was the
Actor, or
Mechanical party in this Impoysonment, the first day being indicted by a very substantial
Iury of selected
Citizens, to the number of nineteen, who found
Billa vera, yet nevertheless at the first stood mute. But after some days intermission, it pleased God to cast out the
Dumb Devil, and he put himself upon his Trial, and was by a
Iury of great value, upon his own
Confessions, and other
testimonies, found
guilty: So as thirty and one sufficient
Iurors have past upon him, and he had also his Judgment and Execution awarded. After this, being in preparation for another World, he sent for Sir
Thomas Overbury's Father, and falling down upon his knees, with great remorse and compunction asked him
forgiveness; and afterwards again of his own
motion, desired to have his like prayer of
forgiveness recommended to his Mother, who was absent. And at both times out of the abundance of his heart confessed that he was to die
justly, and that he was worthy of death. And after again at his Execution (which is a kind of sealing time of
Confessions) even at the point of death (though there were
Tempers about him he did again confirm publickly, that his Examinations were true, and that he had been justly and honourably dealt with. So here is a period of this man, which was the subject of this calumny or affront of
Iustice. Wherein Mr.
Lumsden plays his part first, who in the time between
Westons standing
mute and his
Tryal, frames a most odious and libellous
Relation, containing as many untruths as lines, sets it down in writing with his own hand, and delivers it to one of the
Bedchamber to be put into the Kings hands, falsifying all that was done the first day of
Westons Arraignment, turning the pike and point of his imputations upon the Lord Chief Justice of
England, whose name thus occurring, I cannot pass by, and yet I cannot skill of this same
Flattery, or
vulgar Attribute; but this I will say of him, and I would say as much to
Ages, That never mans person and his place were better met in a business, than my Lord Cook,
and my Lord Chief Iustice, in the Cause of Overbury.
[Page 88]Now for the person of Master
Lumsden, I know he is a
Scotch Gentleman, and thereby more ignorant of our
Laws: but I cannot tell whether this doth extenuate his fault, or increase it; for as it may extenuate it in respect of
ignorance, so it doth aggravate it much in respect of
presumption, to meddle in that he understood not, unless some other mans cunning wrought upon this mans boldness. The infusion of a
slander into a Kings ear, is of all forms of
Libels, and
Slanders, the worst. It is true, that Kings may keep secret their
information, and then no man can enquire after them, while they are shrined in their
Breast: but where a King is pleased that a man shall answer for his false information, divers precedents of slanderous
Petitions have been as severly punished, as slanderous
Libels.
For the Offence of Sir
Iohn Wentworth, and Sir
Iohn Hollis, which was, to scandalize the
Iustice already past, or to cut off the thread of something that is to come, these two Gentlemen came mounted on Horseback, and in a ruffling and facing manner, presumed to Examin
Weston, whether he did poyson
Overbury, or no; directly cross to that which had been tried, and judged. For what was the Point tried? That
Weston had poysoned
Overbury: And Sir
Iohn Wentworth's question was, whether he did poyson him? A direct Contradictory. Whereupon
Weston answered, that he did him wrong; and turning to the Sheriff, said,
You promised me I should not be troubled at this time; and yet nevertheless
Wentworth prest him to answer, that he might pray with him. l know not that Sir
Iohn Wentworth is an
Ecclesiastick, that he should cut any man from communion of Prayer; and for all this vexing of the spirit of a poor man, now in the gate of
death, Weston stood constant, and said,
I die not unworthily, my Lord Chief Iustice hath my mind under his hand, and he is an honourable and just Iudg. Sir
Iohn Hollis was not so much a Questionist, but wrought upon the other Questions, and like a Counsellor, wisht him to discharge his Conscience, and to satisfie the World: What World I marvel! It was the World at
Tyburn: For the World at
Guildhall, and the World at
London, were satisfied before;
Teste the Bels that rang every where. But men have got a fashion now a-days, that two or three busie bodies will take upon them the name of the World, and broach their own
conceit, as if it were a general
opinion. Well, what more? When they could not work upon
Weston, Sir
Iohn Hollis in an indignation, turned about his
horse, as the other was turning to his
death, and said he was sorry of such a
Conclusion. That was to have the State honoured or justified.
[Page 89]Sir
Iohn Hollis offence hath another
Appendix, before this in time, which was at the day of the Tryal. He presumed to give his
Verdict openly, That if he were of the
Iury he would not doubt what to do. Marry he saith he cannot well tell whether he spoke this before the
Iury had given up their
Verdict or after. Wherein there is little gained; for whether he were a
Praejuror, or a
Postjuror, the one was to prejudice the
Iury, the other was to attaint them.
The offence of these Gentlemen is greater and more dangerous than is conceived. We have no
Spanish Inquisition, no
Iustice in a corner, no gagging of mens mouths at their death, but they may speak freely to the last; but then it must come from the free motion of the
party, not by tempting of
Questions. The Questions that are asked ought to tend to further revealing of their own, or others guiltiness: But to use a Question in the nature of a cross interrogatory, to falsifie that which is
Res judicata, is intolerable. That were to erect a
Court, or Commission of
review at
Tyburn, against the
Court of
Westminster: For if the Answer be according to the Judgment past, it adds credit to
Iustice; if it be contrary, it derogateth nothing, yet it subjecteth the
Majesty of
Iustice to a popular vulgar
talk and
opinion. My Lords, these are great and dangerous offences; for if we do not maintain
Iustice, Iustice will not maintain us.
Then the Examinations being read, and further aggravated against these three Gentlemen, there passed Judgment upon them of Fine and lmprisonment.
Sir
Thomas Monson,Sir
Thomas Monson arraigned. another of the Countesses
Agents in this poysoning contrivance, had past one days Tryal at
Guildhall. But the Lord Chief Justice
Cook in his
Rhetorical Flourishes at his Arraignment, vented some expressions (which he either deduced from
Northamptons assuring the Lieutenant of the Tower, that the making away of Sir
Thomas Overbury would be acceptable to the King, or from some other secret hint received) as if he could discover more than the
death of a private person, intimating, though not plainly, that
Overburies untimely remove had something in it of retaliation, as if he had been guilty of the same Crime against Prince
Henry, blessing himself with admiration at the
horror of such
actions. In which he flew so high a pitch, that he was taken down by a
Court Lure, Sir
Thomas Monsons Tryal laid aside, and he soon after set at liberty, and the Lord Chief Justices wings were clipt for it ever after.
And it was rumor'd, that the King (heightned to so much
passion by this
eruption of Sir
Edward Cooks) went to the Council Table, and kneeling down there, desired
God to lay a Curse[Page 90]upon him and his posterity for ever, if he were consenting to Overburies
death. But this cannot be asserted, being above our
Sphere: yet as
Mathematicians do propose to themselves imaginary
Circles, for the several
motions in the
Heavens, and though there be none discovered, yet they find the effects of what they apprehend: So the sudden stopping of
Monsons Tryal, put strange imaginations into mens heads, and those seconded by
Reports too high for private
discovery,The Lord Chief Justice blamed. their operation only falling under the common
notion. But the Lord Chief Justice was blamed for flying out of his way; that having enough to prosecute the business, he would grasp after more till he lost all: For this Crime was thought second to none but the
Gunpowder-plot; that would have blown up all indeed at a blow (a
merciful cruelty) this would have done the same by
degrees, a lingring, but as sure a way; one by one might have been culled out, till all opposers had been removed: Besides, the other Plot was
scandalous to
Rome, making
Popery odious, this was
scandalous to the
Gospel ever since the first
Nullity. The
Devil could not have invented a more mischievous practice to
Church and
State.
The Lady
Arabella dies. The Lady
Arabella dying about this time in the Tower, set mens tongues and fears a work, that she went the same way. Such mischief doth one evil
action introduce, that it makes a great Rode for Jealousie to pursue after it. The Lady was Daughter to
Charles Stuart, younger Brother to our Kings Father, by
Elizabeth Cavendish, who was married some years past to Sir
William Seymaur, Son to the Lord
Beauchamp, and Grandchild to
Edward Earl of
Hertford; both at some distance allyed to the Crown, therefore such a Conjunction would not be admitted in the
Royal Almanack, so dreadful is every apparition that comes near
Princes Titles. Sir
William Seymaur for the Marriage was committed to the Tower, and the Lady
Arabella confined to her House at
High-gate. But after some imprisonment they conclude to escape beyond Sea together, appointing to meet at a certain place upon the
Thames: Sir
William leaving his man in his bed to act his part with his Keeper, got out of the Tower in a disguise, and came to the place appointed. She drest like a young Gallant in mans attire, followed him from her house, but staying long above the limited time, made him suspicious of her interception, so that he sent away, leaving notice if she came, that he was gone away, before to
Dunkirk. She, good Lady fraught with more fears, and lagging in her flights was apprehended, brought back to the Tower, and there finished her
earthly pilgrimage. She being dead, Sir
William Seymaur got leave to return home, and married since to the Lady
Frances, Daughter to the late noble Earl of
Essex, a Lady in whose breast dwells as much
Honor as can be derived from noble
Progenitors,
[Page]William Seymour, Marquis and Earle of Hartford, and Baron Beauchamp.
GRAUE PONDUS ILLA MAXIMA NOBILITAS PREMIT. Anno 1619.
[Page][Page 91] by whom he hath a very hopeful Issue, and by the death of his Grandfather was Earl, and now is Marquess of
Hertford.
And now the
Temples of
Ianus being shut, Warlike
Abilliaments grew rusty, and
Bellona put on Masking-attire; for
Scotland bought her
Peace at a good rate,
Peace every where. and
Ireland found the
fruits of hers growing up to her hand. Those
Irish that had great Estates (though rude enough) the King suppled and tamed with
Honours, and they that had little were content calmly to suck in what they had, and battel'd by it, so that they wanted nothing but
moderation to make them
happy. These
Halcion days shined round about us. The influence of our Kings peaceable
mind; had almost an universal
operation Spains ambition was contented to be bounded by the
Pirene Hills, and the
Atlantick Ocean, sucking in the fruits of
Italy and
Sicily, and hoarding up the Treasures of the
Indies, willingly singing a
Requiem to the
Netherlands, France wanting
Exercise surfeited with diseases at home, which by fits broke out into
Tumors among themselves. The
Germans swelled into a
Dropsie of
Voluptuousness, by
Plenty, and the
sweets of
Peace, Politick Bodies are like
Natural; Full feeding contracts,
gross humors, which will have vent. Only such Exercise as may refine, and keep the
spirits active, and digest the grosser and fulginous matter, strengthens the
Nerves of a Kingdom, or
Republick. Nothing now but bravery and feasting, the
Parents of
Debauchery and
Riot, flourished among us. There is no
Theam for
History when men spill more
drink than
blood; when
plots and
contrivances for
Lust, acted in dark corners, are more practised than
Stratagems in
War; and when the
Stages with silken
Pageants and
Poppets, that slacken the
sinews, are more frequented than those
Theaters of
Honor, where
Industry brawns and hardens the
Arms: Peace is a great
Blessing, if it bring not a
Curse with it; but
War is more happy in its effects than it, especially if it takes away the
distemper that grows by long surfets, without destroying the
Body. But since these
buskind ornaments are wanting, we must imbellish our
Discourses with such passages as paced up and down in the
sock of
Peace.
There had been in Prince
Henries time a Treaty of
Marriage betwixt him and a Daughter of
Spain,The King think of a match for his Son Prince
Charles. which took no effect. Our King was real in his intentions, not willing to have his
Sons Beams to display themselves but in a
Royal Horizon. The
Spanish policy clouded the
business with
delays, whether from the old
grudg that was betwixt Queen
Katharine and
Henry the eighth, or the difference between the
Nations in
Religion? But the
Spanish Courtesie being loth directly and point blank to tell our King, he liked not the
Conjunction, went with a slow-paced
Gravity, such as he thought befitted the
Civility of Princes,
[Page 92] and gave a little light to hope that it might be accomplished. But
Salisbury and others that managed those great affairs then, did at this
chink discover, that their
formalities were but
Spanish Complements, which like the
air that gave them
being, soon vanished away. After this our Kings thoughts cast about, how he might provide a fit
match for Prince
Charles, who shined in the same
sphere of
Honor (that his Brother left for a
better) but not so much inlightned with the peoples
love, being less
active and
splendid, and (that I may not call it
sullenness) more
reserved. The
German Dames were discoursed on (where his Sister shined in her Glory) as being of the same
Religion, and more suitable in
Christian Policy; but they were (in a manner)
Subjects to the Emperor, and that would give an allay to the
Super-elementary extraction of Kings, which should be of a higher
Origine, to amuse, and that they might be the more admired by their people, and therefore not so fitting in
State-Policy. And seeing there were small hopes expected from
Spain, a Daughter to
Henry the great, late King of
France, was aimed at, and Sir
Thomas Edmonds, our Kings Lieger Ambassador, had (long before this time) made his little addresses, superficially, and founded the Chanel, but he met some
Rocks and
Remoras in the way, so that he could not discover clearly their intentions; and the King was loth to express himself plainly, lest he should receive an affront. And now sending (as he thought it civilly necessary) an Extraordinary Ambassador to congratulate the King of
France his
Marriage with
Anna the
Infanta of
Spain, he thought it good
policy to take this
occasion to make a stricter
scrutiny whether there were any ground to rest upon for matching his Son.
The Lord
Hays sent into
France. And who is fitter for that employment, being only for
Courtship and
Bravery, than the Lord
Hayes, a Gentleman whose
Composition of
mind tended that way? He was born in
Scotland, where
bravery was in no
superfluity, bred up in
France, where he could not have it in
extravagancy, but he found it in
England, and made it his
vanity. The King had a large
hand, and he had a large
heart, and though he were no great
Favourite ever, yet he was never but in
favour. He with a great Train of young Noblemen, and other
Courtiers of eminency, suited themselves with all those
ornaments that could give
lustre to so dazelling an appearance as
Love, and the
Congratulation of it carried with it. All the study was, who should be most glorious, and he had the happiest
fancy, whose invention could express something
Novel, neat and unusual, that others might admire. So that
Huntingtons Prophecy was fulfilled here,
6
lib. H. Hunt. when speaking of the time of the
Scots Conquest of
England, he said,
Multimoda variatione vestium & indumentorum designaretur. I remember I saw one of the Lord Ambassadors Suits (and pardon me
[Page 93] that I take notice of such petty things) the Cloak and Hose were made of very fine white Beaver, imbroidered richly all over with Gold and Silver; the Cloak, almost to the Cape, within and without, having no lining but imbroidery, The Doublet was Cloth of Gold,
The Lord
Hayes rides in state to the Court. imbroidered so thick, that it could not be discerned, and a white Beaver-hat suitable, Brimfull of imbroidery, both above and below. This is presented as an
Essay, for one of the meanest he wore, so that if this Relation should last longer than his
old cloaths, the Reader might well think it a
Romance, favouring rather of
Fancy than
Reality.
But this kind of
Vanity had been long
active in
England: For the last Parliament it was moved by some well-affected to
Reformation of the
Abuses of excess in
Apparel, that there might be a
Regulation of this kind of
Gallantry, to the distinguishing of men one from another; For (it was said) some of means
Fortunes wore
Garments fitter for
Princes than
Subjects; and many
Gentry of antient descent had wasted, and impoverished themselves and their Posterities with this
extravagancy, so that it was very requisite to give some stop to this redundant
humor. To which was answered, That if those of
mean Fortunes went so richly attired, and came not honestly by their
ornaments, they would be quickly found out, and there were good Laws enough for such Transgressors. But as there is no perpetuity of
Being on
Earth, so there is a continual
vicissitude and
revolution in all
sublunary things, some are advanced, and some decline,
God pulleth down one, and setteth up another. If any Noble, or antiently descended Family will be so mad and foolish to beggar themselves and their Posterities with this, or any other excess, 'tis very probable that some man of more wisdom and merit will injoy that which the other hath so idlely and prodigally mispent; for to set such limitations will damp the spirits of Industry. So the motion was declined.
But to return to the Lord
Hayes. Thus accoutred and accomplished, he went into
France, and a day for
Audience being prefixed, all the argument and dispute betwixt him and his gallant Train (which took up some time) was, how they should go to the
Court, Coaches, like
Curtains, would eclipse their
splendor; riding on horsback in Boots, would make them look like
Travellers, not
Courtiers; and not having all Foot-cloaths it would be an unsuitable mixture: Those that brought rich trappings for their Horses, were willing to have them seen, so it was concluded for the Foot-cloth, and those that have none (to their bitter cost) must furnish themselves. This preparation begot expectation, and that filled all the Windows, Balcones, and Streets of
Paris as they passed with a multitude of Spectators, Six Trumpeters, and two Marshals (in Tawny
[Page 94] Velvet Liveries, compleatly Suited, laced all over with Gold, richly, and closely laid) led the way; the Ambassador followed with a great Train of Pages and Footmen in the same rich Livery, incircling his Horse, and the rest of his Retinue according to their Qualities and Degrees, in as much bravery as they could devise, or procure, followed in couples, to the wonderment of the beholders. And some said (how truly I cannot assert) the Ambassadors Horse was shod with Silver-shooes, lightly tackt on; and when he came to a place where
Persons, or
Beauties of eminency were, his very Horse prancing, and curveting, in humble
reverence flung his shooes away, which the greedy understanders scrambled for, and he was content to be gazed on, and admired, till a
Farrier, or rather the
Argentier in one of his rich Liveries, among his train of Footmen, out of a Tawny Velvet bag took others, and tackt them on, which lasted till he came to the next troop of
Grandies: And thus with much ado he reached the
Louure.
All Complements and outward Ceremonies of State being performed, the Lord Ambassador made his business known by more private addresses, which in appearance was well resented, but indeed not intended, and came to no effect: For the Duke of
Savoy had anticipated the young Ladies affection for the Prince of
P
[...]emont his Son. The
Savoyan Agents bringing more Gold in their hands than on their backs, had so smoothed the way, that not only those about the Princess, but the great ones themselves were made workers for him. After the Ambassador had been feasted magnificently, with all his gallant Train, in several places, to shew the
Grandure of
France, he came over into
England, and practised it here, making many times upon several
occasions such
stupendious Feasts, and heaped
Banquets, as if all the
Creatures had contributed to his excess. I know not what limits or bounds are set to the
glories of Princes Courts, or Nobles minds. We see the Sea it self, and all his tributary Rivers, do ebb and flow, but if they swell so high, to overflow that Bank, that
Reason hath prescribed to keep them in, what Inundations of sad mischief follow,
Experience shews.
A Breach betwixt the Lord Chancellor and the Lord Chief Justice.A little before this time there was a breach between the Lord Chief Justice
Cook, and the Lord Chancellor
Ellesmer, which made a passage to both their declines. Sir
Edward Cook had heard and determined a Cause at the Common Law, and some report there was jugling in the business. The
Witness that knew, and should have related the Truth, was wrought upon to be absent, if any man would undertake to excuse his
non appearance, A pragmatical fellow of the
party undertook it, went with the
Witness to a Tavern, called for a Gallon pot full of Sack, bid him drink, and so leaving him went into the Court.
[Page]CHRISTINE DE FRANCE DVCHESSE DE SAVOYE. Balt. Moncornet. ex.[Page]
[Page]CAROLVS, EMANVEL DVC DE SAVOYE ET PRINCE DE PIEDMONT.[Page]
[Page 95] This
Witness is called for as the prop of the Cause, the Undertaker answers upon Oath,
He left him in such a condition, that if he continues in it but a quarter of an hour, he is a dead man. This evidencing the mans incapability to come, deaded the matter so, that it lost the Cause. The
Plantiffs that had the Injury bring the business about in
Chancery: The
Defendants (having had Judgment at Common Law) refuse to obey the Orders of that Court, whereupon the Lord Chancellor for contempt of the Court commits them to prison. They petition against him in the
Star-Chamber, the Lord Chief Justice joyns with them, foments the difference, threatning the Lord Chancellor with a
Premunire. The Chancellor makes the King acquainted with the business, who sent to Sir
Francis Bacon his Attorny General, Sir
Henry Montague, and Sir
Randolph Crew his Serjeants at
Law, and Sir
Henry Yelverton his Sollicitor, commanding them to search what
Presidents there have been of late years, wherein such as complained in
Chancery were relieved according to Equity and Conscience, after judgment at Common Law. These being men well versed in their
Profession (after canvassing the matter throughly) returned answer to the King, That there hath been a strong
current of
Practice and
proceeding in
Chancery, after
Iudgment at
Common Law, and many times after
Execution, continued since
Henry the sevenths time, to the Lord Chancellor that now is, both in the Reigns (
seriatim) of the several Kings, and the times of the several Chancellors, whereof divers were great learned men in the
Law; It being in Cases where there is no
Remedy for the
Subject by the strict course of the
Common Law unto which the
Iudges are sworn. This satisfied the King, justified the Lord Chancellor, and the Chief Justice received the foil: Which was a bitter
potion to his
spirit, but not strong enough to work on him as his
Enemies wished.
Therefore to humble him more,
The Chief Justice is humbled. he is brought on his knees at the Council Table, and three other
Ingredients added to the
Dose, of a more
active operation.
First, He is charged, That when he was the Kings Attorney, in the beginning of his Reign, he concealed a
Statute of twelve thousand pounds, due to the King from the late Lord Chancellor
Hatton, wherein he deceived the
trust reposed in him.
Secondly, That he uttered words of very high
contempt as he sate in the seat of
Iustice, saying the
Common Law of
England would be overthrown, and the light of it obscured, reflecting upon the King. And thirdly, His uncivil and indiscreet
carriage before His Majesty (being assisted by his Privy Council and Judges) in the Case of
Commendams.
[Page 96]The last he contest, and humbly craved his Majesties
Pardon. The other two he palliated with some colourable excuses, which were not so well set off, but they left such a tincture behind that he was commanded to a private life. And to expiate the Kings anger, he was injoyned in that leisurely retirement to review his Books of
Reports, which the King was informed had many extravagant
opinions, published for positive and good Law, which must be corrected, and brought to his
Majesty to be perused. But the Title of the Books wherein he stiles himself
Lord Chief Iustice of England, was to be expunged, being but
Lord Chief Iustice of the Kings Bench. And at his departure from the
Council Table (where he humbly acknowledged his Majesties
mercy, and their Lordships
justice) the
Lord Treasurer gave him a
wipe, for suffering his Coachman to ride bare before him in the
streets; which fault he strove to cover, by telling his Lordship, his Coachman did it for his own ease. But not long after the
Lord Treasurer came under his
lash in the
Star-Chamber, and he requited him for it.
His Faults.While he was under this
Clond, all his faults were ripped up, either by his Enemies, or his Well-wishers, who advise him to be humbled for this Visitation. That
Affliction only
levels the
mole-hils of
pride in us,
plows up the
heart, and makes it fit for
Wisdom to
sow her
seed, and
Grace to bring forth her
increase. That he delighted to speak much, which becomes a
Pleader, and not a
Iudg; for so his
affections were entangled with a liking of his own
arguments, and an undervaluing of others; when having a large and fruitful mind, he should not labour so much what to speak, as what to leave unspoken.
Such lusty soyls are often to be weeded! That he was wont to praise, and dispraise, upon slight grounds, the same man, and that sometimes suddenly, so that his
reproofs, or
commendations, are neglected and contemned; when as the
censure of a
Iudg (coming slowly, but surely) should be a
brand to the
guilty, and a
crown to the
vertuous. That he will jest at any man in publick, without respect of the Persons dignity, or his own; which disgraceth his
gravity, more than it can advance the opinion of his
wit. That he makes the Law to lean a little too much to his own
opinion, whereby he shews himself a
legal Tyrant, striking with that Weapon whom he pleases, being able to turn the edg any way. That having the living of a thousand, he hath no
bowels of
compassion to men in want; the hand that hath taken so much, can give little, but gets, gets still, as if he did try how much he could gather to account for at the great and general
Audit day. That in the Case of
Overbury, he used too many delays, till Delinquents hands were loose, and his bound; in which slowness he was a
Fabins, but the humour of
Marcellus would have done better;
[Page]
[Page]Vera Effigies Viri clariss EDOARDI COKE Equitis aurati nuper Capitalis Iusticiarij ad Placita coram Rege tenenda assignati R:
White sculpsit[Page 97]
for he stopt the Confessions and Accusations of some, that would have spoken enough to remove more
stumbling blocks out of his way; and yet he did not this in
favour of any, but out of present unadvised
humour, supposing enough behind to discover all; which fell not out so: And therefore, though he were to be commended for what he did, yet he is to be reprehended for many Circumstances in the doing; and these are now briers in his sides, and thorns in his eyes. Much more, to this purpose, was written to him, and vented against him.
Truly he was a Man of excellent
parts,And short Character. but not without his
frailties: for as he was a
Storehouse and
Magazine of the
Common Law, for the present times; and laid such Foundation for the future, that
Posterity may for ever build on; So his
passions and
pride so were predominant, that boyling over, he lost (by them) much of his own
fulness, which extinguished not only the
valuation, but
respect to his
merit: So often is that heat, that gives life to noble Parts, by a circular motion, the ruin of them! Yet to cool his
distemper, and to bring him to himself, he is within a short time called to the
Council Table, the
King being loth to lose his
abilities.
The Lord Chancellor
Ellesmer also about this time,
The Lord Chancellor retires. weary of his publick imployment, and weakned with
age, desired the Kings leave to retire, that he might make use of the short time left him, to cast up his accounts for another World: The King gave the
Seal, and the place of Lord Chancellor, to Sir
Francis Bacon, his Attorney Ceneral; and the old Lord
Ellesmer wore out the remnant of his life in quiet, dying in a good old age. and full of
virtuous fame, leaving a Noble
Posterity, who enjoy a great Estate with the Title of Earl of
Bridgwater.
Time and Age had also worn out Sir
Ralph Winwood,Sir
Ralph Winwood dies. the Kings able, faithful, and honest Servant, and Secretary; who dying, Sir
Robert Nanton, and Sir
George Calvert, were made Secretaries; men of contrary
Religions, and
Factions (as they were then stiled)
Calvert being an
Hispaniolized Papist: the King matching them together, like contrary
Elements, to find a
medium betwixt them.
But the greatest remove was the Lord Treasurers staff,
The Lord Treasurer questioned in Star-Chamber. which was broken by
Somersets fall, the way being now made plain, and laid open, that discovered the
Treasurers imperfections, and his
Wives corruptions: The Lady keeping the
Shop, and Sir
Iohn Binglie, her Officer, crying,
What d'ye lack? as the new Lord Chancellor
Bacon was pleased to express himself in the
Star-Chamber; whither the
business being brought, the
sore was open'd, and all the bad
humours flow to the ill-affected part.
Bribery and
Extortion is the
matter that appears, which is squeez'd out, and aggravated by Sir
Edward Cook, (newly
[Page 98] perkt up, such is the Worlds bucket!) who very learnedly cited many
Precedents of
Treasurers in former Kings Reigns, that miscarried, and their several
punishments.
He begins with
Randulphus de Britton, Treasurer to King
Henry the third, who had mis-imployed the Kings Treasure, deceived the King in his Office, for which he was questioned, his Lands and Goods seized into the Kings hands, and sent prisoner to the Tower, where he submitted himself to the King, confest his fault, gave up his place,
& pro Gratia habenda (saith the
Record) obtained Restitution of his Goods and Lands, paying only three thousand pounds Fine. This was a piece of
Wisdom (saith he) as well as
Humility; alluding to the present Lord Treasurers stout heart that would not submit.
The second was
Petrus de Rivallis, who was Treasurer of
Ireland, and Chamberlain of
England in
Edward the firsts time, who had taken
Bribes in his Office,
Tam de Religiosis, quam de Laicis. Of which being convicted, he lost his place, and was put to his Fine and Ransom.
And in the same Kings Reign, The Abbot of
Westminster, and his
virtuous Monks, took out of the Kings Treasure at
Westminster many thousand pounds,
Ad inastimabile damnum Regis & Regni. The Abbot being sent to the Tower, and the Monks disposed to several prisons, and notwithstanding they pleaded
Priviledg of Clergy-men for their Tryal, yet in the Case of imbezelling the Kings Treasure, they had no
Priviledg, but the
Temporalities of the Abby were seized for
satisfaction.
Cov. & Lichf. In King
Edward the seconds time,
Walter de Langton, a Bishop, was Treasurer to the King; He did take of the Earl of
Montealto to be a friend to him (
in agendis negotiis versus dominum Regem) a hundred pounds (the said Earl being a prisoner) to let him go free to do his business. And this was given, as the Record speaks,
De spontanea voluntate, for a Gratuity,
& ex curialitate sua, for his courtesie, yet this was adjudged
Extortion and
Bribery. Again,
Iohn de Engam was indicted of
Trespass by this Bishop for the Mannor of
Fisbie, whereunto the King pretended
Title, and was by the Bishop imprisoned for the
Trespass. But afterwards another Mannor was conveyed to this Bishop,
ob diversas curialitates, for
courtesies that he had done, and so
Engam was discharged of his Indictment, and though that the Bishop pleaded, that
Voluntas Regis potius ad imprisonamentam quam ad sinem, because it was the Kings pleasure rather to punish by Imprisonment than Fine, yet this was adjudged
Bribery. Again, the Bayliff of
Oxford was committed for Arrerages of a hundred pounds in his Account, and thereupon the Mannor of
Calcot was conveyed unto the Bishop, and the Bishop of his pure devotion did discharge him of that Imprisonment. But these were Pleas and Flourishes of guilty men, as the Record
[Page 99] saith, but they were all three judged
Extortion and
Bribery; and for these the Bishop was put from his place, fined, and committed to the Tower.
William Lord
Latimer, in
Edward the thirds time, being appointed to pay the Kings debts, did buy in some of them at
lower rates than was due, as eighty pounds for a hundred, and thirty pounds for forty; By which course he made the King a
Bankrupt Compounder, and for this he was fined, and lost all his Offices.
In like case was the Lord
Nevil, who was trusted to pay the Army, but he bought the debt of them, and justified, that they gave him the remainder of their free gift, but for this he was fined, and committed to the Tower.
These, and many other precedents and examples, armed with Authority and Antiquity, were mustered up, and the Lord Treasurers miscarriages exasperated, especially for embezelling those Moneys the King lately received of the State of the
Netherlands for the redemption of the
cautionary Towns,
Flushing, and
Brill, which the King was forced to relinquish again to the States, because he had no money to pay the Soldiers there; and that money being designed for the
lrish Army (which was also in great Want) it was thought the more heinous, and a double miscarriage, being it was so dearly bought, and so unduly spent. But the Earl himself being a man of a noble disposition (though too indulgent to his too active Wife) had retained the Kings favour, if he had taken Sir
Edward Cooks counsel, and submitted and not strove to justifie his own integrity, which he maintained with a great deal of confidence, till it was too late, for then his
submission did him little good. But his Wives faults being imputed to him, he was fined thirty thousand pounds, and imprisonment in the Tower; Sir
Iohn Bingly fined two thousand pounds, and imprisonment in the Fleet: For it was thought the Lord and Lady could not have found the way into these obscure, low, and dark contrivances, without the
light of his help. Which
Sentence was pronounced by the Lord Chancellor
Bacon, who though he were of transcendent parts, yet was he tainted with the same infection, and not many years after perished in his own
corruption; which shews, That neither
Example nor
Precept (he having seen so many, and been made capable of so much) can be a
Pilot sufficient to any
Port of
Happiness (though
Reason be never so able to direct) if
Grace doth not give the
gate.
But the King,
The King comes to the Star-Chamber. more to exalt
Iustice, and to shew the people, his high abilities, came in
Iune this year to the
Star-Chamber, where in a long, and well-weighed
Discourse, he turns over the
volume of his
mind, that the World might read his excellent parts in lively
characters.
[Page 100]He told the Lords he came thither in imitation of
Henry the seventh his great Predecessor, and the reason he came no sooner was, that he resolved with
Pythagoras, for seven years to keep silence, and learn the Laws of the Kingdom, before he would teach others, and the other seven years he was studying to find an occasion to come, that might not be with prejudice: For in his own cause he could not come; in a great cause betwixt man and man, it might be thought some particular
favour brought him thither; and in a small Cause it was not fit for him to come; but now he had so much to say in relation to good Government, that he could no longer forbear.
First, He charges himself.
Secondly, The judges.
Thirdly, The Auditory in general.
In his own Charge he lays a foundation for raising a most excellent
structure in Government, wherein he was a Master-workman, and had a most admirable
Theory, and full abilities to put it in practice, and happily the bent of his
intentions tended that way, though it had for the most part a loose strong.
And to that which concerned the Judges, he not only reckons up their
Duties in their publick
Relation, but shews them the
Iurisdiction and power of their several Courts, how far every one did extend, to which he would have them limited, that they might not clash and contest one against another, to shake the
Basis on which they were built, but that there might be a
harmony and sweet
concordance among them, Expressing himself with such
Elegance and
Prudence, that the most studious
Lawyer (whose
design had been to imbellish a
Discourse fitting for the
ears of his Prince) could not have gone beyond what he exprest to his People; so strong and retentive was his
judgment, and
memory, so
natural, and
genuine that which came from them, that it did
emanare, flow from him to the
admiration of the hearers.
To the people in general, and under-Officers, he gave an
admonition to submit to the Law, and Justice of the Land, and not to go upon new
Puritan strains (such was his expression) to make all things popular, but to keep themselves within the antient
limits of
Obedience: For he feared Innovation as a Monster got loose, which should be always kept in such a Labyrinth, as none should come at, but by the Clew of Reason.
Then he commands the Judges in their
Circuits to take notice of those Justices of the Peace, that were most active for the good of the Country, that they might have incouragement from him.
For (to use his own words)
I value them that serve me faithfully there, equally with those that attend my person. Therefore let none be ashamed of this Office, or be discouraged in being a Justice of the Peace, if he serve worthily in it.
[Page 101]The Chancellor under me makes Justices, and puts them out; but neither I, nor he, can tell what they are: therefore we must be informed by you, Judges, who can only tell, who do well, and who do ill, without which how can the good be cherished, and the rest put out? the good Justices are careful to attend the service of the King and Country; the bad are idle slow-bellies, that abide always at home, given to a life of ease and delight, liker
Ladies than
Men; and think it is enough to contemplate Justice, when as,
Virtusin actione consistet; contemplative Justice is no Justice, and contemplative Justices are fit to be put out.
Another sort of Justices, are Busie-bodies, and will have all men dance after their
Pipe, and follow their Greatness, or else will not be content: A sort of men,
Qui se primos omnium esse putant, nec sunt tamen: These proud
spirits must know that the Country is ordained to follow God, and the King, and not them.
Another sort are they that go seldom to the Kings service, but when it is to help some of their Kindred or Alliance; so they come to help ther Friends, or hurt their Enemies, making Jugice serve for a shadow to
Faction, and tumultuating the Country.
Another sort are Gentlemen of great worth in their own
conceit, and cannot be content with the present
form of
Government, but must have a kind of
liberty in the people, and
must be gracious Lords, and
Redeemers of their
Liberty; and in every cause that concerns
Prerogative give a snatch against
Monarchy, through their
Puritanical itching after
Popularity, some of them have shewed themselves too bold of late in the lower House of Parliament; And when all is done, if there were not a King, they would be less cared for than other men. So wise the Kings
fears made him, and so wary to prevent the
popular violence! And even in these Infant-times, the contention doth appear, which afterward got more strength, when by his power he had gained in every County such as he made subservient to his will: For as the King strove to loosen the Piles and Banks of the peoples liberties, so the people strove to bound, and keep off the Inundation of his
Prerogative.
Then he takes notice of the
swarms of
Gentry, that through the instigation of their Wives, or to new model and fashion their Daughters (who if they were unmarried mar'd their Marriages, if married, lost their Reputations, and rob their husbands purses) did neglect their Country Hospitality, and cumber the City, a general
Nuisance to the Kingdom, being as the
spleen to the Body, which as in
measure it over-grows, the Body wasts; and seeing a
Proclamation will not keep them at
home, he requires that the power of the
Star-chamber may not only regulate them,
[Page] but the exorbitancy of the
new buildings about the City (which he still much repined at) being a
shelter for them;
A. Reg. 15.
An. Christi 1617. where they spent their Estates in Coaches, Lacquies, and fine Cloaths, like
French-men; living miserably in their houses, like
Italians; becoming
Apes to other
Nations: Whereas it was the
honour of the
English Nobility and
Gentry (above all Countries in the World) to be hospitable among their Tenants; Which they may the better do, by the
fertility and abundance of all things. Thus the
King pried into every
miscarriage, being willing to reform these (then growing) abuses.
Unstable spirits mutable.But among all the heights of Reason that the spirit of man doth actuate, and give life to, the highest and most transcendent is that of
Religion, which as it partakes more or less of
Faith, so it inclines more or less to
Fancy: Wavering and unstable
minds are not only blown about with the wind of every
opinion, but
pride and
discontent (conjoyned often, though of different
operations) are
engins sufficient to shake the
foundation, though never so firmly setled. Some men turn over the leaf of
Conscience, and change a good
Religion for a worse; some the leaf of
Policy, leaving an evil
Religion for a better: but these kind of
spirits will not be brought under by fasting and prayer, unless it be by him that can discover the
heart of
hypocrisie, though in as variable a
capacity as the
countenance.
The Arch-Bishop of
Spalato comes into
England. These times gave examples of both these
humours, some that went from us to
Rome, and some that came from
Rome to us. Among the rest, one of eminency,
Marcus Antonius de Dominis, Arch-Bishop of
Spalato, a man old and corpulent, unfit for
Travel, being almost at his journies end by
Nature, came into
England with as little
Grace. Here he preaches, rails, and writes against
Rome, (extolling the
Protestant Religion) till he came to be Dean of
Windsor, and Master of the
Savoy, which some few years he enjoyed; Then, whether he had higher
hopes homewards, or the
humour and
fancy altering, like a
wandring Star, he goes
Retrograde, placing himself again in the
Roman Calendar: but he is made to reckon at
Rome by the
Gregorian account; And though he thought himself in a full
Conjunction with the
Stars there of the greatest
Magnitude (having publickly recanted, and as bitterly reproached the
Protestant Doctrine there, as he had exalted it here) yet the
Inquisition had so strong an influence upon him, that it hindred the operation of it, for he died in
Prison,Dies at
Rome. and they buried him both like a new
Heretick, and an old
Emperor, committing his
Body to the
Flames. Such honour have all such Saints! For they hold it as a
Maxim, That that foundation is never again to be built upon, that was once of a tottering temper.
France in combustion. About this time,
France raging with
passion, plaid her bloody pranks. There is in that Kingdom a mad
Genius domineering,
[Page]M. ANT. DE DOMINIS COM. PAL. ARCHIEP. SPALAT. DALM. ET CROAT. PRIMAS[Page]
NICOLAS DE LHOSPITAL MARQVIS
de Vitry et d'Arc, Comte de Chasteauuillain, premier Mareschal de France, Chler des Ordres du Roy. Gouuerneur de Meaux, Lieuten
[...] guāl eu Brie. Gou
•ur. pourle Roy en se
[...] pais et arm
[...]es de Prouence. Fils de Louis de lhospital Seig
r. de Vitry, et de Francoise de Brichanteau. Fut longtemps Cap.
ne des gardes du Corps du feu Roy Louis 13, qui sén seruitvtilenv. pour estoufer la naissance dime querre Ciuile, eu la p
[...]rsoue du M. dAncre: qui diuisoittous les Francois Arachantile
[...]ma iiis decet ambitieux fauory: les pretextes aux malcontens. Cêt incomparable coup deiustice de graud Priuce, marquera a iamais quíl estoit diumem inspire pour le salut de son Estat, et le repos de ses sujet
[...]: sínous faisons reflection surnos miseres presentes. M
r de Vitry fut rescompensépar S.M. du bastou de M.
al de France en 1617. et conduit pompeusem au Palais le iour de sa reception. Le Roy le fit aussi en 1619 son Gnāl. d'Armée contre les Princes, retirez en Champagne. lan 1622 il fut laissé au blocus de la Rochelle auec le feu Conte de Soíssons Comandant l'armee du Roy, et donna les premiers aduis pour la construction de límportant fort Louis. Il fit encore paroistre son courage et sa bonne conduitte par la prise de forte place de Royan. Bref et dans la paix et dans la guerre il sést tousiours monstre inesbranlable au seruice du Roy. Son Zele a lavraye Religion
[...] 'ay ant pas moins paru que sa ualeur dans les Combats. Il fute estaby Gouuer.
•ur de Provence en 1632, ou: l contibua de ses soms pour lataque des Isles de S.
t Honorat en suitte dequoy il ressenlit un reuers de la Fortune parsa prison dans la Basti Ile, dóu il ne sortit qu èn 1642: apres la mort du Card.
al de Richelieu. Il mourut de Maladie le 2
[...] Septembre 1644, ayant laisse plusieurs enfans de Dame Lucresse Bouhyer sa fe
[...]e, quilespousa en 1617; alors Veufue du Marquis de Noirmoutier. son Corps
[...]ist a Chastenuuillain.
[Page 103] which like
Climaterical Diseases, take rest, and after some intermission break out again. The very same
Tragedy acted at this time, was newly revived there three and thirty years after, as is now in the year 1650. perspicuous to every eye of
Reason; the
Persons in
power the same, running all in one
parallel. The
Queen-Mother and the Marquess
D' Ancre then, the
Queen-Mother and the Cardinal
Mazarino now; both
Aliens, both
Favourites. The Prince of
Conde (the Head, and prime of the
Nobility) imprisoned then, for opposing the swelling greatness of that
Favourite; The Prince of
Conde, and the other Princes,
Conti and
Longuevil, imprisoned now (though since set at liberty, having a powerful Army afoot) for opposing this. The
Nobility rise in Arms against the young King, and his Mother, to assist the Princes; so they do now. The Complaints and Grievances are the same; The Princes repined that such an Upstart should manage all the great Affairs with so much licentiousness, and they sit still as lookers on, and have nothing to do; All Offices, both Civil and Military, bringing their Garlands, and strowing their choisest flowers at Marshal
D' Ancre's feet, which stunk in their
Nostrils, and they infected the
People, who are there but what the great
Ones will make them; so that the Kingdom groaned under the insolencies of an insulting
Mushroom, bred from the excrescency of
Royal humours, as it doth now.
Lewis the 14. fights with his
Subjects now upon the same account that
Lewis the 13. did then. But I can only give a
Catastrophe to one of these
Tragedies; the last
Act of this now a playing wants its
Exit.
And to conclude the first,
Lewis the 13. finding his Mothers power swell so high, as to threaten a
deluge of
Noble Blood, for the preservation of a
Mechanick Florentine, and willing to be rid of a
Governess, who eclips'd his
Glory, commanded Monsieur
De Vitry, Captain of his Guard, to seize on the Marquess at his first access to Court. The Marquess (being then in his Government in
Normandy, placing and displacing Officers, for his greater security) hearing there were new
Whisperers admitted to the King, came to the Court in a full career, with a ruffling Retinue at his heels, thinking to remove all
Obstacles in his way; but there he met the great
One, Death, waiting for him, that his
policy and high-flying thoughts never minded: For he had no sooner entred the Gates of the
Louure, but
De Vitry arrested him; and seeing him step back upon his arrest, as it were to lay hold on his
Sword: he kill'd him instantly with a
Pistol; The noise whereof put the whole Court into an uproar. The King approved the Fact, the Queen lamented it; but she must mourn no longer in the Court, therefore removed thence with a small Train, to practice her
Italian Artifices, as she afterwards did, to the disturbance of most parts of
Christendom[Page 104] The poor Marquess rested not in
death; for though he was privately buried that night, yet the rage and malice of the People lighted them to his Grave the next day, and tearing him thence, and tying his naked body to an
Asses tail, drew him through the Streets of
Paris, and hanged him by the heels upon a Gibbet on the new Bridg; where they cut off flakes of his Body, to send as Presents to their Friends. And when they had satiated themselves thus, they took down the mangled Carcass, and made another Progress through the City, till wearied with their Delight, they strove
[...]o burn the Body, to be rid of it: but the fire being not so active as their malice, they threw the tattered bones into the River; so that their
Rage pulled him out of the
Earth, hung him in the
Air, burnt him in the
Fire, and left him in the
Water. And (as they thought) to leave no memory of him, pulled down his house to the ground; which was afterwards ratified by publick
justice, and his Wife was condemned by the same, and burned for a
Witch. And to make their names the more odious, their very birthplaces were ripped up, and they were both found to proceed from the
dunghils of
Florence. Thus ended this sad
Tragedy; which serves as
Lights and
Sea-marks of
Mortality, to teach us how to steer our
brittle Bark in this
Worlds Tempest, that we bear not too much
sail, but keep a moderate and even
course, betwixt the
rocks of
pride, and
shallows of
contempt; both which are equally dangerous.
The King goes into
Scotland. Our King dedicated this Summer to the Northern
Climate; it is now fourteen years
Revolution, since the
beams of
Majesty appeared in
Scotland. He begins his Journey with the
Spring, warming the Country as he went, with the
Glories of the
Court: Taking such
Recreations by the way, as might best beguile the
days, and cut them shorter; but lengthen the
nights (contrary to the Seasons) For what with Hawking, Hunting, and Horse-racing, the
days quickly ran away; and the
nights with Feasting, Masking and Dancing, were the more extended. And the King had fit
Instruments for these
Sports about his
Person, as Sir
George Goring, Sir
Edward Zouch, Sir
Iohn Finnit, and others, that could fit and
obtemperate the Kings
Humour: For he loved such
Representations, and
Disguises in their
Maskaradoe
[...], as were witty, and sudden; the more
ridiculous, the more
pleasant.
His new Favourite And his new
Favourite, being an excellent
Dancer, brought that
Pastime into the greater
Request. To speak of his Advancement by
Degrees, were to lessen the Kings Love; for
Titles were heaped upon him, they came rather like
showers than
drops. For as soon as
Somerset declined he mounted.
Such is the Court motion! Knighthood, and Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber, were the first sprinklings: and then the old Earl
[Page 105] of
Worcester (who had been long Master of the Horse to the late Queen, and continued it to this time) was made Lord Privy Seal, in exchange of his place, and a good sum of money put into the Scale: And Sir
George Villers (Baron of
Whaddon, Viscount
Villers,Made Earl of
Buckingham. and Earl of
Buckingham, also of the Privy Council) is made Master of the Horse. In this glory he visits
Scotland with the King, and is made a Privy Counsellor there.
Favourites are not compleat
Figures, if the Princes Bounty be not
circular, as well in his
Northerly motion as his
Southerly. He now reigns sole
Monarch in the Kings affection, every thing he doth is admired for the
doers sake. No man dances better, no man runs, or jumps better; and indeed he jumpt
higher than ever
Englishman did in so short a time, from a private Gentleman to a
Dukedom. But the King is not well without him, his
company is his
solace, and the Court Grandees cannot be well but by him, so that all addresses are made to him, either for place, or office in Court or Commonwealth. The Bishops Seas did also ebb and slow, from the Wane or Fulness of his Influence upon them; and having a numerous kindred of the rank of Gentry, which he planted about him, as a Nursery in the Court, to make them
virescere, and Spring up the better, the Dew of these Offices, and the fresh Springs that came from those Seas must be contributed. It cannot with
modesty be expressed how greedily some of our Prelates would clear all the passages of a bad Conscience, to bring in such Waters of
comfort, lest it should bespatter the more worthy, and brand them all with
Simony, which dares not be done. But where God hath his
Church, the Devil many times will have his
Chappel: It was ever his
Ambition to be like unto him.
But among all the Dances that these Times were guilty of,
The Book of Sports obtruded. none of the
Maskaradoes presented so horrid a
Vizard as the
Churchmans: For some of the Bishops, pretending
Recreations, and
liberty to servants and the common people (of which they carved to themselves too much already) procured the King to put out a Book to permit dancing about
May-poles, Church-ales, and such debauched Exercises upon the Sabbath day after Evening Prayer (being a specious way to make the King, and them, acceptable to the
Rout) which Book came out with a command, injoyning all Ministers to read it to their
Parishioners, and to approve of it, and those that did not, were brought into the High
Commission, imprisoned, and suspended. This Book being only a trap to catch some conscientious men, that they could not otherwise with all their cunning insnare: For they would preach the
Gospel in a
Fools-coat (as some of them exprest) rather than be silenced for a
Surplis. And their Conjuring of them with the Cross in Baptism, and the Circle of the Ring in Marriage, could not make a well-composed
Reason, and a sound
Conscience then start
[Page 106] at it: But when so
frightful an
Apparition as the
dancing Book appeared, some of the
Ministers left all for fear, others by force, they were so terrified with it. These, and such like
Machinations of the Bishops, to maintain their Temporal Greatness, Ease, and Plenty, made the
stones in the
Walls of their
Palaces, and the
beam in the
timber, afterwards cry out, moulder away, and come to nothing: Whereas if those in most
Authority had not been so
pragmatical, but holy, prudent, and godly men (as some others of the
Function were) their
light might have
shined still upon the
Mount, and not have gone out as it did, offensive to the
nostrils of the rubbish of the people.
The King in his return from
Scotland made his
Progress through the Hunting-countries (his Hounds and Hunters meeting him)
Sherwood-Forrest, Need wood, and all the
Parks and
Forrests in his way, were ransacked for his
Recreation. And every
night begat a new
day of
delight, till he brought
Holyrood-day (not
His House in
Edenburg so called. Piety of the Lord Mayor of
London.Holyrood-house) to
White-hall.
This new incroachment upon the
Sabbath gave both King and people more liberty to
prophane the day with
authority: For if the
Court were to remove on
Monday, the Kings Carriages must go out the day before. All times were alike; and the Court being to remove to
Theobalds the next day, the Carriages went through the City of
London on the Sabbath, with a great deal of clatter and noise in the time of
Divine service. The Lord Mayor hearing of it, commanded them to be stopt, and this carried the
Officers of the Carriages with a great deal of
violence to the Court, and the business being presented to the King with as much asperity as men in authority (crossed in their
humors) could express it; It put the King into a great
Rage, Swearing, he thought there had been no more Kings in England
but himself; yet after he was a little cooled, he sent a
Warrant to the Lord Mayor, commanding him to let them pass, which he obeyed, with this
Answer, while it was in my power I did my duty, but that being taken away by a higher power, it is my duty to obey. Which the King upon second thoughts took well, and thanked him for it.
Juggling of the Jesuits. As
Prophaneness crept in on one side, so did
Idolatry and
Superstition on the other; for there was more enmity against
Ministers of the
Gospel than
Popish Priests; they swarmed over the Kingdom, working
miraculous Projects in every corner. One
pack of them got into
Stafford-shire, among some of the
Giffords in that County, Gentlemen of good Estates, where they practised their
Artifices to seduce the people. There must be a Ground-work,
Estates to keep them (being like the
Gout, never troubling the poor) and then there must be
materials, Correspondents to act for them.
Holiness and
Piety must be confirmed by
Miracle, and these
Miracles must be visible to the Peoples eyes, that they
[Page 107] may convey
belief better to the
heart. If the
Priests be holy, and can subdue
Satan, the
Religion they profess must be heavenly, that triumphs over
principalities, and
powers, and
spiritual wickedness, bringing all to obedience. These are finesses and subtilties of Mastring Wits (calling them
Piae Fraudes, godly deceits, Worms to bring Fish to the Net) and this kind of
frippery they are ever fraught with.
For about this time there was a Boy born at
Bilson in that County,
The Boy of
Bilson. whose father, mother, neighbours, and many other people, with admiration, did absolutely think possest with a
Devil; for he had strange, sudden, violent, distorting fits, that appeared to all the beholders contrary to Nature, and being not full fifteen years old, it could not be imagined that any thing of Impostory could result from him, and therefore the
same of it was the more remarkable.
The
Iesuits (that are the best
Physicians in such
Distempers) hearing of it, visited the Boy, prayed by him, and used such other Charms and Exorcisms, as are fit to make them to be admired; giving his Parents good hope of dispossessing him of that
foul spirit, by which might palpably be discerned, how much Gods power was exprest in their weakness, and difference the
truth, and
holiness, betwixt the
Catholick Religion, and the
Heresie professed among
Protestants. So that they that heard them (as many resorted to the place) must needs take them for very
holy men, by whom such Wonders were to be accomplished. The
Iesuits visited him often, sometimes in private. sometimes in Company; but this kind of
Spirit would not be commanded by them, so that they grew almost desperate of the Cure.
The Boy in his fits would rave against an old woman dwelling near to his Father,
Accuses a Woman to be a Witch. intimating by signs, and ghastly behaviour, that she had sent a Spirit to torment him; and in plain terms (when he was out of his fits) accused her to be a
Witch, and the
Author of all his
misery. This old woman is sent to the
Bishops Chancellor at
Lichfield to be examined; the Boy is brought thither to confront her, and having his back towards her, at her coming into the Room, where the
Chancellor was, before she yet entred or appeared, he falls into a most bitter
Agony, crying out,
Now she comes, now my Tormentor comes! wreathing and tearing himself in so horrid a manner, that it did not only breed amazement, but pity in the Spectators, there being many with expectation attending the issue: Which, with some other
probabilities, were an inducement to the
Chancellor to send the woman to
Stafford Goal.
At the next
Assizes for that County, the Boy and his Parents appear as Witnesses against the
Witch; the Boy was placed in a conspicuous part of the
Court, with his face to the
Bench, eying
[Page 108] the Judg continually, in a very peaceable and quiet posture; and as the woman was coming in (when the
Court thought it impossible the Boy should be sensible of her appearance) he fell into a more raging fit than ever he was possest with before: So stupendiously unnatural, that it was deemed by all that saw it, that nothing but a
Diabolical Spirit could work such horrid effects. This, thus openly acted, and the Relation of what was done at
Lichfield, and other
probabilities evidencing, the old woman (that had no good Reputation among her Neighbours, being of a tetrical and froward temper, incident to old age) found few Friends to plead her Cause; so that being indicted for
Witchcraft,She is condemned. she was found guilty by the
Iury, and Condemned to die.
Bishop
Morton gets her Reprieve. Doctor
Morton Bishop of that
Diocess, a great
Father of the
Anglicane Church (and happily then on the
Bench about
Secular Affairs) hearing that some
Romish Priests had been tampering with their Exorcisms, to the undevilling of the Boy, and finding little reason produced, why, or for what cause, the Witch should use the Child so ill, was perswaded, this might be some
jugling trick in them, for effecting their
miraculous ends. He therefore besought the
Iudg to reprieve the woman till the next
Assizes, and he would take the Boy home with him, have him carefully and strictly looked to, and doubted not before than time to find out the Bottom of some secret and hidden
[...]rivance. The
Iudg assented to the
Bishop's request, and so the Boy was carried to
Eccleshal Castle, the Bishops House, whither his fits followed him with a great deal of violence: For being put out of his
r
[...]ad (having formerly all sorts of people come to admire him, and now being more carefully looked to) he grew
s
[...]llen, and would not eat sometimes in two or three days, so that his
belly was almost clung, and grown to his
back, and he had a new
swelling about his
throat, which never appeared before; lay in his Bed, sometimes as it were senseless, sometimes st
[...]ring with his eyes, and foaming at the mouth, sometimes striking those that stood near him (his own careful mother being one, whom he made all black about the arms and breasts) never spoke but in his fits, and then a strange
gibbrish, at other
[...] he only muttered and made signs. The Bishop visited him often, striving sometimes to soften him with gentleness, at other times he handled him roughly, with objurgations, and threatnings; but his ill Spirit is capable of neither. He spoke to him one time some of the
Greek Testament, to see how that would work, and it brought him into his fit. At another time, he uttered some
Verses out of the
Greek Poets, which his
Devil was not so learned as to distinguish, for that put him into a fit again; so that the Bishop was confirmed, that he was an Impostor of a most pernicious, and pernicious Spirit; but how
[Page 109] to
Conjure it out of him was the difficulty. And finding
words and
menaces made no impression in him, he fell to
blows; for taking him out of his Bed, and having one to hold him, the Bishop gave him six very smart
lashes with a
Rod, which moved the Boy no more than if he had been an insensible
stock. They also thrust
needles into his toes and fingers, betwixt the nails, clapt burning
candles to his eye-lids, till they sing ed the hair off, to divert him when he was in his
fits; but with all their persecutions he neither winch'd nor stirred, so that the
Actors were more troubled to
execute than he to
suffer.
And in this
condition growing almost
desperate, he would make
signs for knives or any other instrument to do himself a mischief, therefore strict care was taken, and many watchful eyes set over him to prevent any such danger. Thus he continued almost a quarter of a year, at last his
Vrine grew so black, that the
Physicians thought
Nature had left her usual operations, having never found in any Human Body so much
Adust matter, to give so deep and deadly a
tincture.
This struck the good Bishop very near:
The Bishop troubled for the Boy. For he was certain the
Priests had been Hammering about him, and now, if he should miscarry under his hand, those
Mini-masters of mischief would in their dark
shops coin such
scandals against him, as might pass current in the Worlds
opinion; therefore he used all the means he could possible, as well to preserve him, as to discover him: But finding the Boy indure so many Trials with
patience, so much tough hardship, and robustness, in tender years, he resolved if his water continued black, to
sit
[...] the matter no further. To find out which he set a trusty servant to watch him through a hole that looked into the Chamber upon the Bed, which the Boy knew not of. The Bishop going that morning with his Family to a Lecture, all things were very still in the house, and the Boy finding all quiet, no noise about him, he lifts himself up, stares, and listens, and at length gets out of his Bed, and in the
straw or
mat under it, takes out an
Ink-horn, and makes water in the Chamber-pot through a piece of the
Cotton, in his hand, another little piece of the
Cotton he puts into his
Prepuce, covering it with the skin, and that was for a
Reserve, if he should be forced to make water when company is by. Thus having cunningly put himself in
order, he hides the
Ink-horn again, and returns to his Bed.
The man that was appointed to watch him seeing all this,
The Impostor discovered. discovered it to the Bishop at his coming home, who came to him presently, and askt him how he did? He according to his usual manner pointed to his water, looked ghastly on it, and mutter'd out his old howling tone. The Bishop that meant now to deal roundly with him, said, Sirrah, you have Ink in your bed-straw, which you make use of to black your water, and your
[Page 110] knavery is found out; and calling in his man, he took out the Ink-horn where the Boy had hid it, and the man justified, that he saw him make water through the
Cotton. Which (with the Bishops threatning to send him to the
house of
Correction) struck the Boy with such a sudden terror, that he rose from his Bed, fell upon his knees, and humbly besought the Bishop to pardon him, and he would discover to him the whole Truth. And as he put on his
cloaths, the Bishop laid open the grievousness of his
sin, which wrought so upon his
spirit, that he melted into tears, crying to God for
mercy. A very strange alteration! That, what he did but counterfeit, the
Devil had so hardned in him, that all the Torments and Pains, inflicted by man could not produce a tear, till God that melted the
Rock, had first touched the
heart.
His Confession. Then he confest a Pedler with a pack on his back met him when he was going to
School, and with many inticing words perswaded him to go to Mr.
Giffords house, assuring him of good entertainment, and by his
allurements he went thither with him. There he found four
Romish Priests, who gave him mony and many fair words, promising him great
matters, if he would be conformable to their instructions. They were three days teaching him how to demean himself, and after he was well tutor'd, and had practised his
tricks there privately, then they sent him home to his
father (who thought he had been lost, and was much troubled for him) to exercise them in a more publick way. He came home in a very distracted manner, to the amazement of his
parents, and in short time drew much company to visit him, and his
parents being poor got money from many
charitable people, which did incourage him to persist in that way. But when the
fame of his being
possessed with an evil
Spirit was sufficiently
bruited abroad, the
Priests came to dispossess him, but he found so much sweetness in the
ease, and profit of that life, that he would not be dis-inchanted by them, though they charmed never so cruelly; for they beat him, and pincht him, and used him bitterly ill, to make him desist.
Thus were the deceivers deceived! The Bishop askt him why he accused the poor old woman of Witchcraft? He answered, the
Priests told him he must lay the cause of his being
possest upon some old woman, and she being known to him, and of a
scolding humour, he fixt it on her. Then the Bishop askt him how he came to fall into his
fits a little before the woman appeared in the room, both at her
Examination and
Arraignment, his back being towards her? for the first, at
Lichfield, he said, he heard some about him mutter,
She is here, which made him cry out,
she comes, she comes: And for the second, at
Stafford, he heard the people remove, and her
chains gingle as she came, which gave him the
sign. Lastly, he was asked how he made his throat
[Page 111] swell, and he shewed, it was by thrusting his tongue (being very long) down his throat, which trick he found out himself; the rest were taught him by the
Priests. Thus did the Bishop preserve an innocent old woman condemned by the Law to die, discover the abhominable
forgeries of the
Priests, and convert a wicked Boy, whom afterwards he bound Apprentice, and proved a good man. This Story I heard from the Bishop's own mouth, almost thirty years before it was inserted here. And the
Result of all is, That
Falshood with her
painted countenance appears often as
beautiful as
Truth it self, deceiving many, specially in this point of
Witchcraft, which is a
structure established in the
vulgar fancy, that hath many
odd passages and
ways opening to it, and is many
Airy-stories high; but being well examined, it will not prove (for the most part, I will not say always) paper-proof, as there may be occasion to express in another place.
The King took delight by the
line of his
Reason to sound the depth of such
brutish Impostors,The King discovers many Impostors. and he discovered many: For in the Beginning of his Reign,
Richard Haydock of
New-Colledg in
Oxford, practised
Physick in the
day, and
Preached in the
night in his Bed. His
Practice came by his
Profession, and his
Preaching (as he pretended) by
Revelation: For he would take a
Text in his sleep, and deliver a good
Sermon upon it, and though his
Auditory were willing to silence him, by pulling, haling, and pinching, yet would he pertinaciously persist to the end, and sleep still. The
fame of this sleeping
Preacher flies abroad with a light
Wing, which coming to the Kings knowledg, he commanded him to the Court, where he sate up one night to hear him: And when the time came that the
Preacher thought it was fit for him to be asleep, he began with a
Prayer, then took a
Text of
Scripture, which he significantly enough insisted on a while, but after made an
excursion against the
Pope, the
Cross in
Baptism, and the last
Canons of the Church of
England, and so concluded sleeping. The King would not trouble him that night, letting him rest after his
labours, but sent for him the next morning, and in
private handled him so like a cunning
Chirurgion, that he found out the
sore; making him confess not only his
sin and
error in the
act, but the
cause that urged him to it, which was, That he apprehended himself as a buried man in the
Vniversity, being of a
low condition, and if something
eminent and
remarkable did not spring from him, to give life to his
Reputation, he should never appear any Body, which made him attempt this
Novelty to be taken notice of. The King finding him ingenuous in his
Confession, pardoned him, and (after his
Recantation publickly) gave him preferment in the
Church. Some others, both men and women, inspired with such
Enthusiasms, and
fanatick fancies, he reduced to their right
senses, applying his
Remedies suitable to the
Distemper,[Page 112] wherein he made himself often very merry (being happily practised, to be taken notice of by him) but some of their Stories being a little
coarse, are not so fit to be here related. And truly the loosness and carelesness of
publick Iustice, sets open a door to such
slagitious and
nefarious actions, as
severer times would never have perpetrated.
Sir
Walter Rawleighs West-Indian Voyage. About this time, that gallant Spirit, Sir
Walter Rawleigh, (who in his Recesses in the Tower, had presented in lively
Characters, the true Image of the
Old World) made Accesses to the King, whereby he got leave to visit the
New-World in
America. Captain
Kemish (one of his old Seamen and Servants) shewing him a piece of
Ore in the Tower, of a golden complexion, (a glittering
temptation to begin the work) assuring him, he could bring him to a
Mine in
Guiana of the same
metal: which (together with
Freedom, the
Crown of
Life and
Being) gave rise to this enterprise.
The King looking on
Rawleigh as a man whose
abilities might better the
Nation, if improved the right way, gave him Liberty, and a Commission under the great Seal, to equip and set forth Ships, and Men for that service. His
Reputation, and
merit, brought many Gentlemen of Quality to venture their Estates, and Persons, upon the
Design; and being gallantly furnished with all things necessary, either for
Peace or
War, they set out; and met no difficulties, till they came to
Cape Vert in
Africa; and then they found the Winds averse to them, (contrary to the usual
nature of it) with many violent Storms, which much impeded their
Voyage: For they that usually
navigate betwixt
Cape Vert, and
America, run it in less than twenty days, but it took them double the time. And being driven from the Isle of
Bravo by a Tempest, their left their Cables, Anchors, and Water-Cask behind them; so that by the length of the
Time, heat of the
Climate, and their want of
Water, great sickness fell among them, and swept away many of their ablest men, both for Sea and Land.
But with much
patience and
hardship, getting sight of the Coast of
Guiana, they came to an
Anchor in five
Degrees, at the River
Caliana, where they landed their sick men, set up
Barges, and
Shallops, which were brought out of
England in
Quarters, washed their Ships, and took in fresh Water, being fed and assisted by the
Indians, that Sir
Walter Rawleigh had formerly known. Who (in this general
contagion, having grappled long with sickness, and not yet able to move, otherwise than he was carried in a Chair) gave order to five small Ships to sail into the River
Orenoque (having Captain
Kemish for their Conductor) towards the
Mine, the
Star that directed them thither. And in these five Ships were five Foot-Companies, under the Command of Captain
Parker, and Captain
North, Brothers to
[Page 113] the Lord
Monteagle, and the Lord
North; Captain
Walter Raleigh, the General's eldest Son; Captain
Thornhurst, and Captain
Chidley, Gentlemen of great Valour, and infinite Patience, in suffering hunger, heat and labour. Major
Pigot died in the miserable Passage, and Sir
Warham Santleger (who was Lieutenant Colonel) lay sick, without hope of life; so that the Command of the five Companies being conferred upon
George Raleigh, the General's Nephew (made Major, in
Pigot's room) he was not so well obeyed, as the Enterprise required. As they past up the River, the
Spaniards began the War, and shot at the Ships, both with their Ordnance, and Musket: but they landed their Forces, without any great loss, near unto a Town upon the River, called Saint
Thome, and gallantly charged the Enemy to the very Ports; where finding some little opposition, they at last forced a passage, and made themselves Masters of the Town. In the Assault, Captain
Walter Raleigh, the General's Son (a Man of fire and courage, fitter to execute, than to order his Valour) was slain, to the great grief of the Conquerours.
The other five Ships staid with the General at
Trinidado, having no other Port capable of them near
Guiana. The first was commanded by the General himself; the second by Captain
Iohn Pennington, Vice-Admiral; the third by Sir
Warham Santleger; the fourth by Sir
Iohn Fern; the fifth by Captain
Chidley of
Devonshire. The General had twelve Ships in all, set out with him; But Captain
Whitney and Captain
Wolleston mutined against him, and run home again from the
Granadoes. With these five Ships they daily attended the
Armada of
Spain, and had they set upon them, their Force divided (one half being in
Orinoque, a hundred and fifty miles from them) they in
Trinidado had not only been indangered, but all those in the River had also perished. And though these five Ships with the General were but of little Defence against so strong a
power as the King of
Spain's Gallions, yet they would have given them their hands full, for they were all resolved to have burned, and died by their sides. But the
Armada staid for them at
Margarita, by which Island they expected them to pass towards the
Indies.
For the King,
The Design discovered to
Gondemar. unwilling to displease his Brother of
Spain, commanded Sir
Walter Raleigh upon his Allegiance, before he went out, to set down under his hand, the Country, and the River, which he was to enter, the compleat number of his Men, the burthen of his Ships, and what Ordnance every Ship carried; which being made known to the Count
Gondemar, the
Spanish Ambassador here, and by him in Post to the King of
Spain, A Dispatch was made by that King to the
Indies, and his Letters sent from
Madrid, before Sir
Walter Raleigh with his
[Page 114] Fleet departed out of the River
Thames. For the first Letter sent by a Bark of Advice, was dated the 19th of
March, 1617. at
Madrid. The second Letter was sent by a
Carvell to
Diego de Palomeque, at
Trinidado. The third Letter by the Bishop of
Puerto Rico; and the fourth was sent by the Farmer and Secretary of the
Customs, at the same time. By that of the King's hand there was also a Commission, for the speedy leavying of three thousand men, and ten pieces of Ordnance, to be sent from
Puerto Rico, for the defence of
Guiana. These Provisions were made to entertain the
English, and had they met them, they would have found a harsh Banquet.
But the
Spaniards at Saint
Thome (their Supplies being not come) were not so numerous as to defend both the Town, and the Passages to the Mines; therefore they quitted the Town, and fortified the way to the Mines near the Town. But the Passages leading to the Mine that
Kemish had in his Eye, were
Aspera & fragosa, as Sir
Walter Raleigh exprest them; and
Kemish found the River so low, that he could not approach the banks, in most places near the Mine, by a mile; and where he found an ascent, a Volley of Musquets came from the Woods, and at one time slew two of the Rowers, hurt six others, and shot a valiant Gentleman, Captain
Thornhurst, in the head, of which he with great difficulty recovered.
Kemish seeing so much hazard in attempting to find the Mine, the Passage to it being full of thick and impassable Woods, and thinking the
English that were left in the Town of Saint
Thome, would not be able to defend it, especially if the Enemy should be recruited, the Country being all in Alarum, he gave over the Enterprise, and returned. For if he should have discovered the Mine, he had no men (as he pretended) to work in it; and being a great way up into the Land, men would have been got thither with much danger, and difficulty. And that was true. The
Spaniards themselves complain for want of
Negroes to work in their Mines; for the
Indians cannot be constrained, by a Law of
Charles the Fifth; and the
Spaniards will not, neither can they endure the
labour. But this was ill advised, to take so much pains, and run so much hazard, to get and possess that, which when they had it, they could not make use of it; so that which
Kemish pleaded (when he returned) for an
excuse, reflected upon him as a great
miscarriage. As soon as he came to Saint
Thome, the
English pillaged the Town, carried away the best, and most portable things, and the Enemy not daring to appear for the Redemption of it, they set it a-fire, leaving behind them an infinite masse of Treasure, which either for want of
knowledge, or
power, they could not attain to. For there were two Gold Mines near the Town, the one possessed by
Roderigo de Parama, the other by
Herman Frontino, and a Silver Mine by
[Page 115]Francisco Fashardo: to preserve and fortifie which, they imployed all their
strength and
industry; so that they needed not have gone so far up the River to find a new
Mine, when they had so many nearer them, that either
ignorance or want of
strength made them
neglect.
The General,
Raleigh troubled. with the news of the
death of his Son, and
Kemishe's return without effecting his work, was perplexed to the very soul, telling
Kemish he had undone him, and wounded his
credit with the King, past
recovery; but he must think (he told him) to bear the weight of the King's anger as well as himself; for he must a vow that
Kemish knew the
Mine, and that with little loss he might have possessed it.
Kemish much troubled in his mind,
Kemish kills himself. retires to his
Cabin, which he had in the General s Ship, and presently after his being there, he shot himself with a
Pistol; the General hearing the noise, askt what
Pistol it was? Answer was made, that Captain
Kemish shot it off in his
Cabin to cleanse it; but
Kemishe's man going into the
Cabin, found his Master lying in his own blood: the
Pistol having a little bullet did only crack the
rib, which being too slow for his
fury, he desperately thrust a knife in after it up to the haft; and with him the
Glory of the
Voyage expired. For the
Design being thus broken, the Ships leaky, Victuals failing, and missing of those
golden showers they gaped after (that
Radical moisture which fills the veins of the affections, and gives life and vigor to all
actions) some of the men began to mutiny against the General, others were for him; some would have him go home, others would have him stay; the
major part forced him to swear not to go home but by their allowance; and yet his Ships dwindled away one after another (his strength was best discovered by his weakness) ten Ships being reduced to four, and those would do what they list. Some would go for
Italy, some for
France, few for
England, fearing the
Spanish Power there more than they did in the
Indies. Thus they were shatter'd in judgment, with a greater
Tempest than the
Seas or
Winds could produce.
Miserable is that Government where the Multitude is Master! At last he is brought to
Kinsale in
Ireland.
The
news of taking and burning St.
Thome coming to
Gondemar,Gondemar incenses the King against
Raleigh. 1618. he besieges, and (as it were) assaults the King with importunity for
Reparation: For he was a man not only of an insinuating and glosing
spirit, but of a violent and fiery
temper, when any cross accident blew up the
humor. The matter is aggravated with the highest
circumstances by those of the
Spanish Faction, as if this irruption of
Raleigh's, not only tended to the breach of the Treaty of Marriage betwixt Prince
Charles, and the
Infanta of
Spain (that was then in
motion) but to the infringement of the
Peace and
Amity, established betwixt the two Crowns. The King's fears being heightned to
Anger, he disavows
[Page 116] the
Action, and lest others of his
Subjects should by this
example take the boldness to attempt the like
Hostility against the King of
Spain, he puts out a
Proclamation, wherein he shews his
detestation of such
proceedings, and threatens severe
punishment to the
enterprisers, thereby to deter them. Which gave
Gondemar some satisfaction, whose design being only to get Sir
Walter Raleigh home (after this brush) vented little
passion, but so cunningly skinned over his
malice, that when
Raleigh was in
Ireland, he found, nor heard of no such great difficulties (
Dangers often flying upon the wings of rumor) but that he might appear in
England, and the men not willing to be banished their own Country (though some of them had
France in their eye) put in at
Plimouth Raleigh was no sooner ashore, but he had private intimation, which gave him cause to suspect, the smoothness of this beginning would have a rough end; therefore he attempted an escape from
[...]hence in a bark of
Rochel: But being apprehended by Sir
Lewis Stukly (his Kinsman) who had private warrant and instructions to that purpose (so unnatural and servile is the
spirit, when it hath an allay of
baseness, there being many others sitter for that employment) he is brought to
London, and recommitted to the Tower.
He is committed to the Tower. He was no sooner in the Tower, but all his Transactions in this business are put to the
Rack, and tenter'd by his
Adversaries. They say he knew of no
Mine, nor did
Kemish know that the
Mine he aimed at was
Gold; but
Kemish bringing him a piece of
Ore into the Tower, he fobb'd a piece of
Gold into it in dissolving, making the poor man believe the
Ore was right, that by these golden
degrees, he might ascend to
Liberty, promising the King to fetch it where never
Spaniard had been. But when
Kemish found by better experience he was couzen'd by
Raleigh, he came back from the
Mine: And
Raleigh knowing that none but
Kemish could accuse him, made him away. This
Vizard was put upon the face of the
Action, and all the weight of the
Miscarriage was laid upon
Raleigh's shoulders.
Gonaemar that looked upon him as a man that had not only high
Abilities, but
Animosity enough to do his Master mischief (being one of those
Scourges, which that
old Virago, (the late Queen) as he called her, used to afflict the
Spaniards with) having gotten him into this Trap, laid now his baits about the King. There is a
strange virtue in this spirit of Sol! the
intenseness makes men firm, the
ductilness brings them to be
active. French Crowns are not so pure, not so piercing as
Spanish Pistols. Auri sacra fames! quid non mortalia pectora cogis? The King that loved his
Peace, is incensed by them that loved their
Profit, and the poor Gentleman must lay down the price of his life upon the old
Reckoning.
In
October this year he is brought to the King's-bench Bar at
[Page 117]Westminster, where the Records of his Arraignment at
Winchester were opened, and he demanded why
Execution should not be done upon him, according to the
Iudgment therein pronounced against him? To which in way of answer he began to justifie himself in the proceedings of the late
Voyage; but the Lord Chief Justice wished him to spare that trouble; for there was no other
matter in question but the former
Iudgment, which the King would have executed upon him, for some occasions best known to himself, unless he could shew good cause to the contrary.
Raleigh answered, That he was told by his Council, that
Iudgment was void, by the Commission his Majesty was pleased to give him since under the Great Seal for his last Employment, which did give him a new
vigour and
life to that
service. The Lord chief Justice replyed that he was deceived, and that the
opinion of the
Court was to the contrary. Then he desired that some reasonable time might be allowed him to prepare for
Death; but it was answered, That the time appointed was the next
morning, and it was not to be doubted, but he had prepared himself for
death long since.
Raleigh having a
courageous spirit (finding the bent of the King's mind, and knowing
Disputes to be in vain, where
Controversies are determined)
acquiesc'd, was conveyed to the
Gatehouse, and the day following was brought to the
Old Palace yard at
Westminster,And Beheaded. and upon a Scaffold there erected, lost his head.
He had in the
outward man a good
presence,His character, and description. in a handsom and well-compacted
person, a strong natural
wit, and a better
judgment, with a bold and plausible tongue, whereby he could set off his
parts to the best advantage. And to these he had the
Adjuncts of general
Learning, which (by
Diligence and
Experience (those two great
Tutors) being now threescore years of
age) was augmented to a great
perfection, being an indefatigable
Reader, and having a very retentive
memory. At his Arraignment at
Winchester, his
carriage to his Judges was with great
discretion; humble, yet not prostrate; dutiful, yet not dejected: Towards the
Iury affable, but not fawning; not in despair, nor believing, but hoping in them; carefully perswading them with
Reasons, not distemperately importuning them with
Conjurations; rather shewing love of
life than fear of
death. Towards the King's Council patient, but not insensible neglecting, nor yielding to Imputations laid against him in words (which Sir
Edward Cook, then the King's
Attorney, belched out freely) and it was wondred a man of his high
spirit could be so humble in suffering, not being much overtaken in passion. And now at his last, when
Deeth was presented before him, he looked upon it without affrightment, striving to
vindicate his
Actions, by taking off the
veil that
false Reports had cast upon them (especially the
[Page 118]Imputation of his glorying, and rejoycing in the
fall, & at the
death of the la
[...]e E. of
Essex, w
ch had stuck so many years in his breast; & this new
miscarriage of
Kemish's of a later date imputed to him) for having provided himself privately for
heaven, clearing his
Accounts with God before he came to the
Scaffold, He publickly at last
reckon'd with man (being to quit all
soores) and so made an end.
Disunion in the United Provinces. Times of
Peace are accounted the happiest times, and though they are great
Blessings, proceeding from the influence of
supreme Mercy, and the
showers of
Grace, yet the branches of the Tree of
Knowledge (growing by this
Sun shine) for want of due pruning, do often become so exuberant, that their very
fruits are not only their
burthen, but sometimes their
ruin. Prosperity is of an
Airy constitution, carried about with the breath of
strange fancies, which mount sometimes as high as
Omnipotency; but there finding-resistance, they come down amain, and beat the lower
Region with a
Tempest of
Strife and
Malice. When the
Romans wanted
Enemies, they digged them out of their own
bowels. Active Spirits will be set on work.
Our Neighbours of the
Netherlands (that had so long bounded the
Spanish Power, & humbled their
Pride so far, as to acknowledg them a
Free-State, before they would so much as listen to an
Overture of
Peace) had a fire kindled in their own
bosomes. It is now some time since the 12 years Truce betwixt
Spain & them began, being in the
Wain, &
last Quarter. While they had their hands full of
business, they had not their
heads full of
old Curiosities. Now like
Plethorique bodies, that want letting blood, they break out into
distemper; A
Schism in the
Church, and a
Faction in the
State.
The first
Author of the
Schism was
Arminius; of the
Faction, Barnevelt; Persons of great
parts and
power (though of different
natures.) The one had been
Divinity-Professor at
Leyden the other the
Manager of all the great affairs of the
State. Distempers in Kingdoms and States, are like madness in bodies, which doth not break out till some accident doth stir the humor. Arminius dyed just upon the beginning of the Treaty, which was in the year 1609. Leaving behind him the seeds of this
Pelagian Heresie, which though it were cherished much by some, in whose
bosomes he had sown it, yet happily it might never have taken root, had not
Peace and
Ease manured it, and made it fruitful. The
Mysteries of
Predestination, and the ineffable
Essence of God (
Quaetremenda & admiranda sunt, sed non scrutanda (to use our King's own words) which are to be trembled at, and admired, not pried into) are the great
Theme. Such
intuitions are too high for flesh and blood: Yet what will not
Pragmatical spirits do, when they proudly look into
Divine things with the
Eye of
Reason, not humbly with the
Eye of
Faith?
This
Rupture in the
Bowels of the
Church grew so great, that it indangered the
Body of the
State. The chief
Rulers and
Magistrates,
[Page][Page]Rombout Hogerbeets, pensionaris der Stad Leyden
[Page 119] in the several
Provinces, being tainted with this
Error, strove to establish it by
Power; among whom
Barnevelt was a
Principal Agent, who by the assistance of
Hoogenberts of
Leyden, Grotius of
Roterdam, and
Leidenburgh Secretary of
Utrecht, with others their adherents, drew on the
Design, which was to suppress the
Protestant Reformed Religion, and establish the
Tenents of
Arminius, being fomented by the Kings of
France and
Spain, as the immediate way to introduce
Popery. This went on so smoothly, that the
Orthodox Ministers were expelled out of their principal Towns, and none but
Arminians admitted to preach to the people, which in some places bred many
combustions, that tended to nothing but
popular Confusion.
But long before this time, our King saw the
Storm coming upon them:
Our King forewarns them of it
An. 1611. For in the year 1611 he forewarns the
State, telling them, that by the unhappy
succession of two such
Prodigies in one
Sphere, as
Arminius and
Vorstius, some dreadful mischief would succeed. For
Arminius was no sooner dead, but those that drew on the
Design, had an
eye on
Vorstius his
Disciple, to make him
Divinity-Professor in his place; which the King hearing of, and having read some of
Vorstius blasphemous Writings, sends to his then
Ambassador Sir
Ralph Winwood, Resident there, to let the
State know that
Vorstius rather deserved
punishment than
promotion; that the
head of such a
Viper should be trod upon, and crushed, that was likely to eat his way through the
bowels of the
State. And if they (nevertheless) would persist to prefer him, he would make known to the World publickly in Print, how much he detested such abominable
Heresies, and all allowers and tolerators of them.
The
Ambassador urging the King's
desires, they returned a long Answer in
justification of
Vorstius.
First,
The States answer That the
Curators of the
University of
Leyden (according to their
duty, and the ancient
custom ever since the
foundation of that
University) having diligently made inquiry for some
Doctor to be chosen in the place of
Divinity-Professor there, at that time void; after
mature deliberation, they made election of
Conradus Vorstius to that place. Which Election and Calling, was countermined presently after, by certain persons, to whose
Office or
Disposal, the business did nothing at all belong; who charged the said
Vorstius with
unsoundness of
Doctrine; whereupon the
Curators thought fit (with the good liking of
Vorstius himself) that both at
Leyden, and at the
Hague, he should appear in his own
justification, to answer all
Accusers; which he did, and there came none to charge him. But not long after, six Ministers undertook to prove, That
Vorstius had published
false Doctrine, who being heard in a full
Assembly of the
States of
Holland and
Westfrizeland, they could by their
Arguments find no reason, why the
Execution of what
[Page 120] was done by the
Curators lawfully, ought to be hindred or impeached. And they do assuredly believe, that if his Majesty of
Great Britain were well informed of the true Circumstances of this business, he would, according to his
high wisdom, and
prudence, conceive favourably of them, they proceeding in this business with all reverence, care and respect, to his Majestie's serious admonition.
Dated at the Hague 1 Octob. 1611.
The King seeing which way the
States went, by the print of the footing that
Vorstius had set among them,
Vorstius's Books burned by the King. caused his Books publickly to be burned in
Paul's Church-yard, and both the
Universities. And not giving it over, writes to them again, to be mindful of the
glory of God, and not suffer such
scan dalous members to remain in the
body of the true
Reformed Church, that maintain such execrable
Blasphemies, as to deny the
Eternity and
Omnipotency of God: Therefore he desires them so much to mind the
glory of God, and their own
honour, and
safety, as to extirpate such
Atheisms, and
Heresies. But if they suffer such
pestilent Hereticks to nestle among them (who dare take upon them the licentious
liberty to fetch again from
Hell ancient
Heresies long since condemned, and invent new ones of their own, to the depravation of the true
Catholick Church) he should be constrained publickly to protest against them.
Dated at Theobalds 6 Octob. 1611.
Sir
Ralph Winwood represented this Letter to the
States, and finding them cold and backward in proceeding any further against
Vorstius, according to the King's
Directions to him, he made this
Remonstrance to them.
My Lords,
Sir
Ralph Winwood's Remonstrance to the States.IF ever the King of
Great Britain, my Master, hath merited, anything of this
State, (and how much he hath merited, in respect of his great
favours, and
Royal assistances, your Lordships acknowledging them with all
gratitude, can best judge and witness) he hath surely merited at this present, having by his Letters full of
zeal and
piety, which he hath written unto you, endeavoured to procure the establishment of that Religion only within your
Provinces, which the
Reformed Churches of
Great Britain, France and
Germany, by a mutual
consent have generally
imbraced. For what is it to his Majesty whether Doctor
Vorstius be admitted
Professor in the
University of
Leyden, or not? or whether the
Doctrine of
Arminius be preached in your
Churches? saving that as a
Christian Prince, he desires the advancement of the
Gospel, and as your best Friend and Allie, the strengthning of your
Commonwealth, whose
first Foundations were cemented with the blood of his Subjects; and which in his judgment
[Page]JACOBUS ARMINIUS S. S. TH. DOCT. ET PROFESS. NATUS OUDEWATRIAE MDLX. DENAT. LUGD. BATAV. MDCIX. AETAT XLIX.
Qui nunc per altas aurei caeli domos Regnat beatus, et suo junctus Deo Humana celsus spernit ac nescit simul, Sic. Hospes, ora magnus ARMINIUS tulit. Caelare mores atque dotes ingeni. Doctumque pectus quod fuit (sed heu Fuit) Manus nequivit artifax. et quid manus? Effere cum non lingua non stylus queant.
[Page 121] can no way subsist, if wittingly and willingly you suffer the
Reformed Religion to be (either by the practices of your
Doctors sophisticated, or by their
malice) depraved. If therefore
Religion be as it were the
Palladium of your
Commonwealth, and that to preserve the one in her
glory, and
perfection, be to maintain the other in her
purity, let your selves then be Judges, in how great a danger the State must needs be at this present, so long as you permit the Schisms of
Arminius to have such
vogue (as now they have) in the
principal Towns of
Holland; and if you suffer
Vorstius to be received
Divinity-Professor in the
University of
Leyden (the
Seminary of your
Church) who in scorn of the holy Word of God, hath after his own
fancy, devised a new
S
[...]ct, patched together of several Pieces of all sorts of antient and modern Heresies.
The Fool said in his heart, there is no God: But he that with an open mouth, of set purpose, and prepensed malice, hath let his
Pen run at random, to disgorge so many
blasphemies against the sacred Majesty of God, this Fellow shall wear the Garland of all that ever yet were heard of, since the Means of the Gospel, the Light of Christian Religion, hath shined unto the World. If any man doubt of it, for a proof see here what his Majesty, with his own hand, hath collected out of his Writings.
And then presenting them a Paper, he proceeded.
These are, in part, the
opinions of that great
Divine, who is chosen to domineer in the Chair at
Leyden: In opposition whereunto, I mean not to say any thing, but that which the
Roman Orator did once pronounce in the like Case,
Mala est, & impia consuetudo, contra Deum disputandi, sive serio id fit, sive simulaté; It is an evil and wicked Custom to dispute against God, whether it be in earnest, or in jest.
Now my Lords, I address my self unto you, and according to the Charge which I have received from the King my Master, I conjure you by the
amity that is betwixt his Kingdoms, and your Provinces, to awaken your Spirits, and to have a
careful eye at this Assembly of
Holland (which is already begun)
ne quid Respublica detrimenti capiat, that the Commonwealth take no harm; which undoubtedly at one time or other will be turned upside down, if you suffer such a dangerous Contagion to harbour so near you, and not remove it as soon as possibly you may. The Disciples of
Socinus (with whose Doctrine
Vorstius hath been suckled in his Childhood) do seek him for their Master, and are ready to embrace him. Let him go, he is a Bird of their own feather,
Et dignum sanè patellâ operculum, A fit Cover for such a Dish.
On the other side, the Students in Divinity at
Leyden, to
[Page 122] the number of six and fifty, by a dutiful
Remonstrance presented unto the States of
Holland the sixteenth of
October, the last year, being 1610. did most humbly beseech the said States, not to use their authority in compelling them to receive a
Professor, who both by the attestations of the Divinity-Colleges at
Basil, and
Heydelberg, as also by manifest evidence out of his own Writings, is convinced of a number of manifest Heresies.
These
Reasons therefore, namely, the many enormous and horrible Heresies maintained by him; the Instance of his Majesty, grounded upon the welfare and honour of this Country; the Requests either of all, or of the most part of your
Provinces; the Petitions of all the
Ministers (excepting those only which are of
Arminius's Sect) should methinks prevail so far with my Lords the States of
Holland, as they will at the last apply themselves to the performance of that, which both the
sincerity of
Religion, and the
service of their
Country, requireth at their hands.
Furthermore, I have Commandment from his Majesty, to move you in his name, to set down some certain
Reglement in matters of
Religion, throughout your
Provinces, that this licentious Freedom of Disputation may be restrained, which breeds
factions, and
part-takings; and that you would absolutely take away the Liberty of
Prophesying, which
Vorstius doth so much recommend unto you in the Dedicatory Epistle of his
Anti-Bellarmine, the book whereof his Patrons do boast so much.
And his Majesty doth exhort you, seeing you have heretofore taken Arms for the Liberty of your Consciences, and have endured a violent and bloody War the space of forty years, for the Profession of the Gospel, that now having gotten the upper hand of your
miseries, you would not suffer the Followers of
Arminius to make your
actions an example for them to proclaim throughout the World that wicked Doctrine of the
Apostacy of the
Saints. The account which his Majesty doth make of your
amity, appears sufficiently by the Treaties which he made with your
Lordships, by the
succours which your
Provinces have received from his
Crowns, by the deluge of
blood, which his
Subjects have spent in your Wars.
Religion is the only solder of this Amity. For his Majesty being by the grace of God
Defender of the Faith, doth hold himself obliged to defend all those who prosess the same
Faith and
Religion with him: But if once your
zeal begins to grow cold therein, his Majesty will then straightways imagin, that your
friendship towards him, and his Subjects, will likewise freeze by little and little.
[Page][Page]The Right Honourable S
r. RALPH WINWOOD Kn.
t
[Page 123] This was the effect of Sir
Ralph Winwood's Remonstrance, to which, after six weeks delay, he received this cold and ambiguous Answer.
‘THat the
States General had deliberated upon his Majestie's Proposition,
The States answer. and Letter dated the 6
Oct. 1611. and do give him humble Thanks for the continuance of his
Royal affection towards the welfare of their Country, and preservation of
Religion. And that they had entred into Consultation concerning the
Articles charged against
Vorstius; and the
Curators of
Leyden did thereupon make an Order provisional, that
Vorstius should not be admitted to the Exercise of his
Place, but remain in
Leyden only as an Inhabitant, and Citizen. And in case
Vorstius should not be able to clear himself from those Accusations which were laid to his Charge, at or before the next
Assembly (which was to be holden in
Feb. following) that then they would decide the Matter with good contentment to his Majesty.’
But this Answer still savouring of
delays, could not in effect be esteemed less than an absolute refusal to yield to the King's desires; besides, the
specious Separation of
Vortius as a Citizen, was only to satisfie the King at present; for he (after) notwithstanding exercised his Place of
Professor. Whereupon Sir
Ralph Winwood knowing the King's mind, made this Protestation in their
Publick Assembly.
My Lords,
THere is not any one of you,
Sir
Ralph Winwood's Protestation. I suppose, in this
Assembly, that will not acknowledge the
brotherly love wherewith the King, my Master, hath always affected the good of your
Provinces, and the
fatherly care which he hath ever had to procure the
establishment of your State. In which respect, his Majesty having understood, that
Vorstius was elected Divinity-Professor of
Leyden, a Person attainted by many Witnesses,
Iuris & facti, of a number of
Heresies, is therewith exceedingly offended. And for the timely prevention of an infinite of
evils, did give me in charge to exhort you (which I did the 21 of
September last) to wash your hands from that Man, and not suffer him to come within your
Country. To this Exhortation your Answer was,
That all due observance and regard should be had unto his Majesty: But his Majesty hath received so little
respect herein, that instead of debarring
Vorstius from coming into the
Country (which even by the
Laws of
Friendship his Majesty might have required) the Proceedings have been clean contrary; for he is permitted to come to
Leyden, hath been received there with all
honour,[Page 124] taken up his habitation, treated and lodged in the
quality of a
publick Professor. His Majesty perceiving his first motion had so little prevailed, writ a Letter to you to the same purpose, full of zeal and affection, persuading you by many
Reasons, not to stain your own
honor, and the
honor of the
Reformed Churches, by calling unto you that wretched and wicked
Atheist. These Letters were presented to this
Assembly, the fifth of
November last, at which time by his Majesties command I used some speech my self to the same effect. Some six weeks after I received an answer, but so confused, ambiguous, and impertinent, that I have reason to conceive there is no meaning at all to send
Vortius away, who is at present in
Leyden, received, acknowledged, respected, and treated as
publick Professor, whether it be to grace that
University instead of the deceased
Ioseph Scaliger, or whether to give him means to do more mischief in
secret, which perhaps for shame he durst not in
publick, I cannot tell. For these reasons, according to that charge which I have received from the King my Master, I do in his name, and on his behalf,
protest in this Assembly, against the wrong, injury, and scandal, done unto the Reformed Religion, by receiving, and retaining
Conradus Vorstius in the University of
Leyden, and against the violence offered unto that Alliance which is betwixt his Majesty and your
Provinces; which being founded upon the
preservation, and maintenance of the Reformed Religion, you have not omitted to
violate, in the proceeding of this cause. Of which enormous
indignities committed against the Church of God, and against his Majestie's person, in preferring the
presence of
Vorstius, before his
amity and
alliance, the King my Master holds himself bound to be sensible, and if Reparation be not made, and that
speedily (which cannot be by any other means, than by sending
Vorstius away) his Majesty will make it appear unto the World by some Declaration (which he will cause to be printed and published) how much he detests the
Atheisms, and
Heresies of
Vorstius, and all those that maintain, favour, and cherish them.
To this the States promised a better Answer at their next
Assembly, but that producing no good effect, the King writes a
Declaration against
Vorstius, which is extant in his own
Works, collected by Doctor
Iames Montague, son to Sir
Edward Montague of
Bowghton in the County of
Northampton, Knight, then Bishop of
Winchester, and Dean of his Majestie's Chappel; in which
Volume is depainted the King's excellent
spirit, and many
Royal Graces tending to
Religion and
Piety.
Thus the States let in a
Deluge of Impiety, by being so pertinaciously affected to
Vorstius, and though he lived not long among
[Page][Page 125] them, yet what he had planted grew up abundantly, and were the bitter
Roots of these
present Divisions.
And after, in the year 1613. there were many
Discords among them, which our King hearing of, he incited the States by Letters again (so willing he was to have
Unity among them) that this
War of the
Tongue might be pacified rather by publick
Authority than
School Disputations,Our King writes to the States in 1613. and by his
Mediation, for a good time the
Humor was abated, or rested, as in the
interpolate Fits of
Agnes, but the
Rancor broke out again more than ever.
For this year 1618. (as formerly expressed) the
Distemper came to the
State, or
height, and had ever after a
decline. Our King hearing of the
Disorders and
Tumults among them, looked upon them (now) as so many ill
Omens, portending not only the ruin of the
Netherlands, but the Tempest growing greater might beat too soon upon the
British-shores. To stay therefore the swelling progress of this
Gangrene humor,And now in 1618. he prohibits his Subjects by Proclamation to send their children to
Leyden, and solicits the States by Letters again, not only to forbid the preaching of these
Controversies (the
Pulpits being made but the
Bellows of
Dissention) but commands his Ambassador Sir
Dudley Carleton to shew them their
Disease, and then prescribes them the
Cure. Their
Disease was this,
Schism in the
Church, which usher'd in a
Faction in the
State, jealousie and disaffection among the
Magistrates, hatred, and heart-burning among the
Common people, contempt of the
Orders and
Decrees of the chiefest Courts of
Iustice, distraction among the
Souldiers, being tyed to several
forms of
Oaths, insurrections & commotions among the
Companies new levied, not well disciplin'd (as likewise among the common people) which have extended to
blood, to the affrightment, fear, and trouble of all the
Provinces; at which the
Enemy smiles (who happily have a hand in the
design) and their friends lament to see it so. To cure which
Malady, there is no other way than to call a
National Council, where these
Waters of
strife being kept in due bound, the asperous edge of
Opinion might be taken off, by grave and weighty
Reason, to abate the
Passion both in
Church and
State.
The
Remonstrants (which the
Arminians called themselves) carrying on their
Resolutions with a full
sail,Barnevelt opposes the Pr. of
Orange. would by no means alter their
course, or consent to the calling of a
Council; either fearing their party in
Council would prove the weakest, or knowing their
partakers in
Action would be the strongest; for most of the States and Governours of
Provinces had tasted of this
infected Cup. And
Barnevelt (the
Head of them) being an active person, and having a nimble tongue, distilling into them a
Iealousie, that
Maurice Prince of
Orange (who had the command of all their Garrisons, as General or their Army) affected to
[Page 126] make himself (by his
power) sole
Lord and
Monarch over them; that the
Freedom which they had purchased with their
bloods, was now ready to be trampled on; he that was their
Servant, aspiring to become their
Master; having all
power both by Sea and Land, in his own hand; all Governments, and Offices at his
dispose, so that he wanted nothing but the
Title to make him absolute. These
sparks took fire with many, and yet they could not well see by that
light, because
Barnevelt drew these pretences as a Curtain, to get as much
power in the
Militia, as he had in their
Councils, the better to bring his
ends about. Whereupon to ballance the Prince of
Orange's power, new Companies are levied in some of the
Provinces secretly, specially in
Utrecht, meaning to make that the
Stage to act their
bloody parts on: Which Town being much corrupted with the
Leaven of bad
Doctrine, they soon closed with the corruption of as bad
manners.
The Prince of
Orange goes to
Utrecht. The Prince of
Orange, and some others affected to him, did cut out their time to the length of the others endeavours, proportioning their
Prevention suitable to the others
Action, so the advance of the one party ran upon the same
Parallel with the other, being ready to tread on their heels for
hast. And now the time being
ripe,25
Iuly. The Prince goes to
Utrecht, accompanied with some of the States his intimates, Count
Ernest of
Nassau, and some other Commanders of the Army, to seise upon, or disband those new raised Forces; in which he was opposed by
Leydenburgh and other States of the Town, who incited the Governour, Sir
Iohn Ogle, our Countryman, to deny the Prince entrance; but he was too much a friend to the
Honor of his
Name and
Nation, to falsifie his trust. So that the Prince encountred only with those, whose unwillingness had
power enough if they had had hearts to oppose him. But he finding it would be an ill
Precedent to the rest of the Towns to meet a
Repulse here, had ordered five Hundred foot from
Arnham and the next Garrisons, to meet him there, who entred the Town that evening peaceably, and the next morning about four a clock disbanded the new levied Companies, before the Towns-men were well awake.
The Prince had no great reason to trust the Garrison of the City, considering the
Reformed Religion was totally kept under
hatches, & the
Arminian got upon the
deck. The Governour himself suspected, and complying to outward appearance, and the common Souldiers running with the
stream. But he knew (it seems) their
temper ascended to no higher
notions than thirty
Stivers a week was able to purchase. Therefore he summon'd them all over night into the Market-place, without beat of
drum, who, with the other five Hundred, struck such a terror into the new levied Companies, that at the first word of
command
[Page][Page]IOHAN VAN OLDENBARNEVELD Binnen s'Gravenhage Onthalst Den 13. May 1619.
[Page 127] they laid down their
Arms and submitted. They were in that City in all nine Hundred men, that knew they were raised to oppose the Princes power, pickt up of several Nations, that hoped to carve their
fortunes out of
bloody Tumults, and backt by a numerous
multitude of
Citizens, yet they all shrunk in their
heads before the
face of
Authority.
This giving some stop to the
carreir of the
Remonstrants in
Utrecht, the rest of the Towns took up, though they had run long uncurbed. And now the Prince and State thought of nothing more than of composing the
Disorders of the
Church, by a
National Council, which
Barnevelt and his
Faction opposing, they resolved to take away those
impediments that hindered the
Peace and
Tranquility of the
Provinces. So that on the 19th of
August, the prime Ring-leaders of the
Sedition, Barnevelt, Hogenberts, and
Grotius, were seised on at the
Hague, as they were entring the
Senate, and committed to several Prisons. This cast a general damp upon the
spirits of the
Remonstrants, as if they had been crushed in the head. And some few days after
Leydenburgh was sent from
Utrecht with a strong Guard. These being the four chief Pillars whereupon this confused Building stood, they being taken away, it fell to the ground.
Leydenburgh to prevent their
mercy stabbed himself in Prison with a knife, that opened a passage to let out his life.
Hogenberts, and
Grotius, found something of mercy by waiting for it, but they were condemned to perpetual Imprisonment in the Castle of
Lovestien. And the latter of them
(Grotius) after some time of Imprisonment made an escape in a Trunk, which his Wife pretended to the Soldiers of the Castle, to be full of
Arminian Books, which she would send away, because they should not trouble her Husband's head. But the
Capital Offender, Barnevelt, was Beheaded at the
Hague the fourteenth of
May following, being 1619.
His Sentence of death was this,
Barnevelt's Sentence and death. That for so much he had endeavoured to disturb the Peace of the Land, and had opposed himself against the wholsom advice of divers Princes, Lords, and excellent Persons, aswel without as within the Land, and that he had injured some of their
mightiest Allies by his secret practices (namely, by calumniating the King of Great
Britain, as though he had been the Author of these troubles in the
Low-Countries.) For that he had kindled the fire of Dissention in the Provinces; had raised Souldiers in the Diocess of
Utrecht; had disreputed his
Excellency as much as lay in his power; had revealed the secrets of the Council; and had received Presents and Gifts from Foreign Princes: Finally, for that by his Machinations and Plots, new States have been erected in the State, new Governments against the Government, and new Unions and Alliances against the ancient Union, to the general
perturbation[Page 128] as well of
Policy, as of
Religion, to the exhausting of the
Treasures of the Land, to the jealousie and dislike, not only of the
Confederates, but of the
Natives of the
Country, who by this means were brought into danger, that they were like to fall into final
ruine.
He was born in
Amersford,His Imployments. descended from the Antient Family of
Olden Bernevelt; in his Fortune a private Gentleman, but by his Industry, Travels, and Studies at home and abroad, he made himself capable of managing the highest affairs, which he did almost for forty years together. He was five times
Extraordinary Ambassador into
England and
France; had been in the Field with the Princes of
Orange, and the
Army, as one of the States, thirty two several
Leaguers; nothing was acted without his Advice: Indeed he was the
Tongue and
Genius of the
State. But whether
Ambition (now in his old Age) mounted him to grapple with the
Prince for
power, or whether that wild and frantick
fancy, that men often brand their
spirits with, and call it
Conscience (but is nothing but pertinacy in opinion) impt the wings of his Affections, we cannot discover, being only the secret Companions of his own Breast, and let them dye with him. But thus he ended, in the seventy first year of his Age.
He lived to see (that which he had so much opposed) a
National Synod held at
Dort,A Synod at
Dort. whither our King sent Doctor
George Carlton, Bishop of
Landaff, Doctor
Ioseph Hall, Dean of
Worcester; Doctor
Iohn Davenant, Professor Regius in
Cambridge, and Master of
Queens College; and Doctor
Samuel Ward, Regent of
Sidney College in
Cambridge; Divines of great
Reputation, sound
Learning, and well-grounded
Faith. Where they met with divers
Divines from
Switzerland and
Germany, besides the
Natives of the
Netherlands; who altogether in a full Synod, quashed, as much as in them lay, the
Arminian Opinions; and though they could not utterly extirpate the roots of the
Heresie, yet they laid them so low, that they never broke out there since into exuberant branches; though some of the
Fibrae, the small veins left behind, much tainted our
Nation, as shall be expressed hereafter.
A blazing Star.And now the
Heavens declare the Glory of God; A mighty blazing
Comet appears in
Libra, whose bearded
Beams covered the Virgin Sign; it began on
Wednesday morning, the 18th of
November this year, and vanished away on
Wednesday the 16th of
December following, making, in 28 days motion, its
Circumgiration over most
Parts of the known
World, extending its
radiant locks (by the observation of
Astronomers) sometimes 45
Degrees in length. And as our Doctor
Bambridge observed towards the
Declination of it, about the 11th of
December, it past over
London in the morning, and so hasted more Northwards, even as far as the
Orcades.
[Page]VERA EFFIGIES R.
DI IN CHRISTO PATRIS GEORGII CARLETON EPISC.
PI CICESTRIEN
SIS GEORGIUS CARLETONVS
[...] Age, tu solus regai cor. Orbis cor Sol est regai cor tu Pateriut Sol Orbe
[...]at reg sui seripta meant:
[...] Si cor principum
[...] Anglie reite Per
[...][Page]
they make not their Course in Vain! These Apparitions do always portend some horrid Events here below, and are Messengers of
mischief to poor
Mortals: The
Divine Wisdom pointing to us what we should do, to prevent these threatned
dangers, that we may have our
lives for a
prey. It appears first in
Libra, the
Emblem of
Iustice, and streams over the Virgin
Astrea, which (as the Poet saith) was last of all the Virtues left the Earth,
Ultima Coelestum terras Astrea reliquit.
We must by this Admonition from Heaven, learn to do
justly; and it is for
injustice that these sad
Omens threaten us. What miserable Effects of War, Ruine, and Devastation, in most parts of the known
World, followed at the heels of this
stupendious Harbinger, is obvious to all; and so far as relates to us, may be declared (God willing) in the Progress of this
History: but I hope the
operation and
power of it is almost at an end, for it began in
Germany, took
France and
Spain in the way, and past over
England to the
Orcades, and so vanished, as
Bainbridge relates in the Description of it,
Fol. 7.
Fulgura non semper, nec semper praelia durant. —let's count it almost past,
For War, like lightning, doth not always last.
The first remarkable Accident that happened in
England after this Prodigious Forerunner,
The death of Queen
Anne. was the death of Queen
Anne, who died of a
Dropsie at
Hampton-Court, and thence brought to her
Palace in the
Strand, for the more triumphant
glory of her
Obsequies. The Common People, who naturally admire their
Princes, placing them in a
Region above ordinary
Mortals, thought this great Light in
Heaven was sent as a
Flambeau to her
Funeral; their dark minds not discovering, while this Blaze was burning the fire of War that broke out in
Bohemia, wherein many thousands perished.
She was in her great Condition a good Woman, not tempted from that height she stood on,
A short Character of the Queen. to embroyl her spirit much with things below her (as some busy-bodies do) only giving her self content in her own House, with such
Recreations as might not make
Time tedious to her: And though great Persons Actions are often pried into, and made
Envies mark, yet nothing could be fixt upon her, that left any great impression, but that she may have engraven upon her Monument a
Character of
Virtue.
[Page 130]An. Reg. 17. About this time
Henry Earl of
Northumberland, who had been a Prisoner in the
Tower ever since the
Powder plot (a long Recluse) was set at liberty.
An. Christi. 1619. The Cause of his Confinement was upon a Sentence in
Star-Chamber, for nourishing in his House
Thomas Piercy his Kinsman,
Northumberland set at Liberty. who was one of the
Complotters of the
Treason. And though nothing could be proved against the Earl, to endanger his life, yet upon the presump
[...]on of his knowledge of it, he was fined in thirty thousand pounds, and imprisoned in the
Tower. He was married to
Dorothy, eldest Daughter to
Walter Earl of
Essex, by whom h
[...] had a N
[...]ble (yet surviving) Issue, two S
[...]ns, and t
[...]o Daughters;
Algernon now Earl of
Northumberland, and
Henry, both in these Times young.
Dorothy, the eldest Daug
[...]te
[...], married
Robert Viscount
Lisle, after the death of his Father E
[...]l of
Leicester, by whom he had a numerous Issue, like
Clive branches a
[...]out his
Table. The younger Daughter,
Lucy, a Lady of
[...]omp
[...]rable
Beauty, (solemnized in the
Po
[...]s o
[...] [...]he most exqui
[...]e
Wits [...]f her time) married the Lord
Hayes (now made Vi
[...]count
Doncaster) against h
[...]r Father's will (
[...]ho aimed at higher
[...]xtracti
[...]) during his Imprisonment; which the old Ear
[...]'s stubborn
spirit not brooking▪ would never give h
[...]r any thing; And
Doncaster, whose
affection was ab
[...]ve
money (
[...]etting only a
valuation [...]pon his much-admired,
Bride) strove to make himsel
[...]meritorious, and prevailed so with the King for his F
[...]ther-in
[...], that he got his
Release. But the old Earl would h
[...]rdly be drawn to take a
Release from his hand, so that when he had liberty he restrained himself; and with much importunity was wrought upon, by (such as knew the distempers of his
body, might best qualifie those of his
mind) pe
[...]uading him,
[...]o
[...] [...]ome indisposition, to make a journey to the
Bath, [...]hich was one special
motive to accept of his Son-in-la
[...]'s
respects.
The variousness of times. The stout old Earl, when he was got loose, hearing that the great Favourite,
Buckingham, was d
[...]awn about with a Coach and six H
[...]rs
[...]s (which was wondr
[...]d a
[...] then as a
novelty, and imputed to him as a
mastring pride) tho
[...]ght if
Buckingham had six, he might very, well have eight in his Coach, with which he rode through the City of
London to the
Bath, to the vulgar talk and admiration; and recovering his health there,
[...]e lived long after at
Petworth in
Sussex, b
[...]ting this over-topping
humour, which shewed it rather an a
[...]f
[...]cted fit, than a distemper. Nor did this addition of two H
[...]rses by
Buckingham grow higher than a little
murmur. For in the late Q
[...]eens time, there were no Coaches, and the first had but two Hor
[...]es; the rest crept in by
Degrees, as men at first venture to
Sea. And every new thing the People dis-affect, they stumble at, sometimes at the
action for the
person, which rises like a little
cloud, but soon vanishes. So after, when
Buckingham came to be carried in a
[Page]HONORATISS
[...]Dꝰ HENRICVS PERCEY COM
[...] NORTHVMBERIAN
[...]
[Page 131] Chair upon Mens shoulders, the
clamour and
noise of it was so extravagant, that the People would rail on him in the Streets, loathing that Men should be brought to as servile a condition as Hor
[...]es. So irksom is every little new impression, that breaks an old
Custom, and rubs and grates against, the
publick humour! But when Time had made those Chairs common, every loose
Pimp, or
Minion, used them; so that, that which gave at first so much
scandal, was the means to convey those privately to such places, where they might give much more. Just like
long hair, at one time decried as abominable, at another time approved of as
beautiful. So various are the
fancies of the
times! And that strong
Reason is only able to manage this
Beast, that can best
curb its own
Appetite.
But now War breaks in upon us,
Stirs in
Germany. following that blazing Fore-runner; the House of
Austria (like
Pyrrhus and
Lysander, extending their
Dominions no further than the
Sword could reach) having long seat hered their
Nests with the
Eagles plumes, grew formidable to the Princes and States of
Germany. And because they found the Popes had shrewdly plumed some of their Predecessors, till they had wrested most parts of
Italy from the
Empire, they were content to maintain their
Grandure by the Popes power, and to ingratiate themselves the more, became great Persecutors of the
Reformed Religion.
A little before this time
Ferdinand (Uncles Son to
Matthias the
Emperor) was Crowned King of
Bohemia,Anno 1617. with this
Reservation, that he should not exercise the Power of a
King, as long as the old
Emperor lived. This kind of Crowning of
Kings (one in the life of another) was the great Chain, that (link by link) held the
Empire, and the two Kingdoms of
Hungaria and
Bohemia together in the
Austrian Family; so that the State of either Kingdom could not, or durst not, put forth their Strength to shake them asunder. The
Emperor kept his Court at
Vienna, King
Ferdinand at
Gretz in
Stiria; so that the Government of
Bohemia rested in such Counsellors as the Emperor
Matthias left there for the management of Publick Affairs. These Counsellors, and Ministers, with the Archbishop of
Prague broke out about this time, not only to demolish the
Protestant Churches, but by the help of the
Iesuits (their bitter Enemies) strove to undermine the
Religion it self.
The Protestant States, and Nobles of the
Country, summoning an Assembly, to redress their Grievances, were opposed by some of them
Emperor's Ministers of
State, the very day of their meeting; which exasperated them to such a height of
Passion, (being backt by some Forces they brought with them for their Security) that they threw
Slabata the Emperor's chief Justice,
Smesansius, one of the Council of State, and
Fabricius, a pragmatical, Secretary, from a high Window in the
Castle, down
[Page 132] into the Court, though some of them took little hurt, and lived (as reports go) to this time. This
rash Action the
Bohemians strive to palliate by
Apologies to the Emperor, but withal strengthned themselves, making Leavies both of Horse, and Foot, the better to secure their own
Peace, and banishing those
Firebrands the
Iesuits out of
Prague, whose malicious and distemper'd
Zeal first kindled the
Flame. The Emperor hearing of these
mischiefs, raises an Army under the command of Count
Bucquoy, and the Protestant States finding the Emperor
exasperated, raise two Armies, one commanded by Count
Thurne, the other by Count
Mansfeldt: some bickrings past betwixt the
Imperial Army and the
Bohemians, some Towns taken on both sides; and in the heat of this stir the old Emperor dies.
Ferdinand King of
Hungary, and
Bohemia, and adopted
heir of old
Matthias, meeting (after summons) at
Frankford, with the three
Electors of
Mentz, Collen, and
Trevers, and only with the
Representatives of the other three
Electors; The
Church carried it for him,
18
Aug. and he was chosen
King of the
Romans. The States of
Bohemia disclaimed the
election, as invalid, because he could not be an
Elector himself as King of
Bohemia; for that he had never been actually in possession of the
Crown. And though their dissent could not lessen
Ferdinand's Election to the Empire, yet they protested by
oath never to acknowledge him for their King. These
eruptions made a noise all over
Christendom, and most knowing men looked on this
heavenly Torch, the late
Comet, as fit fuel to give fire to such a train.
Our King fearing the
clap would fall heavy upon the
Protestant party,Doncaster Ambassador. sent the Viscount
Doncaster, extraordinary Ambassador, to mediate a
Reconciliation betwixt the Emperor, and the
Bohemians. But the
asperity and
bitterness was too great to find an allay by his sweet and candid
Complements, being sitter for the
bosoms of
Lovers, than the armed
breasts of
Uprores and
Tumults.
Ferdinand insinuated with the Princes of
Germany, especially the Duke of
Bavaria, to corroborate his party; the
Bohemians, made
election of our King's Son-in-law, the Prince Elector
Palatine, to be their King, hoping his great
Alliance would strengthen theirs. Some little pauses were in the
acceptation (though a
liquorish bait) the Elector
Palatine being fearful to ingage himself to snatch a
Crown out of the
fire: But the
Bohemian States wrought the Prince of
Anhalt, the Earl of
Holoch, and the Baron
Done, the
Palatines intimates, in their forge (of great
promises and
preferments) to such a temper, that by their assistance (slighting the
danger) he reacht at the
Crown, before either he, or his friends were well advised of it. His
Election was upon the 26 of
August,1619. his entrance into
Prague the last of
October, and his
Coronation the fourth of
November following. But as soon
[Page]LOTHARIVS PAR LA GRACE DE DIEV ARCHEVESQVE DE TREVES B. Moucorne
[...] excudit[Page]
[Page 133] as he had accepted, and swallowed the
Royal bait, he sent the Baron
Done to our King, to excuse the suddenness of the
acceptation, before his
Counsels were well concocted, but the emergency of the
Cause (as he pretends) would admit of no
deliberation. As some hasty
Physicians, or
cholerick Patients, to prevent a
Feaver, bring the body to a
Hectick.
Our King that looked upon his own condition through the
Optique of the peoples
mutable and
unstable affection, would by no
means countenance such a
Precedent as should give them power to dispose of an established
Royal dignity, at their pleasure, and upon every change of
humor; for so he might shake his own
foundation, which made the Barons addresses crude and nauseous to his
Appetite, till time had a little digested them. And then he dispatched two Ambassadors into
Bohemia.Weston and
Conwey sent Amb. into
Bohemia. One was Sir
Richard Weston, who was afterwards Lord high Treasurer of
England, and left to his posterity the Earldom of
Portland, a man of a
haughty spirit, yet knew how by
suppling it, to make his way to the height he arrived at: For his
Religion gave place to his
Policy, and mounted him till he became one of the great
grievances of the Kingdom. The other was Sir
Edward Conwey, a man of a
grosser temper; bred a
Soldier, being Governor of
Bril when
England gave over her interest in the
cautionary Towns, who was after made a Viscount, and Secretary of State, a rough impollished peice for such an imployment. But the King that wanted not his
Abilities would often make himself merry with his imperfect
scrouls in writing, and hacking
expressions in reading, so that he would break into
laughter, and say in a
facetious way,
Had ever man such a Secretary, that can neither Write nor Read? These two were suited for the imployment, happily upon design;
Weston being a kind of
Papist, and
Conwey a
Protestant, the better to close up the breach between the Emperor, and the King of
Bohemia,
But
Ferdinand being startled with the
flaring Glory of this new King,
1620. to cast a damp upon it, and to terrifie him, and his Adherents, he caused this
Proscription to be published against them.
‘WE
Ferdinand, &c. To all Electors,
The
Palatine proscribed. Princes,
&c. but especially to the Subjects of
Frederick Count
Palatine of the
Rhine, Elector,
&c. send greeting. Because it is not known unto you, how that
Frederick Count
Palatine of the
Rhine, &c. hath made himself
head of that
persidious and
rebellious crew of our Kingdom of
Bohemia: Wherefore we proclaim the said
Frederick Count
Palatine, &c. Guilty of High Treason, and iterate Proscription, and of all the Penalties which by Law and Custom are depending thereon. We conclude him out of Our, and the Imperial Peace, and are firmly resolved
[Page 134] solved to execute the said Penalties against the said
Frederick,An. Reg. 17. which calleth himself
Count Palatine of the
Rhine, as against one publickly proscribed,
An. Christi. 1619. an Enemy and Adversary to us, and to the
Empire, and as one which hath suffered himself to be made a Head of our disobedient and perfidious Rebels; who is a Contemner and Oppugner of our
Imperial Authority, and
Majesty; who is an Infringer of Publick Peace, and Tranquillity, and of other
Ordinances and
Laws of the
Empire. Commanding you, under pain of Life, that in no way you give any aid, succour, assistance, neither in Money, Provision, Munition, nor any way else, neither openly, nor covertly, under what colour or pretext soever, to the said
Frederick, who calleth himself
Count Palatine of the
Rhine. And if one or more of you should serve, or be in pay of the said
Frederick, his Complices, or Helpers, We command him, or them, to forsake the Service of the said proscribed
Frederick, and of his Helpers. And we command you the Estates, Dependents, Alliances, Subjects and Vassals of the said proscribed
Frederick, that henceforth you yield unto him no obedience, help, nor aid, in assisting him any further; nor partake of his Rebellion, Disobedience, and Crime, but utterly to forsake him in it, and to assist us with true and faithful aid and succour, to reduce the disobedient, disloyal, rebellious, proscribed
Frederick, and his Helpers, to due Obedience, any Treaty, Confederacy, Amity and Alliance notwithstanding. And we absolve you that are Vassals of the said proscribed
Frederick, or which are in his Protection, or which are his Natural Subjects, or Strangers, from all your Oaths, and Duties; promising to all those which shall be obedient unto this our
Mandate, all
Imperial favour, grace, and security. We will likewise, that none shall protect, defend or secure the said banished
Frederick, and his Helpers, and Assistants, in nothing that may be profitable to them. For we exclude the said banished
Frederick, together with his Adherents, from all favour, liberties, promises, security, publick peace, confederacies, alliances, laws, privileges, immunities and customs heretofore given unto him, and them, by our
Ancestors the
Roman Emperors. But he that shall be disobedient unto this our Will and Command, and shall assist, take part, or aid in any sort, either privately or publickly, under what colour soever, the said
Frederick, who calleth himself
Count Palatine of the
Rhine, and Duke of
Bavaria, We declare by these Presents guilty of high Troason, and iterate
Proscription, no less than himself. And this let every one take notice of, to keep themselves from danger.
Given in our City of Vienna,
&c.’
[Page][Page]CHRISTIANVS II. DVX SAXONIAE, ETC. SEPTEMVIRATVS CAES. CREAN. HAERES ANNO MDCIX
VIRTVTE CHRISTI ANA
[Page 135]The Duke of
Saxony took the Field with an Army of twenty thousand men,
An. Reg. 18.
An. Christi. 1620. to execute this
Imperial Ban, and reduced most part of
Lusatia. But before this, the Earls of
Thurn, and
Mansfeldt, with a great Army stood the shock of the
Imperial power in divers Assaults:
Saxony executes the Imperial Ban. but when the King was established in
Bohemia, and his Counsels managed by the Prince of
Anhalt, and the Earl of
Holoch, then
Thurn and
Mansfeldt were eclipsed by the brightness of their
power; for
Anhalt must be General, and
Holoch Lieutenant-General. This taking
impression in the
region of
gallant minds, drew up some ill
vapours of
discontent, which tended to a
fiery exhalation, that like ill
Omens did presage an
unhappy event.
While they were thus grappling in
Bohemia,Preparations for War. the Marquess
Spinola was forming an Army in
Flanders, and the Protestant Princes of
Germany, Consederates to the
Palatine (calling themselves the
Princes of the
Union) raised Forces for the defence of the
Palatinate, and their own Interest, under the Command of the Marquess of
Ansbach. But our King made no Preparations, yet he sent to his Ambassador at
Bruxels, commanding him to enquire for what purpose
Spinola's Army was called together, the
Truce continuing betwixt
Spain and the
Low-Countries; but the Ambassador could receive little
satisfaction, the
Spanish subtilty having sealed up
Spinola's Commission, which he was not to open till the Army were ready to march. But men of ordinary understanding might apprehend, that an Army of six and twenty thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse, with all Military Provisions, were not to lye still; and though our King had divers Arguments presented to him, that did assure him that Army was intended for the
Palatinate, yet would not his Spirit be set on work to preserve his
Childrens Patrimony; So odious was the name of War to him! But at length, with much ado, one Regiment of Foot (to joyn with the
Princes of the
Union, and make a little noise and bustle) was extorted from him by importunities. This Regiment was the gallantest for the Persons, and outward presence of men, that in many Ages (I think) hath appeared either at home or abroad: It consisted of two and twenty hundred compleat; the chief Commander Sir
Horatio Vere (who was after Baron of
Tilbery) a Person bred up in the School of
War, and a known Master in the Art of
Victory. He was accompanied with the Earls of
Oxford and
Essex, young and daring Spirits, whose
honour not only descended from a long
Series of Noble
Progenitors, but they made it their own. And out of respect to them, as well as love to the Service, this Regiment was almost furnished with Gentlemen, who went to make themselves capable of better imployment; the
English for many years having been truants in that
Art. The two Earls had two hundred and fifty men apiece
[Page 136] piece in each Company; and so many flocked to
Essex out of love (and he loth to put them off) that he carried 300 men into the
Palatinate,An. Christi. 1620. paying fifty of them with his own Money. The King being drawn to consent, that two Regiments more should follow for these two Noblemen, which gave the more encouragement to this petty
Enterprize.
The march of the
English into the
Palatinate. The
English followed
Spinola, but at a distance; for he being nearer to the
Palatinate, got much the start of them, though they went out of
England before he presented the
Arch-Dukes with the
civilities of his
Departure, which was upon the eighth of
August. And upon the last of the same month, by the Assistance of
Maurice Prince of
Orange, and the benefit of a Bridge of boats a little below
Weasel, they past the
Rhine under the Conduct of Prince
Henry of
Nassau, who with two thousand Horse, and four hundred Musqueteers, taken out of
Gulick and the adjacent Garrisons, cleared the Countrey before them, marching through
Gulickland, and the barren Mountains of
Collenland, till they came near to
Coblentz, which Town stands upon the Center of two Rivers, the
Rhine, and
Mosell. Giving out in the march, as if the Army intended to pass the
Mosell; but the Prince (to divert the Enemies intelligence) upon the sixteenth of
September drew two miles back from
Coblentz, and past the
Rhine in
Punts, a kind of
Liter, advancing forward on the other side of the River three
English miles that night, to a Village called
Hembach, where the Foot stayed till the Horse past the River. And this sudden change of
resolution was one of Prince
Henry's Master-pieces; for he knew from
Collen, Spinola would have intelligence by
Curriers, which way the bent of their march tended; and they had the
Mosell in their eye all the way, but the
Rhine in intention. In the
Halt before
Coblentz, one bullet among others from the Town, past between General
Vere, and the Earl of
Essex standing together, and hit a Gentleman, called
Flood, on the elbow: The cause of shooting from thence (as was conceived) proceeded from a Skirmish the night before, that happened betwixt some
English, and the Country People of an adjoyning Village on the
Mosell; for Captain
Fairfax being sent with a Squadron to them, in a peaceable manner, to desire the accommodation of bread and wine for Money, the
Bores shot at him, and hurt some of his men, but he stoutly advancing to them, they took their Boats, and hasted down to
Coblentz. Some of the
Bores were reported to be slain, for which
Fairfax, upon the Prince's complaint, was committed, to give the Country satisfaction, but the next day released.
Before the Army past the
Rhine, General
Vere sent Captain
Row, and Captain
Dexter (with ninety four sick men, some Tents, Trunks, and other Luggage, that were cumbersome) by
[Page 137] water to
Bacrash, which Town within few days after was summon'd by
Spinola, and yielded to him, after the example of
Openheim, and the other Towns he had taken in the
Palatinate; so
spiritless were the people in every place, that he met no resistance in any thing that he attempted. The
English taken in
Bacrach were used with civility, and with the payment of small Ransoms, had liberty to return home. After the Army, both Horse and Foot, had passed the
Rhine, they had hard marches through the pleasant Country of
Nassau (whose
Amocnity and fruitfulness may rival the
beauties of
France) shaping their course towards
Frankford.
Spinola finding himself deluded on one side of the
Rhine,Spinola attempts to intercept the
English. past the River
Main with all his Horse, and four thousand Foot, intending to snap them on the other; but the stream being too high, his Waggons with Munition took wet, and some Fieldpeices miscarried, which could not be recovered with the loss of some of his men; which disasters happening, they admonished him to a retreat, otherwise in all probability he had cut off those Forces before they could have joyned with the Princes of the
Union. The 24 of
September Prince
Henry with his Horse, and General
Vere with the Foot, past the River
Main, at a Ford not far from
Frankford, the Foot for the most part marching up to the middle through the stream, and that night they stood in Arms, having two Alarums of
Spinola's approach, not hearing yet he was retired. The next day they had a long march to recover
Darmstat, one half of which Town belongs to the King of
Bohemia, the other part to the
Landsgrave of
Hessen. There Prince
Henry and the
Dutch Companies left the
English, and returned into the
Netherlands again, and fifteen hundred
German Horse, commanded by Colonel
Megan, met them, by order from the Princes of the
Union. The 27 of
September they came to
Beinsheim, being the first intire Town in the
Palatinate they arrived at; and upon the first of
October past over the
Rhine by
Worms, upon a Bridge of Boats, and that day were met by the Marquess of
Ansbach, and some others of the Princes of the
Union, who stayed to see them march by, wondering at the gallantry of such Foot, who were with them the meanest of the people.
After two days rest,
The
English joyn with the Princes. the Princes with part of their Army, being 4000 Horse, and 6000 Foot, joyned with the
English, and together marched towards
Altzi (a Town in the
Palatinate that the Enemy had taken in) which they intended to surprize. But hearing by their Scouts that the Enemy had quitted the Town as not tenable, and that
Spinola with his whole Army was marching towards them, they faced about to make his way the shorter, and within three hours their Scouts and the Enemies were in Skirmish, but the
German Princes, not having their
[Page 138] whole Army, were not forward to engage.
Spinola seeing them march towards him (being as weary as they) took the advantage of a Hill, and forced their Horse with his Cannon to retreat; but the Princes drew their Cannon up another Hill on the right hand of the Enemy, there being a large bottom, and a hill of Vineyards betwixt the two Armies, which were not visible but from thence, for the one Hill drowned the other to them in the bottom. As soon as they saw how the Enemy strove to secure himself, and that he was loth to come on, they judged their strength not to be great, and therefore took a resolution to set upon them. The
Dutch in curtesie yielded the
Vanguard to the
English, which before they stood upon, as a
Punctilio of
honor. The
English General drew out of every Division fourscore Musqueteers to give the
On-set, who were incouraged by that Reverend Divine Doctor
Burges (of whom mention is formerly made) who accompanied the General from
England, and was an instrument of much good to that Regiment; though they needed no incouragement at that time, being
spirits willingly prepared for such enterprises.
And prepare for a Charge. Standing thus ready, expecting the command of the Marquess of
Ansbach to begin the charge, and the evening hastning with a sable foil to excuse his flowness: General
Vere tired with his delays, rod up to the Hill, accompanied with the Earls of
Oxford and
Essex; and there they saw the Enemy began to march away, their Wagons marching in two ranks, and the Foot on the further side of them, the Wagons serving as a Bulwark for them; their Horse brought up the Rear, and the march was without
Drum or
Trumpet, till the last
Division moved, and then they made the
Air shake with the noise of their
shouts, which was apprehended to be for joy of their escape: For the Princes afterwards had intimation, that they were not above six thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse, and that they had marched all night, hoping to have found them in some security at
Altzi, that they might have beaten up their Quarters before they had been setled. But the
Spaniard, like a cunning Miner, finding them in a posture to entertain him, was loth to engage, fearing their strength, and seeking advantages. And if their
German heads had countermined with him, and interposed betwixt him and
Openheim (his head Quarter, whither he was marching) being nearer to it than he, they might have either forced him to fight, or forced the Town from him. The Earl of
Essex being informed of this by some that knew the Country, pressed the Marquess of
Ansbach to it, desiring him not to let slip an opportunity so happily put into his hand. He, not well pleased to be urged to a thing so contrary to his humor, replied angerly,
There is a Fort betwixt us and the Town, and we must pass thither under the mercy of their Cannon. Sir
[Page][Page]AMBROSIVS. SPINOLA. DVX. S. SEVERINO. PRINC. SARLVAL. MARCH. BENAFRO
[Page 139]Horatio Vere hearing the Marquesse's reason, said,
When shall we then fight, if we shun the Cannon? But no persuasion can be prevalent, where Power and Disaffection joyn their Force. The
Dutch Horse skirmished with the Rear of the
Spanish, and took five or six Horse, and some stragling Foot, that was all the hurt done them.
The next day they marched to Quarters again,
Spinola and the Princes hunt one another. where the Soldiers found the Country Roots, Fruits, and Wine in the Must, no good preservatives: But after they had stayed by it seven or eight days,
Spinola led them a dance for digestion, pretending for
Keisars Luther, a Town in the borders of the
Palatinate, which made the Princes advance their whole body to attend him, but as they drew near he retreated, so that they sported with one another, as children at Seek and Find, though neither of their Armies could be much pleased with the sharp frosty nights, those desolate and naked Hills exposed them to; upon the top of one of them, the
English Commanders one night burnt a great many of their Wagons to warm them, the Frost was so violent, and the Soldiers lay in heaps upon the ground close together like sheep cover'd as it were with a sheet of snow. Yet they spent the time thus till their
Stoves summon'd them to warmer lodging. And the
English Regiment was disposed into three principal Garrisons: General
Vere commanded in
Manheim, Sir
Gerard Herbert in
Heidelburgh, and Serjeant-Major
Burrows in
Frankindale, imprisoning themselves in Walls, while the Enemy romed round about them, and they had only power to preserve themselves; For the Princes of the
Unions Forces were garrison'd in their several Countries. I have the more particularly described this
Expedition, because I was an eye-witness of what passed; and if we had not had an allay of
Dutch dulness, the
Spaniard could not have carved to himself so great a
share in that Country, and their
opposers had not mouldred away their Forces as they did afterwards, which makes this
Relation harsh and unpleasing.
But there was a
Divine Fate attended not only this Country,
A sad Fate upon
Germany. but all
Germany; For the
Almighty Wisdom that is the
Author of all
Revolutions in the World, hath his set times for changes, which often tends to the imbettering of it. For all the
Northern Conquests of the
Goths, Huns, Vandals, Scyths, and other ba
[...] barous Nations, were to corroborate the
Southern bodies wasted with
Ease and
Luxury. And now in
Germany a flood of
Books, that almost tended to an inundation, overspread the World, and was her great disease: Besides the
drunken Dropsie, witness their monstrous swelling tuns, and vessel. In
lieu of
books, War brings in
barbarism ▪ which is the first-born before
Plague, or
Famine. These do not always
kill, but
rectifie. Full bodies are apt to fall sick, and then they must be drawn very low often-times,
[Page 140] before they come to perfect health. These
Iudgments have faln heavy upon
England, we drink the
dregs of the
Cup; one sin is not to be pointed at, but all; and though it hath been bitter to the taste, yet He that knows the nature of the
Ingredients may make it wholsom unto those that love him.
A sad story of Mr.
Duncomb. One thing both pitiful and remarkable, that hapned in the
Palatinate, was almost omitted. There was a Gentleman whose name was
Duncomb, that was a Soldier in the Earl of
Oxford's company. This young man left a
Gentlewoman behind him in
England, to whom he had vowed his heart, and promise of marriage; but her
fortune being not fit for his Father's
humor, he threatned to dis-inherit him, if he married her: and the better to alienate him from her, he sent him so long a journey, hoping time and absence might wear out those impressions, that the present
fancy had fixed upon him, charging him at his departure, never to think of her more, lest with the thoughts of her he lost him for ever. The young man being now long absent from her, and having his heart full with the remembrance of her, could not contain himself, but let her know, that no threats or anger of
Parents, should ever blot her
memory out of his thoughts, which was illustrated with many expressions of
love and
affection. But the careless man writing at the same time to his Father, superscribed his Father's Letter to his Mistris, wherein he renounces her; and his Mistresses Letter to his Father, wherein he admires her. The Father swoln with rage and anger against the Son, sent him a bitter Letter back again full of
menaces; and whether that, or shame for the mistake, that she should see he renounced her whom he profest to love, did overcome his
Reason, is not known; but he killed himself, to the great grief of all the
English there. And by this example
Parents that are too rigid to their children, may see what
Murderers they are:
For it was not the young man's hand, but the old man's hard heart that killed him.
Good success in
Bohemia. The Prince of
Anhalt General to the King of
Bohemia, in the beginning of the
War (like a
red morning, that is the forerunner of a
foul evening) met
Victory smiling in his face: For hearing that
Bucquoy the Imperial General with his Army was drawing near
Prague, he interposed to stop his
Progress, having not above twelve thousand men, a far less number than the
Imperialists. Bucquoy had a
wooden Stratagem, and it thriv'd accordingly; He mounted Trees upon Carriages, like
Ordnance, to fright his Enemy; but they as wise as
birds would not leave their
prey for a whisp of
straw drest like a
man, but charged upon the mouths of such Cannon.
Anhalt used a more real
Stratagem, that took effect; He brought his
Ordnance up behind his men, invisibly, loaden with
Musquet-bullet; and when they should have charged the Enemy, made them wheel off, that those
[Page]CAROLVS ALBERTVS DE LONGVEVAL COMES DE BVQVOY ET DE GRATZEN, BARO DE VAVX ET DE ROSEN BERGHE COMIT. HANNONLAE GVBERNATOR & B. Moucornet CXCII[Page]
[Page 141] bloody Engins might break their ranks, which they performed to purpose, and forced them to retire into a Wood, where persuing their advantage, they scatter their main Body.
This was a fair
Spring-time (the Battail being fought upon the tenth of
March) and might have inhanced the hopes of a good
Autumn:
Bad success in
Bohemia. But in
November following (when the Princes of the
Union, and
Spinola, were hunting one another among the frosty Hills in the
Palatinate) the Duke of
Bavaria coming with a great Army towards
Prague, and joyning
Bucquoy and
Tillie, with all their Forces together, like cruel Hunters, meant either to catch a Prey, or be a Prey.
Anhalt then had not so closed with Count
Mansfeldt, as to bring him up to him (being pufft up with his last Victory) and some of his Soldiers being discontented for want of Pay, it abated the edge of their Courage; yet he got with his Army betwixt the
Imperialists, and
Prague, and stood upon the advantage of Ground; but all would not do; a Hand went out that gave a Period to that
Royalty: for the Enemy breaking through them, forced his way, and put the
Bohemians into such
confusion, that happy was he that could escape with his life. The Prince of
Anhalt, and his Lieutenant General
Holloc, were the first that fled, and brought the news of the defeat to the King at
Prague, who (with his Queen astonished with the danger) being in a City not very defensible, among a wavering People, and a Conquering Enemy in the Field, took time by the fore-top, and in this
hurly burly, the next morning, being the 9 of
Nov. left
Prague, taking with them their most portable things, having load enough within them: But the Queen, the more Gallant and Royal Spirit, carried it with most undauntedness; the King suffered doubly as he went,
The King censu
[...]ed. being blamed for keeping his Soldiers without pay, having such a masse of money by him, which he was forced to leave behind to his Enemies, and the imputation stuck upon him; but flying upon the Wings of common Fame, I shall not
lure it into this
Relation as a known Truth.
But by a sad Accident that some years after happened to this unfortunate King,
The loss of his Son. it was obvious that he left not all behind him; for going to visit the Bankers of
Amsterdam, where his Treasure lay brooding, and passing in the night over
Harlem mere, the winds and darkness in a conspiracy, made a cross
Hoigh to run against the King's, and bulged it in the
Sea: but before it sunk, the King and others got to the
Mastring Vessel, and saved themselves; But the Prince his Son (being of a pregnant, hopeful
puberty) with too severe a
fate, was left to the broken Boat, which they durst not approach again, though they heard his
cries, so that he was abandoned to be tormented to death, which was more grievous than death it self, for the Waters being shallow, and the
Hoigh sinking not far, the next day they
[Page 142] found him frozen to the
Mast, embracing it as his last
Refuge, his Body half above, half under the water. This Story, melting with Pity, is here inserted, because the glory of this King expires.
The King's Character. And since there will be occasion to mention him no more, because his
Actions afterwards never mounted up one Story high; Take this brief Character of him. He was a
comely Personage for
body, of a good
stature, his
complexion of a
duskish melancholy; the
constitution of his
mind rather fitted for those little
besoignes of
Accounts, and
Reckonings, than any vigorous, or masculine heat, to solder up the crackt Title of a Crown: He was a handsom, well-built, but slight Edifice, set on an ill Foundation, that could not stand long. The King of great
Britain (that the
Bohemians built upon) was not of so firm a temper, as to support a Fortress (weakly made) that must endure the Rigorous Shock of War; which made it at the first or second Assault thus totter and fall.
Weston and
Conwey return home. The two English Ambassadors,
Weston and
Conwey, which our King sent to mediate for the
Bohemians, could make little use of their
Oratory, being scattered with the rest in the
Cloud of this
Confusion: But they brought the King and Queen to
Limburgh, the first days journey, and after they were gone towards the
Netherlands, the Ambassadors procured a safe Conduct from the Duke of
Bavaria to return to
Prague; But there they could find no
words so prevalent and penetrable, as the
steel of a Conquering Enemy; and so they returned home,
re infecta, no wiser than they went out.
The Princes of the Union submit to
Ferdinand. This Defeat coming to the Ears of the
Princes of the
Union, quailed their
courage, made them look back into their own
condition; and having not so much
faith as to depend upon our King for
assistance, before the
Spring they submitted themselves to the
Emperor, leaving the almost-ruined
Palatinate as a Prey to an insulting Enemy; the
English only giving Spirits to the Vital parts of it, conveyed by the Conduct of those Instruments,
Vere, Herbert, and
Burrowes; Men fitter to command Armies, than to be confined within the Walls of Towns.
So doth
Anhalt. As soon as
Anhalt had done the King his Master this disservice, he retires, applies himself by
mediation to the
Emperor, is received with
favour, and admitted to be one of his
Generals. No wonder that the War thriv'd no better, when it was only made for
worldly interests! It was not the badness of the
Cause altogether, but the
Men, that struck the
deadly blow. The
Protestant rage at
Prague was not justifiable in the
Star-Chamber of
Heaven, though the
Popish insolence might too much exasperate. The
Counsels must be well weighed in all the
Courts of
Iustice, when
War is put into the
Scale; for he that holds it,
sits above, can turn it which way he pleases, and picks out men to manage
Grundtriss vnd Entwurff etlicher ohrt der ChurPfaltz vnd wie die Spanier nach etliche treffē endtlich gar dar auss geschalē word
[Page 143] it, suitable to his own
ends. If the
Protestant Party had been
Conquerors, it should not have been by the means of a
General that could fight for it, and presently after take Arms against it: Such
luke-warm tempers are not of a
Heavenly Constitution! Therefore in all great
Actions, respect the
Men, as well as the
Cause: for God seldom doth any great thing for his People by wicked Instruments.
Mansfeldt only,
Mansfeldt vexeth the Emperor still. that was rejected and slighted by
Anhalt makes good his
fidelity, by bearing up against the
power of the
Emperor; not that he was able to grapple with his whole
Force, but being an active spritely man, and having a nimble moving Army of fourteen or fifteen thousand men, he did harasse the Countries, force Contribution from the Cities, and when any greater
power came against him, he got from them into another Country, and harrowed that, to their perpetual vexation: So that he was as goads in their sides, and thorns in their eyes. And thus he continued in despight of the
Emperor, and the Duke of
Bavaria, for almost two years after, till they were constrained to purchase their
peace of him at a dear rate; to which
Mansfeldt was also inforced, not finding assistance nor Supplies to support him.
As soon as the Princes in the
Palatinate were retired to their Quarters,
Essex solicits our King for more Forces. before the great loss at
Prague came to their knowledge, the Earl of
Essex with a Convoy of Horse to
Swibruken, passed into
Lorain, and through
France posted for
England, to solicit the King to send those Regiments promised, and other Supplies (if possible) that the
English there, and the whole Countrey, might not be exposed to
ruine. But when he came into
England, he found the
Court Air of another temper, and not as he left it, for it was much more inclined to the
Spanish Meridian. And though
Gondemar, the King of
Spain's Ambassador, at the departure of one of his
Agents into
Spain, facetiously bad him commend him to the
Sun, for he had seen none here a long while, yet we had the
Spanish influence hot among us, the King himself warmed with it; then what will not the
Court be?
The King and his Ministers of State had several
ends,Obstructed by
Gondemar. and drive different
designs. His was, for the matching of his Son with some great Princess, aiming at no other
glory, though he debased himself to purchase it. For presently after he received a Denial in
France, he sent to Sir
Iohn Digby, his Leidger Ambassador in
Spain, to treat of a Marriage betwixt the Prince of
Wales, and the
Infanta Maria, Sister to that King, which was in 1617. No
blood but
blood Royal can be a
propitiatory Offering for his Son; yet the best
Sacrifice is an
humble spirit. No matter what
Religion, what
Piety; that is not the
Question. When Kings have earthly aims, without consideration of God, God looks to
[Page 144] his own
Glory, without respect of man. The little
foundation of
hope they built upon at that time, was now raised to a
formal building, by the cunning practices of
Gondemar, who assured the King, it was his Master's real intention the Prince should marry the
Infanta. And he wished the King his Master had all the
Palatinate in his power, to present it as a
donative to the Prince with his fair Mistris.
The King (that now heard all was lost in
Bohemia, saw little possibility of injoying the
Palatinate quietly, but by the Treaty of a Marriage) was lulled asleep with
Gondemar's windy promises, which Sir
Iohn Digby seconded, being lately made Vice-Chamberlain to the King, Baron of
Sherborn, and a great manager of the affairs at Court. Sir
Walter Aston being sent Leidger Ambassador into
Spain, for the general correspondence. And the King anchoring his
hopes upon these shallow promises, made himself unable to prevent the
Tempest of
War that fell on the
Palatinate, tying up his own hands, and suffering none to quench the
Fire that devoured his Childrens
Patrimony.
On the other side,
Spanish Pensioners. the great Courtiers that were our King's intimates, and had his ears, either through
easiness, willing to please his
humour, and not daring to oppose it; or else being
Papists and
Pensioners to
Spain, striving to promote the
Catholick Cause, out of love to it, or being suppled by that insinuating Minister
Gondemar (who had his Master's purse at command, and purchased such as he thought to be most useful to his ends) were content to let the King go which way the stream of his affection carried him, and some of them put hand to the Oar. Those that were looked on under the name of
Spanish, were
Arundel, Worcester, Digby, Calvert, Weston, and some others
Popishly affected; then
Buckingham, and all the Train he swept along with him (except that party which his Mother managed) advanced the
Spanish Match out of love to their Master. The Duke of
Lenox, the Marquess
Hamilton, both
Scotchmen, and old servants, of great credit with him, and interest in his Counsels, were not so active; no more was
William Earl of
Pembroke, who after
Somerset's fall (by the late Queen's mediation) was made Lord Chamberlain to the King, a man that merited the highest imployment: For these finding the King's
Genius tending to the
Spanish Match, and he a known Master of his own
Reason, did not oppose him with a contesting spirit, but gave him some little hints, that he might know they were not of his mind. And he being able to
steer his own course, looked after no other Pilot but
Gondemar, and those that knew the Chanel. Making
Buckingham his instrument and only bosom-Counsellor in those affairs, which afterwards brought the hatred of the people with the more violence upon him: For they look not upon the King in
[Page 145] any miscarriage with an
eye of
Anger (such was the
English modesty, if Kings had been sensible of it) but upon such intimate Ministers, as he makes active in those things which are contrary to their affection. And though there were general
murmurs in the
breasts of the people, which found vent enough in
corners, yet the
Council-table, and
Star-chamber are such terrifiers, that (as one said)
none durst run riot, but keep at the
stirrop, at excellent command, and come in at the least
rebuke or
check.
It was thought the
Papists did much contribute to
Gondemar's liberali
[...]y;
Papists flourish. for they began to flourish in the Kingdom, he having procured many
Immunities for them, and they used all their industry to further the
Match, hoping that if the Prince did not adhere to
Rome, yet his
Offspring might; and at present looked for little less than a
Toleration.
No stubborn piece of either
Sex stood in
Gondemar's way,
Gondemar's power. but he had an
Engin to remove them, or screw them up to him. None that complied with him but found the effects of his friendship; many
Iesuits fared the better for his intercession, he releasing
numbers, among the rest one
Bauldwin, an
arch-Priest, accused to have had a hand in the
Gunpowder-Treason, and had been seven years in the Tower, a man of a dangerous and mischievous
spirit, who was (after his release) made
Rector of the
Iesuits College at St.
Omers. By his
Artifices and
Negotiations (having been time enough Ambassador in
England to gain credit with the King) he got Sir
Robert Mansel (the Vice-Admiral) to go into the
Mediterranean sea, with a Fleet of Ships to fight against the
Turks at
Algier, who were grown too strong and formidable for the
Spaniard (most of the King of
Spain's Gallions attending the
Indian Trade, as Convoys for his Treasures, which he wanted to supply his Armies) and he transported
Ordnance, and other
Warlike Provisions to furnish the
Spanish Arsenals, even while the Armies of
Spain were battering the
English in the
Palatinate; so open were the King's ears to him, so deaf to others: For Sir
Robert Nanton, one of his Secretaries (a Gentleman of known honesty and integrity) shewed but a little dislike of those proceedings, and he was commanded from Court, and
Conwey was put in his place. And
Gondemar had as free access to the King as any Courtier of them all (
Buckingham excepted) and the King took delight to talk with him; for he was full of
Conceits, and would speak
false Latin a purpose in his merry fits to please the King; telling the King plainly,
He spoke Latin like a Pedant; but I speak it like a Gentleman: And he wrought himself so by subtilty into the King's good affections, that he did not only work his own will, but the King's into a belief that the Treaties in agitation, were (though slow) real and effectual. So easily may wise men be drawn to those things their desires with
violence tend to.
[Page 146]And he cast out his
Baits not only for men; but if he found an
Atalanta, whose tongue went nimbler than her feet, he would throw out his golden Balls to catch them also. And in these times there were some
Ladies, pretending to be
Wits (as they called them) or had fair
Neices,Prevails with both Sexes. or
Daughters, which drew great
Resort to their houses; and where company meet, the discourse is commonly of the
times (for every man will vent his
passion) these
Ladies he sweetned with
Presents, that they might allay such as were two sower in their
expression, to stop them in the course, if they ran on too fast, and bring them to a gentler pace. He lived at
Ely-House in
Holborn, his passage to the Court was ordinarily through
Drury-lane (the
Covent-Garden being then an inclosed field) and that Lane and the
Strand were the places where most of the
Gentry lived, and the
Ladies as he went, knowing his times, would not be wanting to appear in their Balconies, or Windows, to present him their
Civilities, and he would watch for it; and as he was carried in his
Litter or
bottomless Chair (the easiest seat for his
Fistula) he would strain himself as much as an old man could to the humblest posture of
Respect. One day passing by the Lady
Iacob's house in
Drurylane, she exposing her self for a
Salutation, he was not wanting to her, but she moved nothing but her
mouth, gaping wide open upon him. He wondred at the
Ladie's incivility, but thought that it might be happily a yawning fit took her at that time; for trial whereof, the next day he finds her in the same place, and his
Courtesies were again accosted with no better expressions than an
extended mouth. Whereupon he sent a Gentleman to her, to let her know, that the
Ladies of
England were more gracious to him, than to incounter his
Respects with such
Affronts. She answered, it was true that he had purchased some of their
favours at a
dear rate, And she had a mouth to be stopt as well as others. Gondemar finding the cause of the emotion of her mouth, sent her a
Present, as an
Antidote, which cured her of that distemper.
These kind of
Spirits were let loose to be suitable to the times they lived in,
Vanity of this Age. and they wrought strange effects; for this being a Widdow, and of no good Fame, with her subtilties intrapt in her nets, and married a famous
Lawyer, a man of great
Reputation, and a pregnant wit; and many other young Gentlewomen (whom their Parents debaucheries drive to necessities) made their
Beauties their
fortunes, coming to
London to put them to sale, and some of them had so good Markets, that they obtained great
Pensions during their lives, and afterwards were married to men of eminent parts, and fortunes, accounted wise, gallant, and
Heroical spirits. Such
silly Fate often intermingles with those parts though never so excellent, when the
sensitive faculties get predominance over the
Reason! And such men as
[Page]ELY HOUSE. Engrav'd from an original Drawing.
[Page 147] were affected to
wantonness, would vulgarly brag of it; nay, many times to the traducing of a
Ladies fame, and their own (I cannot say)
innocence: For some would say, and vent it as an
Apothegm, I would rather be thought to enjoy such a Lady, though I never did it, than really to enjoy her, and no body know it. Such pride was taken in sin, and so brazen-faced and impudent such
crimes were then! And though men thought them small, and trivial, yet they were of such weight, that they pressed those down that practiced them (though great in the
Worlds Eye) to be now in little better esteem than the meanest of the People. But as
Tacitus modestly covered the
faults of some that followed
Nero in his folly, and madness;
Ne nominatim tradam majoribus eorum tribuendum puto, for the
honour (he saith) of their
Ancestors; so though I name the
vices, I shall spare the
Persons, out of respect to their
Posterity.
The Earl of
Buckingham,Buckingham rules all. as great in
Title as in
Favour, was now grown a
Marquess; and lying all this while in the King's
bosom, every man paid tribute to his
smiles. As the King bought off
Worcester, to make him Master of the Horse; so he bought off
Nottingham, to make him Admiral. What may not he have, that is not only Master of his Horse, and Ships, but his Heart also? His Mother is created a Countess by
Patent, and her second Husband, Sir
Thomas Compton, had no other
Title but an
unworthy one, which the People (either out of their
anger, or her
misdemeanour) imposed upon him. Her eldest Son, first made Sir
Iohn Villiers, after Viscount
Purbeck, married to the Daughter and Heir of the Lady
Elizabeth Hatton by Sir
Edward Cook; a Lady of transcending
beauty, but accused for
wantonness. Purbeck not well able to look down from these great
heights, got a giddiness in his head, which confined him to a
dark room. Her other Son, first made Sir
Christopher Villiers, was after created Earl of
Anglesey, whose
honour mixt with a
weak brain, could not buoy him up from sinking into that distemper that drowns the best
Wits. Her Daughter presently after also shined in the same
Sphere with her, her Husband being from a private Gentleman made Earl of
Denbigh. Happy is he can get a Kinswoman, it is the next way to a thriving Office, or some new swelling Title. The King, that never much cared for Women, had his Court swarming with the Marquesses kindred so, that
little ones would dance up and down the
privy Lodgings like
Pharies; and it was no small
sap would maintain all those
suckers.
And now we have named Sir
Thomas Compton,A Duel betwixt
Compton, and
Bird. there will follow a Story of his youthful
Actions, which though done long since, will not be uncomly to croud in here. He had the remark of a slow-spirited man when he was young, and truly his Wife made him retain it to the last. But such as found him
[Page 148] so in those
vigorous days of
Duelling, would trample on his easiness; and there could not a worse
Character be imprinted on any man, than to be termed a
Coward. Among the rest, one
Bird, a roaring Captain, was the more bold and in
[...]olent against him because he found him slow, and backward (which is a
baseness of an
over-daring nature) and his
provocations were so great, that some of
Compton's Friends taking notice of it, told him, It were better to die nobly
[...]nce, than to live infamously ever; and wrought so upon his cold temper, that the next alfront that this bold
Bird put upon him, he was heartned into the Courage to send him a Challenge.
Bird, a massy great Fellow, confident of his own strength (disdaining
Compton, being le
[...]s both in Stature and Courage) told the Second that brought the Challenge, in a vapouring manner, That he would not stir a foot to incounter
Compton, unless he would meet him in a Sawpit, where he might be sure
Compton could not run away from him: The Second, that looked upon this as a
Rodomontado fancy, told him, That if he would appoint the Place,
Compton should not fail to meet him.
Bird making choice b
[...]th of the Place, and Weapon (which in the vain formality of Fighters, was in the election of the Challenged) he chose a Saw-pit, and a single Sword, where, according to the time appointed, they met. Being both together in the Pit, with swords drawn, and stript ready for the encounter,
Now Compton (said
Bird)
thou shalt not escape from me; aand hovering his sword over his head, in a disdainful manner, said,
Come Compton,
let's see what you can do now: Compton attending his business with a watchful eye, seeing
Bird's Sword hovering over him, ran under it, in upon him, and in a moment run him through the body, so that his
pride fell to the ground, and there did spraul out its last
vanity. Which should teach us, that strong presumption is the greatest weakness, and it is far from wisdom in the most arrogant
Strength, to slight and disdain the meanest
Adversary. There is yet in
bleeding memory (even in these
Times of
just severity against this
impious Duelling) one of the same Family of the
Compton's, in some part guilty of
Bird's Crime; for the
Provoker to such horrid
Encounters seldom escapes, the
Divine Iustice permitting such violent
madness to tend to its own
destruction. But to return to our Story.
Two Lord Treasurers in one year.Sir
Henry Mountague, Lord Chief Justice (as the Reports of those Times lively voted) laid down twenty thousand pounds for the Office of Lord
Treasurer; and before the year expired, it was conferred upon Sir
Lionel Cranfield, who had been a Citizen of
London, bred up in the
Custom-house, and knowing the
secret contrivances of those Officers, was thought fittest to manage the King's Revenue: For in expensive and wanting
Courts, those great Officers are most acceptable, that by their
finenesses and
projects, can bring in that, which with
riot and
prodigality
[Page]Prenobilis Henrici Comi Manchester Dnū Custodio Privati Sigil: An
[...]ete[Page]
[Page 149] goes out. But the great step to his Office, was
Cranfield's marrying one of the Marquesse's kindred, which mounted him presently after to be Earl of
Middlesex. The Lord chief Justice for his Money was made a
Precedent, as some jested; the King finding him a man intelligent in all the great Affairs of State, made him Lord
President of the Council, Viscount
Mandevill, and Earl of
Manchester, and after the death of
Worcester, was Lord
Privy Seal.
But though the Marquess of
Buckingham in appearance acted all these Removes,
The Countess of
Buck. rules her Son. and Advancements, yet his Mother, the Countess, wrought them in effect, for her hand was in all Transactions, both in Church and State; and she must needs know the
disposition of all things, when she had a feeling of every man's
pulse; for most Addresses were made to her first, and by her conveyed to her Son (for he looked after his
pleasure more than his
profit) which made
Gondemar (who was well skilled in
Court Holy-Water) among other his witty
pranks, write merrily in his Dispatches into
Spain, That there was never more hope of England's
Conversion to Rome,
than now; for there are more prayers and oblations offered here to the Mother, than to the Son.
For the Marquess himself,
Buckingham a lover of Ladies. as he was a man of excellent
symmetry, and proportion of
parts, so he affected
beauty, where he found it; but yet he looks upon the whole race of
Women, as inferior things, and uses them as if the
Sex were one, best pleased with all: And if his
eye cull'd out a wanton
beauty, he had his Setters that could spread his Nets, and point a meeting at some
Ladies House, where he should come (as by accident) and find Accesses, while all his Train attended at the dore, as if it were an
honourable visit. The Earl of
Rutland, of a Noble Family, had but one Daughter to be the
Mistris of his great
Fortune, and he tempts her, carries her to his
Lodgings in
Whitehall, keeps her there for some time, and then returns her back again to her Father. The stout old Earl sent him this threatning Message,
That he had too much of a Gentleman to suffer such an indignity, and if he did not marry his Daughter to repair her honour, no greatness should protect him from his justice. Buckingham, that perhaps made it his
design to get the Father's good will this way (being the greatest
match in the Kingdom) had no reason to mislike the
Union, therefore he quickly salved up the
wound, before it grew to a
quarrel: And if this Marriage stopt the Current of his sins, he had the less to answer for. This young Lady was bred a
Papist by her Mother, but after her Marriage to the Marquess, she was converted by Doctor
White (as was pretended) and grew a
zealous Protestant, but like a
morning dew, it quickly vanished: For the old Countess of
Buckingham never left working by her sweet Instruments the
[Page 150]Iesuits, till she had placed her on the first
foundation. So that the Marquess, betwixt a Mother and a Wife, began to be indifferent, no
Papist, yet no
Protestant; but the
Arminian Tenets taking root, were nourished up by him, and those that did not hold the same opinions, were counted
Puritans. These new indifferences now grew so hot in
England, that the
Protestant Cause grew very cold in
Germany. Which made the
spirits of most men rise against the
Spanish Faction at home, and
Spain's incroaching
Monarchy abroad.
And though the King sped ill the last Parliament of
Somerset's undertaking,
The King calls a Parliament. and thought to lay them by for ever (as he often expressed) looking upon them as incroachers into his
Prerogative, and diminishers of his
Majesty, and
Glory, making Kings less, and Subjects more than they are; Yet now, finding the peoples desires high-mounted for regaining the
Palatinate, he thought they would look only up towards that, and liberally open their
Purses, which he might make use of; and this
Unanimity and good agreement, betwixt him and his people, would induce his
Brother of
Spain to be more
active in the
Treaty in hand, and so he should have
supply from the
one, and
dispatch from the
other. But
Parliaments that are like
Physicians to the
bodies of
Common-wealths, when the
humors are once stirred, they find cause enough many times to administer sharp
Medicines, where there was little appearance of
Diseases. For in this
Recess and
Ease, Time-servers, and
Flatterers, had cried up the
Prerogative; And the King wanting Money for his vast expenses, had furnished himself by unusual courses. For Kings excessive in
gifts, will find followers excessive in
demands; and they that weaken themselves in giving, lose more in gathering, than they gain in the gift:
For Prodigality in a Soveraign, ends in the Rapine and Spoil of the Subject.Sir
Rob. Cotton Hen. 3. To help himself therefore and those that drained from him, he had granted several
Patents to undertakers, and
Monopolizers, whereby they preyed upon the people by suits and exactions, milkt the Kingdom, and kept it poor, the King taking his ease, and giving way to Informers; the
Gentry grown debauched, and
Fashion-mongers, and the Commons, sopt, and besotted with quiet and restiness, drunk in so much
disability, that it might well be said by
Gondemar, England
had a great many people, but few men. And he would smile at their
Musters; for through disuse they were grown careless of
Military Discipline, ill provided of
Arms, effeminate; Officers neglecting their
charges and
duties, conniving for gain at their
Neighbours miscarriages. Some of the Officers in the
Militia, and
Iustices of the
Peace not a few, being
Church-Papists, floating upon the smooth stream of the times, overwhelming all others that opposed them,
stigmatizing them with the name of
Puritans, and that was mark enough to hinder the current
[Page 151] of any proceeding or preferment aimed at, or hoped for, either in
Church or
State.
And the
Iesuits ranging up and down (like
spirits let loose) did not now, as formerly, creep into corners, using close and cunning
Artifices,Jesuits swarm. but practised them openly, having admission to our Counsellors of State; for when Secretaries, and such as manage the intimate Counsels of Kings are
Iesuitical, and
Clients to the
Pope, there can be no tendency of
Affection to a contrary
Religion or
Policy. Those were only most active in the Court of
England, that courted the King of
Spain most, and could carry the face of a
Protestant, and the heart of a
Papist, the rest were contented to go along with the
cry: For they hunted but a
cold scent, and could pick out, and make nothing of it, that drew
off, or
crost, or hunted
counter. Which raised the
spirits of the people so high against them, that were the chief
Hunters in these times, that they brought the King himself within the
compass of their
Libels and
Pasquils, charging him to love his
hounds better than his
people. And if this bad blood had been heated to an itch of Innovation, it would have broke out to a very fore and incurable
Malady; every man seeing the danger, few men daring to prevent it. The
Pulpits were the most bold
Opposers, but if they toucht any thing upon the
Spanish policy, or the intended Treaties (for the
Restitution of the
Palatinate was included in the
Marriage before it was the
Spaniards to give) their
mouths must be stopt by
Gondemar, without the Lady
Iacob's
Receipt, and (it may be) confined, or imprisoned for it: So that there were noplain downright blows to be given, but if they cunningly, and subtily, could glance at the misdemeanors of the Times, and smooth it over
metaphorically, it would pass current, though before the King himself.
For about this time one of his own
Chaplains,A Satyrical Sermon. preaching before him at
Greenwich, took this
Text, 4
Mat. 8.
And the Devil took Iesus to the top of a Mountain, and shewed him all the Kingdoms of the World, saying, All these will I give, &c. He shewed what power the
Devil had in the World at that time, when he spake these words, and from thence he came down to the power of the
Devil now. And dividing the World into four parts, he could not make the least of the four to be
Christian, and of those how few went God's way? So that he concluded the
Devil to be a great
Monarch, having so many Kingdoms under his command, and no doubt he had his
Vice Roys, Council of
State, Treasurers, Secretaries, and many other Officers to manage, and order his affairs; for there was
order in
hell it self; which after he had mustered together, he gives a
character of every particular
Officer, who were fit to be the
Devil's
servants, running through the
body of the
Court, discovering the
correspondencies with
Iesuits, secret
Pensions from Foreign Princes, betraying their Masters
[Page 152] Counsels to deserve their Rewards, working and combining to the prejudice of God's people. And when he came to describe the
Devil's
Treasurers exactions and gripings, to get mony, he fixt his
eye upon
Cranfield, then Lord
Treasurer (whose marriage into the house of
Fortune, and Title of
Earl, could not keep him from being
odious to the people) and pointing at him with his hand, said with an
Emphasis, That man (reiterating it)
That man, that makes himself rich, and his Master poor, he is a fit Treasurer for the Devil. This the
Author heard, and saw, whilst
Cranfield sat with his hat pulled down over his eyes, ashamed to look up, lest he should find all mens eyes fixt upon him; the King, who sat just over him, smiling at the quaint
Satyr so handsomly coloured over. It seems
Neile, the Bishop of
Lincoln was not by him then; for when any man preached that had the
Renown of
Piety (unwilling the King should hear him) he would in the
Sermon time, entertain the King with a
merry Tale (that I may give it no worse title) which the King would after laugh at, and tell those near him, he could not hear the
Preacher for the old
B. Bishop. We must confess, this
Relation smells too rank, but it was too true, and hope the
modest Reader will excuse it (We having had divers hammerings and conflicts within us to leave it out) seeing it proceeds not from any rancour of
spirit against the
Prelacy, but to
vindicate God's
Iustice to
Posterity, (who never punishes without a Cause) and such like practices as these were doubtless put upon the
score, which after gave a
period to that
Hierarchy. This man's hand helped to close up the Countess of
Essex's
Virginity, when he was
Coventry and
Litchfield; his heart had this kind of
vanity when he was
Lincoln; and when he was Arch-bishop of
York his head was so filled with
Arminian impiety, that in the next King's Reign he was looked upon by the Parliament to be one of the great
Grievances of the Kingdom, as will follow in the Tract of this
Story.
But
England was not only man'd with
Iesuits (all power failing to oppose them) but the women also began to practise the trade,
Jesuitrices. calling themselves
Iesuitrices. This
Order was first set a foot in
Flanders, by Mistris
Ward, and Mistris
Twittie, two
English Gentlewomen, who clothed themselves in
Ignatian habit, and were countenanced and supported by Father
Gerard, Rector of the
English College at
Liege, with Father
Flack, and Father
More. But Father
Singleton, Father
Benefield, and others opposed them, and would not bless them with an
Ite, praedicate; for their design was to preach the
Gospel to their
sex in
England. And in short time this Mistris
Ward (by the Pope's indulgence) became the Mother-general of no less than two hundred
English damsels of good
birth and
quality, whom she sent abroad to preach, and they were to give account to her of their
Apostolick labours. This
Spawn out of the
mouth of the
Beast, and many other fine
[Page]Lionell Craufield Earle of Middlesex, Baron Cranfield of Cranfield.[Page]
[Page 153]Iesuitical exploits, are more particularly related by
Wadsworth in his
Spanish Pilgrim (who was son to that
Wadsworth, that went over Chaplain into
Spain, with our King's first Leidger Ambassador, Sir
Charles Cornwallis, and there perverted by the
Iesuits) which young man being bred up at Saint
Omers, in the
Nursery of
Iesuitism, discovered all their
machinations. Such a brood of
Vipers being then nourished in the bowels of this Kingdom.
The King,
The Parliament meet the 20
Ian. that either thought these instruments were not so
active, or that they would not be discovered, was resolved upon a Parliament, for the former
Reasons, which began the twentieth of
Ianuary this year; yet not being ignorant of some miscarriages that passed by his allowance, he strives to palliate them, and gives the Parliament some little touches of them by the way, that when they should find them, they might (by his
Anticipation) appear the less. And being loth to have the
breach between him and his people made wider, he thus strives to stop the
gap.
MY Lords,
The King's Speech to the Parliament.Spiritual and
Temporal, and you the Commons,
cui multiloquio non deest peccatum. In the last Parliament
[...] made long Discourses; especially to them of the Lower House, I did open the true thought of my heart. But I may say with our Saviour,
I have piped to you, and you have not danced, I have mourned, and you have not lamented. Yet as no man's
Actions can be free, so in me, God found some spices of
Vanity, and so all my sayings turned to me again, without any
success. And now to tell the
Reasons of your
Calling, and this
Meeting, apply it to your selves, and spend not the time in long
Speeches. Consider, That the Parliament is a thing composed of a
Head and a
Body; the
Monarch, and the two
Estates: It was first a
Monarchy, then after a
Parliament; there are no
Parliaments but in
Monarchical Governments; for in
Venice, the
Netherlands, and other Free-Governments, there are none. The
Head is to call the
Body together, and for the Clergy the Bishops are chief, for Shires their Knights, and for Towns and Cities their Burgesses and Citizens. These are to treat of difficult matters, and to counsel their King with their best advice, to make Laws for the Commonweal; and the Lower-House is also to petition the King, and acquaint him with their grievances, and not to meddle with their King's Prerogative. They are to offer supply for his necessity, and he to distribute in recompence thereof
Iustice and
Mercy. As in all Parliaments, it is the King's office to make good Laws (whose Fundamental Cause is the peoples ill manners) so at this time. That we may meet with the new
Abuses, and the incroaching
craft of the times, particulars shall be read hereafter.
As touching
Religion. Laws enough are made already; it stands in two points,
Persuasion and
Compulsion. Men may persuade, but God must give the
blessing. Iesuits, Priests, Puritans, and
Sectaries, erring both on the right-hand and left-hand, are forward to persuade unto their own ends; and so ought you the Bishops, in your example and preaching; but
compulsion to obey, is to bind the Conscience.
There is talk of the
Match with
Spain: But if it shall not prove a furtherance to
Religion, I am not worthy to be your King: I will never proceed, but to the Glory of God, and content of my Subjects.
For a
supply to my
necessities. I have reigned eighteen years, in which time you have had
Peace, and I have received far less
supply than hath been given to any King since the
Conquest. The last Queen of
famous memory, had one year with another above a hundred thousand pounds
per annum in Subsidies. And in all my time I had but four Subsidies, and six Fifteens. It is ten years since I had a Subsidy, in all which time I have been sparing to trouble you. I have turned my self as nearly to save expence as I may. I have abated much in my Houshold-expences, in my Navies, in the charge of my Munition: I made not choice of an old beaten Soldier for my
Admiral, but rather chose a young man, whose
honesty and
integrity I knew; whose care hath been to appoint under him sufficient men to lessen my charges, which he hath done.
Touching the
miserable dissentions in
Christendom. I was not the cause thereof; for the appeasing whereof, I sent my Lord of
Doncaster, whose journey cost me three thousand five hundred pounds. My Son-in-law sent to me for advice, but within three days after accepted of the Crown; which I did never approve of for three
Reasons.
First, for
Religion sake, as not holding with the
Iesuits disposing of Kingdoms, rather learning of our Saviour to uphold, not to overthrow them.
Secondly, I was no Judg between them, neither acquainted with the Laws of
Bohemia. Quis me judicem fecit?
Thirdly, I have treated a
Peace, and therefore will not be a
party. Yet I left not to preserve my Childrens
patrimony; for I had a Contribution of my Lords and Subjects, which amounted to a great Sum. I borrowed of my Brother of
Denmark seven thousand, five hundred pounds, to help him, and sent as much to him, as made it up ten thousand: And thirty thousand I sent to the Princes of the
Union to hearten them. I have lost no time, had the Princes of the
Union done their part, that handful of men I sent had done theirs. I intend to send by way of persuasion, which in this Age will little avail, unless a strong hand assist. Wherefore I purpose to provide an
[Page 153] Army the next Summer, and desire you to consider of my necessities, as you have done to my Predecessors,
Qui citò dat, bis dat. I will engage my
Crown, my
Blood, and my
Soul in that
Recovery.
You may be informed of me in things in course of
justice; but I never sent to any of my
Iudges to give Sentence contrary to the Law. Consider the
Trade, for the making thereof better; and shew me the Reason why my
Mint, for these eight or nine years, hath not gone. I confess, I have been
liberal in my
Grants, but if I be informed, I will amend all hurtful
grievances: But who shall hasten after
grievances, and desire to make himself
popular, he hath the Spirit of
Satan. If I may know my
errors, I will reform them. I was in my first
Parliament a
Novice; and in my last there was a kind of
Beasts, called
Undertakers, a dozen of whom undertook to govern the last
Parliament, and they led
me. I shall thank you for your good
Office, and desire that the
World may say well of our
Agreement.
Physicians have an
Aphorism,The Parliament comply with the King.Si caput infirmum, caetera mem brum dolent. This
Head is not a weak one, but subtil enough for the
Body. The
Parliament knew well whom they had to deal with, and managed their business in the beginning, that they were the readier to grapple with him in the end. They would not stir a Stone of that
foundation his
Prerogative rested on, but those men that had wrought themselves in, to supplant and undermine the Common Liberties, they fell sore upon them.
The King was modest,
Doncaster's Ambassy expensive. and almost ashamed to tell the Parliament, how much Money the Viscount
Doncaster's J
[...]urney cost, therefore he minces it into a small proportion. But this we know, when he landed at
Roterdam, the first night and morning, before he went to the
Hague, his Expences those two meals, in the Inn where he lay, came to above a Thousand Gilders, which is a Hundred pounds Sterling. And the Inn-keeper at the
Peacock at
Dort (hoping he would make that his way into
Germany) made great Provisions for him, upon, no other Order, but a bare Fancy; and the
Ambassador taking his way by
Utricht, the Inn-keeper of
Dort followed him, complaining that he was much prejudiced by his baulking that Town: For hearing of a great
Ambassador's coming, and what he had expended at
Ro
[...]erdam, I made (saith he) Preparations suitable, and now they will lye on my hands: Which coming to
Doncaster's ear, he commanded his
Steward to give him Thirty pounds sterling, and never tasted of his Cup. And we have been assured by some of his Train, that his very Carriages could not cost so little as Threescore pounds a day, for he had with
[Page][Page 154] him a great many Noblemens Sons, and other Personages of
quality, that the
Germans might admire the
glory of the
English, as well as the
French did in his last
Ambassage. And he was out so long following the
Emperor, in his Progresses from City to Camp, and from Camp to City, a poor humble
Solicitor, if not
Petitioner, that his Expence could not amount to less than fifty, or threescore thousand pounds.
When he was at the
Hague,He is feasted by the Pr. of
Orange. had made his visits, and filled the Town with the admiration of his
bravery and
feasts. Some intimates to
Maurice Prince of
Orange, advised him to feast the great
English Ambassador.
Yes, yes, (saith the Prince)
bid him come. When the Prince's Steward had notice of the invitation (from other hand, for the Prince gave no order in it) he comes to the Prince and tells him, there will be great
preparations expected; for the Ambassador's
ordinary meals were
Feasts; and he had an numerous and splendid Train of Nobles and Gentry, that did accompany him.
Well (said the Prince)
fit me a dinner, such as I use to have, and let me see the bill of fare. When the Steward brought the Bill, the Prince liked it well; but the Steward said, Sir,
This is but your ordinary diet; now you should have some thing extraordinary, because this is an extraordinary Ambassador. The Prince thinking some reason in the Steward's Arguments, and finding but one Pig nominated in the Bill, commanded him to put down another Pig, and that was all the additions he would make. Which Dish as it is not very pleasing and acceptable to the
Scots Nation for the most part, so we know not whether it were by accident, or on purpose to displease him. But this is well known, there could be nothing more contemptible to the
morose and
severe temper of the Princes spirit, than this
comportment of
Doncaster's, which most men interpreted to be
pride and
prodigality. But truly (set those vanities of
Grandure aside, for the honor,
His short character. though not profit of his Master) He was a Gentleman every way compleat. His Bounty was adorned with Courtesie, his Courtesie not affected, but resulting from a natural Civility in him. His Humbleness set him below the Envy of most, and his Bounty brought him into esteem with many. A true Courtier for complying, and one that had Language enough to be
real as well as
formal; for he could personate both to the height of
expression. So that he was very fit for his imployment, though it were purchased at a dear rate.
Digby goes into
Germ. But to leave this digression. Some small time after the Parliament began, the King, according to his intentions and expressions in his Speech to them, dispatched away the Lord
Digby Ambassador to the Emperor, where he was to press for a punctual Answer, whether the
Palatinate might be recovered by
Peace, or
War.
The King's wants. And now expecting his return, and the Emperor's answer, the
[Page][Page]Sir Robert Cotton. From an Original by
P. Van Somer. His Autograph from the Original in the Possession of
John Thane.
[Page 155] Parliament go on with their Work,
An. Reg. 19.
An. Christi. 1621. receiving divers Petitions from several persons imprisoned and ruined, by the violent extortions of such Ministers, and Informers, as were active to promote the illegal exactions, that the King's necessities, and ill-advised Counsels drive him to. For he was grown very low, not having had the assistance of his people in ten years (as he himself notes) so that he was forced to lessen his Houshould, and bring his Expences down, not being willing to call a Parliament to supply him. Like
Henry the third of
England, whose Life and Reign, Sir
Robert Cotton (that able understander and lover of
Antiquities) wrote about this time, wherein he presents that King so fearful of calling Parliaments, that he would rather pawn his Crown Jewels, give over his House,
& cum Abbatibus, & Prioribus prandere, dine and eat with the
Monks, rather than be beholden to his people. And some thought this Piece of Sir
Robert Cotton's a Parallel for these times. But our King was not so much necessitated, though his wants were the greater, because they confined the greatness of his mind.
The main things which the Parliament insisted on (though many others came by the by) were the three great Patents;
The peoples grievances. for Inns, Ale-houses, and Gold and Silver thred. Upon every Inn, and Ale-house, there was a great Fine and Annual Revenue set, throughout the Kingdom, and they that would not pay so much as the
Patentees assest them at, their goods and persons were seised on till they gave them satisfaction according to their
voraginous humours. And they found out a new
Alchimistical way to make Gold and Silver Lace, with Copper, and other
sophisticate materials, to couzen and deceive the people; and no man must make, or vent any but such
Factors as they imployed, so that they ingrossed all the whole trade of that
Ages vanity (which was enough) and gave them counterfeit ware for their money: And if any man were found to make any other Lace than what was allowed by them, they were made to know (to their dear experience) the power of these
Ingrossers: And so poisonous were the
Drugs that made up this deceitful
Composition, that they rotted the hands and arms, and brought
lameness upon those that
wrought it; some losing their
eyes, and many their
lives by the
venom of the
vapours that came from it.
The chief
Actors in this
Pestilent business,Mompesson and
Michel actors in them. were Sir
Giles Mompesson, and Sir
Francis Michel: These two moved all the underwheels.
Mompesson had fortune enough in the Country to make him happy, if that
sphere could have contained him, but the vulgar and universal
error of
satiety with present injoyments, made him too big for a
rustical condition, and when he came at Court, he was too little for that: So that some
Novelty must be taken up, to set him (if he knew his own mind) in
Aequilibrio[Page] to the place he was in; no matter what it was, let it be never so pestilent and mischievous to others, he cared not, so he found benefit by it. To him
Michel is made
Compartner, a poor sneaking Justice, that lived among the
Brothels near
Clerken-well, whose Clark and he pickt a livelyhood out of those
corners, giving Warrants for what they did, besides anniversary
[...]ipends (the frequent Revenue of some Justices of those times) for connivency. I know how necessary and how splendent it is for men of
publick minds to flourish in the execution of
Iustice, for weeding out, and extirpating
vitious habits, radicated in every corner; but this thing was a poisonous Plant in its own nature, and the fitter to be an Ingredient to such a Composition: Therefore he is brought to Court, Knighted, and corroborated by these Letters Patents, whereby he took liberty to be more ravenous upon poor people, to the grating of the
bones, and sucking out the very
marrow of their substance.
These oppressions were throughly ripped up,
The Parliaments goodness. and laid open by the House of Commons. But together with these proceedings they took notice of the King's wants, and thought fit something to sweeten his temper, that they might not take from him the little profit he had by those Patents, but they would m
[...]ke it up some other way, therefore they gave him two intire Subsidles, which were very acceptable unto him: For those Contributions that flow from the peoples love, come freely like a Spring-tide; But illegal Taxes racked from their
bowels (coming through so many Promoters and Catchpoles hands) run very low, and the King hath the least share.
The King hearing these Patents were anatomized in the House of Commons, and willing to comply with his people, whom he found so bountiful unto him, he comes to the House of Lords to close gently with them, and excuse the granting of those Patents, shewing some reasons why he did them, and the instructions he gave for the execution of them, by which he hoped to take off that sharp reflexion that might light upon him. But the modesty of Parliaments seldom impute any of these
miscarriages to the Prince, but the
Actors under him must bear the burthen of it. And the time drawing near that the Lords assigned for judging the
Malefactors, the King comes again to the House upon the 26 of
March, and thus passed his sentence upon the Patents, before the Lords should pass theirs upon the executioners of them.
My Lords,
THe last time I came hither,
The Kings Speech to the Lords. my errand was to inform you (as well as my memory could serve me of things so long passed) of the
verity of my proceedings, and the
caution used by me in passing those Letters Patents, which are now in
question
[Page][Page]Thomas Earle of Arundell & Surrey Earle Marshall, & Lord high Steward of Englaud. etc.
[Page 156] before you, to the effect that they might not be abused in the execution: And this I did by way of
Declaration. But now I am come (understanding the time of your
censure at hand) to express my readiness to put in execution (which is the
life of the
Law) those things which ye are to
sentence (for even the
Law it self is a
dead Letter without
execution) for which office God hath appointed me in these Kingdoms. And though I assure my self that my former
behaviour, in all the
course of my life, hath made me well known for a just King; yet in this special case, I thought fit to express my own intentions, out of my own mouth, for punishment of things complained of. The first proof whereof I have given, by the diligent search I caused to be made after the person of Sir
Giles Mompesson, who though he were fled, yet my Proclamation persued him instantly: And as I was earnest in that, so will I be to see your
sentence against him put in
execution.
Two reasons move me to be earnest in the execution of what ye are to sentence at this time.
First, That duty I owe to God, who hath made me a King, and tied me to the care of Government, by that
politick Marriage betwixt me and my people: For I do assure you in the
Heart of an honest man, and by the Faith of a
Christian King (which both ye, and all the World know me to be) had these things been complained of to me before the Parliament, I would have done the office of a just King, and out of Parliament have punished them, as severely, and peradventure more than ye now intend to do. But now that they are discovered to me in Parliament, I shall be as ready in this way, as I should have been in the other. For I confess, I am ashamed (these things proving so as they are generally reported to be) that it was not my good fortune to be the only Author of the
Reformation, and punishment of them, by some ordinary Courts of Justice. Nevertheless, since these things are now discovered by Parliament, which before I knew not of, nor could so well have discovered otherwise, in regard of that
Representative Body of the Kingdom, which comes from all parts of the Country; I will be never a-whit the slower to do my part for the execution. For (as many of you that are here, have heard me often say, and so I will still say) So precious unto me is the
publick good, that no
private person whatsoever (were he never so dear unto me) shall be respected by me by many degrees as the publick good, not only of the whole Common-wealth, but even of a
particular Corporation, that is a
Member of it. And I hope that ye my Lords will do me that
right, to publish to my people this my
heart and
purpose.
The second
Reason is, That I intend not to derogate or infringe, any of the Liberties, or Privileges of this House, but
[Page] rather to fortifie and strengthen them: For never any King hath done so much for the Nobility of
England as I have done, and will ever be ready to do. And whatsoever I shall say, and deliver unto you as my thought, yet when I have said what I think, I will afterwards freely leave the Judgment wholly to your House. I know you will do nothing but what the like hath been done before, and I pray you be not jealous that I will abridge you of any thing that hath been used: For whatsoever the
Precedents (in times of
good Government) can warrant, I will allow. For I acknowledge this to be the
supreme Court of
Iustice, wherein I am ever present by
Representation. And in this ye may be the better satisfied by my own
presence, coming divers times among you: Neither can I give you any greater assurance, or better pledge of this my purpose, than that I have done you the
honor to set my only Son among you, and hope that ye with him, shall have the means to make this the happiest Parliament that ever was in
England.
This I profess, and take
comfort in, that the House of Commons at this time have shewed greater love, and used me with more respect in all their
proceedings, than ever any House of Commons have heretofore done to me, or I think to any of my
Predecessors. As for this House of yours, I have always found it respective to me, and accordingly do I, and ever did favour you, as you well deserved. And I hope it will be accounted a
happiness for you, that my Son doth now sit among you; who, when it shall please God to set him in my place, will then remember that he was once a Member of your House, and so be bound to maintain all your
Lawful Privileges, and like the better of you all the days of his life. But because the World at this time talks so much of
Bribes, I have just cause to fear the whole
Body of this
House hath
bribed him to be a good
Instrument for you upon all occasions: He doth so good Offices in all his
Reports to me, both for the
House in
general, and every one of you in
particular. And the like I may say of one that sits there,
Buckingham; He hath been so ready upon all occasions to do good Offices, both for the
House in
general, and every
Member in
particular. One proof thereof, I hope, my Lord of
Arundel hath already witnessed unto you, in his report made unto you of my answer touching the
Privileges of the
Nobility, how earnestly he spake unto me of that
matter.
Now, my Lords, the time draws near of your
Recess; whether
Formality will leave you time for proceeding now to
Sentence against all, or any of the persons now in
question, I know not. But for my part, since both Houses have dealt so lovingly, and freely with me, in giving me, as a free
[Page 157] Gift, two Subsidies, in a more loving manner than hath been given to any King before, and so accepted by me. And since I cannot yet retribute by a
General Pardon, which hath by Form usually been reserved to the end of a Parliament: The least I can do (which I can forbear no longer) is to do something in present, for the ease and good of my People. Three Patents at this time have been complained of, and thought great Grievances.
"1. That of the Inns, and Hosteries.
"2. That of Ale-houses.
"3. That of Gold and Silver Thread.
My purpose is, to strike them all
dead, and that Time may not be lost, I will have it done presently. That concerning
Ale-houses, I would have to be left to the managing of Justices of the Peace, as before. That of Gold and Silver Thread was most vilely executed, both for wrong done to mens persons, as also for abuse in the Stuff, for it was a kind of false Coin. I have already freed the Persons that were in Prison, I will now also damn the Patent, and this may seem instead of a Pardon. All these three I will have recalled by Proclamation, and wish you to advise of the fittest Form to that purpose.
I hear also there is another Bill among you against
Informers; I desire you, my Lords, that as you tender my
Honour, and the good of my
People, ye will put that Bill to an end as soon as you can, and at your next meeting to make it one of your first works: For I have already shewed my dislike of that kind of people openly in
Star-Chamber, and it will be the greatest ease to me, and all those that are near about me at
Court, that may be. For I remember, that since the beginning of this Parliament,
Buckingham hath told me, he never found such quiet and rest, as in this time of Parliament, from
Projecters and
Informers, who at other times miserably vexed him at all hours.
And now I confess, that when I looked before upon the face of the Government, I thought (as every man would have done) that the People were never so happy as in my time. For even as at divers times, I have looked upon many of my
Coppices, riding about them, and they appeared on the outside very thick, and well-grown unto me, but when I turned into the midst of them, I found them all bitten with in, and full of Plains, and bare Spots, like an Apple or Pear fair and smooth without, but when ye cleave it asunder, you find it rotten at the
heart: Even so this Kingdom, the external Government being as good as ever it was, and I am sure, as learned
Iudges as ever it had, and I hope as
honest, administring
Iustice within it; and for
Peace both at home, and
[Page] abroad, I may truly say more setled, and longer lasting, than ever any before, together with as great
Plenty as ever; so as it was to be thought, that every Man might sit in safety under his own
Vine, and
Figtree: Yet I am ashamed (and it makes my hair stand upright) to consider, how in this time my People have been
vexed, and
polled, by the vile execution of
Projects, Patents, Bills of
Conformity, and such like, which besides the trouble of my People, have more exhausted their
purses than
Subsidies would have done.
Now my Lords, before I go hence, since God hath made me the great
Iudge of this Land under him, and that I must answer for the
iustice of the same, I will therefore, according to my Place remember you of some things, though I would not teach you; for no man's
knowledge can be so good, but their
memories will be the better to be refreshed. And now, because you are coming to give
Iudgment (all which moves from the the King) that you may the better proceed, take into your
Care two things.
"1. To do
Bonum.
"2. To do it
Bené.
I call
Bonum, when all is well proved, whereupon ye judge, for then ye build upon a sure
Foundation. And by
Benè I understand, that ye proceed with all
formality and
legality; wherein you have fit
occasion to advise with the
Iudges, who are to assist you with their
Opinions, in
Cases of that
Nature, and woe be to them if they advise you not well▪ So the
ground being good, and the
form orderly, it will prove a
Course sitting this High Court of
Parliament.
In
Sentence ye are to observe two parts: First, to recollect that which is worthy of Judging, and Censuring; And Secondly, to proceed against these, as against such like
Crimes properly. We doubt there will be many Matters before you, some complained of out of
passion, and some out of just Cause of
grievance: Weigh both, but be not carried away with the impertinent Discourses of them, that name as well
innocent men as
guilty. Proceed judicially, and spare none, where ye find just Cause to punish: But let your Proceedings be according to
Law, and remember that
Laws have not their
eyes in their
necks, but in their
foreheads. For the
Moral Reason for the punishment of
Vices in all Kingdoms, and Commonwealths, is, because of the breach of
Laws standing in force; for none can be punished for breach of
Laws by
Predestination, before they be made.
There is yet one particular that I am to remember you of; I hear that Sir
Henry Yelverton (who is now in the
Tower upon a
Sentence given in the
Star-Chamber against him for deceiving my Trust) is touched concerning a Warrant
Dormant, which
[Page 158] he made while he was my
Attorney: I protest I never heard of this
Warrant dormant before, and I hold it as
odious a matter as any is before you. And if for respect to me ye have forborn to meddle with him, in examination, because he is my
prisoner, I do here freely remit him unto you, and put him into your hands.
And this is all I have to say unto you at this time, wishing you to proceed justly and nobly, according to the
Orders of your
House: And I pray God to bless you, and you may assure your selves of my assistance; Wishing, that what I have said this day among you, may be entred into the
Records of this
House.
Thus the King strove to mitigate the asperity and sharpness of the
humors contracted in the Body of the Kingdom,
The King's Speech discanted on. that they might not break out to disgrace the
Physician: For he looked upon himself as an able
Director, and yet he found he might be deceived; And therefore he brings the Lords into a
Wood, comparatively to tell them, that they appeared to him well grown, and fair, but searching into them he found them otherwise. But he that pretended to the knowledge of all things, (as give him his
due he was well known in most) could not be ignorant that the Patents he granted were against the Liberties of the people, but whether the execution of them to that
extremity came within his
Cognizance cannot be determined; his
damning of them shews his dislike at present, condemning that which he knew would be done to his hand, if he had not done it; and this must not be known only at
Westminster, and left upon
Record to
Posterity there, but he commanded his
Speech to be printed, that all his people might know, how willing and forward he was to abolish any
Act of his that tended to a
grievance. And though he did not accuse the Marquess of
Buckingham for giving way to Informers, yet he was much troubled with them till the Parliament began; and in that numerous crowd those that brought profit were doubtless admitted with the first:
Buckingham Master of the Work. These considerations upon the King's Speech buzzed up and down, and many of the Parliament men looked upon the Marquess as the first mover of this great
Machine; but the
Wisdom of the House did not rise so high as to strike at the uppermost branches, but they pruned those roundly they could reach.
Buckingham, though he were well grown, had not yet
sap enough to make himself swell into
exuberancy, as he did afterwards, nor was the peoples
malice now against him so fertile, as to make every little weed, a dangerous and poysonous plant, being subtile enough (yet) to crop off any, that might appear
venomous in relation to himself, that the
mischievous operations might work upon others: For all the world knew
Mompesson was his creature, and that notwithstanding the King's Proclamation for his interception, he got out of
[Page] the Kingdom by his Key: For
Buckingham ruled as a Lord
Paramount, and those that
complied with him found as much
refuge as his power could secure unto them; those that opposed him, as much
mischief as
malice could pour upon them. Sir
Henry Yelverton the King's Attorney had found the effects of his
Anger, by not closing with his desires in such Patents as he required; so that all his
Actions being
anatomized, some
miscarriages are made
criminal, he is committed to the Tower, and another put in his place that should be more
observant. The King now lays upon him a Warrant
Dormant, which did not much startle him; for he was not long after released and made a
Iudge, carrying with him this
character of
honesty, That he was willing to lay down his preferment at the King's feet, and be trod upon by the growing power of
Buckingham, rather than prosecute his
Patron Somerset, that had advanced him, as his Predecessor
Bacon had spitefully done his. But whether that
Dialogue betwixt
Buckingham and
Yelverton in the Tower, mentioned in our King's
Court, have any thing of Truth, cannot be asserted here,
Buckingham being not arrived yet to the
Meridian height of his
Greatness, though the King afterwards had cause enough to be jealous of his
Actions.
But now comes the old
Iustice,Michel censured. Sir
Francis Michell, to his
Censure, and the
crime he had committed arguing a
base spirit, he is fitted with as
suitable a
punishment. First he is
degraded, with all the
ceremonies of
debasement; but that being most proper to his
nature, he was but eased of a
burthen, his mind suffered not; but then his
kecksie carkass was made to
ride Renvers with his face to the
horse tail (with a p
[...]per on his breast and back, that pointed at the
foulness of the
cause) through the whole City, suffering under the scorn, and contempt of
Boys, and rabble of the people, besides the squeezing of him by fine and confinement to prison, that he might never be more capable of
mischief. The same sentence had Sir
Giles Mompesson, but he was so
provident as not to be found to pay it in his person, though he paid it in his purse. Some others also, their Instruments, though not so sharply dealt with, had great
mulcts laid upon them according to their
demerit, and so this
Gangrene was healed up.
Not long after comes the great
Lord Chancellor Bacon to a
Censure,The Lord Chancellor
Bacon questioned. for the most
simple, and
ridiculous follies, that ever entred into the
heart of a
Wise man. He was the true
Emblem of
humane frailty, being
more than a
man in some things, and less than a
woman in others. His
crime was
Bribery, and
Extortion (which the King hinted at in his Speech, when he
facetiously said,
He thought the Lords had bribed the Prince to speak well of them) and these he had often condemned others for as a
Iudge, which now he comes to suffer for as a
Delinquent: And they were proved, and aggravated against him with so many
circumstances, that they fell very
fouly on him, both in
relation to his
Reception of them,
[Page][Page] [...] QVI POSTQVAM OMNIA NATVRALIS SAPIENTIAE ET CIVILIS ARCANA EVOLVISSET NATVRAE DECRETVM EXPLEVIT COMPOSITA SOLVANTVR AN DNI, M.D C. XXVI. AETAT: LXVI. TANTI VIRI MEM: THOMAS MEAVTYS SVPERSTITIS CVLTOR DEFVNCTI ADMIRATOR H. P.
[Page 159] and his expending of them: For that which he raked in, and scrued for one way, he scattered and threw abroad another; for his Servants, being young, prodigal and expensive Youths, which he kept about him, his Treasure was their common Store, which they took without stint, having free access to his most retired Privacies; and his indulgence to them, and familiarity with them, opened a
gap to infamous
Reports, which left an unsavoury
Tincture on him; for where such
Leeches are, there must be
putrid blood to fill their
craving Appetites. His
gettings were like a
Prince, with a strong hand; his
expences like a
Prodigal, with a weak head; and 'tis a wonder a man of his Noble, and Gallant Parts, that could fly so high above
Reason, should fall so far below it; unless that
Spirit that
acted the first, were too proud to stoop, to see the
deformities of the last. And as he affected his men, so his Wife affected hers: Seldom doth the Husband deviate one way, but the Wife goeth another. These things came into the
publick mouth, and the
Genius of the
Times (where
malice is not
corrival) is the great
Dictator of all
Actions: For
innocency it self is a
crime, when
calumny sets her mark upon it. How prudent therefore ought men to be, that not so much as their
garments be defiled with the
sour breath of the
Times!
This poor
Gentleman, mounted above
pity, fell down below it, His
Tongue, that was the glory of his time for
Eloquence, (that tuned so many sweet
Harrangues) was like a forsaken
Harp, hung upon the
Willows, whilst the
waters of
affliction overflowed the
banks. And now his high-flying
Orations are humbled to
Supplications, and thus he throws himself, and Cause, at the feet of his
Iudges, before he was condemned.
To the Right Honourable the Lords of the Parliament, in the Upper House assembled, The humble Submission and Supplication of the Lord Chancellor.
May it please your Lordships
I Shall humbly crave at your hands a benign interpretation of that which I shall now write:
His Supplication. for
words that come from wasted
spirits, and oppressed
minds, are more safe, in being deposited to a noble
construction, than being circled with any reserved
caution.
This being moved (and as I hope, obtained of your Lordships) as a
protection to all that I shall say, I shall go on; but with a very strange
Entrance, as may seem to your Lordships at first: for in the midst of a
State, of as great
affliction, as
[Page] I think a
mortal man can endure (
Honour being above Life) I shall begin with the professing of gladness in somethings.
The first is, That hereafter the
greatness of a
Iudge, or
Magistrate, shall be no
sanctuary, or
protection to him against
guiltiness, which is the beginning of a
golden work.
The next. That after this
Example, it is like that
Iudges will fly from any thing in the likeness of
Corruption (though it were at a great distance) as from a
Serpent: Which tends to the purging of the
Courts of
Iustice, and reducing them to their true
honour, and
splendor. And in these two
Points (
God is my witness) though it be my
fortune to be the
Anvil upon which these two
effects are broken and wrought, I take no small
comfort. But to pass from the
motions of my
heart, (
whereof of God is my Iudge) to the
merits of my
cause, whereof your
Lordships are
Iudges, under
God and his
Lieutenant; I do understand, there hath been heretofore expected from me some
justification; and therefore I have chosen one only
justification, instead of all others, out of the
justification of
Iob. For after the clear
submission and
confession which I shall now make unto your Lordships, I hope I may say and justifie with
Iob, in these words,
I have not hid my sin, as did Adam,
nor concealed my faults in my bosom. This is the only
justification which I will use.
It resteth therefore, that without
Fig-leaves, I do ingenuously confess, and acknowledge, that having understood the
Particulars of the
Charge, not formally from the
House, but enough to inform my
conscience and
memory, I find
matter sufficient, and full, both to move me to desert my
defence, and to move your Lordships to
condemn and
censure me. Neither will I trouble your Lordships, by singling those
Particulars, which I think might fall off.
Quid te exempla juvant spinis de pluribus Uva? Neither will I prompt your Lordships to observe upon the
proofs, where they come not home, or the
scruple touching the
credits of the
Witnesses. Neither will I represent to your Lordships, how far a
defence might in divers things extenuate the
offence, in respect of the
time, and manner of the
guilt, or the like
circumstances: But only leave these things to spring out of your more noble thoughts, and observations of the
Evidence, and examinations themselves; and
charitably to wind about the
Particulars of the
Charge, here and there, as God shall put into your
minds, and so submit my self wholly to your
piety and
grace.
And now I have spoken to your Lordships as
Iudges, I shall say a few words unto you as
Peers and
Prelates, humbly commending my
Cause to your
noble minds, and
magnanimous affections.
Your Lordships are not simply
Iudges, but
Parliamentary
[Page 160] Iudges; you have a further
extent of
Arbitrary Power than other
Courts; and if you be not tied by ordinary course of
Courts, or
Precedents in Points of
strictn
[...]ss and
severity, much less in Points of
mercy and
mitigation. And yet if any thing which I shall move, might be contrary to your
honourable and
worthy end (the introducing a
Reformation) I should not seek it; but herein I besech your Lordships to give me leave to tell you a
Story.
Titus Manlius took his Son's life, for giving Battail against the
prohibition of his
General. Not many years after, the l
[...]ke
severity was pursued by
Papirius Cursor the
Dictator, against
Quintus Maximus; who being upon the point to be
sentenced was by the intercession of some particular
persons of the
Senate, spared. Whereupon
Livy maketh this
grave and
gracious observation,
Neque minùs firmata est Disciplina Militaris, periculo Quinti Maximi,
quàm miserabili supplicio Titi Manlii; The
Discipline of
War was no less established by the questioning of
Quintus Maximus, than by the punishment of
Titus Manlius. And the same
reason is in the
Reformation of
Iustice: For the
questioning of
men in eminent Places, hath the same
terrour, though not the same
rigour with the
punishment. But my
Cause stays not there: for my humble desire is, that his Majesty would take the
Seal into his hands, which is a great
downfall, and may serve I hope in it self for an expiation of my
faults. Therefore if
mercy and
mitigation be in your Lordships power, and no way cross your Ends, why should I n
[...]t hope of your
favour and
commiseration? Your Lordships will be pleased to behold your chief
pattern, the King our Soveraign, a King of incomparable
clemency, and whose
heart is inscrutable for
wisdom and
goodness. And your Lordships will remember, there sate not these hundred years before a
Prince in your
House, and never such a
Prince, whose
presence deserveth to be made memorable by
Records &
Acts, mixt of
mercy and
justice. Your selves are either
Nobles (and Compassion ever beateth in the veins of
noble blood) or
Reverend Prelates, who are the Servants of him that would not bre
[...]k the
bruised Reed, nor quench the
smoking Flax. You all sit upon a high
Stage, and therefore cannot but be sensible of the changes of
humane conditions, and of the fall of any from high place.
Neither will your Lordships forget,
Extortion and Bribery the Vices of the Times. that there are
Vitia Temporis, as well as
Vitia Hominis; and the beginning of
Reformation hath the contrary power to the
pool of
Bethesda; for that had strength to cure him only that was first cast in, and this hath strength to hurt him only that is first cast in: And for my part, I wish it may stay there, and go no further.
Lastly, I assure my self your Lordships have a noble feeling of me, as a
Member of your own
Body, and one that in this
[Page] very
Session, had some taste of your loving
Affections, which I hope was not a
lightning before the
death of them, but rather a
spark of that
Grace, which now in the
Conclusion will more appear. And therefore my humble sute to your Lordships is, That my
penitent submission may be my
sentence, the loss of my
Seal my
punishment, and that your Lordships would recommend me to his
Majestie's
Grace and
Pardon for all that is past.
God's holy Spirit be among you.
Your Lordships humble servant, and suppliant, Fran.
St. Albans
Can.
April 22. 1621.
Thus was his great
spirit brought low,
His censure. and this
humiliation might have raised him up again, if his
offences had not been so weighty as to keep him down. He lost his
Peerage and
Seal, and the
Scale was wavering whether he should carry the
Title of
Viscount St. Albans to his
grave, and that was all he did; having only left a poor empty
being, which lasted not long with him, his
honor dying before him. And to heighten his
misery the more, many others were crushed to pieces by his
fall; for he had a
vast debt lay upon him, which they were forced to pay; and though he had a
Pension allowed him by the King, he wanted to his last, living obscurely in his Lodgings at
Grays-Inn, where his
loneness and
desolate condition, wrought upon his
ingenious, and therefore then more
melancholy temper, that he pined away. And had this unhappiness after all his height of
plenitude, to be denied Beer to quench his thirst: For having a sickly taste, he did not like the Beer of the house, but sent to Sir
Fulk Grevil, Lord
Brook, in neighborhood (now and then) for a bottle of his Beer, and after some grumbling, the
Butler had order to deny him. So
sordid was the one, that advanced himself to be called Sir
Philip Sidnie's friend, and so friendless was the other, after he had dejected himself from what he was.
He was of a
midling stature,His description and character. his countenance had indented with
Age before he was old; his
Presence grave and comely; of a high-flying and lively
Wit, striving in some things to be rather admired than understood, yet so quick and easie where he would express himself, and his
Memory so strong and active, that he appeared the
Master of a large and plenteous
store-house of
Knowledge, being (as it were)
Nature's
Midwife, stripping her
Callow-brood, and clothing them in new
Attire. His
Wit was quick to the last; for
Gondemar meeting him the
Lent before his
Censure, and hearing of his
Miscarriages, thought to pay him with his
Spanish Sarcasms and
Scoffs, saying,
My Lord, I wish you a good Easter; And you my Lord, replied the
Chancellor, a good Passover: For he could neither close with his
English Buffoonry, nor his
Spanish Treaty (which
Gondemar knew) though he was so wise as publickly to oppose neither.
In fine, he was a fit Iewel to have beautified, and adorned a flourishing Kingdom, if his flaws had not disgraced the lustre that should have set him off.
[Page][Page]William Viscount Sayand Sealem: of the Court of Wardes etc: Are to be sould by Iohn Hinde
[Page 161]In this very time of Parliament, when the King carried all things with a full sail, the
Pilots of the Commonwealth had an eye to the dangers that lay in the way; for in both Houses the King had a strong Party, especially in the House of Lords: All the Courtiers, and most of the Bishops steer'd by his Compass, and the Princes presence (who was a constant
Member) did cast an awe among many of them,
Parties in Parliament. yet there were some gallant Spirits that aimed at the
publick Liberty more then their own interest. If any thing were spoken in the House that did in the least reflect upon the Government, or touch (as the
Courtiers thought) that
Noli me tangere, the Prerogative, those that moved in it were snapt up by them, though many times they met with stout encounters at their own Weapon; among which the Principal were,
Henry Earl of
Oxford, Henry Earl of
Southampton, Robert Earl of
Essex, Robert Earl of
Warwick, the Lord
Say, the Lord
Spencer, and divers others, that supported the
Old English Honour, and would not let it fall to the ground.
Oxford was of no reputation in his youth, being very debauched and riotous, and having no means, maintained it by fordid and unworthy ways; for his Father hopeless of Heirs, in discontent with his Wife, squandred away a Princely
Estate, but when she and his great
Fortune were both gone, he married a young Lady of the ancient family of the
Trenthams, by whom he had this young Lord, and two Daughters; she having a fortune of her own, and industry with it, after her Husband's death married her Daughters into two noble Families; the Earl of
Mountgomery married the one, and the Lord
Norris, after Earl of
Berk-shire married the other: And finding her Son hopeless, let him run his swing till he grew weary of it; and thinking he could not be worse in other Countries than he had been in his own, she sent him to travel, to try if change of
Air would change his
Humour. He was not abroad in
France and
Italy above three years, and the freedoms and extravagancies there (that are able to betray and insnare the greatest
modesties) put such a Bridle upon his inordinateness, that look how much before he was decried for a mean and poor
spirit, so much had his noble and gallant comportment there gained, that he came over refined in every esteem; and such a Valuation was set upon his parts and merit, that he married the Lady
Diana Cecil, Daughter to the Earl of
Exeter, one of the most eminent Beauties and Fortunes of the time.
Southampton, though he were one of the King's Privy Councel, yet was he no great
Courtier; Salisbury kept him at a bay, & pinched him so by reason of his relation to old
Essex, that he never flourished much in his time, nor was his
spirit (after him) so smooth shod, as to go always the Court pace; but that
[Page 162] now and then he would make a Carrier that was not very acceptable to them: for he carried his business closely and slily, and was rather an Adviser than an Actor.
Essex had ever an honest
Heart, and though
Nature had not given him
Eloquence, he had a strong reason that did express him better; his Countenance to those that knew him not appeared somewhat stern, and
solemn, to intimates affable and gentle, to the Females obligingly courteous, and though unfortunate in some, yet highly respected of most, happily to vindicate the
Vertue of the
Sex. The King never affected him, whether from the bent of his
Natural inclination to effeminate faces, or whether from that instinct or secret
Prediction that
Divine fate often imprints in the apprehension, whereby he did fore-see in him (as it were) a hand raised up against his
Posterity, may be a
Notation, not a determination: But the King never liked him, nor could he close with the Court.
Warwick, though he had all those excellent indowments of Body and fortune, that gives splendor to a glorious
Court, yet he used it but as his
Recreation; for his Spirit aimed at more publick adventures, planting
Colonies in the
Western World, rather than himself in the King's favour: his Brother Sir
Henry Rich (about this time made Ba
[...]on of
Kensington) and he had been in their youths two emulous
Corrivals in the publick affections, the one's browness being accounted a lovely
sweetness transcending most men, the other's features and pleasant
aspect equalled the most beautiful Women; the younger having all the
Dimensions of a Courtier, laid all the
Stock of his
Fortune upon that
Soil, which after some years
Patience came up with increase; but the Elder could not so stoop to observances, and thereby became his own Supporter.
Saye and
Seale was a seriously subtil
Peece, and always averse to the Court ways, something out of pertinaciousness; his
Temper and
Constitution ballancing him altogether on that
Side, which was contrary to the
Wind; so that he seldom tackt about or went upright, though he kept his
Course steady in his own way a long time: yet it appeared afterwards, when the harshness of the humour was a little allayed by the sweet
Refreshments of Court favours, that those stern
Comportments supposed
natural, might be mitigated, and that indomitable Spirits by gentle usage may be tamed and brought to obedience.
Spencer (like the old
Roman chosen
Dictator from his
Farm) made the Countrey a vertuous Court, where his Fields and Flocks brought him more calm and happy contentment, than the various and mutable dispensations of a Court can contribute: and when he was called to the Senate, was more vigilant to keep the Peoples Liberties from being a prey to
[Page]Robert. Earle of Warwicke, and Lord Rich of Leeze. etc.Henry, Earle of Holland. Baron of Kensington. etc.
[...]ul
[...] by Ru
[...] P
[...]ake.[Page]
[Page 163] the Incroaching power of
Monarchy, than his harmless and tender Lambs from Foxes and ravenous Creatures.
There were many other noble
Patriots concentrique with these, which like Jewels should be preserved and kept in the Cabinet of every man's memory, being
Ornaments for
Posterity to put on; but their Characters would make the line too long, and the
Bracelet too big to adorn this Story.
About this time
Spencer was speaking something in the House that their great Ancestors did,
Spencer and
Arundel quarrel. which displeased
Arundel, and he cuts him off short, saying,
My Lord, when these things you speak of were doing, your Ancestors were keeping sheep, (twitting him with his Flocks which he took delight in:)
Spencer instantly replied,
When my Ancestors (as you say) were keeping sheep, your Ancestors were plotting Treason.
This hit
Arundel home, and it grew to some heat in the House, whereupon they were separated, and commanded both out of the House, and the Lords began to consider of the offence. There was much bandying by the Court-
Party, to excuse the Earl of
Arundel, but the heat and rash part of it beginning with him, laying such a brand upon a Peer that was nobly descended, he could not be justified, but was enjoyned by the House to give the Lord
Spencer such satisfaction as they prescribed;
Arundel committed. which his Greatness refusing to obey, he was by the
Lords sent
Prisoner to the
Tower, and
Spencer re-admitted into the House again.
When
Arundle was well cooled in the
Tower, and found that no Power would give him Liberty, but that which had restrained him, (rather blaming his rashness, than excusing his stubborness) his great Heart humbled it self to the Lords, betwixt a Letter and a Petition in these words.
To the Right Honourable, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in the Higher House of Parliament assembled.
May it please your Lordships,
WHere as I stand committed here by your Lordships
Order,His Submission. for having stood upon performing some part of that which was injoined me by your Lordships; which I did rather in respect the time was short for advice, than out of any intent to disobey the House, for which I have suffered in this place till now: I do therefore humbly beseech your Lordships to construe of what is past, according to this my profession, and for the time to come to believe that I both understand so well your Lordships power to command, and your nobleness and tenderness to consider what is fit, as I do, and will wholly put myself upon your
Honors, and perform what is, or shall be injoyned me. So
[Page 164] beseeching your Lordships to construe these lines, as proceeding from a heart ready to obey you in what you command, I rest
Your Lordships most humble Servant Thomas Arundle
Tower
2 June 1621.
Upon this submission the Lords commanded him to be sent for, and presenting himself at the Bar of the House, with the accustomed Humility that Offenders do, he thus expressed himself,
Because I have committed a fault against this House, in not obeying all the Order that your Lordships commanded me, I do here acknowledg this my fault, and ask your Lordships pardon for the same, and am ready to obey all your Lordships commands.
Thus this great Lord (though he fluttered in the
Air of the
Court, and mounted by that means upon the Wings of
Passion) was glad to stoop when
consideration lured him to it, lest by the heat that he himself made (melting the Waxen Plumes that he thought would have supported him) his suffering might have been a greater mischief to him than his submission: so sour and severe a School-master is
Passion, to be both Author and Punisher of our
Errors: yea, making the best Natures (often) correct themselves most.
The fourth of
Iune this year the Parliament had a Recess,
The Parliament adjourned. the King being to go his Progress, wherein some Lords, and others of the Parliament were to attend him: For it seems his business was not yet ripe for the Parliament, and he was loth they should have too much leisure, therefore they were not to meet again till the eighth of
February following; which being a long time of Vacancy, the House of Commons before they parted took the
Miseries of the
Palatinate into serious debate; and though they felt the King's pulse, and knew the beat of his thought, when he spake of providing an Army this Summer for the recovery of it, and would engage his Crown, Blood, and Soul for it (finding him apt to say what he had no will to do) yet they were so wise as not to slacken or draw back in so good a work; that if there were a failing, it should not be on their side, knowing how much
Religion was concerned in it (for to the appearance of
Reason, the triumphing Emperor, and Universal King, would quickly tread all under foot) therefore with one voice (none daring to oppose) they made this
Declaration.
THe Commons
assembled in Parliament,
The Commons Declaration.taking into most serious consideration the present state
of the King's Children
abroad, and generally afflicted estate of the true Professors
of the same[Page 165] Christian Religion,
professed by the Church
of England
in Forreign Parts,
and being touched with a true sence and fellow-feeling of their distresses, as Members
of the same Body,
do with unanimous consent, in the name of themselves and the whole Body
of the Kingdom
(whom they represent) declare unto his most excellent Majesty,
and to the whole World,
their hearty grief and sorrow for the same; and do not only joyn with them in their humble and Devout Prayers
unto Almighty God,
to protect his true Church,
and to avert the Dangers
now threatned, but also with one heart, and voice do solemnly protest; That if his Majestie
▪s pious endeavours by Treaty,
to procure their Peace
and Safety,
shall not take that good effect which is desired in Treaty,
(wherefore they humbly beseech his Majesty
not to suffer any longer delay) that then upon signification of his Majestie▪s
pleasure in Parliament,
they shall be ready to the utmost of their Powers,
both with their lives and fortunes, to assist him so, as that by the Divine Help of Almighty God (
which is never wanting unto those who in his fear, shall undertake the defence of his own Cau
[...]e)
he may be able to do that with his Sword,
which by a peaceable Course shall not be effected.
The King took this
Declaration of the
Commons in very good Part,
The King pleased with it. and meant when occasion served to make good use of it: For as he found them forward enough to begin a War, so he knew his own
constitution backward enough (the Sword being in his Hand) and did fore-see an advantage arising from a
Medium betwixt the Parliament and him, if he could bring his
Ends about, which he after put in practice; but it broke all to pieces and now away he goes on his
Progress.
Towards Winter the Lord
Digby returns from his soliciting journey in
Germany; His first addresses he made to the
Emperour, his second to the Duke of
Bavaria, and his last to the
Infanta at
Bruxels, and all to as little purpose as if he had stayed at home; that three-fold Cord, twisted by the power of
Spain, was not easily to be broken. Some little twilight and scintil of Hope, was given him by the
Emperour for restitution of the
Palatinate, yet not so much as would discover the error of our easie belief: But the
Bavarian had already swallowed the
Electurate, and his
Voraginous appetite gaped after the
possession of the Countrey, though the
English there were bones in his way.
Digby being arrived at
Court,Dighie's return. and bringing him with doubtful answers from the
Emperour, and sullen ones from the
Duke of
Bavaria, the King thought it good
Policy to shorten the long Recess till
February, and to re-assemble the Parliament the 20
th of
November, that meeting before their
Time, it might more amaze them, and intimate some extraordinary Cause, which happily might produce some extraordinary effect if well mannag'd. And as incident thereunto, he gave order to
Digby as
[Page 166] soon as the Parliament assembled, to make relation to the
Houses of his proceedings there, which he did in these words.
IT pleased his Majesty to command me to give you an account of my last Foreign Negotiation
with the Emperour;
His Relation to the Parliamentwho (you know) being much exasperated with the invasion of Bohemia (
to which the King
never gave incouragement in the attempt, nor countenance in the Prosecution)
hath upon the advantage of his fortunate
success there, invaded into the inheritance of his Son the Palatine:
Whereupon I was directed by his Majestie's Commission
to treat if Peace
might be compassed with fair endeavours, to which the Emperour
seemed very inclinable. Albeit,
slow in giving Audience,
by reason that the Diet
in Germany
was deferred, and he depended upon some answer from the Princes.
But in conclusion, I received such satisfaction, as promised Restitution
of the Palatinate,
which only was granted by Commission
to the Duke
of Bavaria,
until it was setled by absolute Peace,
or further War.
And being addressed by the Emperour
with Letters
to the Duke
of Bavaria,
wherein he wished his tractable condescent to all good Terms
of Peace;
Upon which occasion I urged, that I had Authority
from the Count Palatin
[...]e,
to cause the Count Mansfield
to desist from War,
and likewise from the King
to his Body of War under the Government of Sir Horatio Vere.
The Duke of Bavaria
replied, That he had becalmed Mansfield
with great sums of money, and when he is quiet, my Peace
is made. To which scornful and slight reply somthing I answered, and departed to the Infanta
to Bruxels,
who seemed to understand by the Emperour's Letters,
that he did rather prepare for War
then Peace,
and would give no direct answer till she heard from the King
of Spain,
who I must ingenuously confess, hath stood clear a Neutral,
according to his promise: Yet is he now so strong prepared for War (
having at this instant five great Armies in motion)
that it will not mis-become the wisdom of the State
to fear the worst: And to conclude, such hath been the care of the King
for his own Honour,
and Son's Right,
that he presumes you will cheerfully apply your selves to the necessity of the Times,
and this occasion; and not only afford him aid for his present support, but such further supply as may help to re-invest his Son
into his inheritance.
Which
Relation of
Digbie's being seconded by some of the King's great
Minister of
State,Seconded. (who had instructions suitable to their
Errand) they let the Parliament know, how justly and necessary it was, and how forward the King would be to accomplish that by War, which he could not recover by
Peace; and they set it off with all the slippery
Oratory they could to draw in money; for that being the main
ingredient, if that were provided, the rest of the
simples would easily be purchased, to make up the
Composition.
[Page 167]Thus the Kings suits and intreaties were slighted, and disregarded abroad; and his intentions suspected, and feared at home.
Princes that do grasp
Possessions with iron hands, will not be smoothed out of them by fair words; the Sword, as it is the best determiner, so it is the most honourable Treater: And though the King incited the
Parliament by these his
Ministers to contribute towards a War,
The King prevails not abroad nor at home. yet they found his inclination bent towards
Peace, both in respect of
Gondemar's power with him (upon whose sandy promises he built a good
Foundation of
Hope) and in regard of some Letters which the King had lately written to the King of
Spain, wherein great indulgencies were promised to the Papists, whereby they saw he was too much transported with a desire to the
Match: And the King, finding
Digbie's indeavours fruitless in
Germany, intended to send him into
Spain, extraordinary Ambassador to that King whom he looked upon as the great
Wheel that moved the others which way he pleased. For he was resolved to close some way with the House of
Austria, either by Marriage or intreaty, to peece and make up the
Breach the War had made. But the King had to do with cunning
Gamesters that smiled to see how earnest he was at it, for they had the sign given out of his hand, and saw all the
Game he played, so faithless was the Councel about him!
The
English in general,
The People and Parliament against the Match. except
Papists, were averse to this
Match, as boding some evil event, because the
Papists did prune themselves, flutter up and down, and spread their
Trains so publickly: This almost universal aversation of the people had a
natural influence upon the
Representative, the
Parliament; who considering that the King (by
Digby and others) did inform them how
formidable the King of
Spain was, and did require them to apply themselves to the necessity of the Times, and further him with help to re-invest his Son in his
Inheritance, thought there was no better means to be used than to try effectually the King's
Spirit, and stir him up to a war; for so they should know which way their Money went, at leastwise his mind, before they tamely parted with it. And therefore (like wise
Physicians that never prescribe letting blood, but when it tends to the health of the
Body) first they shew the
Causes of the
Distempers and
Evils that were to be feared. Secondly, what effects they were likely to produce. And lastly, the
Remedies to prevent them, in this
Petition and
Remonstrance.
Most Gracious and dread Soveraign,
VVE your Majestie's most humble and loyal Subjects,
A Remonstrance of the House of Commons. the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, now assembled in Parliament, who represent the Commons of your Realm, full of hearty
[Page 168] sorrow to be deprived of the
Comfort of your
Royal Presence, the rather for that it proceeds from the want of your health, wherein We all unfainedly do suffer. In all humble manner calling to mind your gracious answer to our former
Petition concerning
Religion, which notwithstanding your
Majesties pious and princely intentions, hath not produced that good effect, which the danger of these
Times doth seem to us to require. And finding how ill your Majesties goodness hath been requited by
Princes of different
Religion, who even in time of Treaty, have taken opportunity to advance their own
Ends, tending to the
Subversion of Religion, and disadvantage of your affairs, and the
Estate of your
Children. By reason whereof your ill-affected Subjects at home, the
Popish Recusants, have taken too much incouragement, and are dangerously increased in their
Number, and in their insolencies. We cannot but be sensible thereof; And thereof humbly represent what we conceive to be the
Causes of so great and growing
Mischiefs, and what be the
Remedies.
1. The Vigilancy and
Ambition of the
Pope of
Rome, and his dearest Son, the one aiming at as large a Temporal
Monarchy, as the other at a Spiritual
Supremacy.
2. The
Devillish Positions, and
Doctrines, whereon
Popery is built, and taught, with authority to their Followers, for advancement of their Temporal Ends.
3. The distressed, and miserable
Estate of the
Professors of true
Religion in Foreign parts.
4. The disastrous
Accidents to your
Majesties Children abroad, expressed with rejoycing, and even with contempt of their
Persons.
5. The strange
Confederacy of the
Princes of the
Popish Religion, aiming mainly at the advancement of theirs, and subverting
Ours, and taking the advantages conducing to that
End, upon all
Occasions.
6. The great and many
Armies raised and maintained at the charge of the King of
Spain, the chief of that
League.
7. The expectation of the
Popish Recusants of the Match with
Spain, and feeding themselves with great
hopes of the consequences thereof.
8. The interposing of Foreign
Princes, and their
Agents in the behalf of
Popish Recusants, for connivence and favour unto them.
9. Their open and usual
Resort to the
Houses, and which is worse, to the
Chappels of Foreign
Ambassadors.
10. Their more than usual concourse to the
City, and their frequent
Conventicles, and
Conferences there.
11. The education of their
Children, in many several
Seminaries, and
Houses of their
Religion, in Foreign parts, appropriated only to the
English Fugitives.
[Page 169]12. The Grants of their just forfeitures intended by your Majesty as a reward of
service to the
Grantees, but beyond your Majesties intention, transferred or compounded for, at such mean rates as will amount to little less than a Toleration.
13. The licentious printing and dispersing of
Popish and
seditious Books, even in the time of
Parliament.
14. The
Swarms of
Priests and
Jesuits, the common Incendiaries of all
Christendom, dispersed in all parts of your Kingdom.
And from these
Causes as bitter Roots, we humbly offer to your
Majesty, that we foresee, and fear there will necessarily follow very dangerous effects both to
Church and
State. For,
1. The
Popish Religion is incompatible with
Ours in respect of their
Positions.
2. It draweth with it an unavoidable
Dependency on foreign
Princes.
3. It openeth too wide a
Gap for
Popularity, to any who shall draw too great a
Party.
4. It hath a restless
Spirit, and will strive by these
Gradations; if it once get but a Connivence, it will press for a Toleration; if that should be obtained, they must have an equality; from thence they will aspire to
Superiority: And will never rest till they get a
Subversion of the true
Religion.
The
Remedies against these growing
Evils, which in all
humbleness we offer to your most excellent
Majesty, are these,
1. That seeing this inevitable
Necessity is faln upon your
Majesty, which no
wisdom or
providence of a peaceable and
pious King, can avoid, your
Majesty would not omit this just
occasion, speedily and effectually to take your Sword into your hand.
2. That once undertaken upon so Honourable and just grounds, your
Majesty would resolve to persue, and more publickly avow the aiding of those of our
Religion in foreign parts, which doubtless would reunite the
Princes and
States of the
Union, by these disasters disheartned and disbanded.
3. That
your Majesty would propose to your self to manage this War with the best advantage, by a
Diversion or otherwise, as in your deep
judgment shall be found fittest, and not to rest upon a War in these parts only, which will consume your Treasure, and discourage your people.
4. That the bent of this War, and point of your Sword may be against that
Prince (whatsoever
Opinion of
Potency he hath) whose
Armies and
Treasures, have first diverted, and since maintained the War in the
Palatinate.
5. That for securing of our peace at home, your Majesty will be pleased to review the parts of our
Petition formerly delivered unto your Majesty, and hereunto annexed, and to put it in execution; by the care of choice
Commissioners, to be there unto especially appointed, the
Laws already, and hereafter, to be made for preventing of
[Page 170]Dangers by
Popish Recusants, and their wonted evasions.
6. That to frustrate their hopes for a future
Age, our most Noble
Prince may be timely and happily married to one of our own
Religion.
7. That the
Children of the
Nobility and
Gentry of this Kingdom, and of others ill affected, and suspected in their
Religion, now beyond the Seas, may be forthwith called home by your
means, and at the charge of their
Parents or
Governours.
8. That the
Children of
Popish Recusants, or such whose wives are Popish Recusants, be brought up during their
minority with
Protestant Schoolmasters, and Teachers, who may sow in their tender years the seeds of true
Religion.
9. That your
Majesty will be pleased speedily to revoke all former Licences, for such Children and youth to travel beyond the
Seas, and not grant any such licence hereafter.
10. That your Majesties learned
Councel may receive commandment from your
Highness, carefully to look into former
Grants of
Recusants lands, and to avoid them if by Law they can; and that your
Majesty will stay your hand from passing any such
Grants hereafter.
This is the sum and effect of our
Humble Declaration, which we (no ways intending to press upon your
Majesties undoubted and
Regal Prerogative) do with the fulness of our
Duty, and
Obedience, humbly submit to your most
Princely consideration, the
Glory of God, whose
Cause it is, the
Zeal of our true
Religion, in which we have been born, and wherein (by
God's grace) we are resolved to die, the safety of your
Majesties person, who is the very life of
your people, the happiness of your
Children and
Posterity, the
Honour and good of the
Church and
State dearer unto us then our own lives, having kindled these
Affections, truly devoted to your
Majesty.
And seeing out of our
Duty to your
Majesty, we have already resolved to give at the end of this
Session one entire
Subsidy, for the present relief of the
Palatinate only, to be paid in the end of
February next, which cannot well be effected but by passing a Bill in a
Parliamentary course before
Christmas; We most humbly beseech your
Majesty (as our assured
hope is) that you will then also vouchsafe to give life by your Royal assent, to such
Bills as before that time shall be prepared for your
Majesties Honour, and the general good of your
People. And that such Bills may be also accompanied (as hath been accustomed) with your
Majestie's gracious
Pardon, which proceeding from your own meer
Grace, may by your
Highness direction be drawn to that
latitude, and extent, as may best sort. with your
Majesties Bounty and
Goodness. And that not only
Fellons, and criminal offenders may take
benefit thereof, but that your good
Subjects may receive ease thereby. And if it shall so
[Page 171] stand with your good pleasure, that it may extend to the relief of the old
Debts and
Duties to the
Crown, before the first year of your
Majesties raign, to the discharge of
Alienations without licence, and misusing of
Liveries and
Oustre le main before the first
summons of this
Parliament; and of concealed
Wardships, and not suing of
Liveries and
Oustre le mains, before the twelfth year of your Majesties
Reign. Which gracious favour would much comfort your good
Subjects, and ease them from
Vexation, with little loss or prejudice to your own profit.
And we by our daily and devout prayers to the
Almighty, the great King of Kings, shall contend for a blessing upon our endeavours, and for your
Majesties long and happy Reign over Us,
And for your Childrens children after you for many and many Generations.
The King hearing that the House of Commons were hammering upon this
Remonstrance,The King vext at it. went to
Newmarket, a cold and bleak
Air, in as cold and bleak a
season, pretending his Health, but indeed to be further from the sound of that noise (which perpetually possessed his Ears) of the discontent of the
Commons for the intended
Match with
Spain. And as the Business grew up, he had intimation of it from his
creatures in the
House; for it
vext his Popish Secretary, Sir
George Calvert, Weston, and others to find the
House so bitter against their
Profession, (though they were cunning
Underminers, and put on a smooth face there) yet they aggravated the
matter to the King with all the
Acrimony they could, so far as to reflect upon particular
persons, that were the most
Active instruments in it.
And what is there in this
Remonstrance (at such a time when the
Protestant Religion was in danger of being extirpated) that put on so horrid a
Vizard as to affright or exasperate the King?
The Protestant Religion in danger. The Emperor had prevailed in
Germany, the
Protestant Princes either
subdued, or acquiesced, and laid down their
necks to the
Yoak. The
Protestants were persecuted in
France, besieged and ruined by the youthful
fury of
Lewis the 13. And notwithstanding
Our King's solicitations by Sir
Edward Herbert, since Baron of
Cherbery, his Resident
Ambassador there, who (after his
conflict with
Luynes the youthful
Constable of
France, and Favourite to that King) being sent for home, the
Viscount Doncaster was sent again into
France, upon one of his
mediating imployments, who also followed that King from
Camp to
City, and from
City to
Camp, with as little success, this being no journey of
Bravery, for it almost cost him his life there by a tedious sickness.
Rochel and
Montaban were besieged at one time this very year,
Rochel by the
Count of
Soissons, and the Duke of
Guise,[Page 172] and
Montaban by the King, a great distance one from another; but
Doncaster could prevail for neither, yet the
French King did not do his work. When man hath vented all his malice, he can go no further than the line God hath set him.
One sad story intervenes which had a various Countenance, mixt with Bravery and Baseness,
Hicks and
Fairfax. so that it was doubtful which was most prevalent. One
Hicks an
English-man undertook to carry a Letter from
Rochel to
Montaban, through both Armies, to let them know the good State and Condition of the
Rochellers were in (maugre the fury and violence of their Enemies) that those of
Montaban might be encouraged to hold out against the King's assaults.
Hicks makes a clear passage through the Army before
Rochell, and came to
Thoulouse, where the Viscount
Doncaster was, there he consorted with the
English, insinuating with a young
Gentlemen, one
Fairfax, of that noble Family in
York-shire, who was for that journey one of the Lord Ambassador's Train, and
Hicks finding him willing (being a young and gallant
Spirit) to see the Kings Leagure at
Montaban, they rode thither together, and under the
notion of being of the Ambassador's retinue, they had free admittance to view all the Works, and Avenues.
Hicks whose eye was fixt upon his opportunity to fly into the Town, made use of
Fairfax to take his advantage with the least
Suspicion, and in the instant of time, puts Spurs to his Horse, and got into the Town through a Shower of Bullets, leaving
Fairfax (astonish'd at the attempt) to be wrackt and tormented to death (as he was by the
French fury) to confess what he never knew; so that
Hicks his Brave
[...]y deserves a Brand of Infamy, and
Fairfax his Innocency a memorial of
pity. A noble Spirit must not dare to do a gallant action an unworthy way.
But our King's intentions aiming at Peace,
Our King a King of Peace. he took as he thought the best way to it, which was, to intreat for it: But that would not prevail, for the voice of intreaty cannot be heard for the Trumpet. In War, one noise must expel another. The Parliament saw the danger the Protestant Religion was in (
For in many Councellors there is wisdom) and thought it their duties to let the King see how inclinable they were to support the falling Condition of it with their lives and fortunes; But the King would be called
Rex Pacificus to the last; His Heart was not advanced to glorious Atchievements, God will not (many times) make use of some men to do great things by them. The Parliament did not desire to make this a War for Religion only, though they saw it suppressed; for so all
Popish Princes (which, was the King's fear) might have combined against him: But though the true end was Religion, the outward aim was to hinder the Progress of the victorious
Spanish Power, which was likeliest to do most mischief. Many times
[Page]UIUA EFFIGIES GENEROS I
s siMI GULIELMI FAIRFAX PREFECTI
To Frankenthal when seige Cordoua loyde
Soe
[...]as our Britishe King - craft ouerknau'd
By Gondome
[...] as in it Martix - made
This honorable Cadet 3 and soe stau'd
Of all re
[...]reuts, that Burroughs there comander
Our glorious Burroug
[...]s was compell'd to render.
THOVLOVSE
[Page][Page 173] the Divine Goodness puts an opportunity, as a price into
Mens hands, which if they fail to make use of, redounds to their
Prejudice. If the King's spirit had been raised up to a War, when the voice of God (the voice of the people) called him to it, happily it might have hindred the great
Effusion of
Blood amongst our
Selves, that happened after in his Son's time: But he was not the Man, the Work was reserved for
Gustavus, not
Iacobus; and these Conflicts of our Kings formerly, and at this time with his people (alienating their affections) did not only leave sad impressions upon their
Spirits, of rancour, and malice against
Monarchy, but taught his
Successor the
Pattern of breaking
Parliaments, and contesting with his Subjects, till ruin succeeded to him and his
Posterity.
But when this Remonstrance was brought to perfection, the King had a Copy of it before the House had time to send their
Messengers with it; in which, something so highly displeased him, that he instantly dispatched a Letter to the
Speaker of the House of Commons to forbid the sending of it.
To Our Trusty and Wellbeloved, Sir
Thomas Richardson Knight, Speaker of the House of Commons.
Mr. Speaker,
WE have heard by divers
Reports,The King's Letter to the Speaker. to our great grief, that
Our distance from the
Houses of
Parliament (caused by
Our indisposition of health,) hath imboldned some fiery and
Popular Spirits of some of the House of
Commons, to argue and
debate publickly of
Matters far above their reach and capacity, tending to Our high dishonour, and breach of
Prerogative Royal. These are therefore to command you to make known in
Our Name unto the
House, that none therein shall presume henceforth to meddle with any thing concerning
Our Government, or deep
Matters of
State, and namely not to deal with our dearest
Son's Match with the Daughter of
Spain, nor to touch the
Honour of that King, or any other our
Friends or
Confederates. And also not to meddle with any mans particulars, which have their due
motion in our ordinary
Courts of
Justice. And whereas we hear they have sent a
Message to Sir
Edwin Sandis, to know the
Reasons of his late restraint▪ you shall in
Our Name resolve them, that it was not for any misdemeanor of his in
Parliament; But to put them out of doubt of any question of that Nature, that may arise among them hereafter, you shall resolve them in
Our Name, That
We think
Our self very free and able to punish any man's misdemeanors in
Parliament, as well during their sitting as after: which we mean not to spare hereafter upon any occasion of any
man's insolent
Behaviour there, that shall be ministred unto
Us. And if they have already touched any of these points, which
We have here forbidden in any
Petition of theirs, which is to
[Page 174] be sent unto
Us, it is our pleasure that you shall tell them, that except they reform it before it come to our hands,
We will not deign the hearing nor answering of it.
This was the effect of the Letter.
Dated at Newmarket,
Decem. 3. 1621.
When the
House had duly and weightily considered the just
Reasons they had to draw up this
Remonstrance, in discharge of their
Consciences and duties to
God, and the King, and found how fruitless their labours were. Having (as it were) cast out one
Anchor in a tempestuous
season which would take no hold, they were forced to cast out another, that both together might better fasten on the King's good affections: Therefore they framed this following
Petition, and sent the
Remonstrance with it, hoping yet to save the beaten
Bark of the
Common-wealth from ruin in so great a time of danger. And thus they address themselves to their great
Pilot.
Most dread and gracious Soveraign,
The Parliaments Petition.WE your most humble and loyal
Subjects, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses assembled in the
Commons House of
Parliament, full of grief and unspeakable sorrow, through the true sence of your Majesties displeasure expressed by your Letter lately sent to Our
Speaker, and by him related and read unto
Us; Yet comforted again with the assurance of your
Grace and
Goodness, and of the sincerity of our own intentions and proceedings, whereon with confidence we can rely, in all humbleness beseech your most excellent
Majesty, that the
Loyalty and
Dutifulness of as faithful and loving
Subjects as ever served or lived under a gracious
Soveraign, may not undeservedly suffer, by the mis-information of partial and uncertain
Reports, which are ever unfaithful
Intelligencers: but that your
Majesty would in the clearness of your own
Judgment, first vouchsase to understand from
Our selves, and not from others, what our humble
Declaration and
Petition (resolved upon by the Universal Voice of the
House, and proposed with your
Gracious favour to be presented unto your
Sacred Majesty) doth contain. Upon what
Occasion we entred into
Consideration of those things which are therein contained, with what dutiful respect to your Majesty, and your Service, we did consider thereof, and what was our true intention thereby. And that when your
Majesty shall thereby truly discern our dutiful
Affections, you will in your
Royal judgment free us from those heavy
Charges wherewith some of our
Members are burthened, and wherein the whole
House is involved.
And we humbly beseech your
Majesty, that you will not hereafter give
Credit to private
Reports against all, or any of the Members of our
House, whom the whole have not
censured, until your
Majesty have been truly informed thereof from our selves, and that in the mean
[Page 175] time, and ever, we may stand upright in your Majesties
Grace and good
Opinion, than which no
worldly consideration is, or can be dearer unto us.
When your Majesty had reassembled us in
Parliament, by your
Royal Commandment, sooner than we expected, and did vouchsafe by the
mouths of three honourable
Lords, to impart unto us the weighty
occasions moving your Majesty thereunto; And from them we did understand these particulars.
That notwithstanding your Princely and
Pious indeavours to procure
Peace, the time is now come that
Janus Temple must be opened.
That the
Voice of Bellona must be heard, and not the Voice of the
Turtle.
That there was no hope of
Peace, nor any Truce to be obtained, no, not for a few days.
That your Majesty must either abandon your own
Children, or ingage your self in a war, wherein
Consideration is to be had, what foot, what horse, what money would be sufficient.
That the
Lower Palatinate was seized upon by the Army of the
King of
Spain, as
Executor of the
Ban there, in quality of Duke of
Burgundy, as the
Upper Palatinate was by the
Duke of
Bavaria.
That the
King of
Spain at his own
Charge had now at least five several
Armies on foot.
That the
Princes of the
Union were disbanded, but the
Catholick league remained firm, whereby those
Princes so dissevered, were in danger one by one to be ruined.
That the
Estate of those of the
Religion in Foreign
parts was miserable. And,
That out of these
Considerations we were called to a war, and forthwith to advise for a
Supply, for keeping the
forces in the
Palatinate from disbanding, and to fore-see the means for raising and maintaining the body of an
Army for the war against the
Spring. We therefore out of our
Zeal to your
Majesty and your
Posterity, with more alacrity, and colerity, than ever was precedented in
Parliament; did address our selves to the
Service commended unto
Us. And although we cannot conceive, that the honor and safety of your Majesty, and your
posterity, the
patrimony of your
Children, invaded and possessed by their
Enemies, the welfare of
Religion, and
State of your Kingdom, are matters at any time unfit for our deepest
consideration in time of
Parliament. And though before this time we were in some of these points silent, yet being now invited thereunto, and led on by so just an
occasion, we thought it
Our Duties to provide for the present supply thereof, and not only to turn our eyes on a war abroad; but to take care for the securing of our
peace at home, which the dangerous increase, and insolency of
Popish Recusants, apparently, visibly, and sensibly did lead us unto. The consideration
[Page 176] whereof did necessarily draw us truly to represent unto your
Majesty what we conceive to be the
Causes, what we feared would be the effects, and what we hoped might be the remedies of these growing
Evils. Among which, as incident and unavoidable, we fell upon some things which seem to touch upon the
King of
Spain, as they have relation to
Popish Recusants at home, to the Wars by him maintained in the
Palatinate against your
Majestie's Children, and to his several
Armies now on foot; yet as we conceived without touch of
dishonour to that King, or any other
Prince your
Majestie's Consederate.
In the discourse whereof we did not assume to our
selves any power to determin of any part thereof,
An humble Parliament. nor intend to incroach or intrude upon the
Sacred bounds of your Royal Authority, to whom, and to whom only, we acknowledg it doth belong to resolve of
Peace and
War, and of the
Marriage of the most noble
Prince your
Son. But as your most
Loyal and humble
Subjects, and
Servants, representing the whole
Commons of your
Kingdom (who have a large interest in the happy and prosperous estate of your
Majesty, and your
Royal Posterity, and of the flourishing
Estate of our
Church and
Common-wealth) did resolve out of our Cares and Fears, truly and plainly to demonstrate these things to your
Majesty, which we were not assured could otherwise come so fully and clearly to your knowledg, and that being done, to lay the same down at your Majesties
feet, without expectation of any other answer of your Majesty touching these higher points, than what at your good pleasure, and in your own time should be held fit.
This being the effect of that we had formerly resolved upon, and these the occasions and reasons inducing the same, our humble suit to your
Majesty, and confidence is, that your
Majesty will be graciously pleased to receive at the hands of these our
Messengers our former humble
Declaration, and
Petition, and to vouchsafe to read, and favourably to interpret the same. And that to so much thereof, as containeth our humble
Petition concerning
Jesuits, Priests and
Popish Recusants, the passage of
Bills, and granting your
Royal Pardon, you will vouchsafe an answer unto us.
And whereas your
Majesty by the general words of your Letter seemeth to restrain us from intermedling with matters of
Government, or
particulars which have their
motion in the
Courts of
Justice; the generality of which words in the largeness of the extent thereof, (as we hope beyond your
Majesties intention) might involve those things, which are the proper
Subjects of
Parliamentary occasions and discourse.
And where as your
Majesty doth seem to abridge us of the ancient
liberty of
Parliament for freedom of
Speech, Jurisdiction, and just
Censure of the House, and other proceedings there (wherein we trust in God we shall never transgress the
bounds of
loyal and
dutiful Subjects) a liberty which we assure our selves so wise and so
[Page 177] just a
King will not infringe, the same being our ancient and undoubted right, and an inheritance received from our
Ancestors, without which we cannot freely debate, nor clearly discern of things in
Question before us, nor truly inform your
Majesty; in which we have been confirmed by your
Majesties most gracious former Speeches and Messages: We are therefore now again inforced in all humbleness to pray your Majesty to allow the same, and thereby to take away the
doubts and
scruples your Majesties late Letter to your
Speaker hath brought upon us.
So shall we your
Loyal and loving
Subjects ever acknowledge your Majesties
justice,And a Pious.grace and
goodness, and be ready to perform that service to your Majesty, which in the true affection of our hearts we prosess, and powre out our dayly and devout
prayers to the
Almighty for your Majesties long life, happy and religious Reign, and prosperous
Estate, and for your
Royal posterity after you for ever.
The
Parliament thought it strange that the King in a
Recess should call them together before the appointed time of meeting,
The King wanted money, not advice. pretending
Emergent occasions, and (by his
Ministers of
State) persuade and incite to a War, and when (in obedience to this command) they shall proceed in their advice, only to prevent the dangers abroad, and establish
security at home, they shall be accounted presumptuous and insolent. But by this they discover, (and which the King plainly expresses in his Answer) that he required none of their advice, he wanted only their
money, if they had furnished him with that instead of
Counsel, it would have been a golden
Remonstrance. They are to be his
Bank, his
Merchants, he needs no other directions; let them find money, he knows how to dispose of it. This was the great fault, which this
Petition strives to
mitigate, accompanied with the Remonstrance it self, and the
Petition against
Recusancy, for both which it was an intercessor, but it could not with all its Humility procure acceptance for its
Companions, though sent by twelve select
Members of the
House, and the leading
man Sir
Richard Weston (who was really the King's) chosen by the
Commons to make their
Petitions the more acceptable. And the House finding it a great discouragement to them to proceed in any business, when there was so great a distance betwixt the
King and them, (the
King thinking their
actions an intrenchment upon his
Prerogative, and they thinking the King's expressions an infringement of their Liberties) they resolved to give over all business, till they had an Answer of their
Petitions; for they thought they had as good do nothing, as have that they do undone again. Which the
King hearing of was
vexed at the
heart, and entertained their
Messengers very roughly; and some say he called for twelve
Chaire's[Page 178] for them, saying, Here are twelve
Kings come to me. But after he had considered their desires in their last
Petition (rejecting the others) he returns them this answer to all.
An. Christi. 1621.
WE must here begin in the same fashion that we would have done, if your first Petition
had come to our Hands▪ before we had made a stay thereof,The King's Answer.which is to repeat the first words of the late Queen
of famous memory,
used by her in answer to an insolent Proposition,
made by a Polonian Embassadon
[...]unto her, that is Legatum expectabamus, Heraldum accipimus.
For we had great reason
to expect that the first Message
from your House should have been a Message
of thanksgiving for Our
continued gratious behaviour
towards our People
since your last Recess.
Not only by our Proclamation
of Grace,
wherein were contained six or seven and thirty Articles,
all of several points of Grace
to the people; but also by the labour we took for the satisfaction
of both Houses
in those three Articles
recommended unto Us
in both their names by the right Reverend
Father in God
the Archbishop
of Canterbury,
and likewise for the good Government of Ireland
we are now in hand with at your request. But not only have We
heard no news of all this, but contrary, great complains of the Danger
of Religion
within this Kingdom, tacitly implying Our
ill Government in this point. And we leave you to judge, whether it be your Duties,
that are the Representative Body
of Our People,
so to distate them with Our Government,
whereas by the contrary, it is your Duty
with all your indeavours to kindle more and more a dutiful and thankful Love
in the peoples hearts
towards us for our just and gracious Government.
Now whereas in the very beginning of this your Apology,
you tax Us
in fair terms of trusting uncertain Reports,
and partial informations concerning your Proceedings;
We wish you to remember that we are an old
and experienced King,
needing no such lessons, being in our conscience, freest of any King alive from hearing or trusting idle Reports,
which so many of your House as are nearest Us,
can bear witness unto you, if you would give as good ear to them, as you do to some Tribunitial Orators
among you. And for proof in this particular: We have made your own Messengers
confer your other Petitions
sent by you with the Copy
thereof, which was sent Us
before, between which there is no difference at all, but that since our receiving the first Copy,
you added a Conclusion
unto it, which could not come to our hands, till it was done by you, and your Messengers
sent, which was all at one time. And if we had had no Copy
of it before hand, we must have received your first Petition
to our great dishonour,
before we had known what it contained, which would have inforced us to have returned you a far worse answer than now we
do. For then your Messengers
had returned with nothing,
but that We
have judged your Petition
unlawful and unworthy of an answer:
[Page 179] For as to your Conclusion
thereof, it is nothing but Protestatio contraria facto,
for in the body of your Petition
you usurp upon Our
Prerogative Royal,
and meddle with things far above your reach, and then in the Conclusion
you protest the contrary; as if a Robber
would take a mans purse, and then protest he meant not to rob him. For first you presume to give Us
your advice concerning the Match
of Our
dearest Son
with some Protestant,
we cannot say Princess,
for we know none of these fit for him, and dissuade us from his Match
with Spain,
urging us to a present War
with that King,
and yet in the conclusion,
forsooth, ye protest ye intend not to press upon our most undoubted and Regal Prerogative;
as if the petitioning
of Us
in matters
that your selves confess ye ought not to meddle with, were not a medling with them.
And whereas ye pretend that ye were invited to this course by the Speeches
of three honourable Lords,
ye thy so much as your selves repeat of the Speeches,
nothing can be concluded, but that We
were resolved by War
to regain the Palatinate,
if otherwise We
could not attain unto it. And you were invited to advise forthwith upon a Supply
for keeping the Forces
in the Palatinate
from disbanding, and to fore-see the means for the raising and maintaining of the Body
of an Army
for that War against the Spring.
Now what inference can be made upon this? That therefore we must presently denounce War against the King of Spain,
break our dearest Son's Match,
and Match
him to one of Our Religion, Let the world judge!
The difference is no greater, than if we would tell a Merchant
that We
had great need
to borrow money
from him for raising an Army,
that thereupon it should follow, that We
were bound to follow his advice in the Directions
of the War,
and all things depending thereupon But yet not contenting your Selves
with this excuse of yours, which indeed cannot hold water,
ye come after to a direct contradiction
to the conclusion
of your former Petition,
saying, that the Honor
and Safety
of Us
and Our posterity,
and the patrimony
of our Children
invaded, and possessed by their Enemies,
the welfare
of Religion,
and State
of Our Kingdom, are matters at any time not unfit for your deepest considerations in Parliament.
To this generality, We answer
with the Logicians, That where all things are contained, nothing is omitted.
So as this plenipotency
of yours invests you in all power
upon Earth,
lacking nothing but the Popes
to have the Keyes
also both of Heaven
ahd Purgatory.
And to this vast
generality of yours, we can give no other Answer; for it will trouble all the best Lawyers
in the House,
to make a good Commentary
upon it. For so did the Puritan Ministers
in Scotland,
bring all kind of Causes
within the compass
of their Jurisdiction,
saying, That it was the Churches Office
to judge of Slander,
and there could no kind of crime
or fault
be committed, but there was a slander
in it, either against God,
the King,
or their Neighbour,
and by this means they hooked into themselves the
[Page] [...][Page 181] too fair a ground, and opened them too Wide a Gate,
for Curbing and oppressing
of many thousands of our Religion
in divers parts of Christendom.
And whereas you excuse your touching upon the King of Spain,
upon occasion of the incidents by you repeated in that place, and yet affirm that it is without any touch to his Honour,
We cannot wonder enough that ye are so forgetful, both of your Words
and Writs:
For in your former Petition ye plainly affirm, that he affects the Temporal Monarchy
of the whole Earth, then which there can be no more malice
uttered against any great King, to make all other Princes
and Potentates
both envie and hate him. But if ye list, it may be easily tried, whether that Speech
touched him in Honour
or not: if we shall ask him the Question,
whether he means to assume to himself that Title or no? For every King can best judge of his own Honour.
We omit the particular
ejaculations of some foul mouthed Orators
in your House,
against the Honour
of his Crown
and State.
And touching your excuse of not determining any thing concerning the Match
of our dearest Son,
but only to tell your opinions,
and lay it down at Our feet: First, We desire to know how you could have presumed to determin in that point
without Committing of high Treason.
And next you cannot deny, but your talking of his Match
after that manner, was a direct breach
of Our commandment,
and Declaration
out of Our own mouth,
at the first sitting down of this Parliament;
where we plainly professed, that we were in treaty of his Match
with Spain,
and wished you to have that Confidence in our Religion,
and Wisdom,
that We would so manage it as Our Religion
should receive no prejudice
by it. And the same We now repeat unto you, professing that We are so far engaged in that March,
as we cannot in Honour
go back, except the King of Spain
perform not such things as we expect at his hands: And therefore We are sorry that ye should shew to have so great Distrust
in Us, or to conceive that We should be cold in our Religion:
otherwise We cannot imagine how Our former public Declaration
should not have stopt your mouths
in this point.
And as to your Request, That We would now receive your former Petition,
We wonder what could make you presume,
that We would not receive it; whereas in our former Letter, We plainly declared the Contrary
unto you, and therefore we have justly rejected that suit
of yours. For what have you left un-attempted in the Highest points of Soveraignty in that Petition of yours,
except the striking of Coin?
For it contains the violation of Leagues, the particular
way how to govern a War,
and the Marriage
of our dearest Son, both Negative with Spain,
nay with any other Popish Princess.
And also Affirmatively, as to the Matching with one of Our
Religion; which We confess is a strain beyond any Providence or Wisdom God hath given Us, as things now stand.
[Page 182]These are unfit things to be handled in Parliament,
except your King should require it of you, For who can have Wisdom to judge of things of that Nature? but such as are daily acquainted with the particulars of Treaties,
and of the Variable or fixed Connexion of Affairs of State,
together with the knowledge of the secret ways, ends, and intentions of Princes,
in their several Negotiations:
otherwise a small mistaking in matters of this Nature
may produce more effects than can be imagined. And therefore Nesutor ultra crepidam.
And besides the intermedling in Parliament
with matters
of Peace,
or War,
and Marriage of Our dearest Son, would be such a diminution to Us, and to Our Crown
in forraign Countries, as would make any Prince
neglect to treat with Us, either in matters
of Peace
or Marriage,
except they might be assured by the assent of Parliament.
False play justly rewarded.And so it proved long ago with a King of France,
who upon a trick procuring his States
to dissent from some Treaty,
which before he had made; was after refused treating with any other Princes,
to his great reproach, unless he would first procure the Assent
of his Estates
to their Proposition.
And will you cast your eyes upon the late Times,
you shall find that the late Queen
of Famous memory,
was humbly petitioned
by a Parliament
to be pleased to marry: But her Answer was, that she liked their petition
well, because it was simple, not limiting her to place or person,
as not besitting her liking to their Fancies;
and if they had done otherwise, she would have thought it a high presumption in them. Judge then what We may do in such a Case?
having made our public Declaration
already (as we said before) directly contrary to that which you have now petitioned.
Now to the points
in your Petition,
whereof you desire an answer as properly belonging to the Parliament.
The first and the greatest point
is that of Religion,
concerning which at this time We can give you no other answer than in the General;
which is, that you may rest secure, that We will never be weary to do all we can for the propagation
of Our Religion,
and repressing of Popery.
But the manner and form you must remit to Our
care and providence, who can best consider of Times
and Seasons;
not by undertaking a public War of Religion
through all the World
at once; which, how hard and dangerous a task it may prove, you may judge. But this puts Us in mind how all the World
complained the last year of plenty of Corn,
and God hath sent Us a cooling Card
this year for that heat. And so We
pray God
that this desire among you of Kindling Wars (
shewing your weariness of Peace
and Plenty)
may not make God permit Us to fall into the miseries
of both.Wars good to prevent wars.But as we already said, Our care of Religion
must be such, as on the one part We must not by the hot persecution of Our Recusants
at home, irritate forrain Princes
of contrary Religion,
and teach them the way to plague the Protestants
in their Dominions,
whom with We dayly intercede, and at this time principally for ease to them of Our[Page 183] profession,
that live under them. Yet upon the other part, We never mean to spare from due and severe punishment
any Papist
that will grow insolent, for living under Our
so mild Government.
And you may also be assured, We will leave no Care
untaken, as well for the good Education
of the youth at home, especially the Children
of Papists,
as also for preserving at all times hereafter the youth that are or shall be abroad, from being bred in dangerous places, and so poisoned in Popish Seminaries.
And as in this point,
namely, concerning the good Education
of Popish
youth at Home,
We have already given some good proofs both in this Kingdom, and in Ireland,
so will We be well pleased to pass any good Laws
that shall be made, either now, or any time hereafter to this purpose.
And as to your request of making this a Session,
and granting a general pardon,
it shall be in your Defaults,
if We make not this a Session
before Christmas.
But for the Pardon,
ye crave such particulars in it, as We must be well advised upon, lest otherwise we give you back the double or treble of that we are to receive by your entire Subsidy,
without Fifteens.
But the ordinary course We hold
fittest to be used still in this Case,
is, that We should of our free grace
send you down a Pardon
from the higher House,
containing such points as We shall think fittest, wherein we hope ye shall receive good satisfaction.
But We
cannot omit to shew you how strange we think it, that ye should make so bad and unjust a Commentary upon some words of our former Letter, as if we meant to restrain you thereby of your ancient privileges
and liberties in Parliament.
Truly a Scholler
would be ashamed so to misplace, and mis-judge any Sentences
in another Mans book. For whereas in the end of our former Letter We
discharge you to meddle with matters of Government
and Mysteries
of State,
namely, Matters of War
or Peace,
or our dearest Sons Match
with Spain;
by which particular denominations, We
interpret, and restrain Our
former words:
And then after We
forbid you to meddle with such things as have their Ordinary
course in Courts of Justice:
yet couple together those two distinct Sentences,
and plainly leave out these words, Of Mysteries of State;
so as ye err [...]àbenè divisis ad malè conjecta.
For of the former part concerning Mysteries of State, We
plainly restrained our meaning to the particulars
that were after mentioned. And in the latter we confess we meant it by Sir Edward Cook's
foolish business. And therefore it had well become him, especially being Our Servant,
and One of Our Consel
to have complained unto Us, which he never did, though he was ordinarily at Court since, and never had access refused unto him.
And although We
cannot allow of the stile,
calling it, Your Ancient and undoubted right and inheritance,
but could rather have wished that ye had said, That your Privileges were derived from the Grace, and permission of our Ancestors and
[Page 184] Us
(for most of them grow from Precedents,
which shews rather a toleration than inheritance) yet we are pleased to give you Our Royal
assurance, that as long as you shall contain your selves
within the limits of your Duty,
we will be as careful to maintain, and preserve your lawful Liberties and Privileges, as ever any of Our Predecessors
were; nay, as to preserve Our own Royal Prerogative.
So as your House shall only have need to beware to trench upon the Prerogative
of the Crown;
which would enforce Us, or any just King to retrench them of their Privileges
that would pare his Prerogative
and Flowers of the Crown.
But of this We
hope there shall be never cause given. This was the effect of the King's Answer, which was dated at
New-market the 11. of
December 1621.
Thus the King acted his part, and though his answer might be the Result of his thoughts,
The King and People Competitors. yet it was some transcendent Cause that put it into
Words, for his
Nature was apt enough to fear the
Sound of its own impressions. But now his
Spirit was mounted, either the Breach of the Treaty with
Spain, or the Breach (as he thought) upon his
Prerogative gave wing, to raise his
Anger higher than his fear.
Princes that never knew how to obey, ride their
Passions with a loose rein, and are easiest carried by that impulsion. The
Prince and the
People are here
Competitors, both jealous of encroachments, both striving to prevent them.
Liberty is a power that gives a well being, and life to the
People. Power is a liberty that
Princes take to be the very life of their
Being. Kings are like the
Sea, and the people like the land, the industry of the one striving with the
Piles, and
Banks of good laws, and
Precedents, to bound the often-springtides, and over-flowing of the other. In
Scotland the Land was high, Rocky, and inaccessible for his
Waves though never so boisterous; Here he finds a smooth
Shore, and the people as tame in their obedience, as they were in their sufferings, which makes him the bolder with them.
But the
Parliament (weighing the King's answer by the
Ballance of
Reason, not
Passion) found that there was little for them to do.
Discourses upon the Kings Answer. For how is this a mixt
Government, when Kings do what they please? They
Call their
People to a
Parliament, where the three
Estates are said to be the mixt
Government, but what is their great
Errand? to get
Money. If they touch upon
miscarriage in Government, it disparages him to his people, (for now the inside of his
Copses are
well grown again.) If upon
Religion, he knows well enough how to order that, if the
Treaty with
Spain goes on. And for the affairs of
State, he seems to imply as if there were some hidden and secret
Art in those
Mysteries of King-craft, that the
Parliaments apprehension cannot reach. For,
who can have wisdom (saith he)
to judge of things
Cum pater ad summos Romae esset vectus honoresBorgaei, toto Praesulvt orbe foret.Purpuraei donat gnato huic insigne galèri,Quod tamen hoc tantum respuit ille decus,Cum ferabella sequi mallet Venerem
[...] nefandam,Et sratr
[...]m è
[...]edi
[...] tolleret suum.
[Page 185] of that Nature, but those that are traded in them? Every man in his
Profession! So the
Priests by their old
Oracles did strive to keep the
World in ignorance, as the
Romish Factors do now. Whereas the true way of
Treaties is with
Christian, not
Machiavelian policy. This we require, this answer we expect, you shall have this
Retribution from Us. If you go about to
cozen and
cheat Us by delays, and spin out time for ends, such
Syrens must not be listened after. Every
State must stand upon the
foundation of its own
Reason and
Power, and not build
Castles of paper.
Hopes upon deceitful promises, unless there be such redundant Causes of dependency upon them, as it is impossible to
subsist without them. It was observed by
Comines, that in all
Treaties betwixt the
English and the
French, the
English ever had the
worst; but in all
Wars and
Conflicts, the
English had the
better: intimating that
Subtil
[...]y may deceive, but plain down-right
Honesty is best, and will prevail.
Falsness is fit for
such spirits as
Pope Alexander, or his
Nephew, Caesar Borgia, Scipio, though a Heathen in his
pactions with
Spain and
Carthage, scorned it; and the old
Roman Senate were so Gallant, as to rebuke
Lucius Marcius, their Ambassador and
General, because in the managing of his Wars and Treaties, with
Perseus King of
Macedon, he went about by
subtilties to circumvent him. And now an
Ambassador (as one saith)
lyes abroad,
Reipublicae causa, for the good of his Countrey, which tends rather to the hurt of it.
But now they find that the King would only make
Merchandize of the
Common-wealth,The Parliament the Kings Merchants. yet
Merchants look for their Money again with advantage, and therefore their
Counsel in disposing it may be well spared. But the
Parliament it they raise Money from the
People (which is never to be repayed) there is good reason they should know not only to what purpose it is levied, but how prudently and sitly laid out: otherwise as the
King tells them in the comparison of the
Robber (though in relation to his
Prerogative) if they should be summoned to levy Money of the
people without
consideration of what it is for, or how it shall be disposed for the good of the
Kingdom, they may very well say and protest, That they meant not to take it from them so; that is, not to rob them of it. But the
King's necessities must come under the
Common Emergencies, which he would not have known; and what will one
Subsidy without fifteens do? The
Protestants want in the
Palatinate, so doth he in
England: But
he had lately a great assistance from his
People, never
King of
England found greater love, (as he saith of himself) yet he wants still, and would have supply for it under the
notion of a War. They must consider what Money is fit, what Foot, what Horse necessary, but they must not know for what. All that they can imagine, is, that the
[Page 186]King wants Money for his
Favourite Buckingham, and his kindred, to furnish them against
Christmas, for feasting, gaming, and bravery, the three main
pillars of the
Times licentiousness, raised up to a stupendious and excessive height, or to send out his
Ambassadors, or help his indigent and expensive Courtiers, and then the Wars are ended; for
Want is a great
War. But if the good of the Kingdom, the establishment of
Religion, the happiness of the King and his
Posterity be not fit Themes for them to discourse of, why are they called?
The late
Queen (whose
memory will be for ever famous) by the King's own relation liked the
Parliaments Petition well, when they humbly besought her to marry, because they did not prescribe her
place and
person, but left that to her
Election, if they had done otherwise,
She would have thought it presumption in them. The King thinks it presumption in the
Parliament, humbly to beseech him (for the good of
Religion) to permit his Son to marry with a
Protestant Princess, if they had fixt upon
place or
person, he would have thought it High Treason. So many degrees high was the King's spirit mounted above a
Woman's to humble
Subjects, and so many degrees lower then
Hers was his
Spirit to daring
Enemies.
Some of these things were publickly discoursed of among them in the
House, and other-some muttered and talkt of in private (
for full breasts will find vent) but the
main business that the
Commons insisted on, was the King's incroachment upon their
Liberties, debarring them
freedom of speech in Parliament, which was a Natural, Reasonable, and uncontroul'd immunity, as long as they kept themselves within the limits of their duty, which the
House was to be the
sole judge of. And who can tax any particular
Member with
miscarriages that way, that the house hath not Censured hitherto? for now the
heat is but new broke in among them, and this liberty of speech stuck most with them; for if any man should speak any thing to displease the King (though it tended never so much to the good of the Kingdom) it might be termed insolent behaviour, and be liable to
punishment after
Parliament (if not then) as the King threatens in his Letter; which carried such a Terror and over-awing with it, that they resolved to give over all business, left they should offend. Which the King hearing of, writes again to his
Secretary, Calvert, and the
Speaker, to take off the edge of those sharp expressions he used in his Letters, thinking to cool the heat among them.
But before this heat was in the
House of
Commons,The higher House offended. the Lords began to consider how cheap they were made by the multitude of
Irish, and
Scotch Earls and Viscounts, the King had accumulated, not the Natives of those
Kingdoms, but private
[Page 187]English Gentlemen, who had procured, and assumed those Titles, to perch above the
English Baronry, to their great regret and dishonour. And after some debate, and canvassing in it, they resolved, That though they could not debar the King from making such swarms of
Nobles with
Outlandish Titles, yet they would let him know what prejudice it was to them, and if it produced no other good effect, the King might at least see they took offence, and were not well pleased with it, which made them present him with this
Petition, thus
Subsigned.
The Humble Petition of the Nobility of
England.
THat whereas your
Majesty at the importunity of some natural Subjects of this Realm of
England,They Petition. hath been pleased to confer upon them,
Honours, Titles, and
Dignities, peculiar to other your
Majestie's
Dominions, by which all the
Nobility of this Realm, either in themselves, their
Children or both, find they are prejudiced. Our humble desire is, that with your gracious allowance, we may challenge, and preserve our
Birth-rights, And that we may take no more notice of these
Titulars to our
Prejudice, than the Law of this Land doth, but that we may be excused, if in civil courtesie, we give them not the respect or place, as to
Noblemen strangers, seeing that these being our Country Men, born and inheritanced under our Laws, their families and abode among us, have yet procured their Translation into foreign names, only to our injury.
But in this address to your Sacred Majesty, it is far from Us to meddle with, much less to limit, or interpret the
Power of your
Soveraignty, knowing that your Majesty (being the Root whence all
Honour receives
Sap, under what
Title soever) may collate what you please, upon whom, when, and how you please; Wherefore in all humbleness We present this to your gracious view, confident of your Majesties equal favour herein.
1. Oxford.
2. Huntington.
3. Essex.
4. Lincoln.
5. Dorset.
6. Salisbury.
7. Warwick.
8. Abergavenie.
9. Dacres.
10. Darcie.
11. Stafford.
12. Willoughbie.
13. Sheffeild.
14. Windsor.
15. Gray.
16. Wentworth.
17. Mordant.
18. Scroop.
19. Cromwell.
20. Sturton.
21. Howard.
22. St. Iohn.
23. Paget.
24. Russell.
25. Gerrard.
26. Dudley.
27. Hunsdon.
28. Denny.
29. Spencer.
30. Haughton.
31. Stanhope.
32. Say.
33. Noell.
Thus we see the
Errors of
Princes,The King angry. are sometimes put into the
Scale, and they bring with them so much trouble and vexation
[Page 188] that they often weigh down their
Glory and
Happiness; for no man can feel the load and burthen of it, but he that wears a
Crown. The King was
conscious to himself that he had done these Noblemen injury, especially the
Barons, to advance their inferiours above them, for a little profit either to himself or his
Courtiers. And if he had not heard of this
Petition before, such a Troop of attendance together might have startled him, but being prepared for it, he mustered up his
Spirits, thinking it too great an abasement for
Majesty to stoop at their
Summons, being so publick an
Action; or to lesson or recall what he had done. Yet he was troubled, not knowing what
quarrels the strife for
place and
precedency might produce; or what ill blood the discontent of so many of the
Nobility at one time might ingender: Therefore he sent for them all, or the most eminent and leading men of them, some days after, and expostulated the
business with them, one by one, in private, knowing he could deal best with them so, beginning with some of them roughly, yet still he closed with them at last, his anger being (as it were) raised to make them humble, and reconcile themselves to him, that he might the better reconcile himself to them. And to the Earl of
Essex he vented this Expression,
I fear thee not Essex,
if thou wert as well beloved as thy father, and hadst forty thousand men at thy heels. Which words he uttered as if he had chid himself that they made an escape from him. And though this
Petition did not derogate from the
Dignity of those
creations past, yet the King willingly restrained himself for the time to come.
But the
House of Commons found the
King's Letters to entangle the way rather than make a free passage to their
Liberties,The Commons discontent. for that which was their birth-right would now come to be derived from his Ancestors. And for all the King's finenesses they thought
Religion very
un secure: for as long as the bent of his
Affections tended to the
Spanish match, there must needs be a
wide Gap open as an inlet to
Popery; and if it may be made
Treason for his
Parliament to advise him from it, they saw but a very small door left open to liberty. But whatsoever befell them, they resolved to leave to
posterity some prints and footsteps of their
Parliamentary Rights and
Privileges, left them by their great
Ancestors, that though they could not preserve them intire, those that succeed them might at least find some
Reliques, and ruins of what they had; Which made them make this
Protestation recorded in their
Iournal Book, 19. Dec. 1621.
THe Commons now Assembled in Parliament,Their Protestation.being justly occasioned thereunto, concerning sundry Liberties, Franchises, and Privileges of
Parliament, among others here mentioned, do make this
Protestation following. That the Liberties, Franchises,
[Page 189] Privileges, and Iurisdictions of
Parliament, are the ancient and undoubted
Birth-right, and inheritance of the
Subjects of
England, And that the arduous and urgent affairs concerning the
King, State, and defence of the
Realm, and of the
Church of
England, and the
Maintenance, and making of
Laws, and redress of
Mischiefs and grievances, which daily happen within this
Realm, are proper
Subjects, and matter of
Counsel, and debate in
Parliament. And that in the handling and proceeding of those businesses, every
Member of
Parliament hath, and of right ought to have
freedom of
Speech, to propound, treat, reason, and bring to
Conclusion the same. And that the
Commons in
Parliament have likewise liberty, and freedom to treat of these
Matters, in such order as in their judgments shall seem fittest. And that every
Member of the said House hath like
Freedom, from all impeachment, imprisonment, and
Molestation, (other then by censure of the house it self) for, or concerning any speaking, reasoning, or declaring of any matter or matters, touching the
Parliament, or
Parliament business. And that if any of the said
Members be complained of, and questioned for any thing done, or said in
Parliament, the same is to be shewed to the King, by the advice and assent of all the
Commons assembled in
Parliament, before the King give credence to any private information.
The King was again
Alarum'd by this
Protestation,The King's trouble increases. and he that naturally loved
Peace, both at home and abroad, found a loud War in his own Breast, which indeed was in effect raised by himself, for no wisdom could resolve the
Intricacies of his
Resolutions but his own; for he would have a War with the
Emperor in
Contemplation, and a
Treaty with the King of
Spain in
Action, both at one time, who were (as it were) one person; and because the
Parliament, like wise
Mathematicians, would use the
Practical part as well as the
Theory, he was enraged against them, and his
Prerogative stept in as a stickler, and broke out like an
Exhalation, in thundring, and terror, to the
Astonishment, and fear of his people, which made them shrowd themselves from those storms, by creeping under the
Shelter of their
Native liberties. And now the King flies from his hot and intemperate
Region, to soom cool
Considerations. If he should yield by
Silence, or
Connivence to this
Protestation, it would remain as an impregnable
Bulwark for the people to
Posterity. And what is this terrible thing? their just
Liberties. If he should oppose it with
Rigor, it might produce such an intestine
Division at home, as with all industry he strove to prevent abroad. Break the
Treaty with
Spain he would not, his
Heart was too much set upon it, for he could find no
Protestant Princess good enough, the high and elated
Extraction of
Kings, will raise the people up to a kind of
Adoration (as the old
Heathens did the
Race of their
Gods and
Heroes.) Whereas true
Honesty[Page 190] and
piety, finds out such matches as may as well bring
Glory to
God as to man, not worldly Blessings only, but heavenly also. Lose the love of the people he was loth, for he thought his peaceable
Reign gained upon them, and that no King had ever deserved better of a People than he. But
Peace is a kind of
Soft Rayment, or
Masking-dress, not always to be worn;
Standing lakes beget
Corruption. The
Pool of
Bethesda had no
Virtue till it was stirred.
War is
necessary as
Physick for unsound
Bodies. Iustum id bellum quibus necessarium.
When the King had weighed every particular scruple,
The Parliament is dissolved. by the Ballance of his own
Reason, and
Councel about him, he took a
Resolution to dissolve the
Parliament; which he did, by
Proclamation the sixth of
Ianuary, being fifteen days after the
Protestation was made, so much time he measured out by the
Scale of
consideration, before he would pull down such a
Structure of
Love as never was built by the people for any of his
Predecessors, which he implies in his
Proclamation ▪ laying there all the blame upon the
House of
Commons, and not on them in general, but on some ill-tempered
Spirits (as he called them) that sowed
Tares among the
Corn, and frustrated the
Hopes of a plentiful
Harvest. Striving by these imputations to take away the
Odium, that such a
Dissolution might produce.
The
Parliament (and consequently the
Union between the King and People) being thus dissolved,
A Proclamation against talking. every man's tongue is let loose to run Riot. And though the King loved
Hunting above all other exercises, and had many good
Hunters about him, yet all those, and the
Strength of a
Proclamation (put out to forbid talking of
State Affairs) could not restrain them from mouthing out: That
Great Britain was become less than little
England; that they had lost strength by changing
Sexes, and that he was no King but a
Fidler's Son, otherwise he would not suffer such disorders at home, and so much dishonour abroad.
So dangerous it is for Princes by a stegmatick remisseness, to slacken the ligaments of the peoples tongues, for such an overflux of bad Humor may bring their obedience to a Paralytick! And the
Story of
David Ricius written by the King's own
Tutor, Buchanan, had died in every English
Opinion, if it had not had a new
Impression by these miscarriages.
And they say further,
Set peoples tongues awork. why should he assume to himself the
Title of
Defender of the
Faith, that suffers the
Protestants of
Germany and
France, to be
extirpated. That he might almost have purchased such a
Country as the
Palatinate, with the Money spent on
Ambassages; And that his promising the
French Protestants assistance (by their
Agents that interceeded for them) made them the more resolute, and
confident to their
Ruine: So that they might well call
England, the
Land of
Promise. And all that he got by his lip-labour assistance from the
French King,
[Page][Page]Edward Herbert Lord Herbert of Castle
[...]Land and Lord H
[...]rbert of C
[...]erbery in England
[Page 191] was, that his Ambassador Sir
Edward Herbert was snapt up by
Luynes the young
Constable and
favorite there;
With what hath your Master to do with us and our business? Whereas the
English Fleets the glory of the
World (if imployed) would have taught the
French pride to know that a looker on sees more than the
Gamester, and he that strikes with passion will many times thank them that take him off by friendly admonition; such discourses as these flew up and down from lip to lip, that it was almost
Treason to hear, much more to speak.
The Earl of
Oxford was betrayed,
Oxford and
Southampton committed. and accused by one
White a
Papist, (who was vulgarly called after in derision, by the
Name of
Oxford-White) to have spoken some words to the
Dishonour of the King, and disparagement of his Government, and was committed to the
Tower. The Earl of
Southampton was also committed to the
Dean of
Westminster. Oxford lay by it a great while, and being an
Active man, the King sent him at last to Sea, to be one of
Buckingham's
Vice-Admirals for the
English Coast, while Sir
Robert Mansell guarded the
Coasts of
Spain from being infested with the Turks of
Algier,Sir
Ed. Cook in disgrace. and
Sally. Sir
Edward Cook that was looked upon as one of the great incendiaries in the House of
Commons is put from the
Council Table with disgrace. The King saying, he was
the fittest instrument for a Tyrant that ever was in England. And yet in the
House he called the
King's Prerogative, a great
Over-grown Monster. And how can these agree. Unless because the
King would not take his
counsel, he hanged himself on the other side. But whether the King had cause to say the one I know not, but he (it seems) found cause enough to say the other.
Sir
Thomas Crew,Some punished, some preferred. Sir
Dudly Digges, Sir
Nathaniel Rich, and Sir
Iames Perrot, men of great
Repute, and knowledge, active in the
House, were sent into
Ireland, and joyned with others in
commission, to inquire into
Misdemeanors committed there, but (it was thought) as a punishment for what they had committed here, for they were long detained from their own occasions, under the colour of an honorable imployment; And Sir
Peter Hammon of
Kent and others, were sent into the
Palatinate. This kind of punishment beginning now to be in
fashion, and not long after this, Sir
Iohn Savile, the Knight of
York-shire, that carried all the Country at a
Beck, and a powerful
Man in the House, is taken off by the
King, made Comptroler of his
Household, a Privy Councellor, and not long after a
Baron, so the
King found out two ways of silencing those that were able to do him mischief.
Active Spirits that come too near him, must either come nearer to him, or be sent further from him, which he doubts not will take off the edge, and bate the sharpness of the
Humor another time. And these preferments and punishments were also practised by his successor with this
Experiment[Page 192] in both, that the most
popular men, as soon as they wore the
Court Livery, lost the love of the
people; but those that suffered for them, were the more beloved and admired by them.
The Commons of England
having more than an ordinary Genius to support and strengthen the pillars of their Liberties.
And as these
Troubles bred disturbance at home,
The King dishonoured abroad. so they begot discredit abroad, for now (by this Breach) they undervalued the King's
power as much as they did before his
Spirit: yea, even in the King of
Spain's own
Towns (whilst this beloved Treaty was in heat) they in their
Comedies presented
Messengers bringing
News in haste, That the
Palatinate was like to have a very
formidable Army shortly on foot: For the King of
Denmark would furnish him with a hundred thousand
picked Herrings, the Hollanders with a hundred thousand Butterboxes, and
England with a hundred thousand
Ambassadors. And they picture the King in one place with a Scabberd without a Sword. In another place with a Sword that no body could draw out, though divers stand pulling at it. At
Bruxels they painted him with his pockets hanging out, and never a penny in them, nor in his purse, turned upside down. In
Antwer
[...] they pictured the Queen of
Bohemia like a poor
Irish Mantler, with her hair hanging about her ears, and her child at her back, with the King her father carrying the
Cradle after her; and every one of these
Pictures had several
Motto's expressing their
Malice. Such Scorns and Contempts were put upon the King, and in him on the
Whole Nation.
And now the Treaty goes on amain. The Lord
Digby is sent into
Spain extraordinary
Ambassador. To relate the manner of whose entertainment after his arrival there, it may not be impertinent: for by it may be discovered the Course-grain of
Spanish civility, and how much our
Ambassador went against the hair then, though happily the way may be smother now.
He landed at St.
Andero in
Biscay, a poor
Maritime Town, where the people for the most part go all barefoot: and there his Lordship had the
patience to stay a Fortnight expecting the Court civilities, which were then upon remove from
Madrid to
Lerma (being part of the way to St.
Andero) without any intention to meet his Lordship. When his expectations were tired with attending their
Formalities, he sent his
Secretary, Simon Digby, to
Madrid, to be a Solicitor to the Duke of
Lerma (who then bore the sway) that he might have his first
Audience at
Lerma. And after some waiting time (though he had
Our King's Agent, Mr.
Cottington, for his
Assistant) he was returned with a
Spanish shrug, That the King would by no means admit of his desire, because he knew the
Ambassador came about
business, and he went to
Lerma only for pleasure.
[Page 193] This was a
Rub in his Lordship's way, and being impatient till it were removed, he sent again to
Court a second
Petition, which was to be presented with all the power
Cottington could make, and his importunity got the upper hand of the
Spanish Resolution (though much against their minds) that he might come to
Lerma; for which his Lordship was so elevated in his
spirits, that he pleased himself in an endeavouring way to express,
That the King of Spain
would not have done this favour to any Ambassador, but the King of England's;
nor to any that our King should have sent, but himself. And it may be partly true, for none (it is hoped) would have begg'd it so shamefully as he did; for there was no business to be expected; that must be turned into feasting and jollity; and if he had not hunted after the
King of Spain
for the favour, they would have let
Don Iuvan, (as they called him) dance attendance at
Madrid till all their Sports at
Lerma had been finished. For all his
Train (many of them
Knights, and
Gentlemen, of good
quality), murmured to see him so sleighted by the
Spaniard; that being known to be a whole month in the Countrey, he had not the least message or civility from the
Court; which extraordinary
miscarriage, would have put any but an
Extraordinary Ambassador out of countenance. But his Lordship made
Bonne mine, and pleased himself with the great
favours he should receive at Lerma,
and so came forward to
Burgos, which is within twenty English miles of
Lerma: And though the Court had been a Fortnight at
Lerma, yet there was no more news of his
Reception at
Burgos, than if he had been still at St.
Andero.
And now his Lordship fearing they would wholly neglect him, thought it his best course to send
Cottington (who met him at
Burgos) to
Lerma, to learn what their pleasure was to do with him; who returning brought word, that the next day he should have advice what
Order would be taken. And accordingly one of the
Duke of
Lerma's Secretaries sent a poor fellow with a Letter, that the next day (being Sunday) there should be two Coaches sent, to bring his Lordship on Tuesday following to
Villa Manza (a Village a mile short of
Lerma) where his Lodgings should be ready, and the
King's
Harbingers attending to prepare all things with
Diligence. This gave new life to his Lordship's
spirits; the
Coaches came according to the time, and to
Villa Manza they went, every man furnished in his best accoutrements, hoping to see the
Count that night: But they only found a pitiful, poor, ragged
Village; where enquiring for the Lord
Ambassador's house, the honest Country people told them, surely they were mistaken, they knew of no house, nor
Harbinger, nor what they meant; being as much amazed at the strange
questions of the English, as they had cause to be at their strange
Entertainment.
[Page 194]The English romed up and down the Town, and could discover no
house fit for the
Ambassador to go into, so that he was forced to sit in the
Coach, and sent
Walsingham Greisley in all haste to
Lerma, to know how he should be disposed of:
Greisley returned, and told the
Ambassador, They were all so busie in seeing a
Play, that he could not come to speak with any man that understood any thing relating to his Lordship. Which so distracted him, that he began to doubt whether
Villa Manza were the place, and it begot a new
Scrutiny, but the
Scruple was quickly removed, by finding
Villa Manza in the Letter, in very legible
characters. And now he could no longer dissemble like an
Ambassador, but supplying with impatience what he wanted in
Authority, commanded the Coachmen in a very hasty manner to drive back to
Burgos, which they very punctually refused; whereupon his Lordship leapt out of the Coach, and in a great
Choller mounted on Horseback, crying to his Company,
Away. The Coachmen seeing him resolute, and fearing to lose their Reward, told his Lordship, They would venture a Chiding to do him service, which dismounted him again, and he entered the
Coach; but before the wheels turned about, his mind changed, and by some little whispering advice of
Cottington's he now determined to tarry there all night: So that after sitting still four hours in a Coach, he made a worse choice, entring into a poor
Cottage, where bare walls, and want of such sitting furniture as helps
Nature's weariness, might tell his Lordship that the
Commons of
England stand on a better foundation than wooden shoes. Yet the
Owner of this house welcomed his Lordship with as much
gravity as if it had been a well provided
Castle; so that there was little pleasure to be taken to hear one so over-furnished with
words, that had such empty rooms.
But now news was brought that a Harbinger was come, who said there was a house, and all things provided, so that his Lordship composed his
countenance as well as he could upon such a sudden warning, and commanded the
Harbinger to be brought to him; who excusing himself for not coming time enough to attend his Lordship, said, He was glad to see his Lordship had lighted upon the right House. My Lord something dashed with the ill accommodation, asked him, How he knew it to be the right house? he answered, That himself and one of his fellows had been there the day before to be speak it. The Master of the House being questioned about it (having formerly denied it) made good his first assertion, denying there was any body at his House: Which put his Lordship into such a fit of
Anger, that he threatned to throw the
Harbinger out at the window for lying. The man affrighted,
[Page][Page]Francis Cottington
Lord Cottington
of Hannorth M
r of the Court of Wards Chancellour of the Exchequer
[Page 195] quickly got down the stairs, leaving his Lordship to his shifts, and he and his train that night were but slenderly provided for.
The next morning
Cottington went to
Court betimes, where he spake with the Duke of
Lerma, representing to him the disorder that had been at
Villa manza, whereat the Duke seemed highly offended with the
Officers; and as he was in his heat, in comes the
Harbinger, who being questioned for this miscarriage, told the Duke (before
Cottington's face) that the
Ambassador expected two or three
Grandees should be sent to receive him, which failing in, he grew so
cholerick, that when he came to do his service, he threatned to throw him out at the Window. The
Duke perhaps glad of the occasion, gave (by way of
Diversion) good ear to the fellow's words, and putting on the severest Countenance, told
Cottington, He did not think that so great a
Councellor as
Don Iuan, would have so miscarried with
passion, as to menace, and affront the King's Officer in that manner. So that
Cottington's business was quite perverted: for whereas he came to complain of the wrongs his Lordship had received, he was now driven to excuse the
Error he had committed. So that the Duke of
Lerma left him in his old House a day or two, to consider well of it, and then the
Conde de Salazar, one of the King's
Major Domos, was sent to accompany him to the
Court. These were the
Glories of the
Spanish entertainments, the
Honour they gave the
English, and the ground work of that
Union betwixt the
Nations; whereon they built up some great
formalities, which (like
Royal shadows) vanished in the end and came to nothing.
As the Lord
Digby is sent into
Spain, to smooth the way over the
Pyrene, so
Gage is sent to
Rome to make the
Alpes accessible; for the
Dispensation must be had from thence for the
Marriage. That Man of sin is the Primum mobile, he turns about all inferiour
Orbs at his pleasure, usurping a Terrene
Deity, and holds it by the
chains of
conscience, even now, when the light of
Learning and
Knowledge, with a
marvelous influence shines over the
Christian World. At home the
Prisons are set open,
Priests and
Iesuits walk about at noon day to deceive. And
Gondemar vaunts of four thousand
Recusants that his intercession had released: either to make his
service the more acceptable to his
Master, or to let him see how willing
Our King is to do any thing to advance that
Match that they never intend. Who is not so nice, but that he can stay for a
Dispensation from
Rome, to expedite which, he writes to some of the activest
Cardinals there, and receives answers from them,
Car. Bandino. Car. Lod
[...]visio. by
Gage his
Agent, full of alluring
Hopes. And that he might give some more publick Testimony of his indulgence, He commands Dr.
Williams Bishop of
Lincoln, then Lord Keeper of the
[Page 196] great
Seal of
England,An. Reg. 20. to pass
Writs under the great Seal, to require the
Iudges of every
Circuit, to enlarge all such
Papists as were imprisoned for
Recusancy.An. Christi. 1622. Whereupon the Lord
Keeper issued out these Writs, and to let the
Iudges see how well he was pleased with this command, he Corroborates their
Authority with this Letter, signed with his own hand.
AFter my hearty commendations to you:
Lord Keeper's Letter to the Judges. His
Majesty having resolved (out of deep reasons of
State, and in expectations of like
Correspondence from foreign
Princes, to the
Professors of our
Religion) to grant some
Grace, and
Connivence, to the imprisoned
Papists of this Kingdom, hath commanded me to pass some
Writs under the
broad Seal to that purpose:
Requiring the
Judges of every
Circuit to enlarge the said
Prisoners according to the tenor and effect of the same. I am to give you to understand (from his Majesty) how his Majestie's Royal pleasure is, that upon Receipt of these
Writs, you shall make no niceness, or difficulty to extend that his
Princely favour to all such
Papists as you shall find prisoners in the Goals of your Circuits, for any
Church Recusancy whatsoever, or refusing the
Oath of Supremacy, or dispersing
Popish Books, or hearing, saying of
Mass, or any other point of
Recusancy, which doth touch or concern
Religion only, and not
Matters of State.
And so I bid you farewel.Your loving friend,
JO. LINCOLN.
Westminster Coll.
2 Aug. 1622.
This Bishop succeeded the Lord
Verulam,His Preferment, Character, and part of his Story. not as Chancellor, but Keeper of the great
Seal, he having been by
Buckingham's means made Dean of
Westminster, and Bishop of
Lincoln, upon
Neils remove to
Durham, and for a long time had very gracious acceptance with the
Countess of
Buckingham, who was a great means to smooth his passage to all these places, and the Marquess her Son was the rather induced to it, because he was his
creature, and could mould him (as he thought) to serve his own turn; though when he had sifted and tried him, he found some
Pharisaical leaven in him, and afterwards in the next King's Reign threw him by. For though he were composed of many grains of good Learning, yet the
Height of his Spirit (I will not say
Pride) made him odious even to those that raised him; happily because they could not attain to those
Ends by him, that they required of him: For great and good
Officers ought to be just to their own
principles, and not deviate from them for any
wordly Respects.
But being of a comly and stately
Presence, and that animated with a great
Mind, made him appear very proud to the
Vulgar Eye, but that very temper raised him to aim at great
[Page][Page]William Arch-B: of Canterbury Primate of all England etc.
[Page 197] things, which he effected, for the old ruinous
Body of the Abby Church at Westminster was new clothed by him; The fair and beautiful
Library of St.
Iohn's in
Cambridge, was a
Pile of his Erection; and a very compleat
Chappel built by him at
Lincoln-College in
Oxford, meerly for the name of
Lincoln, having no interest in, nor relation to that
University. These were
Arguments of a great
Mind, how far from
Ostentation in this frail
Body of Flesh, cannot be determined, because the
Benefit of publick
Actions, smooths every stone that makes up the
building.
But that which heightned him most in the
Opinion of those that knew him best, was his bountiful
Mind to
Men in
Want, being a great
Patron to support, where there was
Merit that wanted supply. Among the rest
Monsieur de Molin, a very famous
Minister of
France, (in the persecution there) driven into
England for
Refuge. The
Bishop hearing of him, spoke to Doctor
Hacket his
Chaplain to make him a
Visit from him. And because (saith he) I think the
Man may be in
Want, in a
strange Country, carry him some
Money, not naming the Sum, because he would sound the depths of his
Chaplain's
mind. Doctor
Hacket finding the
Bishop nominate no proportion, told him he could not give him less than twenty pound.
I did demur upon the
Sum (said the
Bishop) to try you.
Is twenty pound a fit gift for me to give a man of his parts and deserts? Take a hundred pounds, and present it from me, and tell him he shall not want, and I will come shortly and visit him my self. Which he after performed, and made good his
Promise in supplying him during his abode in
England.
But these great
Actions were not publickly visible; those were more apparent that were looked on with an
Envious, rather than an
Emulous Eye. For the close and intimate
Correspondence, that was betwixt this
Bishop and the old
Countess, set many scurrilous tongues, and
Pens a work, though he was (as I have been assured)
Eunuchus ad Utero, which shews that nothing can prevent
Malice, but such an innocence as it cannot lay hold on.
For it hath ever been accounted a crime, not to endeavour to prevent the voice of Calumny.
His
breach with
Land, Arch-Bishop of
Canterbury, and the disgraces put upon him by the Court, will not fall in here, nor his closing again, and
Strugling when he saw the
Axe laid to the Root of
Episcopacy. But by this man's
Actions (as in a
Mirror) may be seen that a great
Estate, which (
besides his bounty) his places procured him, is a liquorish
Temptation, to make a
man Proteus-like vary from one shape to another, and to shape no direct course, but to go still as the wind blows.
Not long before this, that
Reverend Prelate, George
Arch-Bishop of
Canterbury, a man of a holy and unblamable life (medling
[Page 198] with edged Tools that he used not to handle in his
Study) by a sad accident killed a keeper with a forked arrow as he was
shooting at a Dear. This was a great perplexity to the good man, and a heavy Knell to his
Aged Spirit, which he petitioned the
King might ring a
Requiem to his retired thoughts,
Archbishop
Abbat kills a Keeper. at
Guildford, his place of
Birth, where he had built a very
Munificent Alms-house, for poor people, and where he went to bring his
Spirit under, to make it more blessed than the
Glories of the World can contribute to it. There were very many willing to have him retire to his rest, that gaped after his
Dignity more than desert, and though Doctor
Laud was but newly initiated into his
Bishoprick of St.
David's (by other hands, because those of the
Arch-Bishop were tinctured with blood, as he saith himself) yet his enmity was not small against him, for being a means to let the King know; he was reputed a
Papist in
Oxford, and a dangerous turbulent
Spirit. But the King granted out a
Commission to enquire whether casual
Homicide did make the
Arch-Bishop irregular? And in the
Disquisition of it, he found many friends that restored him from his
Alms-house to his
Palace. But this he did, and would have done in either
condition. The widow of the man that fell by him was raised by him, and she and her children (as may be said) built a commodious
being upon his grave.
Arminianisin flourished.The King's mercy and indulgence extending towards the
Papists, taught many men to come as near
Popery as they could stretch, finding it the next way to preferment, so that
Arminius's
Tenets flew up and down from Pulpit to Pulpit, that indeed preaching was nothing but declamation, little tending to Edification (such
Orthodox Ministers, as strove to refute these erronious
Opinions being looked on as
Puritans, and
Antimonarchical) which continual rubbing one against another, begot so much heat, as might have turned into a flame not easie to be quenched. And the King had daily information how the
Pulpits rung against the
Spanish match. So that to settle these extravagancies, he directs his Letters to the
Arch-Bishop of
Canterbury in this manner for
Regulating of the Ministery.
The King's Letter for regulating the Ministery.
MOst Reverend Father in God, right trusty and intirely beloved Councellor, we greet you well.
For as much as the abuses and extravagancies of preachers in the
Pulpit have been in all
Times expressed in this
Realm, by some
Act of
Councel, or
State, with the advice and
Resolution, of grave and learned
Prelates: Insomuch, that the very licensing of
Preachers, had beginning by an
Order of
Star-Chamber, the eighth day of
July, in the nineteenth year of the Reign of King
Henry the eighth, our Noble
Predecessor; And whereas at this present, divers young
Students, by reading of late
Writers, and ungrounded
Divines, do broach
[Page]D
r.
GEORGE ABBOT, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, &c.[Page]
[Page 199] many times unprofitable, unsound, seditious, and dangerous
Doctrines to the scandal of the
Church, and disquiet of the
State, and present
Government. We upon humble representations unto us of these inconveniences by your self, and sundry other grave and reverend
Prelates of this
Church; as also, of
Our Princely care and
Zeal for the extirpation of
Schism, and dissention, growing from these seeds, and for the setling of a
Religious, and
Peaceable Government, both in
Church, and
Commonwealth, do by these
Our special letters, straitly charge and command you, to use all possible
Care, and
Diligence, that these
Limitations, and
Cautions, herewith sent unto you concerning
Preachers, be duly, and strictly, from henceforth put in practice and observed, by the several
Bishops within your
Jurisdiction. And to this end
Our Pleasure is, that you send them forthwith
Copies of these
Directions, to be by them speedily sent, and
Communicated, unto every
Parson, Vicar, Curate, Lecturer, and
Minister in every
Cathedral, or
Parish Church, within their several
Diocess. And that you earnestly require them to imploy their utmost endeavours, in the performance of this so important a business, letting them know that
We have a special Eye unto their
Proceedings, and expect a strict account thereof, both from you, and every of them: And these
Our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant, and discharge in that behalf.
Given under
our Signet at our Castle of
Windsorthe 4. of
August, in the twentieth year of
Our Reign.
Directions concerning Preachers sent with the Letter.
1. THat no Preacher, under the
Degree and calling of a
Bishop, or
Dean of a
Cathedral, or Collegiate
Church (and they upon the King's days, and set
Festivals) do take
Occasion (by the expounding of any
Text of
Scripture whatsoever,) to fall into any set discourse, or
Common-place, otherwise than by opening the
Coherence, and
Division of the
Text, which shall not be comprehended, and warranted, in
Essence, Substance, Effect, or natural inference, within some one
of the Articles of Religion, set forth 1562. Or in some of the
Homilies set forth by
Authority of the
Church of
England. Not only for a help for the
Non-preaching, but withal for a
Pattern and
Boundary (as it were) for the preaching
Ministers. And for their further instructions for the performance hereof, that they forthwith, read over and peruse diligently the said Book of
Articles, and the two books of
Homilies.
2. That no
Parson, Vicar, Curate, or
Lecturer, shall preach any
Sermon or
Collation hereafter upon
Sundays, and
Holydays in the afternoon, in any
Cathedral, or parish
Church, throughout the Kingdom, but upon some part of the
Catechism, or some Text taken out of the Creed, ten Commandments, or the
Lords Prayer (
Funeral Sermons only excepted) and that those
Preachers be most encouraged, and approved of, who spend the afternoons
[Page 200] exercise, in the examination of children in their Catechism, which is the most ancient, and
Laudable custom of teaching in the Church of
England.
3. That no
Preacher of what
Title soever under the
Degree of a
Bishop, or
Dean, at the least, do from
Henceforth presume to preach in any
Popular Auditory the deep points of
Predestination, Election, Reprobation, or of the universality, efficacy, resistibility, or irresistibility of
God's Grace, but leave those
Themes rather to be handled by the learned
Men, and that moderately and
Modestly, by way of use and application, rather than by way of
Positive, Doctrines, being fitter for the
Schools then for simple
Auditories.
4. That no
Preacher of what
Title or
Denomination soever, from henceforth shall presume in any
Auditory within this Kingdom to declare, limit, or bound out, by way of
Positive Doctrine in any
Lecture, or
Sermon, the
Power, Prerogative, and
Jurisdiction, Authority, or
Duty of
Soveraign Princes, or otherwise meddle with
Matters of
State, and the differences between
Princes, and the
People, then as they are instructed, and
Precedented in the
Homilies of
Obedience, and the rest of the
Homilies, and
Articles of
Religion, set forth (as before is mentioned) by publick
Authority, but rather confine themselves wholly, to those two heads of
Faith, and
Good life, which are all the subject of the ancient
Sermons, and
Homilies.
5. That no
Preacher of what
Title or
Denomination soever, shall presume causelesly; or (without invitation from the Text) fall int bitter invectives, and undecent railing speeches against the
Persons of either
Papists, or
Puritans, but modestly, and gravely, when they are occasioned thereunto, by the Text of
Scripture, free both the
Doctrine, and the
Discipline of the
Church of
England, from the aspersions of either adversary; especially where the
Auditory is
Suspected to be tainted with the
One, or the other infection.
6.
Lastly, that the
Arch-Bishops, and
Bishops of the Kingdom (whom his
Majesty hath good cause to blame for this former remissness) be more wary, and choice in their licensing of
Preachers, and revoke all Grants made to any
Chancellor, Official, or Commissary, to pass
Licences in this kind. And that all the
Lecturers throughout the Kingdom of
England (a new
Body severed from the ancient
Clergy, as being
neither Parsons, Vicars, nor
Curates) be licensed henceforward in the Court of Faculties, but only, from a Recommendation of the
Party, from the
Bishop of the
Diocess under his hand and seal, with a
Fiat from the Lord
Arch-Bishop of
Canterbury, a
Confirmation under the great
Seal of
England. And that such as do transgress any one of these
Directions, be suspended by the
Bishop of the
Diocess, or in his default by the
Arch-Bishop of the
Province, ab officio & beneficio, for a Year and a Day, until his
Majesty by the advice of the next
Convocation, shall prescribe some further punishment.
[Page 201]The
Directions the
Archbishop recommended to his several
Diocesans, that they might be put in execution with
caution. And then may be observed that the King's affections tended to the
peaceable comportment of his people, that both
Papist and
Puritan might have a quiet
being;
Observations upon the Directions. which preponderation of
His puts them in
Aequi-librio, nay, the
Papist was in the
prime Scale. But this new thing called a
Lecturer, he could by no means endure, unless he past through all the
Briers of his several Courts to the
Broad Seal, which was a kind of pungent
Ordeal Tryal, to which he must put his
Teste me ipso, and then it was
Orthodox; so that though
Lecturers were not absolutely forbidden, yet the
charge and trouble to come to it, made the way inaccessible.
Preachers by an
Order of Star-chamber in
Heaven were first
licensed, with an
Ite, praedicate, before
Henry the
Eighth's time; and certainly they have a great
Seal from thence for what they do: Therefore it behoves them to take heed what they say, left that
Spirit they receive
Directions from
bind them not up.
But this
Animosity of the
King's against
Puritans,Papists the fomenters. was thought to be fomented by the
Papists, whose
Agent Bishop
Laud was suspected to be, though in
Religion he had a
Motley form by himself, and would never (as a
Priest told me plainly in
Flanders) bring his neck under the
obedience of the
Roman Yoak, though he might stickle for the grandure of the
Clergy. And now he began to be
Buckingham's
Confessor (as he expresseth in his own
Notes) and wore the
Court Livery, though the King had a sufficient
character of him, and was pleased with
Asseveration to
protest his incentive
Spirit should be kept under, that the flame should not break out by any
Preferment from him. But that was now forgotten, and he crept so into favour, that he was thought to be the
Bellows that blew these Fires. For the
Papists used all the
Artifices they could to make a
breach between the King and his People, that they might enter at the same for their own Ends: which to accomplish, they slily close with the chief ministers of
State, to put the King upon all his
Projects and
Monopolies, displeasing to the
people, that they might the more
Alienate their
Affections from him: Sowing their
seeds of
Division also betwixt
Puritan and
Protestant; so that (like the second
Commandment) they quite exclude the
Protestant; For all those were
Puritans with this
high-grown-Arminian-popish party, that held in
judgment the Doctrine of the Reformed Churches, or in
practice live according to the
Doctrine publickly taught in the
Church of England. And they attribute the
name of Protestant,
1. To such
Papists as either out of
policy, or by
popish indulgence, hold outward
Communion with the
Church of
England.
[Page 202]2. To such
Protestants, as were either tainted with, or inclinable to their opinions.
3. To indifferent
Men, who imbrace always that
Religion that shall be commanded by
Authority. Or,
4. To such
Neutrals as care for no
Religion, but such as stands with their own liking: so that they allow the
Church of
England the
Refuse both of their
Religion, and
Ours.
Then they strive to make a
Division of
Regians and
Republicans;
Regians and Republicans. The
Regians are the great
Dependents upon the
Crown, both in
Church and
State, who
swell up the
Prerogative, preaching and distilling into the King, the
Almightiness of his
power. That all that the
People hath is the
King's, and that it is by his
mercy they have a bare empty
Being. And this hoisting up of the King they knew would stir up the
Republicans to oppose him in his
Designs, by which they pinch (as the King thinks) his
Prerogative; feeding a strife, betwixt
Law and
Prerogative, whereby they escape the
Dint of both, and hope the fire they kindle will break out at
last to consume their
Adversaries. That these things were acted and fomented by
Papists, was very
probable, for they were great
Sticklers about the
Court and
Council-Table. But it was too apparent that some of the Clergy (to make their way the smoother to their wished end) began so to adore the King, that he could not be named but more reverence was done to it than to the
Name of God ▪ And the
Iudges in their
itinerant Circuits (the more to enslave the people to
Obedience) being to speak of the King, would give him such
Sacred and
Oraculous Titles, as if their advancement to higher places, must necessarily be laid upon the
foundation of the
peoples debasement.
On the other side: The well affected to
Religion (that knew no other inclination than the
Dictates of their own
Reason, experiences of former times, and the constant
practices of the
Romanists for propagating their own designs) did by their writings and discourses, strive to warm the King's cold temper, and put fresh
spirits into his
chilled veins; shewing the
Tyranny of the incroaching
Monarchy of the
House of Austria (who was
Rome's great
Factor) and how just and secure the opposing of such a growing
power will be; That no
Sword is so
sharp, nor
Arm's so strong, as those that are
cemented with true
Religion. The security of
Conscience, grounded upon the
Word of Truth, being not only a
Bulwark to defend, but the best
Engin to oppose
Idolatry and
Ambition. Thus stood the Kingdom divided in it self.
But as the King strove (after this
Rupture betwixt him and the
Parliament) to settle things at home,
The King active in the Treaty. and keep his
people in
obedience, so he was as active abroad to keep up his own
Reputation: For he made a full account to salve up all these
miscarriages,[Page 203] by the intended
Match with
Spain, that his
people might see he could discern further into the intrinsical matters of
State than they, and so make the
Error theirs. Therefore he plied it by his
Ambassadors and
Agents, and all indulgences to
Recusants were admitted to sweeten their
Addresses. The Lord
Vaux, a
Papist, had freedom to transport four thousand English, to reinforce the King of
Spain's
Armies, both against our King's
Confederates of
Holland (under whose
protection his banished
Children had refuge) and against their
Country it self the
Palatinate, which the King so much endeavoured to preserve.
The
Articles of Marriage had taken up much time in debate,
The Articles of marriage long a setling. between the Commissioners of the two Kings, before they could be brought to any
form, and the principal
Articles (that concerned
Religion) had many various
shapes put upon them, till they were drest to their minds: And when they were fitted and fashioned by them, the
Pope stript them naked, and put upon them what
Garment they pleased; He hath his
Index expurgatorius in every thing. And to dead our King's hopes, the
Pope urges,
Quod Ecclesiastici nullis legibus subjaceant, nisi sourum superiorum Ecclesiasticorum, That the
Ecclesiasticks should be subject to no Laws, but what they brought along with them, which gave liberty to do what they pleased, and to be punished for their ill doing how they pleased.
Quo semel est imbuta Recens servabit odorem Testa diu:—That the children of the Infanta might be brought up in the
Popish Religion, Usque ad Annos nubiles, till it be well rooted in them. And that she might have a publick
Church in the
City for all
comers, besides her
Chappel in the
Court, which extended to little less than an open
Toleration. Some other
Rubs the
Pope threw in the way, which the King stumbled at, not being in the
Articles treated on betwixt him and the King of
Spain, which He insists on to that King, disclaims any
Treaty with the
Pope, though his
Agent Gage made daily addresses to him, by Cardinal
Bandino with whom
Our King held
correspondence. And He requires the Lord
Digby in
Spain to press that King to a final
Resolution, that he might provide some other
Match for his Son, if this should not succeed: For (saith He)
We have in a manner already done that which is desired, as all the Roman Catholicks have found; which if the Pope had known, it is to be presumed, he would not so much have insisted upon these points. And the sending, and resending, betwixt
Spain and
Rome, and
Rome and
Spain spends time, and may serve for a colour to draw the Treaty in infinitum. But yet willing he was to have some
Anchor-hold for his hopes; for in the same Letter, he saith,
Nevertheless if you find it a thing impossible for them to resolve without a reply to Rome,
Our King's Resolution.and that they do earnestly desire it; We are contented that you shall yield them two months time, after your Audience, and longer we cannot expect.
[Page 204]These
Resolutions were sent
Post into
Spain, inclosed in this following Letter, which is very necessary to be inserted here, though taken from Mr.
Prin's Collection, who had this and others among the Lord
Cottington's Papers (a great
Agent afterwards in the
Spanish Affairs) and are the bitter Kernel, preserved by
Cottington, when the
Shell of the
Treaty was broken.
RIght Trusty,
Sent to Digby
in Spain.&c. Your dispatch of the ninth of
August gave Us so much
Contentment, and so great
Hopes of
Satisfaction, in all those
Business, which you have there to Treat with that King, as we could not expect any further
Difficulties; Notwithstanding by that which hath come to
Our hands immediately after, as well by
George Gage from
Rome, as by our
Ambassador, Sir
Richard Weston at
Bruxels, and
Our Ministers in the
Palatinate; We find that neither the
Dispensation is granted for the
Match, nor the
Treaty of
Cessation so near a
conclusion, as We conceived it would have been, now that the
Auxiliaries and all other
Obstacles are removed. But on the contrary side, that new delays and excuses are invented,
Our Garisons in the
Palatinate in the mean time blocked up,
Heidelburg it self
Actually besieged. Which proceeding, though
Our Ambassador hath expostulated with the
Infanta and the
Commissioners, as injurious to Us, and ill beseeming their
Professions hitherto, yet is there not that readiness shewed to give Us such contentment therein as We might justly
expect, but
Answers still protracted, and put off, for advantage; whilst
Our Forces there remain in great
Distress, and the
Town and
Castle of
Heidelburg likely in a few
Daies to be lost, for it cannot hold out long, as We are informed. This dealing seems the more strange unto Us, for that the late Dispatch of the King of
Spain was (before the news of the
Siege, and that
Our Ambassador had propounded any thing concerning it) come unto the
Infanta.Spanish
jugling. But because you shall be particularly informed of the whole carriage of the business. We have given order that copies shall be sent you of all the Dispatch, and then you shall see how these proceedings agree with the
Hopes and
Promises which are given Us from thence.
Hereupon therefore
Our pleasure is, That you shall immediately and with as much speed as you may, crave
Audience of that
King, and represent unto him the
merit which We may justly challenge unto
Our self, for
Our sincere proceedings with the
Emperor, and
Him, in all the course of this business, notwithstanding the many invitations and temptations, which We have had, to engage
Our self on
Our Son-in-law's part. That We have had both from the
Emperor and him hopes given Us from time to time, of extraordinary
Respect, howsoever
Our Son-in-law had deserved▪ which We have attended, and expected even to the very last with much
Patience, and
in despight (as it were)
of all the opposition that hath
All flesh is grass, the best men vanity;This but a shadow, here before thine eye,Of him, whose wondrous changes clearly show,That GOD, not men, swayes all things here below.
[Page 205] been made to shake our Resolution in that behalf. If now when all impediments are removed, and that the way is so prepared, as that the
Emperor may give an
end unto the
War, and make some present demonstration of his
Respects towards us, in leaving Us the
Honour of holding those poor
places, which yet remain quietly, and peaceably, until the general accommodation, the same shall nevertheless be violently taken from Us, what can We look for when the whole shall be in his
hands and
possession? who amusing Us with a Treaty of
Cessation, and protracting it industriously (as We have
reason to believe) doth in the mean time seize himself of the
whole Country; which being done,
Our Ambassador shall return with
Scorn, and We remain with
Dishonour.
I shall not need to furnish you with
Arguments for the unfolding and laying open this unfriendly
Dealing more plainly unto them; your own
Reason and
observation will find enough out of the
Dispatches, whereof Copies are sent unto you; as namely, the withdrawing of the Spanish forces, and leaving the
business wholly in the hands of the
Emperor and the Duke of
Bavaria; The
Style of the
Infanta in answering
Our Ambassador with
Recriminations,Austrian
jugling. which was not her manner heretofore; The sleight and frivolous answer given by the Marquess of
Bedmar unto
Our Ambassador, when he acquainted him with the
Siege of
Heidelburg: The
quarrellous occasion taken by the
Emperor for calling the
Diet at
Ratisbone, contrary to his own promise, which in his dispatch to Us he confesseth to have broken, as you will see by the Copy. All which, and many more, which your
own judgment (in the perusal of the
Dispatches) will suggest unto you do minister unto Us cause sufficient of
jealousie on the
Emperor's part, as you shall plainly tell that King, although We will not do him that wrong as to mistrust, that
He gives the least
consent to it. In this
confidence, with much earnestness, We shall still solicit him, that for the affection he bears us, and the desire which We suppose he hath, that there may continue for ever a perfect
Amity betwixt Us, and the whole
House of
Austria, he will not cease to do all good Offices herein; letting him know directly, that in these terms We cannot stand with the
Emperor, but that if
Heidelburg be
won, or the
Siege continue, or the
Cessation be long unnecessarily delayed, We must recall
Our Ambassador from
Bruxels, and treat no more, as We have already given
order, hoping that whatsoever unkindness We shall conceive against the
Emperor upon these
occasions, it shall not be interpreted to reflect in any sort upon the entire affection that is at this present, and as We hope shall always continue betwixt
Us and the
Crown of
Spain. And therefore as we have heretofore sundry times promised, in testimony of the
sincerity of
Our proceedings, and of
Our great
Desire to preserve the
Amity inviolable, between
Us, and the
whole House of Austria; That in case
Our Son-in-law would not be governed by Us, that then we would not only forsake him, but take part, and joyn
Our forces with the
Emperor[Page 206] against him so you may fairly represent unto that King,
An. Reg. 20. that in like manner,
we have
Reason to expect the same
Measure from him, that (upon the
Emperor's averseness to a
Cessation,An. Christi. 1622. and
Accommodation) he will likewise
Actually assist
Us, for the
Recovery of the
Palatinate, and
Electoral Dignity, unto
Our Son-in-law, as it hath been often times intimated from
Spain.
To conclude, We shall not need to say any more unto you, touching this
Point; but to let you see, that
Our meaning is to carry all things
fair with that
King ▪ and not to give him any cause of
Distrust, or jealousie; if you perceive that they intend to go really and roundly on with the
Match. Wherein nevertheless we must tell you that we have no great
Cause to be well pleased with the
Diligences used on that part, when we observe that after so long an expectance of the
Dispensation, upon which the whole
business (as they will have it) depends, there is nothing yet returned but
Queries and
O
[...]jections, Yet because we will not give over
Our Patience, a while longer, until
we understand more certainly what the effect thereof is like to be; wherein
we require you to be very
Wary, and watchful, considering how
Our Honour is therein ingaged; we have thought fit to let you know, how far we are pleased to inlarge
Our self ▪ concerning those
points demanded by the
Pope, and set down by way of Postil unto the
Articles agreed upon, betwixt
Spain and
Us as you shall see by the
Power, which
Gage brought
Us from
Rome, whereof
we have sent you a
Copy, and our
Resolutions thereupon
Signed with our own hand, for your warrant, and
Instruction. And further then that since
we cannot go, without much prejudice, inconvenience, and dishonour to
our self, and
our Son,
we hope and expect the King of
Spain will bring it instantly to an issue, without further delay, which you are to press with all
Diligence, and earnestness; that you may presently know their final
Resolution, and what
we may expect thereupon. But if any
Respit of time be earnestly demanded, and that you perceive it not possible for them to resolve until an answer come from
Rome, we then think it fit that you give them two
Months time after your
Audience, that
we may understand that King's final
Resolution, before
Christmas next at the furthest.
Wansted.9. Sept.
1622.
This Letter doth not only discover the shuffling,
The King abused. and Foxlike contrivances of the
House of
Austria to
Work, and
Earth themselves in the
Palatinate, but also the
scorns, and reproaches put upon
Our King, and (if I may so call them) his
Terriers, who (with little
Bayings only) let them work, till they had got into their
Fastnesses, and strong holds, and then they may
Bay at leisure, and blame their lazy Belief. But notwithstanding
our King threatens in his Letter, if
Heidelberg be lost, and the
Cessation delayed, he will Treat no more, yet the
Desire of the
Match was so radicated in his Heart, that neither the loss of
[Page 207]Heidleberg, or
Manheim that succeeded it, nor the blocking up of
Frankendale (the last strong hold of his Son-in-laws Inheritance) could
Mortifie his
Hopes. But as the
Emperor besieged these Towns with his
Armies, so he beset the King of
Spain with his Treaties. And the Lord
Digby though quickned by this
Letter,Digby faulty. did not lay open the cunning carriage of these
contrivers (which tended to root out the reformed
Religion in
Germany) nor press home these particulars as he was injoined but only let the King of
Spain know,
That his late Father, by the advice of his Ecclesiasticks in Spain,
had consented to the Articles of Marriage, in matters of Religion, five months since, yet there were demurs upon those points, notwithstanding that the King of Great Britain
complied in all things, then demanded particularly, what he would do in favour of the Catholicks; But now after two years time, the
Pope of his own
Accord (without any intimation to
Spain) had sent directly for
England, propounding to the King his
Master, not only many alterations in the
Capitulations (before a
Dispensation could be granted) but intruded something new, which the
King would by no means yield unto: wherefore to expedite the
Business (the King having neglected all other
Treaties of marriage for his Son these six years past, only in respect of this Treaty) he is commanded to declare plainly to the King of
Spain, how far the King his Master may condescend in matters of
Religion, and if that will give content, to proceed to a conclusion of the
Marriage, without more
Delays, (seeing he hath yielded to much more than was capitulated in the late King of
Spain's time) if this will not satisfie, that then without loss of more time, the King his Master may dispose of his Son, and the King of
Spain of the
Infanta as they please.
These things were ruminated on by the slow paced
Spanish gravity, and fair, and plausible answers presented, that like fruits of
Dissimulation gave but small
Nourishment to hope, yet it kept it alive, (though in a drooping
condition) and it was only sustained till they could bring their ends about. Which our King now suspecting (as he had good cause) from the constant intelligences given him, of the diminution of his own
Forces in the
Palatinate, and the
Growing strength of the Enemy, He dispatches this second
Letter to the
Baron Digby to let the King of
Spain know how sensible
he was of being abused, and how loath he was to see it.
RIght Trusty,
2.
Letter to Digby. &c. There is none better knoweth than your self, how we have laboured, ever since the beginning of these unfortunate
Troubles of the
Empire (notwithstanding all
opposition to the contrary) to merit well of
our good
Brother, the King of
Spain, and the whole
House of
Austria, by a long and lingering
Patience,[Page 208] grounded still upon his friendship, and promises, that
Care should be had of
our Honour, and of
our Childrens Patrimony, and
Inheritance: We have acquainted you also from time to time, since the beginning of the
Treaty at
Bruxels, how crossly all things have there proceeded, notwithstanding all the fair
Professions made unto
us, both by the King of
Spain, and the
Infanta, and all his
Ministers, and the letters written by him unto the
Emperor, and them
Effectually, at least (as they endeavoured to make
us believe,) but what
fruits have
we of all these? Whil'st
we are Treating, the
Town and
Castle of
Heidelberg are taken by
force, our Garison put to the
Sword, Manheim besieged, and all the
Hostility used that is in the
power of an
Enemy, as you may see by the
Relation, which
we have commanded our
Secretary to send you.
Our pleasure therefore is, that you immediately, as soon you can get
Audience, let that King understand, how sensible
we are of these
Proceedings of the
Emperor towards us, and withall, are not a little troubled to see, that the
Infanta (having an absolute
Commission to conclude a
Cessation, and suspension of
Arms) should now at last when all
Objections were answered, and the former (solely) pretended
Obstacles removed, not only delay the conclusion of the
Treaty, but refuse to lay her
Command upon the
Emperor's Generals to abstain from the Siege of
our Garisons during the Treaty, upon a
Pretext of want of
Authority: so as for avoiding of further
Dishonour, we have been forced to recall both our
Ambassadors, as well the
Chancellor of
our Exchequer (who is already returned to
our Presence, as also the Lord
Chichester, whom
we intended to have sent unto the
Emperor, to the
Diet at
Ratisbone.) Seeing therefore that meerly out of
Our extraordinary Respect to the King of
Spain, and the firm Confidence We ever put in the
Hopes and promises, which He did give Us (desiring nothing more then for his Cause principally to avoid all
occasions that might put Us in ill understanding with any of the
House of Austria) We have hitherto proceeded with a stedfast
patience, trusting to the
Treaties, and neglecting all other means, which probably might have secured the
Remainder of
Our Childrens inheritance (these Garisons which We maintained in the
Palatinate, being rather for
Honour sake, to keep a footing until the general accommodation, then that we did rely so much upon their strength, as upon his
friendship) and by this
Confidence and
Security of
Ours, are now exposed to
Dishonour and
Reproach. You shall tell that King,
Gondemar
's Master-piece. that seeing all those endeavours and good offices, which he hath used towards the
Emperor in this business, on the behalf of
Our Son-in-law (upon confidence whereof that
security of Ours depended, which he continually by his Letters and
Ministers here laboured to beget and confirm in Us) have not sorted to any other issue, than to a plain abuse, both of his
trust, and
Ours, whereby We are both of Us highly injured in
Our Honour, though in a different
Degree; We hope, and desire, that out of a true sence of
[Page 209] this
Wrong offered unto Us, he will as
Our dear and loving Brother, faithfully promise, and undertake upon his
Honour, (confirming the same also under his Hand and Seal) either that the Town and Castle of
Heidelberg, shall within Threescore and ten dayes after your
Audience, and Demand made, be rendred into
Our hands, with all things therein belonging to
Our Son in law, or
Our Daughter (as near as may be in the
State they were, when they were taken) and the like for
Manheim, and
Frankendale, if both or either of them shall be taken by the
Enemy, while these things are in Treaty: As also that there shall be within the said
Term of seventy daies a
Cessation and
Suspension of
Arms in the
Palatinate for the
future, upon the several
Articles and
Conditions last propounded by
Our Ambassadour Sir
Richard Weston, and that the general Treaty shall be set afoot again, upon such
Honourable Terms and
Conditions, as We propounded unto the
Emperour in a Letter written unto him in
November last, and with which the King of
Spain then (as We understood) seemed satisfied. Or else in case all these
Particulars be not yielded unto, and performed by the
Emperour, as is here propounded, but be refused or delayed, beyond the time aforementioned: That then the King of
Spain do joyn his Forces with
Ours for the
Recovery of
Our Childrens Honours and
Patrimony, which upon this Trust hath been thus lost: Or if so be his
Forces at this
present be otherwise so imployed as that they cannot give Us that assistance which We here desire, and (as We think) have deserved, yet that at the least He will permit Us a free and friendly passage through his Territories, and
Dominions, for such
Forces as We shall send and imploy in
Germany for his
Service. Of all which distinctively, if you receive not from the King of
Spain (within ten daies at the furthest after your
Audience) a direct
Assurance under his Hand and Seal, without
Delay, or putting Us off to further Treaties and
Conferences: That is to say, of such
Restitution, Cessation of Arms, and proceeding to a
General Treaty, as is before
mentioned; or else of assistance, and joyning his Forces with
Ours, against the
Emperour; or at the least, permission of
passage for
Our Forces through his, the said
King's Dominions; that then you take your leave, and return to
Our Presence, without further stay; Otherwise to proceed in the
Negotiation for the Marriage of
Our Son, according to the Instructions We have given you.
This Letter was dated the Third of
October. And presently after it was sent away, the King recollected himself, and thought it good
Policy to make some advantage of this
Breach with
Spain (if there were One) by letting his People see, he would no longer wait the
Spanish Delayes; (which they were impatient enough of) therefore his
Ambassadours (to hinder the knowledge of it at home) must conceal the Breach abroad, stay still in the
Spanish Court, as if the Business were in full
Motion,[Page 210] and ripe for projection; And he must break it to pieces here himself, to make it the more acceptable; either to get the more
love or
money from the
people, or for what other intention is unknown. But the very next day he sends this further
Direction by
Endimion Porter.
RIght Trusty,
3.
Letter to Digby.&c. We have given you certain
Instructions, signed with Our hand, to direct you how to express unto the King of
Spain the feeling We have of the
Dishonour put upon Us by the
Emperour, through
Our Trust and
Confidence in that King's
Promises, wherein you have
Order to come away without further delay, in case you receive not
Satisfaction to your
Demands, in such sort as We have Commanded you to propound them.
Nevertheless, We are to put you in remembrance of that which We have heretofore told you, in case a
Rupture happen between the King of
Spain and Us, that We would be glad to manage it at Our best advantage. And therefore however you do not find the
Satisfaction, which We in those
Instructions crave from the King of
Spain, and have
Reason to expect, yet would
We not have your instantly come away upon it, but advertise Us first, letting Us know privately (if you find such cause) that there is no good to be done, nor no
Satisfaction as you judge intended Us, (
though Publikely, and
Outwardly you give out the contrary) that We may make use thereof with
Our People in
Parliament, as We shall hold best for
Our Service. And this se
[...] you do, notwithstanding any thing in your other
Instructions to the contrary.
Dated 4. Octob. 1622.
The King in the first of these two Letters gives Thirty dayes more to the King of
Spain,Our King's patience. to repent of his bad dealing with him, then was given to the great City, and yet he repented not. And this
Positive Command (limiting but ten daies after
Audience for a
Resolution in these
Points,) one would have thought should have produced an absolute
Breach, or a perfect
Conclusion. But the
Spaniard continues in his old pace still, and would not be spurr'd up, and
Digby (now made Earl of
Bristol for his good Service) whistles after him his
Old Note still, assuring
Our King, That the King of
Spain (though slow) was real in his Intentions. And if
Our King had not had a great good stomach to the Match, he would never have digested this dealing from a
Brother and a
Servant, the
Pope also at the same time giving him a Bit to chew on, interpreting the
Articles where the
Children of Marriage were to be brought
up, usque ad annos nubiles, to be fourteen years old, which
Our King would not consent to, in respect of the
Scandal it might produce. For he knew impressions in Youth setled by
Custome, are not easie to remove, especially where they make
Dints upon the
Conscience; therefore he pressed the King of
Spain, that the
children
[Page]The right Honorable John Digby Earle of Bristol Baron of Shirborne, Vice Chamberlaine to his Ma
r. and one of the Lords of his Maiesties most Honorable privy Counsell; and Embassador extraordinary to the high and Mightie Philip the fourth king of Spaine. Are to be Souto by William Peake.
[Page 211] might not suck in their
Mothers instructions so long time, being less for his
Honour: and they with much importunity, brought it down from fourteen to ten, and there they
stuck. Our King expressed himself willing to have them brought up
sub regimine matris, for seven years, and that time should be limited in the
publique Capitulations, but if more time were insisted on by the
Pope, He would oblige himself privately by a Letter to the King of Spain,
Dated
New-Market 24. Novem. 1622. that they shall be under their Mother's
Regiment for two years longer. And seeing there is but one year more that is betwixt them, the King in another Letter to the Earl of
Bristol tells him, That if
they would not be contented with nine, he would not stick to give them another year.
While they were thus Wire-drawing, time spun out,
The
Palat. lost.Manheim the chief Strength and Fortress in the
Palatinate was taken by
Tilly the
Emperour's General, whereof Sir
Horatio Vere was Commander, surrendred upon honourable
Conditions, having neither strength of
Men, or means to resist an Enemy.
Heidelberg before it (as the King expressed) was taken by Assault, Sir
Gerard Herbert the Commander of the Castle slain, after he had repulsed the Enemy from the Assault, breaking six
Pikes upon them with his own hand. And now
Tilly (Winter comeing on) greedy to finish his work, sits down before
Frankendale, whereof Major
Barrowes had the
Command, a man of as much valour and experience, as
Time the
Director, and
Spirit the
Actor could make a man capable of. But all this, and the Strength of the Town to boot could not have protected them, (their Wants being stronger than their Enemy) if
Tilly had not been drowned up in his Trenches, which forced his remove.
And though
Our King said in his last Answer to the
Parliament's Petition,The
Palatinate a strong Countrey. That the
Enemy would have swallowed up his Forces in the
Palatinate in eight daies, if my Lord
Digby had not succoured it; yet the weakest of the three Places, which is
Heidelberg, was not taken in a moment; for
Tilly in
Iune last set down before it, and was constrained to raise his Siege, being not strong enough; and coming again with a greater
Power in the end of
Iuly following, he was there above two moneths before he took so much as any of their Out-Works. And
Manheim, and
Frankendale are two such strong Holds, that if they had been well furnished with Men and Provisions, they might have stood out against
Tilly; nay the great
Turk, as well, if not better than
Vienna the
Imperial City.
As soon as the
King had notice of the taking of
Manheim,Our King satisfied of
Spaines
[...] good intentions. he gives
Bristol intimation of it, and was very well satisfied of the King of
Spain's good intentions for the Relief of it, though
Order sent to the
Infanta arrived not there till the Town was surrendred. Which was the old
Spanish plot of
Philip the Second
[Page 212] to get
Portugal into his hand, wherein he cheated the
Pope himself, delaying his solicitations, by his
Legate, Cardinal Riario (for
Don Antonio Bastard of
Portugal) with specious and pleasing entertainments, till he had gotten the Castle of St.
Iulians, the greatest strength of the Kingdom (then besieged by him) into his
power. And yet our King looked upon this
Apparition as
Real, and thanked the King of
Spain for the good he never intended.
Articles of MarriageAnd now the
Articles of
Marriage that had been long hatching, flew up and down from hand to hand: The
French Historians mention them: so doth Mr.
Pryn in his hidden
Works of darkness, as they were found among the Lord
Cottington's Papers. These came to me from the
Nest, and I have kept them till this time, and comparing them with other
Copies, there is scarce a feather amiss. Nor should they have
pestered this
paper, but to shew what great
pains was taken to little purpose, what Huge pretences shouldred in to make way for the
Spanish Designs, which at last dwindled to nothing.
The Articles are these.
1. THat the
Marriage be made by
Dispensation of the
Pope, but that to be procured by the endeavour of the King of
Spain.
2. That the
Marriage be once celebrated in
Spain, and Ratified in
England, in form following. In the morning, after the most gracious
Infanta hath ended her
Devotions in the
Chappel, She and the most excellent
Prince Charles, shall meet in the
King's Chappel, or in some other Room of the
Palace, where it shall seem most expedient: and there shall be read all the
Procurations, by
Virtue whereof the
Marriage was celebrated in
Spain. And as well the most excellent
Prince, as the most excellent
Infanta shall ratifie the said
Marriage celebrated in
Spain, with all
Solemnity necessary to such an Act, so as no
Ceremony, or other thing intervene, which shall be contrary to the
Roman-Catholik-Apostolik-Religion.
3. That the
Gracious Infanta shall take with
Her such Servants, and
Family, as are convenient for her service; which
Family, and all
Persons to her belonging, shall be chosen and nominated by the Catholik
King, so as he nominate no
Servant which is
Vassail to the King of
Great Britain, without his will and consent.
4. That as well the most gracious Lady
Infanta, as all her
Servants and
Family, shall have free use and publique exercise of the
Roman Catholike Religion, in manner and form, as is beneath
Capitulated.
5. That she shall have an
Oratory and decent
Chappel in her
Palace,
The Pope extended this Article, Habeat exiam Ecclesiam publicam Londini, &c.
where, at the pleasure of the most
Gracious Infanta, Masses may be celebrated, which
Oratory or
Chappel shall be adorned with such decencie, as shall seem convenient for the most gracious
Infanta; with a publike Church in
London, &c.
[Page 213]6. That the Men-servants and Maid-servants of the most Gracious
Infanta, and their Servants, Children, and Descendents, and all their Families, of what sort soever, serving her
Highness, may be freely
Catholiks.
7. That the most gracious
Infanta, her Servants and Family, may be freely
Catholiks, in form following.
8. That the most gracious
Infanta may have in her
Palace her
Oratory, and
Chappel so spacious, that her said Servants and Family may enter and stay therein. In which there shall be an
ordinary and publique door for them, and another inward door, by which the
Infanta may have a passage into the said
Chappel, where she, and others, as above said, may be present at Divine Offices.
9. That the
Chappel, Church, and
Oratory, may be beautified with decent
Ornaments, of
Altar, and other things necessary for Divine Service, which is to be celebrated in them, according to the custom of the
Ho. Ro. Church; and that it shall be lawful for the said
Servants,
Holy Roman Ch.
and others to go to the said
Chappel and
Church at all hours as to them shall seem expedient.
10. That the
care and
custody of the said
Chappel and
Church, shall be committed to such as the Lady
Infanta shall appoint, to whom it shall be lawful to appoint
Keepers, that no body may enter into them to do any undecent thing.
11. That to the administration of the
Sacraments, and to serve in
Chappel and
Church aforesaid, there shall be so many
Priests, and
Assistants, as to the
Infanta shall seem fit, and the election of them shall belong to the Lady
Infanta, and the
Catholike King her
Brother. Provided, that they be none of the
Vassals of the King of
Great Britain, and if they be, his will and consent is to be first obtained.
12. That there be one
Superiour Minister or
Bishop, with necessary
Authority upon all occasions which shall happen, belonging to
Religion; and for want of a
Bishop, that his
Vicar may have his
Authority and
jurisdiction.
13. That this
Bishop or
Superiour Minister may correct, amend, or chastize all
Roman Catholiks who shall offend, and shall exercise upon them all
Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical; and moreover also, the Lady
Infanta shall have power to put them out of her service, when soever it shall seem expedient to her.
13. That it may be lawful for the Lady
Infanta and her
Servants, to procure from
Rome Dispensations, Indulgences,
Jubilees, and all
Graces, as shall seem fit to their
Religion and
Consciences, and to get and make use of any
Catholike Books whatsoever.
15. That the
Servants of the
Family of the Lady
Infanta, who shall come into
England, shall take the
Oath of
Allegiance to the King of
Great Britain, provided that there be no clause therein,
[Page 214] which shall be contrary to their
Consciences, and the
Roman Catholike Religion; and if they happen to be
Vassals to the King of
Great Britain, they shall take the same Oath that the
Spaniard doth.
16. That the
Laws which are or shall be in
England against
Religion, shall not take hold of the said
Servants. And onely the foresaid
Superiour Ecclesiastical Catholike may proceed against
Ecclesiastical persons, as hath been accustomed by
Catholikes. And if any
Secular Judge shall apprehend any Ecclesiastical
Person for any offence, he shall forthwith cause him to be delivered to the aforesaid
Superiour Ecclesiastick, who shall proceed against him according to the Canon-Law.
17. That the
Lawes made against
Catholikes in
England, or in any other Kingdom of the King of
Great Britain, shall not extend to the
Children of this
Marriage; and though they be
Catholikes, they shall not lose the Right of
Succession to the Kingdom and
Dominions of
Great Britain.
18. That the
Nurses which shall give suck to the
Children of the Lady
Infanta (whether they be of the Kingdom of
Great Britain, or of any other Nation whatsoever) shall be chosen by the Lady
Infanta, as she pleaseth, and shall be accounted of her
Family, and enjoy the priviledges thereof.
19. That the
Bishop, Ecclesiastical Persons, and
Religious, of the
Family of the Lady
Infanta, shall wear the
Vestment and
Habit of his
dignity profession and
Religion, after the
custom of
Rome.
20. For security that the said
Matrimony be not dissolved for any cause whatsoever; The King of
Great Britain and Prince
Charles are equally to pass the
Word and
Honour of a King: and moreover that they will perform whatsoever shall be propounded by the
Catholike King for further confirmation, if it may be done decently and fitly.
21. That the Sons and Daughters which shall be born of this
Marriage, shall be brought up in the company of the most Excellent
Infanta, at least until the Age of Ten years, and shall freely enjoy the Right of
Succession to the Kingdoms as aforesaid.
22. That whensoever any place of either Man-servant, or Maid-servant, which the Lady
Infanta shall bring with her (nominated by the
Catholike King her
Brother) shall happen to be void, whether by death, or by other Cause or accident, all the said
Servants of her
Family are to be supplied by the
Catholike King as aforesaid.
23. For security that whatsoever is
Capitulated may be fulfilled, The King of
Great Britain and
Prince Charles, are to be bound by
Oath, and all the
King's Council shall Confirm the said Treaty under their hands. Moreover the said
King and
Prince are to give their
Faiths in the
Word of a
King, to endeavour, if possible, that whatsoever is
Capitulated, may be established by
Parliament.
24. That conformable to this Treaty, all these things proposed are to be allowed and approved of by the
Pope, that he may give an
Apostolical Benediction, and a
Dispensation necessary to effect the Marriage.
[Page 215]But though
our King, and
Prince, subscribed these
Articles (as they were sent to them by the Earl of
Bristol) in this manner;
Hos supra memoratos Articulos omnes ac singulos approbamus, et quicquid in iis ex nostra parte, seu nostro nomine conventum est, ratum atque gratum habemus,Spanish delusion. approving and expressing them to be very acceptable unto them. And after they had wrought the
King to sign these large immunities to the
Papists, viz. Quod Regnorum suorum Romano Catholici persecutionem nullam patientur, molestiáve officientur, Religionis suae causa, vel ob exercitium illorum ejusdem sacramentorum, modò iis utantur absque scandalo (quod intelligi debet inter privatos parietes) nec juramentis, aut sub alio praetextu qualicunque ordinem Religionis spectante vexabuntur: That the Roman Catholikes should not be interrupted in the exercise of their
Religion, doing it privately without
Scandal, nor be vext with any oaths in order to the same.
What rested but a closing of both Parties? Yet all would not do, for the
Spaniard never intended the
Match at all, as is evident by a Letter of the King of
Spain's written to his
Favourite, the
Conde of
Olivares, dated the Fifth of
November, 1622. found among the Lord
Cottington's Papers.
THe King my Father declared at his
Death, That his intent never was to marry my
Sister,The King of Spain's
letter to Olivares. the
Infanta Donna Maria, with the
Prince of
Wales, which your Unkle
Don Baltazer understood, and so treated this Match, ever with intention to delay it, notwithstanding it is now so far advanced, that (considering all the aversness of the
Infanta to it) it is time to seek some means to divert the
Treaty, which I would have you find out, and I will make it good whatsoever it be. But in all other things, procure the satisfaction of the King of
Great Britain (who hath deserved much) and it shall
content me, so it be not in the
Match.
Thus was
our King's plain heartedness deluded, his
Honour blemished, his
Love among his
Subjects diminished, the time for a positive answer for the
Dispensation from
Rome long expired, and prolonged; his
Childrens Patrimony destroyed, and he left so unsatisfied, that the
Prince himself, and the
Marquess of
Buckingham, must go into
Spain to unfold this
Riddle, where they found it as full of
Aenigma's as at first. He that went to tye a knot there, found it so intangled, that he took some time there to clear it; and when it was clear, he thought it best,
Scindere nodum, to cut that at last, which he could not unloose at first.
Bergen besieged by
Spinola.The Marquess
Spinola having long since left the
Palatinate to the
Imperials Generals, with a great
Army, consisting of above Thirty thousand men, the last
Summer sits down before
Berghen ap Zome, a Town of very great Strength and Importance, upon the
Borders of
Brabant, and incloses himself with two strong Lines of
Circumvallation, notwithstanding all the
Power the
[Page 216] Town could oppose from within, or
Prince Maurice, General of the
States Army without. And though he were well intrenched for his own
Security, yet the
Works of the
Town were so impregnable, that he could find no way to gain it, but by starving them, and that could not be done but by commanding the
River; and those Batteries that he planted to hinder the access of
Shipping with Relief into the
Town, were within reach of their
Cannon, so that he found there was little good to be done, tending to the reducing of it. This struck the
Marquess to the
Heart, that he should bury his
Honour, as he had done a great part of his
Army, in those bloody Trenches, and therefore he gave scope to his
Resolution, to make use of his time, for he converted his intentions of
Starving, to Assaulting, and his assaults were the more
furious, because he found they would not last long; and
Old Morgan, that gallant
Colonel, with his English
Brigade, gave them their hands full; the
Scots did Gallant Service in the Town, and their Colonel
Hinderson was slain; but many of the
Enemy fell on every side; for it is a great disadvantage for living Bodies to fight against dead Walls, being so high, and unassaultable.
A General that goes to besiege a
City, should have his access to it (in his apprehension) as plain as a
Mathematician hath a
Demonstration (except it be upon some emergent cause) otherwise there is an
Error in his account, and there cannot be two, for the
Honour dyes in the first, which touched the
Marquess near, being his great trouble, and made him, and his enterprise both droop.
Mansfeldt comes into
Brabant.But while he lay there digging graves, Count
Mansfeldts ranging
Army, that he brought out of
Bohemia, and those forces that remained of
Christian Duke of
Brundswicks, after he was beaten by
Tilly and
Cordova, meeting in the
Palatinate, and finding themselves able to do little good there (the Country being ruined, and wanting provisions to supply them) resolved to bring their
Army into the
Low-Countries being invited thereunto by the
Prince of
Orange, and the
States, to counterpoise the
formidable Armies, that the King of
Spain had then in
Motion; for though
Spinola's hands were tyed to the
Trenches, yet
Conduba with one
Army, on one side; and
Count Henry van de Berg with another army, on the other side, were dreadful to the
Netherlands. The
Mansfeldters were not above twelve thousand strong, horse and foot, the
Horse were only armed with
Pistols, the foot with
Muskets, scarce a Pike, or Corslet among them (for
Brundswicks men upon their defeat for the most part had thrown away their
Armes) Money, and Provisions, they had very little (their store being now spent) but what they could get by the
Sword, or purchase from the Towns, and
Cities (by terror) as they passed; order there was little among them, for want makes men
Brutish, and
Ravenous; and there
[Page][Page]ERNESTUS D: G: COMES MANSFELDIAE, MARCHIO CASTELINO VI, ET BUTIGLIERAE, NOB: DNS IN HELD: SUP: DUX BELLIC, ET HEROS FORT MARTE votens decus et dubijs si
[...]sucia rebus, ERNESTUS CAMPI VIR generosus nic est. Qui genus illustri ducens à stirpe Parentum Auget honoratum per sua facta genus. E.
[...] D.M.C.B.
[Page 217] was no way for them but to cut themselves out a passage into a plentiful
Countrey. On their way divers of
Mansfieldt's Horse mutined for Money, and came swarming about his house where he was quartered, threatning violence, and were ready to break open his doors.
Mansfieldt having a
Spirit full of
Magnanimity (and finding courage best able to quaile such
Attempts) would not stay so long as to have his doors broken, but opened them himself (attended only by those of his family) with a Case of
Pistols in his hands, and presented himself before them, and his very presence daunted them, for he did with sweet and affable language let them know his own wants were as great as theirs; and thus when they wanted other provisions he fed them with
Hopes. But many of these Brunts he had born formerly,
Souldiers are
like Gamesters, they get a great deal of
Money at one time, and have none at all another; and when want pinches it rages; his House hath been often beset by
Mutiners, that threatned to tare him in pieces; and he hath opened his doors, thrown himself (as it were) among them, and demanded stoutly,
What they would have? and having a Case of
Pistols always by him, those near him that called for
Money were sure to have those
Pistols discharged in their guts: And then he would ask them again,
who would have Money? and they would all slink away, and not a
Man dare to open his
Mouth; so high and overpowring a
Spirit he had! and that only kept him from the
Rage of
Mutiny, for he knew his own integrity, that when he had Money he di
[...]ributed it freely, and the more ingenuous part of them knew what Money he had, which was brought in great Sums, from such Towns and Cities, as redeemed themselves from the
Plunder of his
Souldiers; so that it was not his
Hoarding and
Covetousness, but real want made them suffer, and that imboldned his
Spirit; For a
General that would be safe; when his
Souldiers are in want, should not take refreshment so much as with the tip of his
Rod, unless they may be partakers in it.
But with many
Necessities,The Battail of
Fleury. in their
March through
Lorrain, and
Lutzenburgh, they came to
Fleury within eight miles of
Namurs, where
Corduba with a
Spanish Army strove to hinder their passage; The
Conflict was great betwixt them, and many slain on both sides, and both triumphed in the
Victory. For
Corduba kept the
Field, and
Mansfieldt kept his way. But
Mansfieldt's Victory was the compleatest, because he attained to his
End, which was, to break through
Corduba; But
Corduba did not attain to his
End, which was, to hinder
Mansfieldt. Yet the
Spanish Bravery was highly exalted with
Bonfires, and rejoycings both at
Madrid,Brunswick's Arm shot off. and
Bruxels. The
Duke of Brunswicke lost his Bridle
Arm in that service, and many
Gentlemen both
English[Page 218] and
Scots, out of
Love to the Queen of
Bohemia behaved themselves gallantly, and let the
Spaniard know; it was more than an ordinary
shock they encountered with. Among whom Sir
Charles Rich, brother to the E. of
Warwick was a
Principal person, whose
Voluntary Spirit, not necessity, made danger his
Companion, where
Honour attended it. Sir
Iames Heyes, Knevet, Humes, Heiborn, and other Commanders striving for
Corrivalship in Bravery.
Spinola raises his Siege.Spinola hearing that
Mansfieldt was broken through
Corduba's
Army, and come into
Brabant, made the
Court Splendor of
Corduba's Conquest appear but
Ignes fatui, which also something extinguisht the glory of his own
fame. For he thought it good policy (seeing he should be necessitated to leave the Siege of
Berghen) to do it at that time, when there might be cause to think it occasioned by that
Accident, more than his default. And therefore as soon as the
Prince of
Orange and
Mansfieldt had joyned forces, though
Corduba came to him and reinforced his
Army, yet Winter drawing on, and his Army almost wasted, he trussed up his
Baggage in haste, set his Camp a-fire, and departed, leaving to his
Hungry Enemies good store of Wine, and other
Provisions, in his burning
Quarters. And thus stood the Ballance this year betwixt the King of
Spain and the
Netherlands.
Buckingham's Medicine to cure the King's melancholy.But our King receiving so many delays, and dissatisfactions from
Spain, and
Rome, they begot him so much trouble, and
Vexation, that crowding into his thoughts, prest upon his
Natural Temper, some
fits of
Melancholy, which those about him with
facetious Mirth, would strive to
Mitigate; And having exhausted their inventions, or not making use of such as were more pregnant, the
Marquess and his
Mother (instead of
Mirth) fell upon
Prophaneness, thinking with that to please him, and perhaps they were only mistaken in the unseasonableness of the time, being not then suitable to the
Humor. For they caus'd Mistris
Aspernham, a young Gentlewoman of the Kindred, to dress a
Pigg like a
Child, and the
Old Countess like a
Midwife brought it in to the King in a rich Mantle.
Turpin that married one of the Kindred (whose name was renowned for a
Bishop in the
Romances of the
Emperor Charlemain) was drest like a
Bishop, in his Sattin Gown, Lawn sleeves, and other
Pontifical Ornaments, who (with the
Common Prayer book) began the words of
Baptism, one attending with a silver Bason of
Water for the Service, the King hearing the
Ceremonies of
Baptism read, and the squeeking noise of that
Brute he most abhorred, turned himself to see what
Pageant it was, and finding
Turpin's face, which he well knew, drest like a
Bishop; and the
Marquess, whose face he most of all loved, stand as a Godfather, he cryed
out, away for shame, what
Blasphemy is this? and turning aside with a frown, he gave them
cause to think that such
[Page 219] ungodly
Mirth would rather increase than cure his
Melancholly.
Another time at
Theobalds the King wanted some papers that had
Relation to the
Spanish Treaty, so hot in
Motion, which raised him highly into the
Passion of
Anger, that he should not know what he had done with them,
The King's Choler. being things so material, and of such
conoernment, And calling his
Memory to a strict account, at last he discharged it upon
Iohn Gib, a Scotchman, who was of his
Bedchamber, and had been an old
Servant to him.
Gib is called for in haste, and the King asks him for the
Papers he gave him;
Gib collecting himself; answered the King, he received no papers from him. The King broke into extream
Rage (as he would often when the
Humor of
Choler began to boil in him) protesting he had them, and reviling him exceedingly for denying them.
Gib threw himself at the
King's feet protesting his innocency, that he never received any, and desired his life might make satisfaction for his fault if he were guilty. This could not calm the King's
Spirit tossed in this tempest of
Passion; and overcharged with it, as he passed by
Gib (kneeling) threw some of it upon him; giving him a kick with his foot. Which kick infected
Gib, and turned his humility into
Anger; for rising instantly he said: Sir,
I have served you from my youth, and you never found me unfaithful, I have not deserved this from you, nor can I live longer with you with this disgrace; Fare ye well Sir,
I will never see your face more: and away he goes from the King's presence, took
Horse, and rode towards
London. Those about the King put on a sad
countenance to see him displeased, and every man was inquisitive to know the
cause, some said the King and
Gib were faln out; but about what? some papers of the
Spanish Treaty, the King had given him, cannot be found.
Endimion Porter hearing it, said, The King gave me those
Papers, went presently, and brought them to the King, who being becalmed, and finding his
Error, called instantly for
Gib; Answer was made he was gone to
London: The King hearing it, commanded with all expedition to send post after him, to bring him back, protesting never to Eat,
His sanguine. Drink, or Sleep till he saw
Gib's face. The Messenger overtook him before he got to
London, and
Gib hearing the
Papers were found, and that the King sent for him with much earnestness, returned to the Court. And as he came into the
King's Chamber, the
King kneeled down upon his Knees before
Gib, intreating his
pardon, with a sober and grave aspect, protesting he would never rise till
Gib had
forgiven him, and though
Gibs modestly declined it with some
humble excuses, yet it would not satisfie the King, till he heard the words of absolution pronounced. So ingenious was he in this piece of Passion! Which had its suddain variation from a stern and furious anger, to a soft and
melting affection, which made
Gib no loser by the
bargain.
[Page 220]Thus the King's
Melancholy, Cholerick, and
Sanguine constitution appeared. But of all the
Humors, Flegm was now the most predominant, which made him so tamely swallow those raw
fruits of Spain, that all his
Exercise could not well digest.
His Flegmatick Humor. A Diet at
Ratisbone. 7
Ian.In
Ianuary this year, the Diet which the
Emperor had summoned (contrary to his promise, as
our King intimates) met at
Ratisbone, where the
Electors and divers other
Princes of
Germany assembled, either in their own persons, or by their
Deputies. The Imperial
design was to take off the edge of the
Princes dissatisfaction, for his harsh proceedings against the
Prince Palatine; wherein he makes him the ground work, and cause of all the
Wars, and miseries, that have hapned in the
Empire. And thinking no man (as he said) would take the
boldness to mediate the
Restitution of the
proscribed Palatine into the
Electoral College, he could do no less than dispose of the
Electorate, now (
plenojure) devolved unto him, as
Emperor, which he had bestowed on the
Duke of
Bavaria for spending his Treasure, and hazarding his Blood in his
service, against his own
Nephew, the expulsed
Palatine, Wherefore he requests the illustrious
presence of
Electors and
Princes, to give their
opinions, how the
peace of the
Empire may be
established, to prevent all
commotions for the future.
The opinion of the Protestant Princes.The
Princes took this
Proposition of the
Emperor into debate, and the
Protestant Princes desired
Caesar to consider the importance of the Business.
That though his Imperial Majesty in his own judgment may have had Cause enough to publish the
Ban against the
Prince Palatine, yet they are of
Opinion, that in his
particular Cause, which so neerly concerned the disposing of an
Electorate of the
Empire, and so principal a
Person of the
Electoral College (the suddain doing whereof might occasion, long, and tedious Wars, dangerous to the
Roman Empire) that
Caesar should not of himself have proceeded so rigorously, nor without the advice, and consent, of all the rest of the
Electors, according as it was agreed upon in the
Capitulation Royal, which is holden for a
fundamental Law of the
Empire. Which course of
Caesar's, even for the
manner of proceeding in it, was distasted by
Divers, because the
Prince Palatinate had never been legally summoned, but uncited, and unheard, without all knowledge of his
Cause, and contrary to all ordinary
Course, had been condemned, and against all
Equity, oppressed by the
Publication of that
Imperial Ban. We purpose not to call the
Power Imperial into question, yet we cannot but remember your Majesty of that
Promise made in your
Capitulation unto the
Electors; and humbly
We admonish Caesar, to stand unto his own word, and not to intermit the performance of it. And as for the disposing of the
Electorate, we desire nothing more than that We could gratifie
Caesar with
Our Suffrages; But perceiving so many, and so great
Difficulties[Page 221] in it, We cannot but admonish your Majesty of the
danger of it. This being the
Opinion of
Our Electors, that seeing your
Majesty hath graciously called the
Diet for restoring
Peace in the
Empire, that it were altogether necessary first to remove the
Obstacles of Peace. And seeing that all the stirs began in
Bohemia, Caesar should do well to labour first for the quieting of that Kingdom, and command a stay to be made of the severe
Reformation, and frequent
Executions there; That so the
Hearts of your
Subjects being overcome with
Grace and
Mercy, might be sweetly joyned to you, and all fear, and distrust, utterly taken away; without which, we see no hope, either how your
Majesty can sit sure upon your
Imperial Throne, or how the
Electors and
Princes can be freed of their fears; being evident, that the
Bohemians, and others, made desperate by the
Extremity of their
sufferings, will take any occasion to begin new troubles, and to involve the
Empire with new
Dangers. All the
Lutheran States of the
Empire, likewise, which follow the
Augustan Confession, have their
Eyes upon this
Bohemian Reformation, which though it were given out to be for private
Iustice, yet it is so linkt with the
publick cause, that unless it be speedily ended, and the two
Churches at
Prague (granted by
Rodolphus the
second) not in favour of some private men alone, but of
Christian Elector of
Saxony, and which had continued free until of late) were again opened, and the free exercise of
Religion generally permitted, We see no sure
Peace likely to be in the
Empire, but utter ruine rather, and final desolation, may every day be feared. Seeing it was apparently known, that it was not those that professed the
Reformed Religion, who begun these troubles; but the
Noblemen and great
Officers, whose designs the other were compelled to obey.
And for the
Prince Palatine, seeing he is already sufficiently punished, it were far more commendable in your Majesty, that now at last upon his submission, you would be pleased to restore him to his
Lands and
Dignities, otherwise there is no likelihood of Restoring Peace to the
Empire. And in the transferring of the
Electorate, this main thing were fit to be considered; Whether the
Prince Palatine, excluded in his own
person, doth debar his
Children, who (by the
providence of their
Ancestors) had before this Act of their Father,
jus adquisitum, an Hereditary Right unto the
Electorate; or the
brother of the
Prince Palatine, who hath no way offended your
Majesty; nor, by reason of his
Minority, could not; Or others of the Kindred of the
Prince Palatine, should be, or ought to be in this Case neglected? If they be, it will be hardly taken of other
Electors and
Princes, and occasion various
Distrusts, betwixt the
Head and the
[Page 222]Members. For the
Princes allied unto the
Prince Palatine, who have been quiet hitherto, (upon Considence of
Caesar's Clemency) now perceiving all hope of that
Dignity unto their
Family taken away, must needs have Recourse unto
Arms, and endeavour the
Recovery of it by force. And if
Caesar should die, this
controversie being not compounded, it may well be feared, many inconveniences will fall out, contrary to
Caesar's desire. For though upon the advantage of his
Victories, he hath had the Law in his own hand, if the Wheel should turn, that side which is lowest will get up again.
Therefore We hold it more
Wisdom to advise
Caesar, not to proceed too suddenly, but rather to accept the intercession of other
Electors and
Princes, as in such Cases hath hitherto been done. Considering the
Prince Palatine was then but young, abused by ill
Councel, and no ways the
Author of those
stirs in
Bohemia, they being in an uproar before his coming among them. And if his
Majesty would pardon the
Prince Palatine, he should ever oblige the whole
Electoral College, and all the
Kings and
Princes allied unto him; and the
Prince himself, and all his
posterity, would be advised (when they remember their
Exile) how they embroil themselves in such Business. Whereas if he saw the door of
Mercy quite shut, and nothing left him but his life, it would make both him, and his, desperate to attempt, so as there would be no end of the Troubles in the
Roman Empire. Caesar therefore should do far righter, if for his own
Honour, and the
publick good, he would prefer mercy before
severity, and not pursue these
Extremities.
To these things the Catholick Princes
said, That
Caesar had shown
Causes enough which he had to deprive the
Palatine,The opinion of the Popish Princes. and the
Palatinate being devolved to him, he might dispose of it, without having regard to the
Palatine line, according to his own pleasure. That his
Majesty could not well hold any terms of
Amity with him, though he were restored; and this
impunity would give occasion unto others to offend. As for the matter of
Punishment, there would be little difference between the
Emperor, and the
Palatine, seeing that his
Majestie's Lands and
Dominions, are no less wasted than the others, and yet there is great difference in the cause; for this fell out to
Caesar without his Demerit, and the
Palatine did the other, having no necessity to it. That he had refused
mercy, in not acknowledging his fault, nor seeking for
favour. And it is an unequal Request for
Caesar to accept of any
Reconciliation, whilst his General
Mansfield is yet in the field, and
prosecutes his cause by force of
Arms. The safety of the Empire consisting in the filling up of the
Electoral College Caesar hath done very well in a speedy resolving on it, and other
Emperors in the like causes have done the same before.
The Reply of the Protestant Princes.To which the other party answered: That for the security of the
Imperial Dignity, and safety of the Empire, there is no question, but
[Page 223] that it consisted in the
Concord of the
Electoral College, with the
Emperor. And the
Prince Palatine hath (as you say) done amiss, yet if
Caesar shall still use
Rigor, the
Princes of the lower
Saxony are of
Opinion, there can be no
Peace established in the
Empire, the good of which being most worthy to be preferred,
Caesar should do wisely to suffer himself to be intreated, and change
Rigor into
Clemency, making the
Empire by that means glad with a desired
Peace, otherwise new flames were likely to break out, in those places which yet are preserved from burning. That
Caesar had now by the aid of the
Electors, and
Princes, recovered his lost
Provinces, and wanting nothing but quiet possession of them which, this desired
Reconciliation was the best means to effect. The hand of War may be lifted up, but who knows where the stroak will fall? and
Victory is so long uncertain, as the adverse party hath power to reinforce his
Arms. And for the renewing of the War, there is yet a fair pretence left, for that in bestowing the
Electorate, the
Prince Palatine's sons, and brother have been neglected, and with these
Principles are the minds of many of the
Princes of the
Empire already possessed. The King of
Great Britain besides could not but take it ill, that he should now see all his endeavours take no good effect, but his only daughter and her
Children, left in
exile. And as for the manner of this
Reconciliation, there might be a particular
Treaty, and
Consultation, wherein
Caesar's Prerogative imperial being reserved, all
parties might receive
Satisfaction, and the
Empire once again flourish in
Peace. If these
Remedies be not applied it will produce ill blood, yea
Heart-burnings, and distrusts, in the
Electoral College it self.
The Emperour's Reply. The Elector of Saxony.These several answers delivered to the Emperor,
the twentieth of Ianuary,
he replyed unto, thanking them for their consultations. And though some (saith he) have wisely heretofore resolved
us, that
our proceedings in
proscribing the
Palatine was both legal and
necessary, yet now
we perceive some of you are of
opinion that according to
our Capitulation Royal, we ought not to have proceeded so far, without the Knowledg, and consent of the
Electors. But as we have no ways gone begond this
our Capitulation, but even before
we set out the
Ban, punctually considered all that was necessary to be taken notice of; so did
we also desire nothing more then that a
Diet might be convoked, for the due treating and advising upon this
Business: which meeting being impeded by the
prosecution of the
War by the
Palatine, we could do no less, to take down his
courage, than publish the
Ban against him: which course of
ours, seeing it was never intended to be prosecuted to the prejudice of the
Electoral College, or against
our own Capitulation, we hope that the
Electors will not take it otherwise; being that we promise withal, so to moderate it, that no detriment, or prejudice shall result thereby unto the
Dignity Electoral.
As for the Translation of the
Electorate, and your advice for
Restoring of the
Palatinate, there is (I perceive) some difference in your
Opinions. One part wisely, and in
favour of us, affirming the great
[Page 224]Reason we have to do it. But for the other party, which adviseth his
Restoring, we purpose not so far to consent unto it, as to the restoring of him to the
Electoral Dignity, seeing that in the disposing of it other where,
we are resolved that
we shall do no more than
we have just reason to do: nor will
we defer the filling up of the
Electoral College, because the dispatching of it doth so much concern the
Common good. But for the
Restitution of the
Person of the
Palatine, you shall see how much
our Mind is inclined towards clemency▪ and how far
we will declare
Our self to gratifie the King of Great
Britain, the King of
Denmark, the
Elector of
Saxony, and other
Electors, and
Princes, interceding for him.
And as concerning
our forbidding the
Exercise of the
Lutheran Religion in the City of
Prague; we do not see how it any way concerns this
Diet to inquire of;
our Letter have signified the
causes that moved
us to begin it unto the
Elector of
Saxony, nor can we think that what
we have done there, any of the
Neighbour States or Territories, need be suspicious of seeing that
we have sworn oftner than once in the
Word of an
Emperour, that we will most Religiously observe the
Peace, both of
Religion, and civil
Government, throughout the
Empire. And thus much
we could not but advertise this
Illustrious Presence of
Electors, and
Princes, and you the
Ambassadors of those that are absent.
The Protestants answer.The
Protestant Electors, and
Princes, still persisted in their
Resolution, that the
Emperour could not translate the
Electorate legally, the
words of the
Capitulation, being clearly these.
In all difficult businesses, no process ought to be made, without the knowledg and consent of the Electors;
and that without ordinary process, no proscription should go out against any one of the States
of the Empire,
before the cause were heard. This is the fundamental
Law of the
Empire, which required no more, but to be constantly observed, nor is it to be drawn into further dispute, or deliberation. And it stood the
Electors upon, to be open eyed, to see to the observation of it, being it concerned the three
Secular Electors especially, whose
Dignity, did by an
Hereditary Right descend unto their
Posterity, to keep it safe, and entire, which they hoped that
Caesar would not contradict.
Result of all.But the
Emperour would not be perswaded from his own
Resolution, yet in conclusion, to gratifie the
Princes, he was contented to confer the
Electorate, with a
Proviso, that the
investiture of the
Duke of
Bavaria, should not be prejudicial to the
children of the
Palatine; and so the
Diet ended.
23. Feb.The
Duke of
Saxony was one of the first that executed the
Imperial Bann against the
Prince Palatine, assisting the
Emperour with a great
Army, to level the
Power of his fellow
Elector, when he mounted to be a King, and came so near him as
Prague, but when he was brought thus low, he would willingly have raised him up again, and then, the
Hand that had done him so much mischief was not permitted to do him any good. But
[Page 225] by the carriage of the
Business (though the
Emperour gave fair words) it did after appear, the
Austrian Policy aimed at the
Extirpation of
Religion, as well as at the exclusion of the
Palatine and his
Children; for he never meant them
Title, nor
Territory, unless he could settle both upon a
Popish Foundation;
Austrian policy. and to that end there was a private
Treaty broached in
England, and carried on by some of
Our King's
Ministers of State; That the Young
Prince Palatine, should be bred up in the
Emperour's Court, under pretence of marrying his Daughter, but in effect to be trained up in the
Popish Religion: And our
Prince Charles at the same time must fetch his Wife in
Spain; where they hoped the influence of that
Air, their
Visible Piety, and their invisible
Plots would sweetly insinuate their
Popish Principles into him. So impiously cunning they are to make others as miserable as themselves.
The ending of the
Diet in
Germany,The Prince's journey into
Spain. and our
Prince's Journey into
Spain, were much about a time. He went with the
Marquess of
Buckingham privately from Court the 17. of
February to
New-Hall in
Essex, the Marquess's House (purchased of that unthrift,
Robert Earl of
Sussex) and from thence the next day by
Graves-End the straight way to
Dover, attended onely by Sir
Richard Graham, Master of the Marquess's
Horse, where they were to meet Sir
Francis Cottington, who was thought fit to be the
Prince's
Secretary, and
Endimion Porter, who was then taken from the Marquess's Bed-Chamber to wait upon the Prince.
Cottington was at first, Clerk to Sir
Charles Cornwallis his
Secretary, when
Cornwallis was
Ambassadour in
Spain; and being left there an
Agent, in the
Intervals of
Ambassadours, was by that means trained up in the
Spanish affairs:
Porter was bred up in
Spain when he was a Boy, and had the
Language, but found no other
Fortune there, then brought him over to be Mr.
Edward Villers his man, in
Fleetstreet, which was before either the Marquess or his Master were acceptable at
White-Hall. And
Graham at first was an underling of low degree in the Marquess's
Stable. It is not hereby intended to vilifie the
persons, being men (in this World's lottery) as capable of advancement as others; but to show in how poor a Bark, the King ventured the rich freight his Son, having onely the Marquess to steer his
Course.
The
Prince and
Buckingham had false
Beards for disguizes,
By
Dover. to cover their smooth
Faces, and the names of
Iack Smith, and
Tom Smith, which they past with, leaving behind them impressions in every place (with their bounty, and presence) that they were not the
Persons they presented; but they were not so rudely dealt with as to be questioned till they came to
Dover, and there the
Mayor in a
Supercilious Officiousness (which may deserve the title of a careful
Magistrate) examined them so far, (being jealous they were Gentlemen going over to fight) that
[Page 226] the
Marquess (though
Admiral) was glad to Vail his
Beard to him in private, and tell him he was going to visit the Fleet, so they had liberty to take Ship, and landed at
Bulloign the same day, making swist
Motion by
Post-Horses (which
celerity leaves the least impression) till they came to
Paris;
Paris. There the
Prince spent one day to view the
City and
Court, shadowing himself the most he could under a Bushy
Peruque, which none in former times but bald people used, but now generally intruded into a fashion; and the
Prince's was so big, that it was hair enough for his whole face. The
Marquesses fair Face was shadowed with the same Pencil, and they both together saw the
Queen Mother at Dinner, the King in the Gallery after Dinner, and towards the Evening they had a full view of the
Queen Infanta, and the
Princess Henrietta Maria, with most of the
Beauties of the
Court, at the practice of a Masking Dance, being admitted by the
Duke of
Montbason, the
Queens Lord
Chamberlain in
Humanity to Strangers, when many of the
French were put by. There the
Prince saw those
Eyes that after inflamed his
Heart, which increased so much, that it was thought to be the cause of setting Three Kingdoms afire: but whether any spark of it did then appear, is uncertain; if it did, it was closely raked up, till the
Spanish fire went out; the heat whereof made him neglect
[...]no time till he came to
Madrid.
Burdeaux.At
Burdeaux, the
Duke D'Espernon, Governour there, out of a noble freedom to
Strangers, offered them the
Civilities of his
House, which they declined with all bashful respects, and Sr
Francis Cottington who always looked like a Merchant, and had the least
Miene of a
Gentleman (fittest for such an imployment) let him know, they were Gentlemen that desired to improve themselves, and had not Breeding suitable to his Grandeur; which took off the edge of his invitation, whose subtile
Eye by
Converse might have pryed through those fictitious out-sides, to discover more then did appear.
Bayone.They past with some difficulties also at
Bayone, where the Count
de Gramant was
Governour, (being the utmost part of
France, and the
Key, that opens the
Way into
Spain) he being a pregnant man read more than ordinary in them; but where
Peace is the
School-Master, Iealousie the Pragmatical
Usher hath little to do; therefore out of
Common Civility he let them pass. And within a small time after they had taken Post (before they had well passed the
Bounds of
France) he had notice by a
Courier, (that brought Advice thereof to the King of
Spain,) from
Don Carlos de Coloma, Extraordinary
Ambassadour in
England, (
Gondemar for his good Service being sent for home, and advanced) that the
Prince of
England was among them. This
Hazard the
Prince ran, upon
Post-Horses, that if he had been discovered, it would not only have questioned his
Iudgment, in the managing of so great an
[Page 227] but he must have remained at the
French mercy, which would have given an
Eclipse to the
glory he shined in, in the
Court of
Spain, for they looked upon this
spritely journey, as a high remarque of a Gallant and
Noble spirit; And happily some
Spanish Fancy may now be framing, how many
Gyant Difficulties he conquered in the way, and what
Inchantments he passed among the
Beauties of
France: for such
Romances are frequent among those barren
Rosemary Mountaines, the
fume whereof is pleasant and helpful to the Brain.
Upon
Saturday the sixth of
March,At Madrid. they arrived at
Madrid. The
Prince and
Marquess came thither one day before
Cottington, and the others, to make the less noise in
appearances. They
lighted at the
Earl of
Bristol's House, in the evening, and the Marquess brought in the
Portmantua, but his Master staid without with the
Guide, till he had prepared a way for Privacy. The Earl of
Bristol was astonished at the sight, but after he had collected himself, his
Diligence attended his
Duty, and the Prince wanted nothing but
Counsel how to order himself, which they took time (till the next day towards the
Evening) to deliberate on. All that morning the Town was filled with
Rumours of the arrival of some great Prince, and though the King of
Spain had intimation by his Letters, yet he kept all private till the
Prince exprest himself, which was done that Evening. For
Buckingham and
Bristol went to the
Court, and had private
Audience of the King, who sent his
Grand favourite Olivares back with them to congratulate the
Princes coming, who let the
Prince know how Happy the King his Master was in the Injoyment of him there, and what addition of
Grandure his presence would contribute to the
Court of
Spain, and that the
obligation was so great, that he deserved to have the
Infanta thrown into his
Armes. All this while kneeling, kissing his Hands, and embracing his
Thigh! the
Huge and swelling
expressions of
Spanish Humility. And from him he went to the
Marquess of
Buckingham, telling him, That now the
Prince of
England was in
Spain, his Master
and he would divide the World betwixt them, with other
Rodomontado fancies. And after he was gone, about ten of the Clock that night, the King of
Spain came in a close Coach to
Visit the
Prince, who having intimation of his coming (such secret
Hints among
Princes being suitable invitements) he met him in the way, and there they spent some time in those
sweet, yet formal
Caresses and
Imbraces, that are incidents to the Interviews of great
Princes, though their
Hearts and Tongues do seldom accord.
Gondemar in consort was not without his
Strain of
Complement, for he told the
Prince upon a
Visit next day; that he had strange news to tell him; which was,
That an Englishman was sworn a privy-
Councellour to the King of
Spain; meaning himself, who he said was an
Englishman in
Heart, and had lately received that
Honour.
The next day the
King and
Prince had som
[...] Interviews in their Coaches passing to the
Parada to take the
Air, where also he had a glimpse of his fair Mistress, but the
Formality of the
Princes Entertainment was deferred till his lodgings were made ready in the
Court,Rides in State to the Court. which was the
Sunday following, being that day invited to
Dinner to St.
Hierome's Monastery, where the King commanded divers of his great Officers to attend upon the
Prince, which they did bare-headed, and they say it was according to the old
Custome of
Castile; but
King Philip when he was in
England found that
Respect, and retained it ever after in
Spain. The
Prince would have prevented their
Ceremony to him, but they are stubborn, and pertinacious in their very
Humility. After dinner the
King came in
Person, with his
Favorite Olivares and divers others of the
Nobility in Coaches, with intention on horseback (for the more
State) to conduct the
Prince through the Town to the
Court, having Horses and all accoutremens fit for such a Royal Train. And thus mounted they rode in great
Glory, through the streets (being adorned with rich Tapistry and rare
Pictures) as their
Kings do to their
Coronation. The
Spanish civility placed the
Prince on the
Right hand of the
King, under a rich cloth of Estate, supported by many Persons of
Quality; Olivares and
Buckingham went next the
Canopy, and after them the rest of their
Grandees in their several
Degrees, most glorious every where to behold, the choice
Beauties of the
Town and
Court, presenting themselves to see and to be seen. At the
Court gate they dismounted, and then a new friendly strife began who should enter
First, and because that should breed no difference they went both together. The
Queen and the
Infanta from a Window in the
Court, saw them come riding in triumphant Equipage, and when they alighted the
Infanta retired, and the
Queen went to her
Chamber, expecting a
Visit; and when the
King and
Prince entred her
Chamber, she rose to meet them making an
Obeysance to the
Prince, suitable to her
Greatness and
His; and he bowing to the
Ground almost in
Obedience to
Her, were both as great
Patterns of
Civility, and courtesie to the rest of their
Train. And after some
Compliments they sate down in three
Royal Seats prepared for them, the
Queen in the
Middle, the
Prince on her right hand, and the
King on her left. And in this
Stately posture they discoursed away some half an hours time, and then they parted. The
Queen brought the
Prince to the utmost extent of her
Chamber, and the
King to a
Chamber prepared for him (with many Rooms of
State, Sumptuously adorned,) where he left him to his own Attendance, and some great
Spanish Condes, as
Principal Officers of his
Household, Gondemar ever being one about him. Two dayes after, the
Prince was invited to run at the
Ring, where his fair
Mistris was a
Spectator, and to the
Glory of his
fortune, and the great
Contentment
[Page 229] both of himself, and the
Lookers on, he took the
Ring the very first
Course. So seasonable are these little empty
joyes, when they are suitable to our
Minds and
Wishes.
All that the
Spanish Court could do was heightned into
Gallantry and
Civilities to the
Prince,His Royal entertainment. yet he saw not his fair
Mistris but at an undiscerning distance, and in
transitu, as she came from
Church. But after all these
Splendid, and glorious out-side
Ceremonies of Entertainment, were grown a little old, the
Prince began to mind the Business he came about, and desired a more intimate access to his Beloved
Infanta, which
Olivares promised from day to day to accomplish, but still delayed; and at length, when unperformed
promises were heightned into
Shame, he plainly confessed, That it was agreed by the King and his Council, that he might not see her as a Lover, till the
Dispensation came; for it would give scandal to admit him before, yet not to starve him quite in his
Desires (but to keep him short that he should not
surfeit) he had now and then Access to her as a
Prince, in a publike way, the
King of
Spain being always
present, and the Earl of
Bristol Interpreter, so that nothing could be spoken, but those little superficial Compliments, that served as Baits rather to nibble on, than satisfie. But these
small Repasts kept up the
Appetite.
The English Nobility flock into
Spain.And now the
Glories of the
English Court left the Northern
Sun declining to the
West, and came to see the
Sun rising in
Spain. The
Marquess of
Buckingham's new
Title of
Duke came to him also, (that he might be in the highest Rank among the
Spanish Grandees) to beard the proudest of them; which afterwards he did. And the
Viscount Doncaster (lately made
Earl of
Carlile) came in all his
Glories; of which two, it was observed by knowing
Men, That Buckingham
came into Spain
of the Spanish
Faction, and returned into England
of the French
Faction: Carlile
came into Spain
of the French
Faction, and returned into England
of the Spanish: thus varying the
Scene by
fits, and acting their parts as the present
fancy moved them. The Lord
Kensington Captain of the Guard to
our King, came also to see the
Prince, so did the
Earl of
Denbigh, Edward, Son and Heir to the now
Earl of
Manchester; The
Viscount Mandevill, the
Viscount Rochford, and divers others of the
Nobility; And the
Prince was so circled with a
Splendid Retinue of his own
people, that it might be said,
There was an English Court in the King of Spain's Pallace.
The Spanish strive to pervert the Prince.But together with these specious Entertainments there were underworking
Hopes to have the Prince turn
Papist, for (in intervenient
Discourses)
Olivares, and others, would press him (with all the
Arguments the Court had instructed them in) to a
conversion; intimating how smooth a path it would make to the
Infanta's affections; for when he, that was to be
Lord of her
Heart[Page 230] and the best friend she had, would be an Enemy to her
Religion, it could be but a great
Obstacle to her
Love. And when the
Danger of it was proposed to them, as likely to bring a
Rebellion in the
Nation, if their
Prince should be perverted; they promised to assist him with an
Army against such rebellious people. But if he would not admit of a present, and suddain alteration publikely, yet that he would be so indulgent when the
Infanta came into
England, as to listen to her in
Matters of
Religion, which the
Prince promised to do. Nay, his own
familiar friend Bristol (as it was
Articled against him afterwards by
Buckingham) did strive with a gentle hand to allure him that way, as bringing with it an addition to the
Grandure of the King's of
England, that none of them could ever do great things, that were not of that Religion.
Thus was the
Prince beset, and Time ran away in
Discourses: The
Dispensation being purposely delayed; for some at that time in the
Spanish Court, said it was come, and sent back again to
Rome, (being too forward, and active) that it might have more weight put upon it, and then it would not make so much haste, for now it came too soon to dispatch their worke. For the
subtily considered, that
Time and continual dropping, might leave those impressions upon the
Prince's spirit, that
Dispatches cannot effect. Therefore they made new
Queries, and clapt new
Remora's upon the
Articles, that being tangled in
Disputations betwixt
England and
Spain; and in
controversies of
Religion betwixt the
Prince, and some of their cunning
Sophisters, (which they set a work) that before the way could be well cleared on both sides, their
Design (which was the
Prince's
Perversion) might mature and ripen. For the
Earl of
Bristol confessed afterwards,
That it was a general received Opinion in the Spanish Court, that the Prince
came thither with intention to be a Roman Catholike; And
Gondemar pressed
Bristol not to hinder so
pious a
work, assuring him, they had the
Duke of
Buckingham's
assistance therein.
So doth the Pope.And it was evident enough their hopes were great, by the
Pope's letter to the
Bishop of
Conchen, Inquisitor general in
Spain: Wherein, he excites him, not to slip the
Opportunity, providence had put into his
hand, of extending his
Piety to the outtermost
Nations. The
Prince of
England being now in the Court of
Spain, that glorious Temple (as it were) that hath been a
Bulwark to the
Pontifical Authority, and an
Academy for
propogation of
Religion, he desires he may not stay there in vain, but that some of the impressions of the
Piety, of so many
Catholick Kings, as have lived there, may be imprinted on him; that he may be won with all sweetness, as many of his noble
Ancestors have been, who have submitted their
Crowned heads, and Imperiall
power to the
Roman Obedience. And to his glorious
Victory, and
Eternal
[Page][Page]GREGORIVS XV alexander Luaouisuis, Bononien. creat die 9. Februar
[...] an 1621. Sedit an. 2. me
[...]s. S. Ob
[...]t die 8. Iulij an. 1623 Vac.
[Page 231] Triumph of
Celestial Beatitudes, the Treasures of Kings, and
Legions of
Souldiers cannot contribute, but the
Weapons of
Light that must come from
Heaven, whose
Splendor inlightning the
Prince's
Eyes, shall dazle
[...] his
Errors, and establish his mind in meekness. And he charges the
Bishop, and all his
Fraternity, to use the best strength, and industry, they can to this purpose. So that the
Prince was continually laid at, by the insinuating
Orations of cunning
Iesuits; the fained, and cousening
Miracles of reclused
Holiness; the
Splendid and
Specious Solemnities of their
Formal Processions; the rare, and admirable Pictures of their reputed
Saints; besides many other painted devices, and subtle
Artifices, brooded among them.
And the
Pope used all the
Rhetorick of his
Cabalistical Consistory, and
Holy Chair, to charm him to his
Obedience, as may be seen by this Letter which he writ to him himself.
MOst Noble Prince,By his Letters.Health and
Light of
Divine Grace. For asmuch as
Great Britain hath always been fruitful in
Vertues, and Men of
Merit, having filled the one and the other
World with the
Glory of
Her Renown: She doth also very often attract the thoughts of the
Holy Apostolical Chair, to the consideration of her praises. And indeed the
Church was but then in her Infancy, when the King of Kings did choose her for his Inheritance, and so affectionately, that it is thought the
Roman Eagles prevailed not so much as the
Banner of the
Cross. Besides that many of her Kings instructed in the Knowledg of the true
Salvation, have preferred the
Cross before the
Royal Scepter, and the
Discipline of
Religion before
Covetousness, leaving
Examples of
Piety to other
Nations, and to the Ages yet to come; so, as having
Merited the principal and chief
Places of
Blessedness in
Heaven, they have obtained on
Earth the Triumphant
Ornaments of true
Holiness. And although now the
State of the
English Church be altered,
yet we see the Court of Great Britain adorned and furnished with
Moral Vertues, which might serve to support the
Charity that
We bear unto
Her, and be an
Ornament to the name of
Christianity; if withal
She could have for her defence and
Protection, the
Orthodox and
Catholike Truth. Wherefore by how much the
Glory of your most Noble
Father, and the apprehension of your
Royal Disposition, delights
Us, with so much more
Zeal, We desire that the
Gates of the
Heavenly Kingdom, might be
opened unto you, and that you might purchase to your self the
Love of the
Universal Church. Moreover, it being
Certain that
Gregory the
Great of most blessed
Memory, hath introduced to the
English people, and taught their Kings, the law of the
Gospel, and the respect to
Apostolical Authority; We as inferior to him in
Holiness and
Virtue. but equal in Name and
Degree of
Dignity, it is very reasonable that
We following his blessed
Steps, should endeavour the
Salvation of those
Provinces, especially at this time, when your
Happy Design (most
[Page 232]Noble Prince) elevates
Us to the
Hope of an extraordinary advantage. And as you have taken a Iourney into
Spain to the
Catholike King, with desire to allye your
Self to the
House of
Austria, so
We do commend your
Design, and indeed do testifie openly in this present
Business, That you are he that takes principal
Care of
our Prelacy. For seeing that you desire to take in
Marriage the Daughter of
Spain, We may
easily from thence conjecture, That the ancient
seeds of
Christian Piety which have so happily flourished in the
Hearts of the Kings of
Great Britain; May (
God prospering them) revive again in your
Soul. And indeed
it is not to be believed, that he that loves such an alliance should hate the Catholike Religion, and delight to oppress the Holy Chair. To that purpose
We have commanded to make continually most
humble Prayers to the Father of
Lights, That he would be pleased to put you as a fair
Flower of
Christendom, and the onely
Hope of
Great Britain, in possession of that most noble
Heritage, that your
Ancestors have purchased for you, to defend the
Authority of the
Soveraign High Priest, and to sight against the
Monsters of
Heresie. Remember the dayes of old, enquire of your
Fathers, and they will tell you the Way that leads to
Heaven, and what way Temporal
Princes have taken to gain an
Eternal Kingdom. Behold the
Gates of
Heaven opened, the most holy Kings of
England (who came from
England to
Rome accompanied with
Angels) did come to
Honour, and do
Homage to the
Lord of Lords and to the
Prince of the
Apostles, in the
Apostolical Chair: their
Actions, and
Examples, being as so many Voices of God, speaking and exhorting you to follow the
course of the Lives of those, to whose
Empire you shall one day attain.
Is it possible that you can suffer
Hereticks should hold them for impious, and condemn those whom the
Faith of the
Church testifies to reign in
Heaven with
Jesus Christ, and have command, and authority over all
Principalities, and
Empires of the
Earth? Behold how they tender you the hand of this truly happy inheritance, to Conduct you
Safe and
Sound to the Court of the
Catholike King; And now desire to bring you back again into the bosom of the
Roman Church: beseeching with unspeakable
sighs and groans the
God of all
Mercy for your
Salvation, and do
stretch out to you the
Arms of the
Apostolical Charity, to imbrace you with all
Christian affection; even you, that are
her desired
Son, in shewing you the happy
Hope of the Kingdom of
Heaven. And indeed you cannot give a greater
Consolation to all the people of the
Christian World, then to put the
Prince of the
Apostles, in possession of your most noble
Island, whose
Authority hath been held so long in the Kingdom of
Britain for the defence of Kingdoms, and for a
Divine Oracle, the which will easily arrive, and without
Difficulty, if you
open your
Heart to the Lord that knocks, upon which depends all the happiness of that Kingdom. It is from this
our great Charity that
we cherish the
Praises of the
Royal Name; and that which
[Page][Page]Great
Brittaine is thy
Birth: right but the
Earth Li
[...]e then, and conquer, till victorious warre stoopes to the
Vertues, which exceede thy
Birth Make thy
Rule endles, as thy
Vertues are.
[Page 233] makes
us desire that you and your
Royal Father might be
styled with the name of
Deliverers,An. Reg.
21. An. Christi.
1623. and
Restorers of the antient, and
Paternal Religion of
Great Britain. This is it we hope for, trusting in the
Goodness of
God, in whose hands are the
Hearts of Kings, and who causeth the
People of the
Earth to receive
Healing; to whom
we will alwayes labour with all
our Power to render you gracious and favourable. In the interim take notice by these Letters, the care of
our Charity, which is none other then to procure your
Happiness; and it will never grieve
us to have written them, if the reading of them stir but the least spark of
Catholick Faith in the heart of so great a
Prince, whom
we wish to be filled with long continuance of
Joy, and flourishing in the Glory of all
Virtues. Given at
Rome in the
Palace of St.
Peter, the
20. of
April. 1623. in the third year of our
Popedom.
This Letter of the Pope's expresses not only the sleek,
The Pope's cunning. and smooth waies,
that Soul-merchant takes to purchase his
Proselytes, but the end he proposes to himself; which is, to bring them under the
Roman Obedience, otherwise whatsoever they do or profess is
Heresie. And to build up the
Towers of this great
Babel, the name of the most High God is brought down among them, and used as a Master Builder.
Every Profession layes that name as a
Foundation, though the Superstructure be but straw and stubble of
Hypocrisie, which a whirl-wind shall scatter, and the time is coming that her
Lovers shall be destroyed, and fierycloven tongues shall confound their
Language. The Prince was not slack in answering this Letter, which happily he might think would quicken the Pope to dispatch the
Dispensation, when he should find so little cause for
Delayes, by his closing so nearly with him. Which whether out of Policy or Real intention cannot be asserted, but the Letter was thus.
MOst Holy Father,
The Prince's answer. I received the
Dispatch from your
Holiness with great content, and with that
Respect which the
Piety, and care wherewith your
Holiness writes, doth require. It was an unspeakable pleasure to me to read the
Generous Exploits of the King's my
Predecessors, to whose
Memory Posterity hath not given those praises, and Elogies of
Honour that were due to them. I do believe that your
Holiness hath set their Example before my Eyes, to the end that I might imitate them in all my
Actions, for in truth they have often exposed their Estates, and Li
[...]es for the Exaltation of the
Holy Chair, And the
[...]ou
[...]ge with which they have assaulted the Enemies of the
Cross of Iesus Christ hath not been less then the
Care and thought which I have to the end that the
Peace and
Intelligence, which hath hitherto been wanting in
Christendom, might be bound with a bond of true concord: for like as the common Enemy of
Peace, watcheth alwayes to put Hatred and
Dissention between
Christian Princes, so I believe that the
Glory of
God
[Page 234] requires that we should endeavour to unite them. And I do not esteem it a greater
Honour to be descended from so great
Princes. then to imitate them in the
Zeal of their
Piety. In which it helps me very much to have known the
Mind and
Will of
our Thrice Honoured Lord and
Father, and the
Holy Intentions of his
Catholick Majesty to give a happy
Concurrence to so laudable a
Design: For it grieves him extreamly, to see the great
Evil that grows from the
Division of
Christian Princes, which the
Wisdom of your
Holiness foresaw, when it judged the
Marriage, which you pleased to design, between the
Infanta of
Spain and my
self, to be necessary to procure so great a good; For 'tis very certain, that I shall never be so extreamly affectionate to any thing in the
World, as to endeavour allyance with a
Prince that hath the same apprehension of the
true Religion with my self. Therefore I intreat your
Holiness to believe
that I have been alwayes far from encouraging Novelties, or to be a Partisan of any faction against the Catholick, Apostolick, Roman Religion. But on the
contrary, I have sought all occassions to take away the
suspicion that might rest upon me; and that I will imploy my self for the
Time to come, to have but one
Religion, and one
Faith, seeing that we all believe in
One Jesus Christ. Having resolved in my self to spare
nothing that I may have in the World, and to
suffer all manner of Discommodities, even to the
hazarding of my
estate and
life, for a thing so pleasing unto
God. It rests only that I thank your
Holiness for the permission which you have been pleased to afford me, and that I may pray
God to give you a blessed
Health here, and his
Glory, after so much travel, which your
Holiness takes within his
Church.
Signed,
CHARLES STUART.
A fatal Letter.It may well be a Quere,
Whether this
profession of the
Prince, in
suffering all discommodities, even to the
Hazarding of
Estate and
Life, did not rest upon him at his,
Death? as may be said hereafter; But there is a long
Race for him to run, before he come to that
End. It seems he had either a good Will to write this Letter, or a bad
Council to indite it, or both conjoyned, that were as careful to please the
Pope as they were
hopeful it would never come to see the
light, till the flame of it would be too visible. For if the Prince intended
Really (when he had
power) to introduce
Popery into
England; this Letter in a bloody colour too apparently would have been discovered; and if his intentions were formal, and only to close with the
Pope for his present accommodation, how black would every
Character of this letter look to the
Roman Rubrick, and what a Tincture of
Scandal would it leave upon the true
Religion? for
Fallere fallentem, may be a fit
Motto for a bad man, not a good
Christian; so that whatsoever his
Intentions were, the
Act was evill: And I could suspect
[Page 135] it is a forged Letter, but that it hath been asserted by so many
Authors both at home and abroad.
The
Pope finding by this letter, and some other private intimations, the
Princes good affections to the
Roman See, thought it high time to dally no longer,
The Dispensation comes to
Madrid. but to draw him altogether with the
Cords of
Love; therefore he dispatches the
Dispensation to his
Nuntio at
Madrid, six months after the Prince's arrival there, with a little
Bob at the
Tail of it, yet to amuse them: Which was, That the
King of
Great Britain, and the
Prince, should give
Caution to perform what was
stipulated between them and the
King of
Spain, especially in those
Articles which were in favour of the
Roman Catholicks in
England, and other his
Majestie's
Dominions; Requiring at least, some
Soveraign Catholick Prince should engage for them by oath. This made some little demur; for being sent into
England, the
King answered, That he could give no other
Caution but his own, and the Princes
Royal Words and
Oaths, Confirmed by his
Council of State, and Exemplified under the great
Seal of England. But this would not satisfie. Therefore the
King of
Spain undertook it, and it was thought a
Spanish Device, That by undertaking such an engagement, he might not only the more endear himself to the
King of
Great Britain, and to the Prince his
Brother, but have a more colourable
pretext to make War against
England, if the
Roman Catholicks there had not
full satisfaction and freedom according to the
Articles; and the
King of
Spain knowing or assureing himself that no Catholick Prince would take such an Oath, offered himself to
satisfie the Pope. And a Committee of
Ecclesiasticks in
Spain were appointed to debate the
Case in Relation to the
King's
conscience, whether he might take such an Oath for them? and they (being doubtless resolved on it before) concluded
Affirmatively. And that if the
King of
Great Britain, and
Prince should fail in the performance of these
Capitulations, the
King of
Spain might save his Oath, by vindicating the
Breach thereof upon them with his
Sword. And now this
Monster-difficulty being overcome by the
Spanish Bravery, the very same time
Articles that our King and Prince had signed (as are before related) were sent into
England for our King and his privy
Council to swear to, and there was not a Rub left for either
party to stumble at.
But whilst these things were in
motion in
Spain, they were much regretted, and badly resented in
England. The Spirit almost of the whole Nation being averse to this Union; which made many vent their
Passion by their
Pens, as well as their tongues. Amongst the rest the Archbishop of
Canterbury, knowing that a
Toleration was to be admitted (though he stood tottering in the
King's Favour, and had the Badg of a
Puritan[Page 236] clapt upon him) thought it better to discharge his Conscience, though he hazarded all, rather than be silent in such a Cause, where the Glory of God, and the Good of the
Kingdom were so higly concerned. Therefore he writes this letter to the
King:
May it please your Majesty,
The Archbishops letter to the King against a Toleration.I Have been too long silent, and am afraid by my
Silence I have neglected the
Duty of the
Place it hath pleased God to call me unto, and your Majesty to place me in. And now I humbly crave leave I may discharge my
Conscience towards God and my
Duty to your
Majesty: And therefore I beseech your
Majesty give me leave freely to deliver my self, and then let your
Majesty do with me what you please. Your
Majesty hath propounded a
Toleration of Religion: I beseech you, Sir, take into your consideration, what the Act is, next what the consequence may be. By your Act you labour to set up that most
Damnable and
Heretical Doctrine of the
Church of
Rome, the
Whore of
Babylon. How Hateful will it be to God, and grievous unto your good
Subjects, the true
Professors of the
Gospel; that your
Majesty, who hath often disputed, and learnedly written against those wicked
Heresies, should now shew your self a
Patron of those
Doctrines, which your
Pen hath told the
World, and your
Conscience tels your Self, are
Superstitious, Idolatrous, and
Detestable? Add hereunto what you have done in sending the
Prince into
Spain, without the consent of your
Council, the
Privity and
Approbation of your
People. And though, Sir, you have a large Interest in the
Prince, as the Son of your Flesh, yet hath the people a greater, as the Son of the Kingdom, upon whom (next after your Majesty) their Eyes are fixed, and Welfare depends. And so tenderly is his going apprehended, as believe it, Sir, however his return may be safe, yet the drawers of him to that
Action so dangerous to himself, to desperate to the Kingdom, will not pass away unquestioned, and unpunished. Besides this
Toleration which you endeavour to set up by
Proclamation, cannot be done without a
Parliament, unless your
Majesty would let your
Subjects see, That you will take unto your self a liberty to throw down the
Laws of the Land at your
Pleasure. What dreadful
Consequence these things may draw after them, I beseech your
Majesty to consider. And above all, lest by this
Toleration, and discontinuance of the true profession of the Gospel, whereby God hath blessed us, and under which this Kingdom hath for many years flourished, your Majesty do not draw upon the Kingdom in general, and your Self in particular,
God's heavy Wrath and Indignation. Thus in discharge of my
Duty towards God, to your
Majesty, and the place of my
Calling, I have taken humble Boldness to deliver my
Conscience. And now, Sir, do with me what you please.
Thus did our
Solomon in his latter time (though he had fought
[Page 237] with the Beasts at
Ephesus, as one saith of him) incline a little too much to the
Beast. Yet he made his tale so good to the
Archbishop of Canterbury (what reservations soever he had) that he wrought upon the good old man (afterwards) in the
Conclusion of the work, to set his Hand as a Witness to the
Articles. And his desires were so heightned to the
Heats of
Spain,Arguments for and against a Toleration. (which boyl'd him to such a
Distemper) that he would listen to nothing, and almost yield to any thing, rather than not to enjoy his own
Humour. Divers of his intimate
Council affecting
Popery, were not slack to urge him to a Toleration, and many
Arguments were used inciting to it: As that
Catholicks were the King's best and most peaceable
Subjects, the
Puritans being the only Sticklers and the greatest Disturbers of the
Royal peace, trenching too boldly upon the
Prerogative, and striving to lessen the Kingly
power; But if the King had occasion to make use of the
Catholicks, he should find them more faithful to him, than those that are ever contesting with him, And why should not
Catholicks with as much safety be permitted in
England as the
Protestants are in
France? That their Religion was full of
Love and
Charity (where they could enjoy it with freedom) and where
Charity layes the
Foundation, the upper
Building must needs be
spiritual, But these
Arguments were answered, and many reasons alledged against them, proving the
Nature of the
Protestant Religion to be
Compatible with the Nature of the Politick Laws of any State, of what
Religion soever; Because it teacheth that the Government of any
State, whether
Monarchial or
Aristocratical, is
Supream within it self, and not
subordinate to any power without; so that the Knot of Allegiance thereunto is so firmly tied, that no
Humane power can unloose or dissolve it. Whereas on the
contrary, the
Roman Religion, acknowledging a
Supremacy in another, above that
power which swayeth the
State, whereof they are
Members, must consequently hold, that one stroke of that
Supreme power is able to unsinew, and cut in sunder all the
Bonds which ty them to the
Subordinate and
Dependent Authority. And therefore can ill accord with the
Allegiance, which
Subjects owe to a
Prince of their own
Religion, which makes
Papists intolerable in a
Protestant Common-wealth. For what
Faith can a
Prince or
People expect from them, whose
Tenet is,
That no Faith is to be held with Hereticks? That the
Protestants in
France had
merited better there, than the
Papists had done in
England: the one by their
Loyalties to their lawful King, having ransomed that Kingdom with their Bloods, in the
Pangs of her desperate
Agonies, from the Yoak of an
Usurper within, and the
Tyranny of a Forain
Scepter without; The other seeking to write their
Disloyalties in the Heart-Blood of the
Princes and best
Subjects of this
Kingdom. That the Number
[Page 238] and
Quality of the
Professors of these different
Religions in either Kingdom is to be observed.
An. Reg. 21.
An. Christ. 1623. For in
France the Number of the
Protestants were so great, that a
Toleration did not make them, but found them a Considerable
Party; so strong, as they could not have been suppressed without endangering the Kingdom; But a
Toleration in
England would not find, but form the
Papists to be a considerable party, (witness their encrease by this late
Connivency) a thing which ought mainly to be avoided. For the distraction of a State into several powerfull parties, is alwaies weakning, and often proveth the utter ruine thereof.
The Match concluded in
England.These thing were laid open to the King, but all were waved by the
King of
Spain's Offering. His engagement to the
Pope by oath, That he and the
Prince his son should observe and keep the
Articles stipulated betwixt them, did exceedingly affect him. And the
Articles now coming to close up all, they were ingrossed,
The Preamble to the Articles. with a long preamble. Declaring to all the
World the much desired
Union betwixt him and the
King of
Spain, by the marriage of his son to the
Infanta Maria, sister to the
King. To which end he had sent his Son into
Spain to treat and conclude the match; together with
George Duke of
Buckingham, Iohn Earl of
Bristol, Sir
Walter Astone, and Sir
Francis Cottington, Baronets, Commissioners on his part for the said Treaty. And on the behalf of the
King of
Spain, Iohn de Mendoza and
Luna, Marquess of
Monstes Claros, Didacus Sarmiento de Acuna Earl of
Gondemar, and
Iohn de Cirica, Secretary to the
Secret Council. Which Commissioners for both parts qualified by a
Dispensation from his
Holiness, after long and deliberate Dispute in so serious a matter,
Communi consensu atque judicio in aliqout Capitulationes & conditiones, ad rem terminandam & absolvendam accommodata, quae sic se habent, convenerunt; by one consent and judgment, had determined and concluded the same.
Then followed the before recited
Articles, after which this long
Postscript attesting them.
The Postscript to the Articles.THe Treaty aforesaid, and all and singular the
Capitulations in the same contained and specified, are acceptable to
Us, and from Our certain Knowledg, for as much as doth concern Us, Our Heires and Successors, We do approve, allow, confirm, and ratifie, all and every of them; and We do promise by these presents,
bonafide, in the
Word of a King (
laying aside all Exception and
Contradiction) inviolably, firmly, well and faithfully, to keep, observe, and fulfill the same; and to cause them with Effect to be kept, observed, and fulfilled. And laying Our hand upon the Holy Evangelists, We do confirm the same by Oath. In the presence of the Illustrious and Noblemen,
John de Mendoza, and
Carrolus a Colonna, Ambassadors
[Page]Effigies eximÿ viri Dn̄i Didaci Salmienti de Acuna, Comitis de Gondomaere EQuitis
nobli ordinis Calatravae[Page]
[Page 239] of his Majesty the
Catholick King, Resident in
Our Court: Notwithstanding all
Opinions, Sentences, and
Laws to the contrary. In Faith, and
Witness that these
Articles, and all and singular the premises were subscribed with Our own hand, We have caused our great Seal to be put to them, in the presence of, The most Reverend father in Christ,
George Archbishop of
Canterbury Primate of all
England, The most reverend Father in Christ;
John Bishop of
Lincoln, Keeper of the great
Seal of
England. And our beloved Cousins,
Lionel Earl of
Middlesex, Lord High Treasurer of
England. Henry Viscount
Mandevil, President of Our Council.
Edward Earle of
Worcester, Keeper of Our privy Seale.
Lodowick Duke of
Richmond and
Lenox, High Steward of Our Houshold.
James Marquesse
Hamilton, James Earle of
Carlile, Thomas Earl of
Kelley, Oliver Viscount
Grandison; And the Reverend father in Christ,
Lancelot Bishop of
Winchester, Dean of Our Royal Chappel. And Our beloved and faithful,
George Baron
Carew of
Clopton, Master of Our great Ordnance of
England. Arthur Baron
Chichester, of
Belfast, high Treasurer of Our Kingdom of
Ireland. Thomas Edmonds Knight, Treasurer of Our Royal Houshold.
John Sucklin Knight, Comptroller of our Houshold.
George Calvert Knight, one of Our principal Secretaries.
Edward Conwey Knight, another of Our principal Secretaries.
Richard Weston Knight, Chancellour and sub-Treasurer of Our Exchequer. And
Julius Caesar Knight, Master of our Rolls. All of them of Our
Privy Council. Dated at Our
Palace at
Westminster, the twentieth day of
July, in the one and twentieth year of Our Raign.
This Train of
Witnesses are set down to shew who, were then of Our King's Council, though some of them set their hands to it much against their wills; and swore with as little zeal to observe and keep (as much as in them lay) all the aforesaid
Articles. Such Power have Kings over mens Reasons and Consciences.
There was some little Contest betwixt our King and the King of
Spains Ambassadours about some
particular Ceremonies observed in swearing of these
Articles. For our King having written, and spoken against the
Popes Holiness, would not admit him to be so styled in his
Oath; But the
Ambassadours refused to proceed further unless that Title were consented unto; so that Our King (affecting ever to be accounted a
Peace-maker) though he where
Defender of the Faith, was forced to lay by his
Shield, (admitting him to be holy, who was most
unholy) and so the strife ended. Some other little things were stood upon by the
Ambassadours, but the
King's
Patience surmounted all their
Demands. And in the
Close of the
Businesse, he invited the
Ambassadours to a
Royall Feast at
Whitehal; where after dinner, retiring into the
Council-Chamber, The
[Page 240] King took another private Oath, to observe certain
Articles in favour of
Roman Catholicks, for a free exercise of their
Religion in all his
Dominions; Wherein he protested to do what in him lay, that the Parliament should confirm the same. And thus was the great Business accomplished,
Private Articles sworn to. which gave Our King so much content, that (being transported with an assurance of the
Match) he was heard to say,
Now all the Devils in Hell cannot hinder it; So secure was he of it in his own Opinion! But one that heard him, said to others standing by,
That there was never a Devil now left in Hell, for they were now all gone into Spain
to make up the Match.
This forwardness of the Union with
Spain,Jesuits swarm. and indulgence to
Papists, made
Iesuits and
Priests swarm in every corner, setting up their subtile
Traps to catch wavering
Spirits. And they could not hear of a man of estate that was sick (for persons of
Quality were only aimed at) but they would tamper with his weak
conscience, and persuade him to the
Charity of their
Religion, whereby his
Soul (that was tainted with earthly
corruptions, and must needs be purged by
Fire, before it can come to God) should escape the pains of
Purgatory; or if it went thither, their Prayers could redeem them thence; with such stuff as this deceiving many poor
Soules. But their most specious jugling
Argument (which did catch many ignorant persons) was the
Visibility of their Church in all
Ages (as they pretended) and their great
Question, Where the
Protestant Church was before
Luther? Among the rest, one
Edward Buggs Esquire, living in
London, aged seventy years, and an old professed
Protestant, was seduced by them in his Sickness, and after his recovery, being troubled in mind, at his request and desire there was a publick conference and dispute appointed at Sir
Humphrey Lind's House,
Lind being a friend to
Buggs,Dispute publickly. and a Gentleman of great knowledge, and integrity, who was able to grapple with the
Iesuits himself, yet he modestly desired Doctor
White, and Doctor
Featly, Protestants, to encounter with Father
Fisher and Father
Sweet, Jesuits. Where
Featly laid their jugling tricks at their Doores, protesting to acknowledg himself overcome by them, if they could prove out of any good Author (let them brag what they would of the
Visibility of their Church in all ages) that in City, Parish, or Hamlet, within five Hundred years next after Christ, there was any visible assembly of Christians to to be named, maintaining, or defending, either the Council of
Trent in general, or these
Points of
Popery in
special.
1. That there is a Treasury of
Saints Merits, and super abundant
Satisfactions, at the
Pope's disposing.
2. That the
Laity are not commanded by
Christ's Institution to receive the
Sacrament of the
Lord's Supper in both kinds.
[Page 241]3. That the
Publick Service of God in the
Church,An. Reg. 20.
An. chisti. 1623.ought, or may be celebrated in an unknown tongue.
4. That Private
Masses (wherein the
Priest saith,
Edite & bibite ex hoc omnes, and yet eateth and drinketh himself only) are according to Christ's Institution.
5. That the
Pope's
Pardons are requisite or useful, to release
Souls out of
Purgatory.
6. That the effect of the
Sacrament dependeth upon the Intention of the
Minister.
Here Mr.
Sweet interrupted him, saying, These were
Scholastical Points, not Fundamental.
To which Doctor
White replied, Those things which are defined in your Council of
Trent, are to you matters Fundamental. And whatsoever
Article denied, makes a
Man an
Heretick, is
Fundamental.
But the denyal of any of these, make a
Man an
Heretick.
Ergo, Every one of these
Articles is Fundamental.
To which
Argument, nothing being answered, Doctor
Featly proceeded.
7. That extream Unction is a Sacrament properly so called.
8. That we may worship God by an Image.
9. That the Sacred Host ought to be elevated, or carried in solemn
Procession.
10. That
Infidels, and impious persons, yea Rats and Mice, may eat the Body of
Christ.
11. That all
Ecclesiastical Power dependeth on the
Pope.
12. That he cannot err in matters of
Faith.
13. That he hath
Power to Canonize
Saints, to dispose of Kings and Kingdomes at his pleasure, &c.
But the
Iesuits not being able to prove that any of these things were in practice in the
Primitive Times of Christianity (but that they wene fobb'd in by several
Popes and Councils, in latter times, to serve their own turns) waved the
Argument, and insisted upon other
particulars, not material to the
Point; striving to confound one thing with another (as their manner is) that they might
complicate, and wrap up in
obscurity, all that was spoken: Which Mr.
Buggs perceiving, rested fully satisfied and confirmed in the
Truth.
But thus the
Iesuits ranged up and down seeking whom they might devour;
A great judgment, or an unfortunate mishap. and their Insolency being greater, and more notorious at this time, than at others, the mischief that fell to them in this Height of their
pride and
greatness, is very remarkable: For at at a
Sermon in
Black-Friers, where Father
Drurie, a
Iesuit, vented his pestilent
Doctrine to an
Auditory of near three Hundred people, the Floor of the
Chamber (being an upper room) fell down, and killed the
Preacher, and almost (if not) a full Hundred of his
Auditory outright, maiming and bruising
[Page 242] most of the rest, many of them lying a long time under the
Rubbish, crying for Help, and with much difficulty recovered their broken Limbs. Thus many times we might immediately see the hand of
God (who is the Lord of
Life and
Death) though through wilful
stupidity (because we must judge
modestly) we look upon these
accidents by
mediate and second causes, thinking an old house can destroy so many lives, without the permission of that supreme Authority that orders all things both in Heaven, and in Earth.
The
Duke of
Brunswick this Spring (being healed of his wounds received in the last
Battle with
Mansfeldt,Brunswick raises an Army. and having gotten an
artificial Arm to manage his
Horse, which he could do with a great deal of dexterity) what by his own interest and power, and the assistance of his friends (being but a younger Brother, and having nothing but the
Bishoprick of
Haverstat for his portion) he raised a great
Army in the
lower parts of
Germany, about
Brunswick and
Munster, consisting of about sixteen thousand foot, and five thousand horse, every way compleatly armed, and accomplished with a gallant Train of
Artillery: The Horses, Wagons, and Carriages, in such trim and suitable
Equipage, as shewed by their suitableness in
furniture, they had not been patched up, nor hastily hurried together. His
Design (being invited thereto) was to joyn with the
Prince of
Orange, to be revenged of the
Spaniard for the loss of his
Arm the last year: But the chief
motive (as he alwaies pretended) was his respects to the
Queen of
Bohemia, who in those dayes (whether out of pity for her suffering so much, or out of fear that Religion would yet suffer much more) carried a great stream of affection towards her.
The Commanders in chief of this Army under the Duke of
Brunswick,His Cheif Officers. were
Duke William of
Wimar, Marshall General of the Field;
Count Stirum, General of the Horse;
Count Isenburg, General of the Ordnance; and
Kniphuisen, Sergeant Major General; men acquainted with War, and Danger. But whether the Divine Fate had laid a mouldring Hand upon this gallant
Army, or whether the
Enemy with a full Hand had charmed some of these great
Officers (as by the carriage of the Business may be suspected) to be of his
party, was not discovered; but the ruin of it was as strange for the manner, as unknown for the means: For after
Brunswick had taken a resolution at
Kettington in
Brunswick-land, to joyn with the
Prince of
Orange, he declined all occasions of encountring with
Tillie the
Imperial General; who was with an
Army at a good distance, attending
Brunswick's
motion, not knowing (as may be conjectured) whether he would bend his course into the
Palatinate, or into the
Low-Countries; so that upon
Brunswick's march he left him in his
Reer. And left
Tillie should follow him too close, and interrupt
[Page][Page]
ILLVSTRISSIMVS PRINCEPS CHRISTIANVS DVX BRVNSVICENSIS ADMINISTRATOR HALBERSTADENSIS
Tali Brunonis claro de stemmate Princeps
Vultu Barbaricos acer consurgit in hortes;
Nec Patriae tristes fert mens generosa ruinas.
[Page 243] him in his
March, he divided his
Army into three
Brigades: The
Van-guard was commanded by
Duke William, in which was three
Regiments, his own,
Colonel Mayers, and
Colonel Frenkes. Kniphuisen the
Serjeant Major General had the ordering of the
Batail, the
Collonels under him were
Guertsken, and
Spar. And the
Count de la Tour brought up the
Rear, with
Duke Bernard of
Wimar's
Regiment, the
Rhinegrass, and
Colonel Spees: with
Direction that these three
Bodies should keep equal distance, and observe this
Order.
That having in their March the Enemie at their Backs, if the
Rear-guard made a
Halt,Thier Order in Marching. the
Battail should do the same▪ and consequently the
Van-guard (according to the best
Discipline) attending with firm foot, the cause of the
Halt, that they may be ready to put themselves in order for service, if occasion were presented: The
Army thus coming to pass any
Passage, while the
Van-guard did advance: the
Battail and
Rear-guard should make a stand, with the front towards the
Enemy. The
Van-guard being past, should face the
Passage, and stay for the
Battail, which being past also should do the same for the
Rear-guard, that they might be ready upon the approach of an Enemy to assist one another. With this
Order and
Direction, they began to march into
Westfalia; Brunswick trusting to
Stirem, Kniphuisen, and
Frenck; who being
Natives of the Country, gave him assurance of the safe
Conduct of his
Army, by wayes short and commodious. And he commanded, especially the
General of the
Horse, to send out
parties of
Horse every way, that he might have intelligence of the Enemie's
Motions; who gave him assurance that the
Enemies Army was not within thirty
English Miles, when by other hand at the same time, he had certain notice, that the
Enemy was within three
English Miles with his whole
Power. This miscarriage made
Brunswick hast away to
Newburgh, the next Town, where resting a little he took a
Resolution to march all night, to recover time, and ground again; that
Stirum's negligence had made him lazily lose. And to that end he commanded
Kniphuisen, and Count
Isenburg, to make the
Baggage march at eleven a clock at
Night, the
Cannon, at
Midnight, and the
Army two hours after; But
Brunswick getting up at three a clock in the
Morning, hoping to find his Commands obeyed, and the
Army in a good forwardness of advance, found nothing done, and these great
Officers in their Beds. This disobedience of his Officers troubled
Brunswick much, but he was constrained to
Diligence, as well as
Patience; And hastning them away, they pretended forwardness, but made it eight of the Clock in the morning, before the
Rear-guard stirred out of their
Quarters.
The General of the Horse falters.From
Newburgh to
Statloo Bridge (a place of
Security) was but fourteen
English Miles, and there were in that way seven
[Page 244] passages or
Straits, where a few men might oppose an
Army. The
Baggage, Cannon, and
Munition, (except six pieces with
Munition, that marched with the
Rere-guard) had past them all, and the Foot three of them without disturbance, but
Count Stirum with the
Horse loitered still behind at
Newburgh, which caused
Brunswick to make the whole
Army face about and stay for the
Horse; sending a strict Command to
Stirum with all speed to come up and joyn with the Foot, and not to skirmish with the
Enemy at any rate. But he stayed so long that the
Enemy began to charge him in the
Rere, before he advanced to the third
Passage, So that he sent to
Brunswick for five hundred
Musqueteers to amuse the
Enemy till he had passed the third
Passage with his
Horse. The
Duke sent these
Musqueteers according to
Sirum's desire, and advancing his
Army forward, he passed the fourth
Passage, and there made the
Rere of his foot face about, the better to favour and receive his
Horse. Which having done, he speeds back towards
Stirum to see how the Business went with him, and incountring
Kniphuisen, he asked him what the
Enemy had done? Who answered, Nothing, all is well. But
Brunswick going forward, found the contrary, for the
Enemy had made a great slaughter, laying almost a thousand
Horse upon the Ground.
This perplexed
Brunswick exceedingly, so that with some
Passion, he sent a Command to
Stirum to advance his
Horse towards the Body of the
Army, who had stayed three hours for them at the fourth
Passage, whither the
Duke returned to secure the same, planting two Peeces of Demi-cannon at the
Mouth of the
Passage, and leaving two thousand
Musqueteers to guard it, for the assistance of the
Horse, if the Enemy should come to charge them at the Entrance; and so he marched forward with the rest of the
Army. But
Stirum drew the Horse into a Body under the side of a Wood, which was in the middle of a spacious plain, betwixt the two
Passages, and that brought the
Enemy to a stand: for they suspected the whole
Army stood in
Battalia behind that Wood, and therefore did not advance, which shewed, they watched only for advantages. And
Stirum seeing the Enemie at a stand, drew his Horse towards the fourth
Passage, which the Enemy observing made all the haste after that could be, to pelt them in the
Rere, but the Horse passed the fourth
Passage before the Enemy came up.
So doth the Sergeant Major General.Then
Brunswick drew off his Cannon, and marched away to the fifth
Passage, leaving
Kniphuisen (who undertook it voluntarily) with two thousand
Musqueteers, to make good that
Passsage, which was of that advantage, that half the men might have done it, and two
Regiments of Horse were left to give assistance to the Foot, to bring them off when they should retire, and joyn with the
Army. But the
Van-guard of
Brunswick's Army
[Page 245] had scarce entred the fifth
Passage, but he discovered some
Musqueteers running towards a Wood, that was on this side, and not far from the fourth
Passage, and riding back to see whether all stood firm, he met
Kniphuisen, and askt him if the
Passage was made good? Who answered,
Take you no care, trust me. But presently discovering some of the
Officers that had command of the
Musqueteers running towards the
Army, he took a more lively apprehension that the
Passage was lost, and meeting
Kniphuisen, with some heat, told him he had betrayed him; But
Kniphuisen excused himself that he could not keep it against an
Army, and complained that the Horse had abandoned him. But said he, the next
Passage is of as great importance as the last, and I will undertake to keep that upon forfeiture of my Head, to redeem my
Credit again, and to that end he desired an entire
Regiment of
Foot, which the
Duke granted him, but assured him he should answer it if any ill succeeded by his default.
Whilest the
Army was passing the fifth
Passage, the
Duke sent to know whether the Horse placed according to his
Direction in the
Rere, made good their
Station, and he had intimation, that the Horse were retired close to a Wood, and by that
means discovered the Foot to the Enemy. And the
Army was no sooner passed the fifth
Passage, but
Kniphuisen quitted it to the
Enemy, without so much as a
Musquet shot from them. And the more to weaken his force (before he quitted the
Passage) he comes to the
Duke, and tells him (but it was not true) that the
Enemy with thirty
Cornets of
Horse struck towards the left hand, to cut away to the Baggage, to possess that; And
Brunswick looking about, perceived within a little Wood not far off a Body of
Horse, which proved to be the
Prince of
Ouldenburgh, who was Colonel of a
Regiment of a thousand
Horse, whom he sent to resist the
Enemy, if they should attempt upon the Baggage. And advancing his
Army to the sixth
Passage, he passed that also before the
Enemy came to it; but here was
Brunswick's Error in trusting
Kniphuisen the third time, which was only as he said to redeem his former faults; for he gave the keeping of this sixth
Passage to him also, which he delivered to the
Enemy, at their first approach as he did the others; And drawing the
Rere-guard out of the way on the right hand, (contrary to
Brunswick's commands) and the
General of the Ordnance striking out on the left hand, with his Body and Cannon; and
Stirum sheltring himself in the Woods with his Horse; The
Enemy advanced freely, (seeing them thus scattered) and charged on all sides with his whole Power. But little resistance being made (the
General Officers leaving the Field) every one shifted for himself:
Brunswick's Army defeated. Some escaped over
Statloo Bridge, many were drowned in the River, the slaughter, and ruin was
[Page 246] great, so was the
Confusion and fear. Sir
Charles Rich being with
Brunswick in this disorderly business, escaped a great danger, for in their flight, his Horse fell into a Bogg, where
Brunswick and the rest left him sticking; But being a
Spritely Horse, (that his Brother the Earl of
Warwick had given him) with much labour he plunged himself out, and saved both himself, and his Rider.
The Reliques of this broken Army that scaped, the Author saw at
Eltem on the
Hill, in
Cleveland, and this
Relation was made by the
Duke of
Brunswick to
Maurice Prince of
Orange for his own Vindication. And from a
French Copy that the
Duke gave to the Earl of
Essex, he translated it then into
English that some of our Nation there might partake of the true knowledge of his
Misfortunes. And the
Duke cited his chief Officers to appear before
Prince Maurice, where he laid this Accusation to their charge; but either the
Duke had no
power over them (being in a strange Country) or no proof against them for this strange
Miscarriage (being accounted among them
La Fortane de la Guerre, but Chance of War) for they all escaped without
Punishment.
And some years after
Kniphuisen was thought fit in the
Duke of
Buckingham's Voyage to the Isle of
Ree, to be a field-Officer in the
English Army, which almost (if not altogether) thriv'd as ill; So uncertain is the true
State of intricate Transactions! for that which is obvious and visible may be believed an
Error; but secret mischiefs are left to his
Discovery, who only knows the heart.
The condition of
France.France about this time had her wounds bound up, and stancht the bloody Issue, by the Pacification of
Montpelier; but it broke out again at
Rochel, where some
English ships did the King of
France service, pressed thereto by the
Duke of
Guise, Admiral of
France, and though it carried a bad savour then, that they should fight against the
Protestants, being forced thereto, yet it was not so enormous, and dangerous to them, as when the
Duke of
Buckingham afterwards, did force the
Van-guard, a prime Ship of Our
King's, and six other gallant Ships, out of the
English hands, and put them into
French fingring, that they might do the mischief with them. Which Act was laid upon the
Duke's Account, among other hainous
Crimes by him committed, and he had dearly payed for it, if the
Prince his Fellow-Traveller (in the first year of whose
Reign it was done) had not acquitted him.
But in their intimate and secret Counsels in
France it was debated, whether it were not better to pull such a
Goad of Hereticks (as they called the
Protestants) out of the side of the Kingdome, that stuck there, to their continual
Vexation and trouble, rather than have their pain perpetually renewed, being
[Page 247]impossible to heal the
Sore, but by such an extirpation; so much rancour, and inveterate
Malice sprung up in the Popish Party against them of the
Religion, that the Animosity of it extended to little less than another
Massacre. And though Our King (who may be said to love them) gave them no countenance (whatsoever his Promises were) otherwise than by intreating for them (being a tickle and tender point (as he thought) to partake with
Subjects against their
Prince) yet God
[...] them
Deliverance (such are the Dispensations of his Providence) by one that hated their
Religion, as much, if not more, than the
French.
For the King of
Spain (doubling his
Ambition) possest himself about this time of some parts of the
Valtolin, thinking to bound
France towards
Italie (the
Alpes being not so high as his thoughts) as the
Pyrenes had bounded it towards
Spain; And the
French Activity being loath to be cooped up, thought it better to endure a little inconvenience at home, than so much prejudice abroad, and therefore to oppose
Him, they closed with the
Protestants. And what was it brought them in
Obedience? The re-edifying of their ruined
Temples, the restoring and maintaining their banished
Ministers, and
Security in their
Religion and
Consciences. So that it was not their
Rebellion that was cause of the War, but the War made against their
Religion, caused it to be called a
Rebellion. Thus when all other means failed, their worst enemies (though much against their wills) proved to be their best Friends.
The Match concluded in
Spain.But to return to the
Spanish Treaty all this while in
Agitation. As soon as the
Articles Our King had sealed, and sworn to observe, were come into
Spain, and the
Prince had ratified, and comfirmed them, and had sworn to another
Article there, wherein he ties up his own hands, and gave leave to
Satan, and all his complices to buffet him (which was, To permit at all times, that any should freely propose to him, the Arguments of the Catholick Religion, without giving any impediment; and that he would never directly, nor indirectly permit any to speak to the
Infanta against the same) the two Kingdoms of
England and
Spain (as it were) shook hands to the
Agreement: Preparations were made in
England to entertain the
Infanta, a new
Church built up at Saint
Iames the
Prince's house; the Foundation stone (with much
Ceremony) laid by
Don Carlos a
Coloma the
Spanish Ambassadour, for the publick exercise of her
Religion; Her very Shadows are courted in every
Corner, Painters being set a work to take the Height and
Dimensions of this new
Star that was to rise in the
North, before it appeared. Such as hoped to flourish by her influence, grew up to exuberancy; what would they do then when they found the effects of it? Why? be drowned in their own redundancy: For the
Moderate
[Page 248] Spirit did foresee what bad
Omens this
Apparition did threaten. On the other side, in
Spain the
Substance is as much courted as the
Shadow is here, with the
Title of
Princess of
England, her
Maiden Restraints are taken off, and she may come abroad to publick Meetings, where now their Eyes may prattle loving
Stories; though the great
Courtier Olivares, gave it no better
Title, than,
The Prince watches the Infanta
as a Cat doth a Mouse; too gross
[...]Expression for a
Master of those
Ceremonies. And in fine there was such an
Union betwixt the two Crowns, that it might well be said
Philip and
Iacob made one
Holy-day.
But this closing betwixt
England and
Spain, made the breach the wider in the House of the
Palatine;
The
Palatine affairs waved. the
Restitution of the
Palatinate, and the
Electorate, to the
Queen of
Bohemia, and her
Children, being waved in the
Treaty; and a great sum of Money proposed as a
Dowry, which was also lessen'd after the first
Proposition, and some part of it promised to be sent with
Her in
Iewels (which as one said might be
Counterfeit as the rest of their Actions) yet Our King accepted of all, so eager was He and greedy of the
Match, that no
Obstacle could stand in his way, which he did not remove. But there was some under-hand promise; that the
Infanta among the
Courte-Complements, should work that feat, in presenting the
Restorative of that
Dignity, and
Country, for a break-fast, to ingratiate her Self with the
Prince her
Husband, and as a pawn of her good Will and Affection to the
English Nation: And these
Promises with the
Spanish stamp, were taken in
England for current Payment, so that all things tended to a
Conclusion.
New Resolutions on both sides.But time in
Spain came too swift upon them, they were willing the
Infanta should winter there, but knew not well how to delay the
Prince longer. And as they were in this plunge, ruminating upon, and striving to find out some new
Remora; to help them, Pope
Gregory the fifteenth (that had granted the
Dispensation) dies; and then their
Subtilties flew upon that accident to make-the
Dispensation invalid; yet with a Reserve to keep up our
Prince's
Spirit that it should be no hinderance to the
Match; for the new
Pope would instantly do it; if not, it should be dispatched by the
Dean of the
Cardinals; and the
King of Spain assured the
Prince, That if he would stay till
Christmas the
Marriage should be really
celebrated then. These delayes coming one on the neck of another, and the
Duke of
Buckingham having taken some disgust
[...]Spain, presented all things to our King in the worst habit he could put upon them; For there had been some jarrs betwixt him, and
Olivares. Two great
Favourites though of different Kingdoms, could not well
squat in one
form. Olivares hunted
Buckingham so close that he had almost caught him in his own
Burrow, but instead of his
[Page 249]Game he incountered some
Vermin (which darkness could not distinguish) who bit him shreudly; and whether it were by this
Common Hunt I know not, but I am sure it was by the
Common-Cry, that he was so displeased with the
Spanish for it, that he afterwards much inclined to the
French. I acknowledge the
Gravity, and
Dignity of
History, should not appear in such
Metaphorical Habiliments, but that we now live in an
Age where
Truth is forced to shroud her self in such
Attire, lest she should have imprinted on her face a Mark of Malice against
Greatness; which if it be not ballanced with Goodness and Piety, is but an empty and frothy Title.
Buckingham angry.But it was said this Tetrical Humour made
Buckingham dislike all the
Spanish proceedings, and just in the nick when it was on him, the
Queen of Bohemia, by a private message, gave him some intimation, that
She and her
Children were to be thought on, inviting him to be a Witnesse to the
Christning of one of them, which came fit to his acceptation, not so much out of affection to the one Party, as in opposition to the other. And what disrelished with him, gave an ill
Savour to Our King, who having cause enough to dislike the
Spanish delates, and finding the
Hearts of the People bent against the
Match, and some neer him, as the
Duke of
Lenox, made
Duke of
Richmond when
Buckingham had his Title, that the
Scots might still precede the
English; and the
Marquess Hamilton made Earl of
Cambridge to intitle him a Peer the last Parliament, a man of a gallant, and stately presence; one whom the King much listened to, and others having as little affection to it; The hopes of a Daughter of
France left to give life yet to a
Royal Race, did bate something of Our King's keen edge; so that he wrote to
Buckingham, That he could not expect after so long a stay in Spain,
and so little done, that they had any cordial intention to perfect the Treaty, and therefore conjured him to bring his Son back with all speed: but if his Sonnes youthful follies should tye him to a long expectation, he chargeth him by his allegiance to come away and leave him there. This letter the
Duke shewed to the Prince, and it wrought so upon him, that he took a suddain resolution to go home.
The
Grandees of
Spain having notice thereof,
The
Duke and
Olivares quartel. were much troubled, for their
Design was to detain the Prince there all Winter, not only hoping thereby to turn him to their
Religion, but to marry him to the
Infanta, that there might have been a
Co-union between them, that she being with
Child before the
Spring, they might keep her there till she were delivered, that so, the Child might be bred up and
naturalized a
Spaniard, both in affection and
Religion, which this suddain
Resolution hindring, it somewhat startled them.
Olivares told
Buckingham, that he had promised the Prince should admit of
Communion with some
Iesuits of theirs in Matters of
Religion.
[Page 250]And the
Duke answered, there had been some already with him, but the Prince (he said) was so well setled in
Religion, that he was not to be further altered.
Olivares replied,
You gave me some assurance and hope of the Prince's
turning Catholick. The
Duke told him,
it was false. The
Conde in a great rage broke from him, with so much impatience, that he was scarce able to contain himself, went to the Prince, and told him how unworthily-
Buckingham had served him; And after his complaints to him he found out the
Baron Kensington, whom he looked on with an eye of good respect, his
Civilities and Carriage obliging every where, venting his passion to him; telling him that
Buckingham had given him the Ly, and that there was nothing a man of
Honour could be more sensible of. That it bred a great distraction in him, betwixt his affection to his
Master's
Honour, and his own: For if any evil did redound to
Buckingham by his hand, (being a Person so near the Prince who had honoured the Court of
Spain with his presence, and run through great and dangerous hazards, out of affection to his
Master's
Sister, upon whose actions now all the Christian World are gazing) it would reflect upon the Honour of his
Master, and when his own Honour comes in competition with his
Master's, the least must give way to the greatest; therefore he desired the Lord of
Kensington to tell the
Duke, That he had so much of a
Gentleman, as to be sensible of the injury, and so much Power and Courage as to revenge himself, but rather than his
Master's
Honour should suffer, he would be the sufferer. The
Duke sent the
Conde word again by the said Lord, That he laid a thing to his charge that would not admit of a less sharp answer; for when his Honour comes in competition with the
Conde's he had rather that should suffer than his own. His Passion was quick but not durable, hot but not revengful; And he held so high an esteem of the
Conde, that he was more willing to venture upon his Sword than his Malice.
This business being waved by the
Conde's discretion, and they seeing the Prince's intention bent homeward,
Buckingham goes to the Ships. made preparation of Carriages to the Sea-side. The
Duke of
Buckingham's departure was suddain, giving them no time to prepare for him, pretending a great Charge to look after the Port of St.
Andero in
Biscaie, where the
Royal Navy of
England, under the Command of his Father-in-Law the Earl of
Rutland, attended his
Directions, that all things might be accommodated for his young Master: not caring a Fig for the
Ceremony of a
Spanish farewel, which happily he might fear, and therefore strive to avoid, and which their gravities, as they do all other things, draw out at full length. But becase they should not think he ran away, he gave them a short signal of his
Departure, and left the Prince to manage his own Busines. And that the Prince's
[Page]NOVILISSꝰ. Dꝰ. FRANCISCUS MANNORES COMES RVTLANDIAE BARO ROSS ET cetera
The right Honorabell FRAVNCIS MANNERS Earle of Rutl and Baron Ross of Ham: lake Beluoire and Trusbutt, and Knight of the Honorable order of the Garter.
[Page 251]change of
Soil, and
Ayr, the great
Volatile of
Fancy, might produce no change in his
Affection, the King of
Spain and
He, both took solemn Oaths to accomplish the Marriage, and to make the Espousals ten daies, after the
Dispensation from the new Pope should arrive. And a Procuration was sealed by the Prince, to the King of
Spain, and
Don Carlos his Brother, and left in the Earl of
Bristol's hand to perfect the
Work.
Gifts and presents on both sides.Among the
Specious Ceremonies indented betwixt these two great Princes, the richness of the Gifts, and Presents, that past among them, were highly remarkable. The King of
Spain presented the Prince, and all his Noble Train, and the Prince filled the Court of
Spain, as it were, with
Iewels; no Person of
Quality or
Merit, but his name was recorded in the
Inventory of the
Princes Bounty, as if
England had disfurnished, and made bare her own Neck, to adorn the Breasts of
Spain. The Pirnce presenting his
Mistris with such a
Neck-lace of
Pearl, that all
Spain could not Parallel:
Pearls that had been long pluckt from their Watry Beds, and had left few fellows there. For the
Eastern and
Western Divers throughout the
Catholic Empire, could never yet find the like. But these upon the Breach were returned again, though it be now indifferent whether the
French or the
Spanish have them. The
Duke of
Buckingham was not close
handed in distributing his
Iewels to the
Beauties of
Spain, though his farewel was private, his
Bounty was public, More suitable to his
Masters Honor, than his
Own; which the Lord
Treasurer Middlesex found, and repined at.
The Prince took leave of the
Queen of
Spain and the
Infanta,The Prince leaves
Madrid. prepared for it, in their greatest Magnificence, attended with all their train of
Grandees and
Ladies. The
Queen spoke her own
Adieu in
French, which the Prince returned in the same
Language. But the Earl of
Bristol was the
Medium betwixt the Prince and his
Mistris, who if he may be believed, set her Heart to make Her self
Grateful, and therefore this parting could not be acceptable to her; one of her
Arguments being,
If the Prince
loved me, he would stay for me; but now the Time of parting approaching, those Arguments were laid aside, and the
Superficial Ornaments of public Interview, like a Cloud, interposed it self betwixt them, so that what was darkly lodged in their thoughts, could only find light by the
Eyes. Their Tongues (the
Common Orator) could tell what was fit to say, when there were so many by to hear, and if the
Eyes had learn'd the
Language of the
Heart, they quickly forgot it, because they never met again to practise it.
Comes to the
Escurial.The King of
Spain brought our Prince to the
Escurial (which was part of his way to the Sea side) a House of that
Superbous, and elegant
Structure, that I cannot pass by it without vailing to it, and spending some time in the survey of it. The
Spaniard[Page 252] proudly boast it to be the eighth Wonder of the
World; It was built by
Philip the second upon a
Spiritual Foundation, which heightned into Superstition, produces the most
stupendious effects.
Philip at the Siege of Saint
Quintin; was persuaded by his Officers, experimented in War, that if ever he would take the Town, he must batter down a
Monastery of
Friers (dedicated to Saint
Lawrence) that stood in his way; which he was with much difficulty wrought to, but that Act (though it effected the Work) dinted such an impression upon his
Conscience that he vowed to make the
Martyr a full and ample
Reparation. Some say it was for the
Battail he gained against th
[...]French neer St.
Quintin; when they came to relieve it, upon that
Saints day; but whether either or both (for they were both accomplished) he built this
Mighty Fabrick, in form of a
Gridiron (the
Emblem and
Instrument of his
Martyrdom) the
Handle whereof, is the
Kings Palace, of a vast
Capacity, and the Square of the
Gridiron, is divided into twelve spacious
Quadrangles in which are arched
Cloisters, one above, the other below; all dedicated to
Religious Orders, endowed with a
Revenue enough to make the best
Piety Proud, every
Frier in the
Monastery having his Man, and his
Mule, so that they live there more like
Princes than
Priests. And in the middle of the
Square, stands a
Magnificent Cathedral Church,The Description of it. under the high
Altar whereof there is a Vault. or rather
Stately Chappel, of most excellent
Polished Marble, built round like an
Old Roman Pantheon (which because it resembled
Heaven, the
Romans placed there the images of their Gods) and this the
Founder made the
Burial-place for the Kings of
Spain; establishing this
Order (which is precisely observed) that no
Queen shall be buried there that is not Mother to a
Prince; nor none of the King's Children but the first born Son. And round about this
Round, in the Marble Wall, placed in Stately Order, are many excellently contrived
Arches, of wrought and Burnish'd
Marble, and in every
Arch a beautiful and curious Coffin (either of black
Marble or
Iet,) of whole stone, covered with the same, which are to put the embalmed
Bodies in. So that lying there, they seem as if they were inthroned, the
Beauty of the
Place is so resplendent about them; the
Richness of the
Silver lamps, and Candle-sticks blasing with
Tapers, adds to the shining
Brightness of the
Marble, and gives a glorious
Lustre. To speak of the
Riches of their golden Crosses, and
Chalices; the Wonders of their
Giant-like
Statues, and the pleasure of ther
Grottoes, Gardens, Walks, Fountains, and
Aqueducts, would take up more time, than is fit to allow them here. In fine, it is so transcendently full of admiration, that it is to be feared they that injoy the pleasures thereof (saving their
Merits) will look for no
[Page]PHILIPPVS II. HISPANIAE REX, XLIII. BRABANTIAE
FRANCOIS de Moncada Marquis d Aytone General de L'armee du Roy dcspaigne B. moncornet exc
[...]
[Page 253]other
Heaven: For certainly
Purgatory (though it be the
Pope's Kitchen Garden) hath no such Walks in it, no more had old
Elizium, and therefore this cannot be the way to
Heaven unless it be through
Mahomet's Paradise.
Here the Prince being feasted sealed the
Proxie, and swore to perform the
Marriage as aforesaid; And the day of
Departure being come, there was a Stagg lodged in the way, whose
Chace gave the
King,The Prince feasted there. and
Prince some
Recreation. The
Prince was attended by the Lord
Kensington, and the Earl of
Bristol, who was the
Prince's Interpreter; the King of
Spain, (by intention) only with
Olivares, and the Marquess
D'avila; Olivares was grand Master of the Horse to the
King of
Spain, and neerest Attendant to his
Person, but to shew the
Spanish Civility, he always waited on the
Prince, and the
Marquess D'avila his brother-in-Law attended on the
King of
Spain. After the
Ceremonies of the
Staggs death were performed, the King and
Prince with their
Train declining into a little Wood adjoining found a Table
spread with
Variety of
Meats, and excellent Wines, provided for them, which entertained them, as well with wonder how it came there, as with
Refreshment, after the
Serenity of the
Air, and their exercise, had quickened their appetites: concluding
Merrily, as if the
Stagg had been in the
Plot, and had yielded himself to
Death purposely there, because the
Prince's necessary accommodations were so neer. After the
Repast the parting Minute approaching, to perfect all, they gave leave to the exercise of
Complements. The King expressing extraordinary Respects to the
Prince, setting a high valuation upon his
Merit, telling him,
Nothing in the World could more oblige him, than the confidence he had of him, to put himself into his hands, being unusual with Princes: But he that valued his Honor above all earthly things, was the more indeared to him, in that he gave him, by this access, an opportunity to express it: and protested,
The King's & Prince's compliments parting.That he earnestly desired a neerer conjunction of Brotherly affection with him, for the more intire Unity betwixt them. The
Prince repaying his
Noble expressions with the like
Civilities, lets him know, how
Sensible he was of those high Favours he had found during his abode in his Court and presence; which had set such an estimation upon his worth, that he knew not how to value it, but he would leave a Mediatrix, that should make good his defects, if he would do him the honour, and make him so happy, as to preserve him in the good opinion of her, his most fair, his most dear Mistris. And so imbracing each other they parted.
This kind Farewell was upon the twelvth of
September, the King leaving the
Prince to be attended to the Sea-side, by a numerous train of
Spanish Courtiers, whereof the Principal were
Cardinal Zapata, the Marquess
Aytone, the Earl of
Gondemar, the Earl of
Monterie, the Earl of
Baraias, who was
[Page 254] Steward of the King's houshold, but now the
Manager of the
Prince's Domestical Affairs. These Grandees, and others, had at Saint
Andero a fair
opportunity to see some of the
Navy Royal of
England, and were feasted aboard the
Prince's Ship: But at their return towards the shore,
The Prince in danger by a Tempest. the
Prince being with them in the
Barge, a Tempest overtook them with that
Fury, that they could neither fetch the Land, nor make to the Ships again, and night and darkness joining with the
Storm, the Rowers fainting with labour, because they thought themselves at the end of their Work, their horror and fear, almost heightned to
Despair; In this Calamity yeilding themselves to the Mercy of the
Seas, they spied a light from a
Ship, neer which the wind had driven them, that gave new life to
Hope, and plucking up their Spirits to fetch that
Ship, with the danger of being broken to peeces by the
Ships side, at last they got aboard. This cooled the heat of their
Ceremonies so much, so that when the
Tempest was over, they parted. And the
Prince arrived safely at
Portsmouth, upon the fifth of
October following, and the next day at
London, where the
Peoples joy, elevated above
Bonfire-expressions, might teach misguided
Princes, that
LOVE is the firmest foundation of security, and
Happiness.
A demur upon the espousals.When the
Prince, and
Buckingham, met at Saint
Andero, the
Spanish entertainments did not take them off from minding their Business: The
Duke had time in his
Recess to mature his
Conceptions; And whether his adverseness to the
Spanish in affection wrought upon the
Prince, or whether the
Prince's affection, that was wrought upon in the
Spanish Court, lost the
Vigor, and
Virtue, by losing the
Object, or whether the united
Operations of both, cannot be determined: But one
Clark a Creature of the
Dukes, was posted back to
Madrid to the Earl of
Bristol, to command him not to deliver the
Procuration for the
Espousals (which the
Prince had sealed, and sworn to perform) till he had further Order from
England; pretending the
Infanta might after the
Espousals betake her self to a
Cloister, and defraud him of a Wife.
Bristol was much troubled at this
Restriction, That a public Act of such Eminency, betwixt two such great
Princes, highly obliging, should be smothered up by a private
Command from one of the
Parties, that had not power to do it, having, in true Justice, tyed up his own hands, and when the
Dishonour of it would so much reflect upon the other
Party; and therefore he resolved (notwithstanding the
Prince's command) if the
Dispensation came, to make the
Espousals within ten days according to the agreement: And he would bear himself up, from the authority he had under the great
Seal of
England to perfect this
Work, if he had not within the limited time a Command from Our King to the contrary.
[Page][Page]CHARLES BY THE GRACE OF GOD PRINce of Wales, Duke of Cornwell, etc.
[Page 255]The
Duke being jealous of
Bristol, from some particular
Discontents, and ill
Resentments betwixt them, and the
Prince, fearing he would be too forward in the
Espousals, assoon as they landed in
England posted towards the King (who was then at
Roiston) where they gave him a fair and plausible
Narration of their
Proceedings,The Prince comes to Court cold in his
Spanish affections. laying the load upon the
Spanish Delaies, and
Bristol's miscarriages. Which the King as a Father to his Son, and as a friend to his
Favourite, indulged to, taking their
Account without examination as good and just payment. And his good Brother of
Spain must now be dallied with by
Talion Law; not falling off in a direct line, but obliquely, that the King might thereby measure out to himself a way to his
Ends. And these two great
Opposites to
Spain, the
Prince and
Duke, must prepare it, by closing with those of the
Council about the King, and others of the
Nobility, whose judgment, not prejudice, made them averse to the
Spanish Superciliousness, cementing their
Power with that strength that a
Parliament must be called, and the People consulted with; That they discovering to the King the fraudulent proceedings of the
Spaniard, the King's Integrity and Justice in breaking the Treaty might the more appear to the People, and by that means they should be mounted upon the Wings of the Peoples affections, as Enemies to that which was so contrary to them. The News of a
Parliament to break the
Spanish match was quickly carried about, and according to their thoughts, it took much with the People, and gained them much respect and
Honour. But the first thing they did was to procure an absolute Command from the King to the Earl of
Bristol, to suspend the delivery of the
Proxie till
Christmas, though the
Dispensation came, which they effected, and sent away with all speed. In which Letter,
Bristol had instructions to demand the
Restitution of the
Pala
[...]inate and
Electoral Dignity, which were both waved and neglected in the
Conclusion of the
Treaty; but now are set a foot again, to let the King of
Spain see the Edge of their Eargerness was taken off. For (saith the Letter)
It would be a great disproportion for me to receive one Daughter with joy, and contentment, and leave another in tears and sighs.
But
Bristol's power of deferring the
Espousals till
Christmas, was to be reserved to himself,
Preparation in
Spain for the Marriage. and not made publick, till the
Dispensation should come to discover it. And there was a
Clause in the
Procuration left by the
Prince, that the
Power of that should be in force but till
Christmas, and then to expire; so that the Execution of it was to be respited till it were altogether invalid. And the
Spaniard for his greater affront must make all
Provision ready, for accomplishing so glorious a work, that all the
Eyes of the
Christian World looked upon either with dislike or
[Page 256] affection. The King of
Spain (to be his own free Trumpet) sending into
England with the
Prince, Don Mendosa de Alcorcana, to our King to congratulate the
Princes happy
Voyage into
Spain, and his safe return into
England; And from thence he had instructions to go into
Flanders, Germany, and
Italy, to make known to all
Princes, and
Potentates, Allies to the King of
Spain, how neer the Treaty of
Marriage (betwixt the
Prince of
England, and the
Infanta of
Spain) was to be consummated. And the
Polonian Ambassadour at
Madrid, that solicited to have the
Infanta for the
Prince of
Poland, when he saw such preparations for the
Match with
England, fainted in his
Hopes, and returned home. For as soon as the
Dispensation came from the new
Pope (which was in the Beginning of
December) Bonefires were made throughout all
Spain, for joy, and the great
Ordnance every where thundred out the noise of it. The ninth of the month was prefixt for the
Mariage day, a Tarras being erected betwixt the
Court, and the next
Church, almost a quarter of a mile in length, covered with
Tapestry, for the more magnificence, and all things appointed in the highest
State for so great a
Solemnity. Presents were providing in the
Court of
Spain for Our
King and
Prince; the
Infantas family (to take into
England) was setled, and established;
She had used her best
skill among the
Sweets of
Spain, as one of the
Principal of them, to cloth her Lord and Husband with some suits of perfumed
Amber leather, some imbroidered with
Pearl, and some with gold;
she had practiced long the
English tongue to make it natural, by the help of her two
Iesuit Tutors, Wadsworth and
Boniface, and began to draw the letters which she intended to have written, the day of her
Espousals, to the
Prince her Husband, and the King her Father-in-law; Her journeyinto
England being resolved on about the Beginning of
March.
In this State and perfection were the affairs of
Spain,Spanish delaies retaliated. when Our King's commands like a Cloud overshadowed the Brightness of them. For
Bristol had now
Order to declare positively to the
King of
Spain, that without the
Restitution of the
Palatinate and the
Electoral Dignity, the
Treaty should proceed no further. Four
Messengers, viz. Mr.
Killigrew, Gresly, Wood, and
Davies, followed each other at the heels, which raised such a dust of
Discontentment among the people at
Madrid, that as some report, they wished they had broken their necks by the way; so highly were the
Commonalty of
Spain affected with the
Match! And if they felt the Influence of this cloudy
Message, what did the Lady
Infanta, and the King do? The one to lose her
Lover, the other to lose his Honour. She whose Heart was affected. and He who found himself affronted. But his answer to
Bristol, was,
The Palatinate
was none of his to give, and the Electorate
was in the Power of another; but if the
[Page 257] Emperor, and the
Duke of Bavaria,
would not yield to reason, he would Arm himself on our King's part against them. But this would not satisfie, fair Promises having now lost their
Virtue; and the King of
Spain discerning a Breach towards, by this
Various Motion, sent to the Earl of
Bristol to demand no more
Audience of him, to deliver no more Letters to the
Infanta, and gave command that none should call her hereafter
Princess of
England. This was the end of seven years
Treaty. Wherein the King of
England, a King of
Peace, in spight of all the
Spanish Armadoes, got the Victory, and
Spain for many years did not receive so great an overthrow. Yet they were paid in their own
Coin: For at the first, and in the highest
Progress of the
Treaty, when Our King was so eager for the
Match, in all likelyhood they never intended it; But the
Prince's Presence gaining much with both
Sexes, his Journey into
Spain being esteemed among them so glorious an action, and the hopes they had now by this
Marriage to propagate the
Catholick Cause; finding the
Prince, as they thought, something inclined that way, better digested their first intentions, and brought it to the state from whence it declined.
The
Duke of
Buckingham,Thoughts of a Match with
France. by the insinuation of a long converse, having brought the
Prince up to his own
Humor, taught him to look back to the
Beauty he had seen in
France, which was neerer to him, that he might remember the
Spanish no more, now esloigned from him. But the
Treaty with
Spain must be first dissolved, to give a tincture of Honor to a proceeding with the other, and nothing but a
Parliament shall do that, which th
[...]y had fore-determined. For a
Parliament taking away the cause, which was a Treaty of Peace,
A Parliament Summoned. were best able to make good the effect, which would be a War that must follow it. Therefore a
Parliament was summoned to meet the 12
th of
February, but a sad accident intervened which made it to be deferred for some few daies.
That morning the
Parliament was to begin,
The
Duke of
Richmond dies suddenly. the King missed the
Duke of
Richmond's attendance, who being a constant observer of him at all times, the King, as it were, wanted one of his Limbs to support the
Grandure of
Majesty, at the first solemn meeting of a
Parliament, and calling for him with earnestness, a Messenger was dispatched to his Lodgings in Hast, where the King's Commands, and the Messenger Importunity, made the
Dutchess his wife, somewhat unwillingly, go to the
Duke's Bed-side to awake him, who drawing the
Curtain found him dead in his Bed. The suddenness of the affright struck her with so much
Consternation, that she was scarce sensible of the Horror of it, and it was carried with that violence to the King, that he would not adorn himself that day to ride in his
Glories to the
Parliament, but put it off to the nineteenth of
February following,
[Page 258] dedicating some part of that time to the
Memory of his dead
Servant, who might serve as a fore-runner to the King, and an
Emblem to all his People, That in the dark
caverns of Man's Body,
Death often lurkes, which no Humane
Prudence, or
Providence, is able to discover: For the
Dutchess to some of her intimates confessed afterwards, that
She found the effects of his full Veines that night that he was found dead the next Morning.
The Dutchess of
Richmonds Legend.This Lady was one of the greatest both for
Birth, and
Beauty, in her time; but at first she went a step backwards, as it were to fetch a Carreer, to make her mount the Higher. She was Daughter to
Thomas Viscount Bindon, second Son to
Thomas Duke of
Norfolk, and her Mother was eldest Daughter to
Edward Duke of
Buckingham, both which Dukes striving to become Kings, lost their Heads. Her
Extraction was high, fit for her great Mind, yet (
he descended so low as to marry one
Prannel a Vintner's Son in
London, having a good estate, who dying, lest her
Childless, a young and beautiful Widow; upon whom Sir
George Rodney a Gentleman in the
West (suitable to her for person and fortune) fixing his love, had good hopes from her to reap the fruits of it; But
Edward Earl of
Hertford being intangled with her fair
Eyes, and she having a tang of her
Grand-Fathers Ambition, left
Rodney, and married the
Earl; Rodney having drunk in too much affection, and not being able with his
Reason to digest it, summoned up his scattered
Spirits to a most desperate attempt; and coming to
Amesbury in
Wiltshire (where the
Earl and his Lady were then
Resident) to act it, he retired to an Inn in the Town, shut himself up in a Chamber, and wrote a large paper of well-composed
Verses, to the
Countess in his own blood (strange kind of
Composedness) wherein he bewailes and laments his own unhappiness; and when he had sent them to her, as a sad
Catastrophe to all his
Miseries, he ran himself upon his
Sword, and so ended that life which he thought death to injoy; leaving the
Countess to a strict remembrance of her inconstancy, and himself a desperate and sad Spectacle of
Frailty. But she easily past this over, and so wrought upon the good
Nature of the
Earl her Husband, that he settled above five thousand pounds a year jointure upon her for life. In his time She was often courted by the Duke of
Lenox, who presented many a fair offring to her, as an humble
Suppliant; sometimes in a blew Coat with a Basket-hilt sword, making his addresses in such odd disguises; yet she carried a fair fame during the
Earl's time. After his decease,
Lenox and
Richmond, with the great Title of
Dutchess gave period to her
Honour, which could not arrive at her
Mind, she having the most glorious and transcendent heights in
Speculation: for finding the King a
Widower, She
[Page][Page]The portraiture of the illustreous
Princesse Frances Duchess of
Richmond and
Lenox daughter of
Thomas L
D. Howard of
Bindon sonne of
Thomas Duke of
Norfo
k. whose mother was
Elisabeth daughter of
Edward Duke of
Buckingham Anno 1623.
[Page 259] vowed after so great a
Prince as
Richmond, never to be blown with the
Kisses, nor eat at the Table of a
Subject, and this Vow must be spread abroad, that the King may take notice of the Bravery of her spirit: But this
Bait would not catch the
Old King, so that she missed her aim, and to make good her
Resolution, She speciously observed her Vow to the last.
When She was Countess of
Hertford, and found admirers about her, She would often discourse of her two Grand-Fathers, the
Dukes of
Norfolk and
Buckingham; recounting the time since one of her
Grand-Fathers did this, the other did that: But if the Earl her Husband came in presence, she would quickly desist; for when he found her in those
Exaltations, to take her down, he would say, Frank, Frank,
How long is it since thou wert Married to Prannel? which would damp the Wings of her
Spirit, and make her look after her
feet, as well as gawdy
Plumes.
One Little Vanity of this great
Dutchess (with your
Patience) may yet croud in this
Story; She was a
Woman greedy of
Fame, and loved to keep great
State with little Cost: For being much
visited by all the
Great ones,Of her Visitants. she had her formality of
Officers, and
Gentlemen, that gave attendance, and this advantage that none ever eat with her; Yet all the Tables in the Hall were spread, as if there had been Meat, and men to furnish them; but before eating time (the house being voided) the Linnen returned into their folds again, and all her people grased on some few dishes. Yet whether her
Actions came into
Fames fingring, her Gifts were suitable to the greatness of her Mind. For the
Queen of
Bohemia (to the Christning of whose
Child she was a Witness) had some taste of them. And being blowing up by Admiration for this
Bounty, either by her own design to magnifie her
Merit, or by others in Mockery to magnifie her
Vanity, huge Inventories of
Massie Plate went up and down, from hand to hand, that she had given that
Queen, and most believed it; yet they were but Paper presents, those Inventories had an
non est inventus at the
Hague, they saw the
Shell, the Inventory, but never found the
Kernel, the
Plate. Such difference there is betwixt solid worth, and
Airy-paper-Greatness. And it is hoped these sleight intermixtures, will be no great transgression, because long serious things do dull the
Fancy.
The King having digested his sudain loss of the
Duke of
Richmond, and fitted himself to make his mind known to his people, in
Parliament; he went to the
House the nineteenth, as is said, and opened himself to them to this effect.
The King's Speech to the Parliament.To testifie to the
World how far my mind hath been from esohewing to assemble a
Parliament, and how willing I have been upon all
[Page 260]Occasions to have the advice of my people. I have at this present called you, to approve unto you the earnest desire I have ever had, and still have, to deserve the love of my people, by improving your trust, and communicating unto you a Matter of as great
Consequence as ever King imparted to his people, to have their advice and Counsel in.
I shall say unto you as
Christ said to the
Church, I am your
Husband, and you are my
Spouse. And as it is the
Part of a good
Husband to procure, and maintain the love of his
wife; which he usually doth by often visiting her, and upon extraordinary
Occasions communicating the secrets of his affairs unto her, and by all gentle and affable wayes to gain her
Love: So in the administration of
Government, I desire to carry my self towards my
People. There are two wayes by which a King may shew his love to his People. One is, by a constant administration of Iustice, according to the
Laws established; the other is, by communicating himself to his
People, in their
Representative, the
Parliament. For the first, I know there's no particular Man of you that hath not injoyed the
Blessing and
Benefit of it; which I will say nothing of, because you have been all Witness of it; for who hath not found the fruits of it? If he considers the
Peace which my
Kingdomes injoy, in the midst of the
Miseries our Neighbours are afflicted with. And though I cannot say my
Government hath been without
Error, yet this I can truly say, and will avouch it before
God, and his
Angels, That never King governed with a more pure sincerity, and uncorrupt
Heart, than I have done, far from all intention, and meaning of the least
Error, or imperfection in my
Reign.
I have assembled you at this time to perform the other part, which is duely to impart unto you, a
Secret, and a Matter of as great importance as can to be to my
Estate, and the
Estate, of my
Children; I crave your best, and safest advice, and Counsel, as the
Writ whereby you are assembled imports,
That the King would advise with you in matters concerning his Estate
and Dignity; And as I have ever indeavoured by this, and the like waies, to procure, and cherish the love of my
People towards me, So do I hope, and fully believe, that never any
King was more beloved of his
People (whom you my Lords and Gentlemen do here represent) so I would have you truly represent their
loves also to me, that in you as in a true glass I may perfectly behold it, and not as a false glass presents it, not at all, or otherwise than it is indeed. Give me your free and faithful
Counsel in this Matter, which is that of which you have often heard, the Match of my Son. Wherein as you may know I have spent much time, with great Cost, in long Treaty, desiring alwaies therein (and not without
reason, hoping to have effected my desires) the advancement of my
Estate, and
Children, and the general
Peace of all
Christendom. Wherein I have alwaies constantly
laboured, depending too much upon fair
Hopes and
Promises. But at the earnest instance of my Son, I was contented
[Page 261] (although it was of an extraordinary
Nature) to send him to prosecute his
Desires in
Spain; and for his more safety I sent
Buckingham (in whom I ever reposed the most trust of my
Person) with him with this command, to be continually present with him, and never leave him, till he returned safe again unto me; which he performed, though not with such effect as I expected, yet not altogether without
Profit; for it taught me this
Point of Wisdom, that,
Qui versatur in Universalibus, &c. is easily deceived, and it generally brings nothing to good issue; for before any
Matter can be fully finished, it must be brought to
particulars. I thought before their going, the affairs had been produced to a narrow
Point (relying upon their general
Propositions) but when they came to the
matter, it proved so
Raw, as if it had been never treated of, the
Generals giving them easie way to evade, and affording them means to avoid the effecting of any thing.
The
Particulars that passed in the
Treaty, I mean not now to discover unto you, the time being too short, I referre that to
Charles and
Buckingham, and the
Secretaries, who shall relate unto you all the
Particulars. And after that,
Super totam materiam, I desire your best assistance and advice; what is best and fittest for me to do, for the good of the Common-wealth, the advancement of
Religion, and the good of my Son, and my
Children of the
Palatine. And of
Our Estate I know you cannot but be sensible, considering your Welfare consists in
Ours, for you shall be sure to have your share in what misery shall befal us, therefore I need to urge no further
Arguments unto you for your choicest and surest
Counsel. And I assure you in the faith of a Christian King, that it is
Res integra, presented unto you, and that I stand not bound, nor any wayes ingaged, but remain free to follow what shall be best advised.
To plant is not sufficient, unless like good
Gardiners you pluck up the weeds that will choak your
labours; and the greatest weeds among you are jealousies, root them out: for my
Actions, I dare avow them before
God, but jealousies are of a strange depth. I am the
husband, and you the
wife, and it is subject to the
wife to be jealous of her
husband. Let this be far from you! It hath been talked of my remisness in maintainance of
Religion, and
suspicion of a toleration, but as
God shall judge me, I never thought, nor meant, or ever in word expressed any thing that savored of it. It is true, that at times best known to my self, I did not so fully put those
lawes in execution, but did wink, and Connive at some things which might have hindred more weighty
Affaires: But I never in all my
Treaties agreed to any thing, to the overthrow, or disagreeing of those
Lawes; But in all I had a chief regard to the preservation of that
Truth, which I have ever professed. And in that respect as I have a
Charitable conceit of you, I would have you have the like of me also, in which I did not transgress. For it is a good Horseman's part not alwayes to use the
Spur, nor keep streight the
[Page 262]Reign, but sometimes to use the
Spur, and sometimes to suffer the
Reign more remiss; So it is the part of a
Wise King (and my
Age and experience have informed me) sometimes to quicken the
Laws, with strict
Execution, and at other times upon just
Occasion to be more remiss.
And I would also remove from your thoughts all jealousies, that I might, or ever did question or infringe any of your lawful liberties, or privileges; But I protest before
God I ever intended you should injoy the fulness of all those, that from antient times give good Warrant and Testimony; of which, if need be, I will inlarge, and amplifie. Therefore I would have you (as I have in this place heretofore told you, as Saint
Paul did
Timothy) avoid
Genealogies, and curious
questions, and quirks and jerks of
Law, and
idle innovations, and if you minister me no just
Occasion, I never yet was, nor ever will be curious or captious to quarrel with you. But I desire you to avoid all doubts, and hindrances, and to compose your selves speedily, and quietly, to this weighty affair. Carry your selves modestly, and my
Prayers shall be to
God for you, and my love shall be alwayes with you, that a happy
Conclusion may attend this
Parliament. God is my
Judge, I speak it as a
Christian King, never any way faring
Man, in the burning, drie, and
sandy Desarts, more thirsted for water to quench his thirst, than I thirst and long for the happy success of this
Parliament, that the good issue of this,
may expiate, and a
[...]quit the fruitless issue of the
former. And I pray God your Counsels may advance
Religion, the publick weal, and the good of me, and my
Children.
The Bishop of
Lincolns short Harangue.When the
King had thus ended, the Lord
Keeper Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, and
Speaker to the
House of
Peers (who uses always to make the
King's mind further known if there because) told the
Parliament, That after the
Eloquent speech of his
Majesty, he would not say anything; for as one of the
Spartan Kings being asked whether he would not willingly hear a man that counterfeited the voice of the
Nightingale to the life, made answer, He had heard the
Nightingale. So for him to repeat, or rehearse what the King had said, was (according to the
Latine Proverb) to enamel a
Golden Ring with
studs of
iron. He doubted not but that the King's Speech had like
Aeschines Orations left in their minds a sting; And as an
Historian said of
Nerva, that having adopted
Trajan, he was immediately taken away,
Nepost divinum et immortale factum, aliquid mortale faceret: So he would not dare after his Majesties
Divinum et immortale dictum, mortale aliquid addere.
This is not inserted to shew the pregnancy, and
Genius of the Man, but the temper of the
Times; wherein,
Men made themselves less than
Men, by making
Kings little less than
Gods. In this the
Spanish Bravery is to be admired,
[Page]HONORATISS et REUERENDISS Dꝰ IOHANES WILIAMES. EPISC. LINC. et MAG: SIGILL: ANG:
[...]
The right Honourable and right-reverend father in god Iohn Lorde Bishop of Lincolne Lord keeper of the greate Seale of England and one of his Ma.
ties most hon.
ble princes Counsell.
[Page 263] and the
French do not much come short of them, who do not idolize their Kings with
Sacred Soveraign, immortal, and
Oraculous expressions, but in their humblest
Petitions, give him the
Title Sir, tell him their
Business, and demand
Iustice of
him. But where these
Adulations are admitted, though it doth not strike suddenly with some incurable
Disease, yet the same hand can make them consume; and in the end wast away to nothing.
But the
Parliament, though they knew there was an intention of a
Toleration of Popery upon the close of the
Spanish match, sealed up (as it were) their
lips, and would not see the light that discovered it self through this
cloud that the King cast before it (though some of the
Commons had much ado to hold, which he takes notice of at the next Interview, and thanks them for) but they went on directly to his
Business, making it their own, forgetting all former miscarriages. And upon the 24. of this
moneth, the
Duke of
Buckingham,Feb. 24.
Buckinghams Relation to the Parliament. accompanied with the
Prince as his
Remembrancer, made a long
Relation of all the transactions in
Spain, to both
Houses, with all the advantage he could, to make good his own
Actions, some of the
Particulars whereof are already related. And he took the first
Discovery of the intention of the
King of
Spain not to deal fairly with
Our King (touching the
Restitution of the
Palatinate) from the
Arch-dutchess jugling in the
Treaty at
Bruxels, which was managed by Sir
Richard Weston, our King's
Ambassadour there, who urged for a
Cessation of
Armes in the
Palatinate (the
Arch-Dutchess pretending Power to draw off the
Spanish Forces, if
Our King would first draw off his) it came to an
Agreement; but in the close (after some
Delayes) she confessed she had no
Power to admit of a
Cessation, till she had more particular warrant for it out of
Spain.
That these shufflings made
Our King send
Porter into
Spain for a more resolute answer, in relation to the
Match, and the
Palatinate, and assigned him but ten dayes to stay there; In which time,
Bristol fed him with
Hopes, which he found very
Empty ones: whereupon
Porter went boldly to
Olivares, who (in an open-hearted way) told him plainly that
Spain meant neither the
Match, nor
Restitution of the
Palatinate.
Bristol seeing
Porter would return with this answer, persuaded him to speak with
Olivares again, who coming to
Olivares, found him much incensed, for relating the private intimation he gave him, to
Bristol the
Publick minister, and denyed to speak with
Porter anymore.
Bristol still puffs up
Our King with an assurance both of the
Match, and restitution of the
Palatinate, but they proceeding slowly, the
Prince desired that he might go himself into
Spain,[Page 264] which
Buckingham first broke to the King, who with
Reasons laid down for it, was drawn to it.
When the
Prince came there, the
Match at first was absolutely denied, unless he would be converted, which
Bristol perswaded the
Prince unto, at least in shew, to expedite his Business.
Then the
Spanish Ministers urged for a Toleration of
Religion in
England, which they hoped (as some of them expressed) would cause a
Rebellion, and they offered the
Prince an
Army to
Assist him for the
Suppression of the same.
But the
Prince finding the
Spanish did but dallie with him, left a
Proxie with
Bristol to conclude the
Match, when the
Dispensation came, which the
Prince forbad him to deliver;
Bristol nevertheless proceeds, and if
Gresley had not brought a
Revocation of the
Proxie from the King over night,
Bristol had made the
Espousalls the next day. And alwaies at the end of every point, he would look upon the
Prince for his approbation, and allowance, who still as the
Duke went on, confirmed the same. And so
Buckingham concluded, that if the drawing of us out of
Darkness into
Light, did deserve thanks, we all owed it to the
Prince, who by the Hazard of his Person, and by his great care and industry had done this for
Us.
The
Duke highly esteemed.The
Parliament that looked upon the
Duke with a Sour
Eye for tempting the
Prince to so dangerous a journey, when they found what excellent effects it had produced, forgot the
Old Murmurs buzzed against him, and with elevated Voices could scarce be contained from acknowledging him
The Preserver of the Nation. This his discovery is Cryed up every where, and who but the
Duke is become the
Darling of the
Multitude? So dear then was the
Prince unto the People, that they tendred his safety as their own! and so easily might he have retained his
Love, if by grasping after
Shadows, he had not lost the
Substance. For those people are the soonest deceived that love most to admire.
Little deserved.The Parliament were but men, and could at present see no more than the
Duke was pleased to shew them, through the flattering glass of this
Relation. But when
Bristol came over, and (as afterwards he did) discover, that the
Duke carried the
Prince purposely into
Spain to be the better instructed in
Popery: That he gave hope to the
Spanish Ministers of
State of the
Prince's Conversion, which made them propound far worse Conditions for
Religion than had been formerly agreed on: That he professed himself a
Papist there; going to
Mass, kneeling to, and adoring their
Sacraments, which the
Pope being informed of, sent the
Duke a
Bull, to perswade, and incourage him to pervert
[Page 265] the
King and
Prince,An. Reg. 21. with other pernicious Crimes laid to his
Charge in the next King's reign (as may appear in due time) None can blame the People for Mutable affections:
An. Christi. 1624. for when false-hood is so impudent as to hoodwink such an
Assembly, with the vail that
Truth her self is wont to put on, who can at an instant discover it?
But it was a hard
Condition for the banished
Palatine to have such
Mediators as
Buckingham, Bristol, and
Weston, to make intercession for him, the Temper of whose
Spirits was well known, and which way their affections tended. But now the load is all laid upon
Bristol; though he were at the distance of not being sensible of it, yet it was so heavy, that most Men thought he would never come to have it taken off.
The Parliament advise the King to break the Treaties with
Spain.But all things were passed over by the
Parliament that reflected upon particulars, having in their eye the general good of the Kingdom, which they strove to manage with advantage. And the Treaty of the Marriage with
Spain being put into their hands, they crushed the brood in the nest, advising the King to break the Treaty, and proclaim open War with that King. Which they did not do suddainly, as if they had been eager upon a War, but with good advice, and deliberate consideration, as the most immediate means for the establishment of Religion, and setled Peace; protesting to assist the King, for the regaining of the
Palatinate with their lives, and fortunes. Upon which
Declaration and
Resolution, the King determined to send instantly post into
Spain, to his
Ambassadors, to signifie to that King that the
Parliament advised him to break off the Treaties, and to recover the
Palatinate by
War, and the
Post had his
Dispatch to that purpose; when the King repented him of what he had done, and (like the
Husband how jealous of his Wife) writes to
Secretary Conway this Letter, to impede and delay the Business.
The King's Letter to Secretary
Conway.I doubt not but you have heard what a stinging Petition against the
Papists, the Lower House have sent to the Higher House this day, that they might joyntly present it to me; you know my firm Resolution not to make this a War of Religion. And seeing I would be loth to be
Conny-catcht by my People, I pray you stay the
Post that is going into
Spain, till I meet with my Son, who will be here to morrow morning. Do it upon pretext of some more
Letters ye are to send by him, and if he should be gone, hasten after him to stay him, upon some such pretext, and let none living know of this as ye love me: and before two in the afternoon to morrow you shall without fail hear from me.
Farewell.
Apr. 3, 1624.
By this Letter it appears,
Conjectures on the King's Letter. that the King thought the
Petition against
Recusants of such high consequence, that if he should
[Page 266] not give the Parliament a good answer, it might make a
Rupture with them, and therefore he will see further in the
Nature of this Petition, before he will break with the King of
Spain; and know more of the Prince, his Son's mind, happily whether he would yet accept of his Old Mistris, or expect a new one. Or whether the King feared that the Parliament would not make good their Promises, to stand with their lives and fortunes in the
Gap, when this great Breach was made, and so cousen him, may be
Mystical Conjectures from
Mystical Expressions, grounded upon the Words of a
King: Or whether any or all of these (like the
King's Heart inscrutable) are meant in the Letter, is not here determined. But the
King hastens to the House, and finding no such terrible things in the Petition (the Lords being not so quick in the
Resolution of it, as the King was in the apprehension of it) he stirs not those Waters, but sounds the depth of the Parliaments Intentions, by propounding his Doubts, and requiring a solution to them, in order to a War, with prudence and caution.
My Lords and Gentlemen all. I have cause first to thank God with my heart,
The
King's 2. speech to both
Houses. and all the faculties of my mind, that my speech which I delivered in Parliament hath taken so good effect among you, as that with an
Unamine consent, you have freely, and speedily, given me your advice in this great
Business, for which I also thank you all as heartily as I can. I also give my particular thanks to the Gentlemen of the
lower House, for that I hear, when some among them would have cast jealousies, and doubts, between me and my people, you presently quelled those
Motions, which might have hindred the happy agreement I hope to find in this Parliament. You give me your advice to break off both the Treaties as well concerning the Match, as the
Palatinate. And now give me leave as an old King to propound my Doubts, and hereafter give me your answer.
First it is true that I who have been all the dayes of my life a peaceable King, and have had the Honour in my
Titles, and impress to be stiled
Rex pacificus, should without necessity, imbroil my self in a War. Which is so far from my
Nature and from the
Honour I have had both at home and abroad, in endeavouring to avoid the effusion of
Christian blood (of which too much hath been shed) and so much against my
Heart, that unless it be upon such a necessity, that I may call it (as some merrily say it of Women)
Malum Necessarium, I shall be loth to enter into it. And I must likewise acquaint you that I have had no small hopes given me of
Obtaining better
Conditions, for
Restitution of the
Palatinate, and that even since the setting down of this Parliament. But be not jealous, nor think me such a
King, that would under
[Page 267] pretext of asking your advice put a scorn upon you, by disdaining or rejecting it. For you remember, that in my first
Speech unto you, for proof of my
Love to my
People, I craved your advice in this great and weighty affair. But in a matter of this
Weight. I must consider how this
Course may agree with my
Conscience and
Honour, and next, according to the
Parable uttered by our
Saviour, (after I was resolved of the
Necessity, and justness of the
Cause) to consider how I shall be enabled to raise
Forces for this purpose.
As concerning the
Case of my
Children. I am now old, and would be glad, as
Moses saw the Land of
Promise from a high Mountain (though he had not leave to set his foot in it) so would it be a great
Comfort to me, that God would so long prolong my daies, as, if I might not see the
Restitution, yet at least to be assured that it would be. That then I might with old
Simeon say,
Nunc dimittis servum tuum Domine! Otherwise it would be a great grief unto me, and I should dy with a heavy, and discomforted
Heart. I have often said, and particularly in the last Parliament, (and I shall be ever of the
Mind) that as I am not ambitious of other
Mens Goods or Lands, so I desire not to enjoy a surrow of Land in
England, Scotland, and
Ireland, without
Restitution of the
Palatinate; and in this
Mind I will live and dy.
But let me acquaint you a little with the difficulties of this
Case; He is an unhappy man who shall advise a
King to
War, and it is an unchristian thing to seek that by blood, which may be had by
Peace. Besides, I think your Intentions are not to ingage me in a War, but withal you will consider how many things there are requisite thereunto. I omit to speak of my Own Necessities, they are too well known; Sure I am, I have had the least help in
Parliament of any King that reigned over you these many years; I have let you know that my disabilities are increased, by the
Charge of my Son's Journey into
Spain (which I was at for his
Honour, and the
Honour of the
Nation) by sending
Ambassadours, by Maintenance of my
Children, and by assisting of the
Palatinate. I have incurred a great Debt to the
King of
Denmark, which I am not able to pay. The
Low-Countries (who in regard of their nearness are fittest to help for the
Recovery of the
Palatinate) are at so low an ebb, that if I assist them not, they will be scarce able to subsist. The
Princes of
Germany that should do me any good, are all
poor, and
weak, and
disheartned, and do expect assistance from hence. For
Ireland, I leave it to you, if that be not a back-door fit to be secured. For the
Navy, I thank God it is now in a better
Case than ever it was, yet more must be done, and before it can be prepared as it ought to be, it will require a new
Charge, as well for the own
Strength, as for securing of the
Coasts. My
Children[Page 268] (I vow to
God) eat no bread but by my means,
An. Reg. 22. I must maintain them, and not see them want. My
Customs are the best part of my
Revenues,An. Christi. 1624. and in effect the
Substance of all I have to live on; All which are Farmed out upon
Condition, That if there be
War, those
Bargains are to be anulled.
Subsidies ask a great time to bring in; and if you assist me that
Way, I must take them up before-hand upon
Credit, which will eat up a great part of them.
This being my
Case, to enter into a
War without sufficient means to support it, were to shew my
Teeth and do no more. In the mean time,
I heartily thank you for your Advice, and will seriously think upon it; As I pray you to consider of these other Points. My
Treasurer, to whose
Office it appertains, shall more at large inform you of those things that concern my
Estate.
Thus freely do I open my
Heart to you, and having your
Hearts, I cannot want your
Helps; for it is the
Heart that opens the
Purse, not the
Purse the
Heart. I will deal frankly with you, shew me the means how I may do what you would have me, and if I take a
Resolution upon your
Advice to enter into a
War, then your own
Deputies shall have the disposing of the Money, I will not meddle with it, but you shall appoint your own
Treasurers.
I say not this with purpose to invite you to open your
Purses, and then to slight you so much as not to follow your
Counsel, nor ingage you before I be ingaged my self. Give me what you will for my own means, for I protest none of the
Money which you shall give for these
Uses, shall be issued but for those ends. If upon your
Offer I shall find the means to make a
War honourable, and sate, (and that I resolve to imbrace your Advice) then I promise you on the
Word of a
King, That although
War and
Peace be the peculiar Prerogative of
Kings, yet as I have advised with you in the
Treaties, on which
War may ensue, so I will not Treat nor accept of
Peace, without first acquainting you with it, and hearing your Advice, and therein go the proper way of Parliament, in conferring and consulting with you: And happily,
Conditions of
Peace will be the better, when we are prepared for
War, according to the Proverb,
That Weapons breed Peace.
Your kind Carriage gives me much
Contentment, and that comforts me which my Lord of
Canterbury said, That there was not a contrary
Voice among you all, like the
Seventy Interpreters, who were led by the breath of
God.
I am so desirous to forget all rents in former
Parliaments, that it shall not be my default, if I be not in love with
Parliaments, and call them often, and desire to end my life in that intercourse between Me and my People, for making of good
[Page 269]Laws, reforming abuses, and maintaining the good Government of the
Common-Wealth. Therefore go on cheerfully, and advise of these
points, and my
Resolution shall be then, declared.
None can blame the
King for being too cautelous,
The Parliament close with the King. or wary in such an
Eruption as this, so contrary to his
Nature (as he saith himself) a
War was a new
World to him, fearing to lay out by it more than he should receive. And in this, he was like the
Man, that when his
Master gave great
Charge to go and gather up his
Rents in the
Country, and to take a pair of
Pistols with him, to bring home his Money with the more security: After the
Master had appointed him to pay so much in one place, and so much in another, that the
Man saw he should not receive so much as he should disburse,
Bid his Master take his Pistols
again, he should not use them. So the
King fearing that when the
War was begun, there would not be where withal to maintain it,
Thanked the Parliament
for their Advice, and he would consider better of it. And they seeling the
King's Pulse by his expressions, resolved now not to let him flag, but to keep up the temper of his
Spirit, that a little thing would make decline again. And therefore they seriously settled to their
Business, and answered his
Expectation fully, which they presented unto him shortly after, in these words, to his great
Satisfaction.
Most Gracious Soveraign,
WE your
Majesties most Humble and
Loyal Subjects,Their Declaration. the
Lords and
Commons in this present
Parliament assembled, do first render to your
Sacred Majesty, Our most Dutiful Thanks, for that to
Our unspeakable
Comfort, you have vouchsafed to express your Self so well satisfied with
Our late
Declaration made unto your
Majesty, of
Our general Resolution in pursuit of
Our Humble Advice to assist your
Majesty in a
Parliamentary way, with
Our Persons and
Abilities. And whereas your
Majesty in your
Great Wisdom and Iudgment, foreseeing that it will make a deeper impression, both in the
Enemies of that
Cause, and in your
Friends and
Allies, if they shall not onely hear of the
Cheerful Offers, but also see the
Real performance of your
Subjects towards so great a
Work. Your
Majesty was pleased to descend to a particular
Proposition for the advancing of this great
Business. We therefore in all humbleness most ready and willing to give your
Majesty and the
whole World an ample Testimony of
Our Sincere and Dutiful Intentions herein, upon Mature Advice and Deliberation, as well of the Weight and Importance, of this great Affair, as of the present Estate of this your
Kingdom. (the Weal and Safety whereof, is in Our Iudgments apparently threatned, if your
Majesties Resolution for the
Dissolving of the
Treaties, now in question, be longer deferred, and that
Provision[Page 270] for defence of your
Realm, and aid of your
Friends, and
Allies, be not seasonably made) have with a
Cheerful Consent of all the
Commons (no one dissenting) and with a
Full, and
Cheerful Consent of the
Lords, Resolved, That upon your
Majesties publique
Declaration, for the
Dissolution, and utter
Discharge of both the said
Treaties of the
Marriage, and the
Palatinate, in pursuit of
Our Advice therein, and towards the
Support of that
War, which is likely to ensue; And more particularly for those four Points proposed by your
Majesty. Namely, for the
Defence of this your
Realm; the Securing of
Ireland; the assistance of your
Neighbours, the
States of the
United Provinces; and other your
Majesties Friends, and
Allies; and for the setting forth of your
Royal Navy; We will grant for the present, the greatest
Aid which ever was given in
Parliament. That is to say, Three intire
Subsidies, and three
Fifteens, to be all paid within the
compass of one whole Year, after your
Majestie shall be pleased to make the said
Declaration; The Money to be paid into the
Hands, and expended by the
Direction of such
Committees, or
Commissioners, as hereafter shall be agreed upon at this present
Session of
Parliament. And
We most humbly beseech your
Majesty, to accept of these
First Fruits of
Our Hearty Oblation, dedicated to that
Work, which
We infinitely desire may prosper, and be advanced. And for the
Future to rest confidently assured, That
We your
Loyal and
Loving Subjects, will never fail in a
Parliamentary way, to assist your
Majestie in so
Royal a
Design; wherein your Own
Honour, and the
Honour of your most
Noble Son the
Prince, the
Antient Renown of this
Nation, the
Welfare and very
Subsistence of your
Noble, and
Onely Daughter, and her
Consort, and their
Posterity, the Safety of your Own
Kingdom, and
People, and the
Prosperity of your
Neighbours, and
Allies, are so deeply ingaged.
The Treaties with
Spain dissolved.The
Parliament by this
Declaration came up so close to the
King, that he could make no evasion, but rested contented now in his Latter time (when the
Almonds (as it were) begun to
Blossom upon his head) to plunge himself into a
War: which brought him again to the
Parliament, to thank them for their
Readiness to assist him; telling them, That he is willing to follow their advice in the
Anulling and Breach of these two
Treaties. They having given enough to begin a
War, but when the end will be (he said)
God knows. Yet he will ingage for himself and his Son, his
Successour, That no means shall be left unused for recovery of the
Palatinate. And for all his
Old Age (if it might do any good) he would go in person to further the
Business. But as he is contented to have the
Parliament Committees to dispose of the Moneys by their
Directions, so the
Design must not be acted by publique
Councels; For whether he shall send
Two thousand, or
Ten thousand; whether by
Sea or
Land,
[Page 271] East, or
West, by
Diversion or
Invasion, upon the
Bavarian, or the
Emperor, that must be left to the
King. And this he did, that there might be no jealousies, but to smooth every
Rub betwixt them.
And to put it in execution, a
Council of
War is chosen out of the old, and long discontinued
Militia of
Ireland, and some others of the
Nobility; and upon result of their Counsels (after some debate) it was concluded, to send fix thousand men for the present into the
Low Countreys, to joyn with the
States Forces, against the
King of
Spain's mighty
Armies, under the command of
Marquess Spinola, that threatned the next
Summer to overrun the
Netherlands, that weakning the
Spaniard in
Flanders, they might have the more free access into
Germany.
The
Dissolution of the
Treaties with
Spain,The
Spanish Ambassadour accuses
Buckingham of Treason. and the preparation for
War resounding in every
Ear, gave such an
Allarm to the
Spanish Ambassadour, the
Marquess of
Inoiosa, that whether out of
Truth, and
Knowledge (as he pretended) or
Malice only, cannot be determined: But he sent to the
King, to let him know, that the
Duke of
Buckingham had some dangerous
Machination a foot, that tended to his
Destruction, and the best he could expect, would be a confinement to a
Countrey-house, in some
Park during his life; the
Prince being now in full
abilities and ripe in
Government. This Concussion was strong enough to shake an old Building, that was of a fearful, and tottering
Temper (especially if he considered how his Mother was put by her
Government, to say nothing of
Prince Henry) but the
violence of it did not work, because the
Operation was somewhat mitigated by the
Duke's Protestation of his
Innocency. For the
King at the next Interview saying to him,
Ah Stenny, Stenny, (which was the
Familiar name he alwayes used to him)
Wilt thou kill me? The
Duke struck into an
Astonishment with the
Expression, after some little
Pause, collected himself, and with many asseverations strove to justify his Integrity; which the good King was willing enough to Believe; and
Buckingham finding by some discourse, that
Padre Macestria the
Spanish Iesuit, had been with the
King, he had then a large
Theme for his
Vindication, turning all upon the
Spanish Iesuitical Malice, which proceeded from the ruins of their quashed
Hopes. And the King knowing
Inoiosa and all that
Party, very bitter against
Buckingham; and though he did not directly accuse the
Prince to be in the
Conspiracy, with
Buckingham, yet he reflected upon him; for such an attempt could never have been effected without his
Privity; therefore out of the
Bowels of good
Nature he did unbelieve it; and after Examinations of some
Persons the
Duke's Intimates, and their constant denyal upon oath (which they had no good
Cause to confess) the
King[Page 272] was content (being loth to think such an
Enterprize could be fostred so neer his own
Bosom) to have the
Brat strangled in the
Womb. And he presently sent into
Spain to desire
Iustice of that
King, against the
Ambassadours false
Accusation, which he said wounded his
Son's Honour through
Buckingham's side, which Sir
Walter Aston represented to the King of
Spain (for
Bristol was coming over to justifie his
Actions to the
Parliament.) But the
Duke of
Buckinghams reputation there procured no other
Satisfaction, than some little check of
formality; for when
Inoiosa was recalled home, he was not lessen'd in esteem. Thus was this Information waved, though there might be some cause to
suspect, that the great intimacy, and
Dearness, betwixt the
Prince and
Duke (like the conjunction of two dreadful
planets) could not but portend the production of some very dangerous effect to the old
King.
But the
Duke's Reputation, though it failed in
Spain, held firm footing in
England;
Bristol sent to
[...] the Tower. for
Bristol no sooner appeared, but he is clapt up in the
Tower. Their jugling practices (whereof they were Both guilty enough) must not yet come to light, to disturb the
Proceedings in
Parliament. Bristol had too much of the
King's
Commission for what he did (though he might overshoot himself in what he said) which was not now to be discovered. Yet the
Rigor of that imprisonment would have sounded too loud, if he had not had a suddain
Release; who finding the
Duke high mounted yet in power, and himself in no
Degree to grapple with him, was content with
Submission to gain his
liberty, and retire himself to a Country
privacy.
The
Lords being now at leisure began to consider of that
stinging petition (as the
King called it) against Papists, how necessary it was to joyn with the
Commons, to
supplicate the
King to take down the pride of their high-flying
Hopes, that had been long upon the
Wing, watching for their prey, and now they are made to stoop without it. And after some Conferences betwixt both
Houses about it, the Petition was reduced to these two Propositions, and
presented to the
King as two Petitions.
The
Parliaments Petition against
Recusants.We
your Majestie
's most humble and loyal Subjects
the Lords
and Commons
assembled in Parliament,
do in all humbleness offer unto your Sacred Majesty
these two Petitions
following.
1. That for the more safety of your
Realms, and better keeping your
Subjects in
Obedience, and other important
Reasons of State, your
Majesty would be pleased (by some such
course as you shall think fit) to give present
Order, that all the
Laws be put in due execution, which have been made, and do stand in force against
Jesuits, Seminary Priests, and others, having taken Orders by authority derived from the
See of
Rome, and generally against all
Popish Recusants. And as for disarming, that it may be according
[Page 273] to the
Laws, and according to former
Acts, and
Directions of
State, in that
Case. And yet that it may appear to all the
World, the
Favour and
Clemency your
Majesty useth towards all your
Subjects of what Condition soever; And to the intent the
Jesuits, and
Priests, now in the
Realm, may not pretend to be surprized, that a speedy and certain may be prefixed, by your
Majesties Proclamation, before which day they shall depart out of this
Kingdom, and all other your
Highness Dominions; and neither they nor any other to return or come hither again, upon peril of the severest
Penalties of the
Laws now in force against them. And that all your
Majesties Subjects may thereby also be admonished, not to receive, entertain, or conceal, any of them, upon the
Penalties, and Forfeitures, which by the
Laws may be imposed on them.
2. Seeing
We are thus happily delivered from that danger which those
Treaties now dissolved, and that use which your ill-affected
Subjects made thereof would certainly have drawn upon us, and yet cannot but foresee, and fear lest the like may hereafter happen, which would inevitably bring much peril upon your
Majesties Kingdoms; We are most humble Suters unto your
Gracious Majesty, to secure the
Hearts of your good
Subjects, by the ingagement of your
Royal Word unto them, that upon no occasion of Marriage or
Treaty, (or other request in that behalf from any forein
Prince or
State whatsoever) you will take away or slacken the
Execution of your
Laws against
Jesuits, Priests, and
Popish Recusants.
To which Our humble
Petitions (proceeding from Our most
Loyal and
Dutiful affections towards your
Majesty, Our Care of Our
Countries good, and our own confident persuasion, that these will much advance the Glory of
Almighty God, the everlasting
Honour of your
Majesty, the Safety of your
Kingdoms, and the incouragement of all your good
Subjects)
We do most humbly beseech your Majesty to vouchsafe a gracious Answer.
The
King was prepared for the
Petition,The King prepared for it. having given his own
Resolution the
Check at present; that whatsoever he might do hereafter, yet now he would comply; and therefore he sends for both
Houses to
Whitehall, to sweeten them with a gentle answer to this
Petition, that might take off those
sour aspersions that this miscarriage in
Government might happily cast upon him. And we will not say but his intentions might rove towards the
End, though he gave too much
liberty (through a
Natural easiness in himself) to those that
He trusted with
Management of the great affairs, by evil means to pervert that
end; which made him guilty of their
Actions: For where true
Piety is not the
Director, Carelesness as often as
Wilfulness carries men out of the way. But he had this
Principle, and made often use of it, (like ill Tenants when they let things run to ruin) to daub all up again, when forced to it, and find no other
Remedy. This was the effect of what he said in his own excuse.
My
Lords and
Gentlemen of both
Houses, I cannot but commend your
Zeal, in offering this
Petition to me; yet on the other side, I cannot but hold my Self unfortunate, that I should be thought to need a
Spur to do that which my
Conscience, and
Duty, binds me unto. What
Religion I am of,
The Kings answers to the Parliaments Petitions, 23. Apt. my
Books do declare, my
Profession, and
Behaviour doth shew, and I hope in God I shall never live to be thought otherwise; surely I shall never deserve it: And for my part I wish it may be written in
Marble, and remain to
Posterity as a mark upon me, when I shall swerve from my
Religion: For he that doth dissemble with God, is not to be trusted with Men.
My
Lords, for my part, I protest before
God, That my Heart hath bled when I have heard of the increase of
Popery. God is my judge, it hath been such a great grief to me, that it hath been as
Thorns in my
Eyes, and
Pricks in my
Sides, and so for ever I have been and shall be from turning another way. And my
Lords and
Gentlemen, you shall be my
Confessors, that one way or other it hath been my
Desire to hinder the growth of
Popery, and I could not be an honest
Man, if I should have done otherwise; And this I may say further, That if I be not a
Martyr, I am sure I am a
Confessor, and in some sense I may be called a
Martyr, as in the
Scripture, Isaac was
Persecuted by
Ismael, by mocking
Words, for never
King suffered more ill Tongues than I have done, and I am sure for no cause; yet I have been far from
Persecution, for I have ever thought, that no way increased any
Religion more than
Persecution, according to that Saying,
Sanguis Martyrum est Semen Ecclesiae.
Now my
Lords and
Gentlemen, for your
Petition; I will not onely grant the
Substance of what you craved, but add somewhat more of my own. For the Two
Treaties being already anulled (as I have declared them to be) it necessarily follows of it self, that which you desire, and therefore it needs no more, but that I do declare by
Proclamation, (which I am ready to do) That all
Jesuits, and
Priests, do depart by a
Day; but it cannot be as you desire, by Our
Proclamation to be out of all my
Dominions; for a
Proclamation here, extends but to this
Kingdom.
This I will do, and more, I will Command all my
Judges, when they go their
Circuits, to keep the same
Courses, for putting all the
Laws in Execution against
Recusants, as they were wont to do, before these
Treaties: for the
Laws are still in
force, and were never dispensed with by me.
God is my judge, they were never so intended by me. But as I told you in the beginning of the
Parliament, you must give me leave as a good
Horse-man sometimes to use the
Reins, and not always to use the
Spurs. So now there needs nothing but my
Declaration for the disarming of them, that is already done by the
Laws, and shall be done as you desired. And more,
[Page 275] I will take order for the
shameful disorder of the
Resorting of my
Subjects to all forein
Ambassadours; of this I will advise with my
Council how it may be best reformed. It is true, that the
Houses of
Ambassadors are privileged places, and though they cannot take them out of their
Houses, yet the Lord
Mayor, and Mr.
Recorder of
London, may take some of them as they come from thence, and make them Examples. Another
Point I will add, concerning the
Education of their
Children, of which I have had a principal care, as the
Lord of
Canterbury, and the
Bishop of
Winchester, and other
Lords of my
Council can bear me witness, with whom I have advised about this
Business: For in
good faith it is a shame their
Children should be bred here, as if they were at
Rome. So I do grant not onely your
Desire, but more: I am sorry I was not the first mover of it to you; But had you not done it,
I should have done it my self.
Now for the second part of your
Petition; You have there given me the best advice in the World; For it is against the
Rule of
Wisdom, that a King should suffer any of his
Subjects to transgress the
Laws, by the intercession of other
Princes; and therefore assure your selves, that (by the
Grace of
God) I will be careful that no such
Conditions be foisted in upon any other
Treaty whatsoever: For it is fit my
Subjects should stand or fall to their own
Laws.
If the
King had seriously and really considered the
Minute of this
Petition,The King promises much, performs little.the very last Clause, wherein the
Glory of
God, and the
Safety of his
Kingdoms, so much consisted, as the
Parliament wisely express, and foresee, and which the
King saith is the best Advice in the
World, and which he promised so faithfully to observe in the next
Treaty of
Marriage for his
Son, it might perhaps have kept the
Crown upon the
Head of his
Posterity. But when
Princes break with the
People, in those
Promises that concern the
Honour of
God, God will let their
people break with them to their
Ruin and
Dishonour. And this
Maxim holds in all
Powers, whether
Kingdoms or
Common Wealths; As they are established by
Iustice, so the
Iustice of
Religion which tends most to the
Glory of God, is principally to be observed.
The
King grants them more than they desire, but not so much as they hope for: they have many good words thick sown, but they produce little good
fruit. Yet the
Parliament followed the
Chace close, and bolted out divers of the
Nobility and
Gentry of
Eminency, Popishly affected, that had
Earth'd themselves in Places of high Trust and Power in the
Kingdom, as if they meant to under-mine the
Nation. Viz.
[Page 276]Francis Earl of
Rutland, the Duke of
Buckingham's Wives Father. Sir
Thomas Compton, that was married to the Duke's Mother; And the Countess her self, who was the
Cynosure they all steered by. The Earl of
Castle-Haven. The Lord
Herbert, after Earl of
Worcester.a swarm of
Popery. The Lord Viscount
Colchester, after Earl of
Rivers. The Lord
Peter. The Lord
Morley. The Lord
Windsor. The Lord
Eure. The Lord
Wotton. The Lord
Teinham, The Lord
Scroop, who was Lord
President of the
North (and which they omitted, the Earl of
Northampton, Lord
President of
Wales, who married his Children to
Papists, and permitted them to be bred up in
Popery.) Sir
William Courtney, Sir
Thomas Brudnell, Sir
Thomas Somerset, Sir
Gilbert Ireland, Sir
Francis Stonners, Sir
Anthony Brown, Sir
Francis Howard, Sir
William Powell, Sir
Francis Lacon, Sir
Lewis Lewkner, Sir
William Awberie, Sir
Iohn Gage, Sir
Iohn Shelly, Sir
Henry Carvel, Sir
Thomas Wiseman, Sir
Thomas Gerrard, Sir
Iohn Filpot, Sir
Thomas Russell, Sir
Henry Bedingfield, Sir
William Wrey, Sir
Iohn Conwey, Sir
Charles Iones, Sir
Ralph Connyers, Sir
Thomas Lamplough, Sir
Thomas Savage, Sir
William Moseley, Sir
Hugh Beston, Sir
Thomas Riddall, Sir
Marmaduke Wivel, Sir
Iohn Townesend, Sir
William Norris, Sir
Philip Knevit, Sir
Iohn Tasborough, Sir
William Selbie; Sir
Richard Titchborn, Sir
Iohn Hall, Sir
George Perkins, Sir
Thomas Penrodduck, Sir
Nicholas Sanders, Knights; Besides divers
Esquires Popishly addicted, either in their own Persons, or by means of their Wives, too tedious to be expressed here. And these were dispersed and seated in every County, who were not only in
Office and
Commission, but had
Countenance from
Court, by which they grew up and flourished, so that their exuberancie hindered the growth of any
Goodness, or
Piety, their
Malice pleased to drop upon.
These men being now touched, began to shrink in their
Branches,Herba mimosa. like the new-found
Indian Plants, but they quickly put out again: for though this
Disturbance, or
Movement, came upon them, by the
Dissolution of one
Treaty, yet they presently got heart, and spread again, by the other which was in
Agitation.
For our
King after the
Breach with
Spain, loth to be refused in
France,A Treatie of Marriage with
France. (where the Younger Daughter to
Henry the
Great, was reserved to be the
Fatal Mother of a
Disherited Royal Issue) durst not venture upon an
Overt Treaty, but sends over the Lord
Kensington, newly made Earl of
Holland, who was to sound the
King, and
Grandees of
France, whether the
Match were feasible, before he would begin to Treat
ubliquely. He remained a Month in
France, and moved not a word, though they apprehended his address was to that end. While the
Prince was in
Spain, they
[Page][Page]Carolus D. G. Rex Ang: Sco: Fran: et Hib:Henreta Maria D. G. Reg: Ang: Sco: Fran: et Hib:
[Page 227]looked upon the
Count Soison, as a fit Match for the
Princess Henrietta Maria, but our
Prince's Gallantry (as they esteemed it there) and his
Spritely carriage in so dangerous, and hazardous a Journey, both by
Sea, and
Land, took such impressions in the
frisk of the
French Humour, and raised him to such a height of
Bravery among them, that they were impetuously Violent in desiring the
Match; Insomuch as upon the very first
Overture, the
King of
France told the Earl of
Holland, That he had rather have the
Prince of
England to his
Brother, than any man in the World. And when the Treaty was begun, the
Spanish Factors began to play their parts with the
Pope, so that he sent to the King of
France to get some Immunities, in the
Articles now in
Treaty, for the
Catholiques in
England, and that there might be publique exercise of the
Popish Religion for the
Princess. This the
Earl of
Holland opposing, the King of
France told him, That if he would go on with the
Treaty, he would be tyed no further to the
Pope's Rules than did consist with
Reason; For he did acknowledg the next
Diocesan Bishop to him, in his
Dominions, to have as much power as he. So that the
Treaty went on with a petty admittance of the
Catholique Religion, and
Romish Ministers about the
Princess, to a private, and almost obscure
Condition; so eager was the
King of
France for the
Match.
But the
Iesuitical Party, both here, and there, were incessantly laborious for a greater
Liberty, and the
King's chief
Agent in the
Treaty, Monsieur de Vieuxvill, having pulled on him the
Odium of the people (through some miscarriages) being committed
Prisoner by the
King, to protect him from their
Rage, the
Cardinal Richelieu entring then into his Infancy of
Favour, being preferred by the
Queen-Mother to be a manager of the
Treaty, whose Intimate he was, and more Stubborn for promoting the
Catholique Cause, yet all this could give no stop to the
Career, but that the
Match would be made up upon very easie Terms.
But when the
King of
France understood by his
Ministers, and
Agents in
England, how eager our King was for the
Match, (for he desired it above all
Earthly Blessings, as one near him said of him) for besides the
Reproach he thought would fall upon him by another
Breach, he should lose the
Glory of a
Conjunction with
Kings (which he highly wound up his
Opinion to) to
Sublime, and, as it were,
Deifie his
Posterity in the esteem of the
people, so that he would almost submit to any thing, rather than the
Match should not go forward; which the King of
France finding, he bated his
Humour of earnestness for it, and descended by the same
Steps and
Degrees that he found his
Brother King advanced to it; and got several great Immunities for the
Papists by it: notwithstanding all
Our King's fair
Promises to the
Parliament, as
[Page 278] may be seen by those
Articles, seal'd and sworn to by
Our King, some few Months before his
Death.
But a little before this, (when the
Hopes of the
Match with
France began to bud) the
Earl of
Carlile was sent over to mature, and
Ripen the proceedings with the
Earl of
Holland, to bring the
Treaty to some perfection, yet with private instructions, That if they could find by their
Spanish Correspondencies (as the
Earl of
Carlile was a little
Hispanioliz'd) that the
Match there had any
Probability of taking effect with the new
Propositions; that then they should proceed no further in the
French Treaty: so earnest was the
King for the one, so
Violent for the other; The
Sophisticate Drugs of the
Spanish Restitution of the
Palatinate, having not yet lost their
Operation. Thus the
Ambition of
Princes (that devolve all their
Happiness upon glorious
Extractions) doth choak and smother those
Considerations, that
Religion (like a clear
light) discovers to be but gross, and cloudy
Policy, which vanishes often, and comes to nothing.
The
Duke of
Buckingham swoln with Grandure (having two great
Props to support him) doubted not to
Crush any thing that stood in his way,
The Lord Treasurer questioned in Parliament. so that he fell very heavily upon his
Cousen the
Earl of
Middlesex, Lord Treasurer; for he remembred how he repined at the
Moneys that were spent in
Spain, and his
Comportment to him since his coming over (
Middlesex being naturally of a
Sullen and proud
Humor) was not such as (he thought) did become his
Creature: Therefore he
Resolved to bring him down from that
Height he had placed him in, and quickly sound the means to do it. For great
Officers that dig deep in
Worldly Treasures, have many
Underminers under them; and those that are not just to themselves or others, must make use of such as will not be so
just to them, so that a flaw may easily be found, whereby a great
Breach may be made. And as
Middlesex had not
Innocency to
Iustifie himself, so he wanted
Humility whereby others might
Iustifie him, which made him fall unpitied. The
Prince (that was
Buckingham's right hand) took part against him in the
House of
Lords, where he was
Questioned; which the
King hearing of, writes to the
Prince from
New-Market, (whither he often retired to be free, and at ease from comber, and noise of
Business)
That he should not take part with any Faction
in Parliament
against the Earl of Middlesex,
but to reserve himself, so that both sides might seek him; for if he bandied to take away his Servants, the time would come that others would do as much for him. This wise Advice speaks
Buckingham a little declining from the
Meridian of the
King's Favour, or the
King from his; For if the
King did know that
Buckingham was his chief
Persecutor, it could not but relish ill with the
Duke to have the
King plead for him; if the
King did not
[...] know, there was not
[Page 279] then that intimacy betwixt them that used to be. But the
Treasurer's
Actions being throughly canvased (though he had not had such great
Enemies) he was found guilty of such misdemeanors, as were not fit for a
Man of
Honour to commit, so that the
Parliament thought to
Degrade him; but that they looked on as an ill
Precedent. But though they took not away his
Titles of
Honour in
Relation to his
Posterity (who had not offended) yet they made him utterly uncapable of
sitting in the
House of
Lords as a
Peer. And for his fine, it was so great, that the
Duke (by
Report) got
Chelsie House out of him for his part of it.
There was an odd accident hapned in
Northampton-shire while this
Treasurer was in his
Greatness.Harman's storyOne
Harman a rich man (that knew not well how to make use of his
Riches) having some bad
Tenants, and being informed that one of them which
Owed him money, had furnished himself to go to a Fair, to buy some Provisions for his accommodation:
Harman walks (as by accident) to meet him in the way to the
Market; when he saw his
Tenant, he askt him for his Rent; the man (that was willing otherwise to dispose of his
money) denied he had any; Yes I know thou hast money, said
Harman, (calling him by his
Name) I prithee let me have my Rent; and with much importunity the man pulled out his money, and gave all, or the most part of it to his
Landlord. This coming to some
Pragmatical knowledg, the poor
Man was advised to indict his
Landlord for
Robbing him, and taking his
Money from him, in the High-way; which he did, and
Harman for his
Sordid and base carriage, being ill beloved in the Countrey, was found guilty, but reprieved by the
Iudges; And
Harman hearing the
Lord Treasurer had a
Secretary of his
Name, he applied himself to him, promising to give him all his
Estate (having no
Children) if his
Lord would bring him out of the
Danger he was in; which the
Lord Treasurer by his power with the
King did effect, and
Harman his
Man within a short time after (by the other's death) injoyed an ample estate.
The
King being a good
Master,The Lady
Finch Viscountess of
Maidstone. did by his
Bounty much indear his
Servants unto him, and seldom denied any man a
Reasonable Sute; This
Treasurer by his
Greatness also procured the
King, by
Patent (after the example of the
Countess of
Buckingham) to create
Elizabeth, the
Widow of Sir
Moyle Fynch of
Kent, Viscountess of
Maidstone, A Lady of a great
Fortune, and having a Mind suitable to it, she laid the
Foundation of a Noble
Family, intailing not onely this
Title, but in the next
King's Reign, the
Earldom of
Winchelsey, upon her now flourishing
Posterity. But it is thought this
Treasurer got well by laying the ground-work to this great
Structure; For
Copt-Hall (a
Noble Seat in
Essex) came to his hand
[Page 280] from this Lady at a small value; which is the principal House he left to his
Family.
This Spring gave Birth to Four brave Regiments of Foot, (a new apparition in the
English Horizon) Fifteen hundred in a Regiment,
Four Regiments sent into
Holland. which were raised, and transported into
Holland, under Four gallant
Colonels; The
Earl of
Oxford, the
Earl of
Southampton, the
Earl of
Essex, and the Lord
Willoughby, since
Earl of
Lindsey. These four Regiments being well armed and exercised in
Holland, were ready to march into the Field with
Maurice Prince of
Orange, General of the
States Army; who having an opposite, the
Marquèss Spinola, as subtile, and more daring than himself, they both lay at the
Catch, and their wariness prevented many a Mischief.
Maurice finding
Spinola with the
Spanish Army hankering about
Breda, either thinking himself not ready enough to incounter him, or not strong enough to
Grapple with him, permitted him to work himself within two strong lines of
Circumvallation, fortified with several
Forts, and
Redoubts, notwithstanding that
Breda was his
Darling Town, and the Honor of his
Excellency;
Spinola beseiges
Breda. And while
Spinola was thus working, he diverted his
Army into
Cleveland, to take in
Cleve Castle, a poor, and inconsiderable
Place, which was surrendred to him as soon as he presented his
Cannon before it; and when he had done that, and
Spinola had finished his Works, he brought his
Army to a little
Village called
Mede, which was close by
Spinola's
Quarters, and there intrenched himself by his side; But the Enemy attended their Work, and would not busie themselves to look after him, being strongly fortified, and the way open for their
Convoyes to bring
Provisions out of
Flanders, which went alwaies very strong; and
Prince Maurice would not go so far out of his way from his
Victual-Ships to interrupt them, lest he should want
Provisions for his own
Army. But his great Design of lodging so near the Enemy was to amuse them, that they should bend their Eyes and Thoughts upon him there, and neglect that the more which he aimed at; For he had the
Surprising of the strong
Castle at
Antwerp in his
Fancy, which (he was informed) at that time had but small Force in it; and he was so assured to prevail, that he would have none but the
Dutch to have the
Honour of it. But they attempted the
Business so blunderingly, that they were discovered, and lost their labour. And so with some few little
Bickerings of small
Parties of
Horse, betwixt the two intrenched
Armies, the whole
Summer was shuffled away; And Winter approaching, the
Prince seeing little good to be done there, drew his
Army to
Rosendale, and
Sprang, Villages adjacent, where they attended
Opportunities of doing the
Enemy mischief. But the
Glory of
Prince Maurice began to decay, the loss of this Town (which
[Page 281] he now gave as gone) came so near his Heart, that he went sick from the
Army to the
Hague, and never returned to it again,
While these things were in Motion, Truth that comes often with a leaden-foot,
Cruelty at
Amboina. brought
News out of the
East-Indies, that the year 1622. gave Birth to a Mischief of so horrid a
countenance (for a private one) that no
Time or
Age could
Parallel. The
Dutch (while the
English, their great
Supporters, were fighting for them at their own doors) grasping at all the Treasures, and Spices of the
Eastern World, had not only wormed out the
Spaniards, and
Portugals, from many
Islands, and
Colonies there, but (unbounded with Covetousnes and Ambition) strove to hinder their Neighbours, and best friends the
English, from that free Commerce with the
Natives they ever enjoyed, so that many
Bickerings hapned among them; till the
Controversie was taken up by publick Treaty, and
Stipulation, agreed on betwixt Our King, and the
States of the
Netherlands, in the year one thousand six hundred and nineteen. And according to this agreement, the
English, being as they thought secure, planted their
Factories among them, where, after they had reaped the fruit of their great danger, and hazard, for some two years with much grumbling, and repining, the
Dutch began to practise their utter Extirpation: Not by a
Massacre, for that had been a
merciful Mischief, but by torture (to make their
Cruelty Iustice) in so horrid and savage a manner, as if they had sucked their
Rage from
Indian Tigers.
Amboina was the bloody
Stage where they acted this black
Tragedie;
The
English accused of Treason.and
Fire, and
Water, were their
Engins; which are ever cruel
Masters when they get
Power. For pretending the chief
Agent Captain
Gabriel Towerson, and the rest of the
English Factory, had an intention by the assistance of some few poor
Iaponeses, to possess themselves of the Castle, and expel the
Dutch out of the
Island, they seized upon them, and set their bloody
Engins a work, having no other
Accusers but them. The racks extending their Sinews, drew them out at length, and the waters which they subtilly forced into their Mouths, by their own respiration, and breathing, swelled all their
Bodies to a huge
Proportion, making their very eyes ready to bolt out of their
Heads; and such whose sturdy innocence would not be compelled to accuse themselves, they burned the soles of their feet with candles, till the moisture which dropt from them extinguished the flame, and with those burning instruments made such holes in their sides, that they might see their entrails, yet would not see their innocence. So
exquisite were they in their
Devillish Cruelty, as will be gastly to express, what was it then to suffer! Thus having tired the poor
[Page 282]Men with
Tortures, and they being willing to the quickly, confest whatsoever their cruel Tormentors would have them say. The
Dutch having in this
furnace wrought them to accuse themselves, with their pestilent
formality, got their
Confessions under their hands, and so concluded their
Barbarism, with cutting off some of their heads.
The improbability of the Attempt by the English.There were not twenty
Englishmen, nor above thirty
Iaponeses in the whole
Island, with whom they were said to
machinate this
Conspiracy, and the
Castle had in it two hundred
Dutch Souldiers, and eight
Ships riding before it well manned, whereof two of them were above twelve hundred tuns a peece; Besides, the
Dutch had two other
Castles in the same
Island; and what
Probability could there be (if the Plot were as plain as their
Malicious tongues could make it) that so weak a force should attempt upon so many, having Men enough in the
Ships and
Castles, to have devoured the
Attempters? And if they had effected their work, what would the end have been, but ruin to their
Estates, and everlasting
Infamy to their
Memories? knowing the
Dutch were by the last agreements to have that
Castle,1619 confirmed by the King, who hated
Treason in any Man, with his very Soul. Whereas the Men were of well-known, upright conversation, loathing such baseness, and every man of them with
Christian impressions, sealed the last
Gasp of his life with a
Protestation of his
Innocency.
Ten of the
English lost their lives, whereof Captain
Towerson was one; the rest with racked, burnt, and
Macerated Bodies were sent out of the
Island to other
English Plantations, and so the whole
Factory was destroyed: The
Dutch seizing into their hands greedily (which they only
gaped after) the whole Trade, which they have eversince injoyed. And to put a fairer
Gloss upon this mad mischief, nine
Iaponeses, and one
Portugal, that they would needs have to be Complotters with the
English, were racked (poor men) to the same
Confession, and then executed; there being more
Horror in the
examination of the fault, than in the
Punishment of it.
This
Cruelty had made an incurable wound betwixt the two
Nations (the noise of it giving
Animosity enough) but that it was new skin'd over, the bloody
Garment taken off by
Dutch Apologies, and presented at the
Court with a
face of
Iustice. For nothing must come thither but in such attire, as the great
Ones about the
King will please to put upon it; who might be wrought to any temper by that
Forge that could frame such flagitious
Actions: for they that had
Babarism enough to perpetrate the one, had
Baseness enough to practice the other. But leaving their
Consciences besmeared with this
Gore, which they cannot wipe off, but may stick to them yet,
Proceed to the
Story.
[Page 283]All this while count
Mansfeldt wanted imployment, and having prepared his way both in
France and
England, for gathering an
Army, he shipt himself in
Zealand, in the
Speedwel (a ship of
Our King's, commanded by Sir
Iohn Chidley) that was sent expressly for his transport, which in going out, run upon the
Sands, and was with the violence of foul weather, split in pieces:
Mansfeldt, and some of his followers, with difficulty escaping in her long
Boat,Mansfeldt goes into
England. got aboard a
Pink that brought him into
England; the Captain and the rest of the company attending the
Ships fate, were swallowed up in the Sea.
While
Mansfeldt remained in
England, after some few nights he was lodged at Saint
Iames's the
Prince's house, served and attended in great
State, by some of the
King's Officers, and feasted by divers of the
Nobility with much
magnificence; In which time a
Press went through the Kingdom, for raising twelve thousand foot, which with some
Cavalry that
Mansfeldt expected in
Germany, and
France, would make up the
Body of a considerable
Army. Mansfeldt's design was to go into
Germany, through
France, and he had fair
Promises from thence, not only of admission to pass through the
Country, but assistance from it. These 12000 were digested into
Six Regiments. The
Collonels were the
Earl of
Lincoln,Forces raised for him. The
Lord Doncaster eldest Son to the Earl of
Carlile, The
Lord Cromwel, Sir
Charles Rich, Sir
Iohn Burrows late Governour of
Frankendale, and
Collonel Grey a
Scotchman, that had been an old
German Commander, one that affected
Buff in the time of Peace, and wore it in the face of the
Court; which the King seeing him in, and a case of Pistols at his girdle (which he never well liked of) he told him merrily,
He was now so fortified, that if he were but well victualled, he would be impregnable. Two Troops of Horse were also raised for this service, the
Earl of
Lincoln had the command of the one, and one
Gunter, an ordinary
Horse-Rider, was thought the fittest man to command the other; as if none could command Horse, but such as could make them curvet in a
Riding-House. And the Ignorance of these times shews, that unpractical
Reason cannot put forth itself to the height, being bound up for want of Exercise; for we set a Valuation and esteem upon
German and
French Horse, when (like them) we knew not our own strength, for there are not in the
World a more gallant
Cavalry, both for the
Activity of the
Riders, and
Ability of the
Horses, than may be formed in
England, as experience hath lately demonstrated.
These being already in
Kent for Transport about the beginning of
February,The design ruined. and
Shipping provided, the
French began to falter in their
Promises, (notwithstanding
Our intimate
Correspondence by the
Treaty of
Marriage agreed on) pleading many inconveniencies,
[Page 284] in the passing of an
Army through the Country, and the more, because
Our Men were so unruly in
Kent (where some of them were tryed by
Marshal-Law) what would they be then in a strange Country? These being but demurs, not denials, the whole
Army is
Shipped, and put over to
Callais, to wait the
French leisure; but the charge of Shipping (being above a hundred Sail that attended that service) required more speed, than their faint and sickly
Promises did expedite: for the
French dallying with them, and delaying them, happily upon
Design (the
Queen of
France being then more affected to the
Spanish, and a less enemy to her blood and kindred, than they have found her since) after a long stay,
Mansfeldt was forced to leave the
hopes of his
French Horse, and sail with his
Army into
Zealand. There the
Soldiers lay at the
Ramkins a long time in their
Ships, not suffered to land: for the
States not dreaming of such a
Body of men, could not determine suddenly what to do with them; besides, the Inland waters being frozen,
Provisions would grow short for their own
Army, much more for them. After some stay in
Zealand, they sailed up to
Guertenberg in
Brabant, which Town being not well provided with
Victuals, they were not suffered to land, but continuing on Shipboard, the
Ships stuffed and pestred with men, wanting
Meat, and all manner of
Necessaries, such a
Stench and
Pestilence grew among them, that they were thrown into the Sea by multitudes, so that many hundreds (if I may not say thousands) beaten upon Shores, had their bowels eaten out with
Dogs and
Swine, to the
Horror of the
Beholders. Those bodies that drive up near those Towns where the
English were, had great pits made for them, wherein (being thrown by heaps) they were cover'd with earth, but upon those shores where they were neglected, (as they were in many parts of
Holland) a great
Contagion followed. And of
Mansfeldt's twelve thousand men, scarce the moity landed.
This Winter
Quarter at
Rosendale, was also
fatal to the
Earl of
Southampton,The death of the Earl of
Southampton and his son. and the
Lord Wriothsley his Son. Being both sick there together, of burning
Feavers, the violence of which distemper wrought most vigorously upon the heat of youth, overcoming the Son first, and the
drooping Father having overcome the feaver, departed from
Rosendale with an intention to bring his Son's body into
England, but at
Berghen ap Zome he dyed of a
Lethargy in the view and presence of the
Relator, and were both in one small bark brought to
Southampton.
And now
Our King found by dear experience, that the
favours he had done the King of
Spain (in protecting his
Subjects and
Seas from being infested and ruined by
Turkish Pirates, furnishing his
Arsenals, and giving way to the
Lord Vaux, and Sir
[Page]PRAENOBIL: Dꝰ. HENRIC VRIOTHESLEY, COMI SOUTHAMPTON: BAR TITCHFEILDIAE, ETC.
Right Honourable and most noble HENRY Wriothsley Earle of Southampton Baron of Titchfeild, Knight of the most nob: Ord: of y
e Garter.
[Page 285]Edward Parham, to transport so many
English into
Flanders) tended much to his prejudice. For his
Subjects in a strange
Country by this means fought one against another, which was a kind of an
Un-civil War; nor was it their voluntary Intention, for the
English that were shipped for
Flanders, were tempted over by
Popish Allurements, not knowing but that they were to go into
Holland, which made them run away as they got opportunity. But
Our King did not live to see how his
Forces in the
Low-Countreys dwindled to nothing. And the
Result of all is, that though he were a wise
Prince, yet
Blessings did neither attend his
Counsels nor
Actions: So that it is not
humane Wisdom, but
Divine Directions, that orders and disposes all things to a good end.
The
Marquess Hamilton died before
Our King;
The death of the
Marquess Hamilton. suspected to be poisoned; the
Symptoms being very
presumptuous, his head and body swelling to an excessive greatness, the body being all over full of great blisters, with variety of Colours; the hair of his Head, Eye-brows, and Beard, came off being touched, and brought the
Skin with them; and there was a great
Clamor of it about the
Court, so that
Doctors were sent to view the
Body, but the matter was hudled up, and little spoken of it, only
Doctor Eglisham a
Scotch-man, was something bitter against the
Duke, as if he had been the
Author of it. The
Marquesses Son had a little before married the Earl of
Denbigh's Daughter, who was the
Duke of
Buckingham's Neece, and yet this
Tie could not oblige a friendship betwixt them, because thee
Marquess was averse to the
Marriage. This
Distance, and other
Discontents, occasioned some
tumorous Discourses, which reflected much upon the
Duke, but they never broke out in this
King's time, being bound up close (as it was thought) more by the
Duke's
Power than his
Innocency.
And not long after him, whether our
King's care for his
Grand-children, or the hazard and danger of his own
Person at home (being ever full of fears) or his ingagement in a War abroad,
The death of the
King. (being contrary to his very
Nature) or whether his full feeding and continual use of sweet Wines, (which he abundantly affected) set the gross Humors a work, or what other
Accident caused his
Distemper is uncertain; but he fell sick of a
Tertian Ague, which is not dangerous in the
Spring (if we believe the
Proverb) and had some few fits of it. After which he fell into a Feaver, which was too violent for him. A little before his
Death, he called for the
Prince his Son, who rising out of his bed, something before day, and presenting himself before him, the
King rowsed up his
Spirits, and raised himself up as if he meant to speak to him, but
Nature being exhausted he had not
Strength to express his Intentions, but soon after expired, Being upon
Sunday morning, the 27. of
March 1625. at
Theobalds,[Page 286] in the nine and fiftieth year of his
Age, and the two and twentieth year compleat of his
Reign. And was buried at
Westminster,An. Christi. 1625. with great
Solemnity the 7. of
May following.
Not long after our King's
Death (as if the
Time, and
Season, as well as the
Disease,The Death of
Maurice Prince of
Orange 23.
Apr. 1625. were
Epidemical to
Princes) old
Maurice the
Prince of
Orange died; And his
Brother Prince Henry (being made
General of the
States Army) put his
Fortune into an unhappy
Ballance, which lost much of the Weight. For either valuing his
Soldiers lives less than his
Brother, or the loss of so brave a
Town as
Breda more, or thinking to spring up with more
Glory (
Phoenix-like) from the ashes of his
Brothers funerals (being recruited with the
Relicks of
Mansfeldt's
Army) he set upon one of
Spinola's strong Works, at
Terheiden, either to relieve the Town, or beat the
Enemy out of his
Trenches; but he failed in both, and lost many gallant Men (especially
English) in the Enterprise. The Earl of
Oxford having the leading of the
Van (being a man
Corpulent, and heavy) got such a sweltring heat in the service, that though he came off without hurt from the enemy,
The death of the Earl of
Oxford. yet he brought
Death along with him; for he fell sick presently after, went to the
Hague and there dyed. The other two gallant
Collonels, Essex, and
Willoughby, survived to command two
English Armies in a
Civil-War; Essex being
General for the
Paliament, and
Willoughby for the
King, in
Kinton-field in
Warwick-shire; where
Essex remained
Victor, the
King being there in
Person, and leaving him the
Honour of the
Field, his
General Willoughby, then
Earl of
Lindsey, being slain in the
Battel. But there will be a long Tract of
Time, and
Discourse, before these
Armies incounter, being the first
Cloud of that fiery
exhalation, which broke out in the next
King's Reign, and could not be quenched without the
blood of many thousands of the
Nation.
The different Carriage of two Princes of
Orange.But the different
Carriage of these two
Sons of
Mars, the two
Brothers, Maurice, and
Henry, is very observable; Which shall be left to the judgment of the great
Masters in the
Art of
War, whether
Error were the greater (so apt is the under World to spie out great Mens
Errors Maurice, that had a
Powerful Army of the
States, and was reinforced with six thousand
English, gallant, and resolute men, that would have hugg'd a daring
Enterprise, yet durst not incounter
Spinola, when he lay open to his assault, but let him work himself into his
Fastness, and rather bear the burthen in his own
breast than disturb him. Or
Henry, when
Spinola's Works were in full strength, confirmed by time and settled
Order, the opposite to the confused end he aimed at, to throw so brave part of his
Army upon eminent destruction? Or is there not a time and
Period prefixt to earthly things, and the
all-disposing Power to that
End, doth either infatuate or establish
Counsels? This Town
[Page 287] and old
Prince Maurice, as may be said, were lost together.
But
Our King that was very much impatient in his
Health, was patient in his
Sickness, and
Death. Whether he had receibed any thing that extorted his
Aguish Fits into a
Feaver, which might the sooner stupifie the
Spirits,The King patient in sickness. and hasten his end, cannot be asserted; but the
Countess of
Buckingham (who trafficked much with
Mountebanks, and whose
Fame had no great
savour) had been tampering with him, in the absence of the
Docto
[...]s, and had given him a
Medicine to drink, and laid a
Plaster to his side, which the King much complained of, and they did rather exasperate his
Distemper than allay it: and these things were admitted by the insinuating persuasions of the
Duke her Son, who told the King they were appoved Medicines, and would do him much good. And though the
Duke after strove to purge himself for this
Application, as having received both
Medicine and
Plaster, from
Doctor Remington, at
Dunmow in
Essex, who had often cured
Agues, and such
Distempers with the same; yet they were
Arguments of a complicated kind, not easie to unfold; considering that whatsoever he received from the
Doctor in the
Countrey he might apply to the King what he pleased in the
Court; besides the
Act it self (though it had been the best
Medicine in the World) was a
Daring not
justisiable; and some of the
King's
Physicians mutter'd against it, others made a great noise, and were forced to fly for it; and though the still voice was quickly silenced by the
Duke's power, yet the
Clamorous made so deep impressions that his
Innocence could never wear them out. And one of
Buckingham's great provocations was thought to be his fear, that the King being how weary of his too much greatness, and power, would set up
Bristol his deadly enemy against him, to pull him down. And this
Medicine was one of those 13
Articles that after were laid to his
Charge in
Parliament, who may be misinformed, but seldom accuse any upon false
Rumor, or bare
Suggestion; and therefore it will be a hard task for any man to excuse the King his
Successor, for dissolving that
Parliament, to preserve one thar was accused by them for poisoning his
Father.
For
Doctor Lamb,Lamb a Witch. a man of an infamous conversation (having been arraigned for a Witch, and found guilty of it at
Worcester; and arraigned for a
Rape, and found guilty of it at the
Kings-Bench-Bar at
Westminster, yet escaped the stroak of
Iustice for both, by his favour in
Court) was much imployed by the Mother; and the Son, which generally the people took notice of, and were so incensed against
Lamb, that finding him in the
Streets in
London in the year 1628. they ro
[...]e against him, and with stones and slaves knockt out his
Brains, as may be more particularly
[...]elated in its due time.
And besides
Lamb,Butler a
Mountebank. there was one
Butler an
Irishman (which
[Page 288] vaunted himself to be of the house of
Ormond) who was a kind of
Montebank, which the
Duke and his
Mother much consided in. This
Butler was first an
Apprentice to a
Cutler in
London, and before his time expired quitted his
Master, having a running head, and went to the
Barmudoes, where he lived some time, as a Servant in the
Island, and walking by the Sea-side with another of his Companions, they found a great
Mass of
Ambergreece, that the Seas bounty had cast up to them, which they willingly concealed, meaning to make their best Markets of it.
Butler being a subtle
Snap, wrought so with his
Companion, with promises of a share, that he got the possession of it, and in the next
Dutch ship that arrived at the
Barmudoes, he shipt himself and his
Commodities for
Amsterdam, where having sold his
Bargain at a good
Rate, and made his credit with his fellow Venturer cheap enough, ingrossing all to himself, he came into
England, lived in a gallant, and noble
Equipage, kept a great and free
Table, at his lodgings in the
Strand, which were furnished suitable to his
Mind, and had his
Coach with six
Horses, and many footmen attending on him, with as much
State, and
Grandure, as if his
Greatness had been real: But though his means lasted not to support this long, yet it brought him into great acquaintance, and being
Pragmatical in tongue, and having an active pate, he fell to some
Distillations, and other odd extracting practices, which kept him a float, and some men thought he had gotten the (long-dreamed-after)
Philosopher's
Stone; but the best
Recipe which he had, to maintain his
Greatness after his
Amber money fumed and vapoured away, was suspected to come from his friends at
White-Hall; And the
Story of his
Death (if it be true) is one great
Evidence of some secret
Machination, betwixt the
Duke and him, that the
Duke was willing to be rid of him,
For Mischief,
being an ingrosser, is Unsecure,
and Unsatisfyed,
When their Wares are to be vented in many Shops. Therefore he was recommended upon some plausible occasion by the
Duke's means (as same delivered it) to some
Iesuits beyond the
Seas; where he was entertained with a great deal of
specious Ceremony, and
Respect, in one of their
Colledges, or
Cloisters; and at
Night they attending him to his
Chamber with much Civility, the
Chamber being hanged with
Tapestry, and
Tapers burning in stretcht-out
Arms upon the Walls, and when they gave him the
Goodnight, they told him they would send one should direct him to his lodging, and they were no sooner out of this
Room of Death, But the floar that hung upon great
hinges on one side, was let fall by
Artificial Engins, and the poor
Vermin Butler, dropt into a
Precipice, where he was never more heard of. That there are such secret
Inquisition-Conveyances, of a horrid Nature, is obvious, and such close contrivances may fly up and down upon the
[Page 289] Wings of
Rumor, but it is impossible to find out the bottom of such black
Pitfals, but with as much danger as those that find the bitter effects of them. And this was reported to be the end of
Butler.
But to conclude with Our King,
The Description of King
Iames. whom this do concern. He was born a King, and from that heighth, the less fitted to look into inferiour things; yet few escaped his Knowledge, being, as it were a
Magazine to retain them. His
Stature was of the
Middle Size; rather tall than low, well set and somewhat plump, of a ruddy Complexion, his hair of a light brown, in his full perfection, had at last a Tincture of white. If he had any predominant
Humour to ballance his
Choler, it was sanguine, which made his
Mirth Witty. His Beard was scattering on his Chin, and very thin; and though his Clothes were seldom fashioned to the
Vulgar garb, yet in the whole man he was not uncomely. He was a King in understanding, and was content to have his Subjects ignorant in many things. As in curing the
Kings-Evil, which he knew a
Device, to aggrandize the
Virtue of Kings, when
Miracles were in fashion; but he let the World believe it, though he smiled at it, in his own
Reason, finding the strength of the
Imagination a more powerful
Agent in the
Cure, than the
Plasters his
Chirurgions prescribed for the
Sore. It was a hard
Question, whether his Wisdom, and knowledge, exceeded his
Choler, and
Fear; certainly the last couple drew him with most violence, because they were not acquisititious, but
Natural; If he had not had that
Allay, his high touring, and mastering
Reason, had been of a
Rare, and sublimed
Excellency; but these earthy
Dregs kept it down, making his
Passions extend him as far as
Prophaness, that I may not say
Blasphemy, and
Policy superintendent of all his
Actions; which will not last long (like the
violence of that
Humour) for it often makes those that know well, to do ill, and not be able to prevent it.
He had pure
Notions in
Conception, but could bring few of them into Action, though they tended to his own
Preservation: For this was one of his
Apothegms, which he made no timely use of.
Let that Prince, that would beware of Conspiracies, be rather jealous of such, whom his extraordinary favours have advanced, than of those whom his displeasure hath discontented. These want means to execute their Pleasures, but they have means at pleasure to execute their desires, Ambition to rule is more vehement than Malice to revenge. Though the last part of this
Aphorism, he was thought to practice too soon, where there was no cause for prevention, and neglect too late, when time was full ripe to produce the effect.
Some
Parallel'd him to
Tiberius for
Dissimulation, yet Peace was maintained by him as in the Time of
Augustus; And Peace begot
[Page 290] got
Plenty, and
Plenty begot
Ease and
Wantonness, and
Ease and
Wantonness begot
Poetry, and
Poetry swelled to that
bulk in his time, that it begot strange
Monstrous Satyrs, against the King's own person, that haunted both
Court, and
Country, which exprest, would be too bitter to leave a sweet perfume behind him. And though bitter ingredients are good to imbalm and preserve dead
Bodies, yet these were such as might indanger to kill a living name, If
Malice be not brought in with an
Antidote. And the tongues of those times more fluent than my
Pen, made every little
miscarriage (being not able to discover their true Operations, like small seeds hid in earthy
Darkness) grow up, and spread into such exuberant
branches, that evil
Report did often pearch upon them. So dangerous it is for
Princes, by a
Remiss Comportment, to give growth to the least
Error; for it often proves as
fruitful as
Malice can make it.
But alas good King! here was an end of his earthly
Empire, and little did he imagine that the last
Period to great
Britain's Monarchy should not much exceed the time of his own
Reign, and in the true extent come short of it.
HAving now finished (I will not say perfected) my little
Work of this great King, without
prejudice to his
Person, or
Envy to his
Dignity, not having (for filthy
lucre sake) any
Man in
Admiration, and willing to be less than the least in the
Times flatuous
opinion: I hope to free my self from that Rigid, censorious
Humour, that foams in the mouths of such whom the
Venom of
Passion hath corrupted, that I may clear the way the better over the
Precipices, and
prodigious Passages, that will be found in the next King's reign, which to attempt is a
Daring inexpressible. For
History seldom follows
Truth so near the
Heels, where a various, and mixed
multitude, may either pretend to, or really know more, than one man can well
Relate; and where
affection or dislike, to particular men, would willingly cover, or sordidly lay open, those
Blemishes, which may be smear, if not quite deface the living
Character yet imprinted in their
memories. For though they that write near the
Times, are said to write
partially, either for
Fear, or
Friendship; yet they that write
Truth, must either do it from private
Knowledge or publick
Report; and who can know better than they that live near the
Times? according to the
French Proverb; Ce qu'on voit, est plus certain, que ce qu'on oit; and as
Horat. saith,
Oculis potius credendum quàm auribus. The waters are the purest at the
Fountain; they mingle, and gather dross, by running through divers troubled
Chanels. And as everything in a clear
Spring will be perspicuous, so the
soil of
Falshood or
Mistake (if any be cast into it) will be the more visible. But some may retort the
Argument, and say,
In troubled fountains the
Waters are not so pure as they will be when they are further from the
Spring, that time may settle them, and then men will take up that which runs clearest. But
nimium altercando Veritas amittitur, Truth may be lost in a croud. And as all things are not to be spoken, so some things are not to be concealed; for it derogates from the glory of
God to have his
Justice obscured, his remarkable
Dispensations smothered, as if
We were angry with what the
Divne Power hath done, who can debase the
Spirits of
Princes, and is mighty among the Kings of the earth. And though the Priests lips should keep knowledge, yet (as the Prophet
saith) he can make them contemptible and base before all the people. And therefore why should we grudge and repine at
God's Actions? for his thoughts are not as our thoughts, nor his wayes as our wayes. His
Judgments should teach us
Wisdom, and his glorious proceedings
[Page 292] should learn us
Righteousness, that his. Anger may be turned away from us. And let them that stand take heed lest they fall. For though God rewarded
Jehu with the
Kingdom, for the good service he did him, yet because he walked not with him,
God visited the house of
Jehu, and laid the blood of
Jezreel, which he was commanded to shed, upon the head of his
Posterity. But all the
Arguments of
Men and
Angels, will neither penetrate, nor make impression, in some ill-composed
Tempers, till they are softned with the
fire of
Love; and that holy
Flame is best kindled with
Patience, by willingly submitting to the al-disposing
Providence that
orders every thing. Before whose
Altar (waiting for the
Season of
Grace) I will ever bring the best
fruits of my
Labours. But if that which I intend should not come to
Perfection (the day of
man's life being but as a
Dawning, and his time as a
Span) I will never be displeased with my
Master (in long and dangerous
Labours) for calling me away to rest, before my work is done.