THERE is not a Nati [...]n in Europe, that from the Constitution of its Go­vernment might have promis'd it self a more firm and lasting Rep [...]se than England: And yet scarce any Kingdom we know upon Earth has suffered so many and various Convulsions. As if some malevolent. Planet had over-rul'd one of the best of Human Constitutions, and by an unac­countable Fatality had render'd ineffectu­al all the Endeavours of our Ancestors to make themselves and their Posterity [Page 2] happy under a Limited Monarchy. A Mo­narchy, in which the Prerogative of the Prince, and the Liberty of the People are so equally temper'd, that there seems nothing wanting, that may tend to the Happiness of either.

The King of England has the Glory to Rule over a Free People; The Ex­cellency of the En­glish Con­stitution. and the People of England that of being subject to a Monarch, who by the Laws of the Countrey is invested with as much Pow­er and Greatness as a Wise and Beneficent Prince can reasonably wish for. To compleat all, the Crown of England has been for many Ages Hereditary, and fix'd in one Family: The Breaches that have been sometimes made in the imme­diate Line, not at all derogating from the nature of a Successive Monarchy, so long as a due Respect is had to the Blood, and for the most part the next immediate Heir, except only upon great and urgent Difficulties and Emergencies. The Crown being thus Hereditary, it might have reasonably been expected, That we should not only be strangers to the Incon­veniences that arise naturally from Com­petitions in Elective Kingdoms; but that it should be always the Interest of the Prince that's in Possession of the Throne, [Page 3] so to govern his People, as not to put them upon the necessity at any time to break through the Succession, and pass by the next Immediate Heir.

But such is the brittle state of human things, that notwithstanding all the Ad­vantages and Excellencies of the English Constitution, scarce an Age has pass'd without some remarkable Struggle, ei­ther between King and People for Prero­gative and Liberty, or between Competi­tors for the Crown it self.

The Glory of England was arriv'd to a high pitch in the Reign of Queen Eli­zabeth. The Reign of Q. Eliza­beth. Her People liv'd at their Ease, and were happy under her Auspicious Conduct; and her opprest Neighbours felt the benign Influences of her great and bountiful Mind. She it was that made Head against the then Paramount Power of Christendom, and that in both the Old and New Worlds: And it was in a great measure owing to her Conduct and Fortune, that the Spaniard fell short of the Vniversal Monarchy.

To draw a Picture worthy of Queen Elizabeth, Her Ch [...] ­ract [...]. were a Task fit only for the Greatest Masters; since all that ever was Great or Wise in Womankind, did con­tribute to make up her Character. As to [Page 4] her Person, she had but little of a Regu­lar Beauty in her Face; but that was well proportion'd, and in the main very agreeable. Her Mien and Gait were Noble; and in every thing she said or did, there was something of Majesty that st [...]uck more Awe than Love: Tho when she had a mind, she could put on Charms that few were able to resist. In her Features, Person, and Mien, she had more of Henry the Eighth, than of the Unfortunate Anna Bullen, her Mother: But they were his good, and none of his ill Qualities, which she deriv'd from her Father.

Her Youth was a continued Scene of Afflictions; but she was happy in that she suffered one of the greatest, before she was capable of feeling the weight of it; for she was scarce Three Years old, when her Mother was sacrific'd to the Rage and Jealousy of her Husband. And she that had been the Year she was born, declar'd not only Heir Apparent of the Crown, but (which was out of the ordinary Road) Princess of Wales, and that by Act of Parliament, was now by another Act declar'd Illegitimate, and ex­cluded from the Succession.

[Page 5] Notwithstanding this strange Reverse of Fortune, particular Care was taken of her Education, especially by her Bro­ther Edward the Sixth, who lov'd her above all things, and was scarce ever pleas'd but in her Company. Before she was Seventeen Years of Age she under­stood perfectly well the Latin, French, and Italian Tongues; and was so far Mi­stress of the Greek, that she translated in­to Latin Two of Isocrates's Orations; one of which I have seen of her own Hand-writing, corrected by her Tutor but in Three places, whereof one is an Error only in the Orthography. She was indefatigable in the Study of Learning, especially Philosophy, History, Divinity, and Rhetorick; not forgetting both Vo­cal and Instrumental Musick, as far as it might become one of her Quality.

Being thus Learned, it was no wonder she form'd her Tongue and Pen to a pure and elegant way of speaking and writing, and her Mind to the Noblest Notions of Philosophy, and the highest Practice of Virtue.

Her Brother dying, Queen Mary's He­reditary Aversion to her upon the account of their Mothers, broke out with all the marks of Ill-Nature and Revenge. And [Page 6] Philip the Second, who prov'd afterwards her greatest Enemy, was the Person that preserv'd her Life; but it was upon a mere political Design, which, however, miscarried. During all that Reign the Princess Elizabeth was tost from one Con­finement to another; being oblig'd many times to suffer Indignities far unworthy of her Birth; till at last, by the Death of Queen Mary, she was call'd from a Prison to a Throne, at the Age of Twen­ty five Years. Upon receit of the News of her Sister's Death, and that she her self was proclaim'd Queen, it's said she fell down upon her Knees, and after a short silence broke out with these words of the Psalmist, A Domino factum est is [...]ud, & est mirabile in oculis nostris: Which Words she took afterwards for her Motto in some of her Gold Coin.

During all the time of her Reign she would never allow her Title to be deba­ted or reason'd upon, nor so much as ex­plain'd or vindicated. She thought it suf­ficient that she wore the Crown, and was resolv'd, and knew well how to maintain it upon her Head, without the help of Paper-Arguments. She receiv'd with Indignation a Proposition that was made to her, to have her Title asse [...]ted in Par­liament: [Page 7] And scorn'd to Repeal even the Act which declar'd her Illegitimate, and incapable to succeed.

Her Reign was long and glorious, be­ing lov'd of her People, fear'd and ad­mir'd by her Enemies, and attended with constant Success in all her Enterprizes. Never Prince was better serv'd, nor more happy in the choice of her Servants; and no Age can instance such a Set of Able Ministers as she had: Her Court at home was the quiet and happy Seat of the Muses, while her Fleets and Armies abroad gather'd Laurels every where for their Mistress and themselvts.

She had to perfection the Art of plea­sing her Parliament; and she and they never parted in discontent, but with the highest proofs of mutual Confidence. What sort of men they were that compo­sed the House of Commons during her Reign, and of how different a stamp from those in that of her Suc [...]essor, Appendix, Numb. 1. The Cha­racter of the Mem­bers of Parlia­ment in Q. Elizab [...]th's Reign. is best express'd in the words of Sir Robert Nauntwell, Secretary to King Iames, who was a Member of Parliament in both Reigns; which may not be improper to insert in the Appendix.

If Queen Elizabeth can be properly said to have had Favourites, they were [Page 8] chiefly the Earls of Leicester and Essex; but she never fail'd to humble them upon every occasion, where they presum'd too much upon her Favour. The one she recall'd with Ignominy from his Govern­ment of the Vnited Provinces, for beha­ving himself haughtily in his Office: And at another time, upon his threatning Bower the Vsher of the Black Rod, to have him turn'd out of his Place for stopping one of his Retinue at the Queen's Bed-Chamber Door, she told him with a se­vere Frown, accompanied with an Oath, My Lord, I had a mind to do you good, but you must not expect a Monopoly of my Fa­vours: I have other Subjects to show my Bounty to; and I will give and take back again, when, and as often as I please. If you pretend to command here, I'll find ways to humble you. I know of no Master, but I will make you know there is a Mistress. And take care upon your peril, that no hurt be done Bower, for I'll make you answer for him. The Misfortune of the Earl of Essex every body knows: Though other­ways a brave Gentleman, and endow'd with excellent Qualities, yet he valued himself too much upon the Queen's Fa­vour; which together with the Contri­vances of his Enemies hurried him on [Page 9] to Courses that in the end lost him his Head.

A Monarch supported with a Burleigh, a Walsingham, a Salisbury for the Cabinet; a Nottingham, a Drake, a Raleigh for War; with a great many others equally fit for both, could scarce fail of being great and fortunate; nor can any thing reflect more Lustre upon her Wisdom, than her choice of such men.

Walsingham was a Pattern for all Statesmen to copy after. The Cha­racter of Sir Francis Walsing­ham. By his Vigilance and Address he preserv'd his Mistress's Crown and Life from daily Attempts and Conspiracies against her; and by a re­fin'd piece of Policy defeated for a whole Year together, the Measures Spain had taken for fitting out their Armado to In­vade England.

The vast Preparations that were ma­king for a considerable time in Spain, kept all Europe in suspense, and it was not certain against whom they were de­sign'd; though it was the general Opini­on, they were to subdue the Netherlands all at once; which Spain was sensib [...]e could not be done without a greater Force by Sea as well as Land, than had been hitherto employ'd for that Service. Queen Elizabeth thought fit to be upon her [Page 10] Guard, and had some Jealousies that she might be aim'd at; but how to find it out, was the difficulty, which at length Walsingham overcame.

He had Intelligence from Madrid, That Philip had told his Council, that he had dispatch'd an Express to Rome with a Letter writ with his own Hand to the Pope, acquainting him with the true Design of his Preparations, and asking his Blessing upon it; which for some Reasons he would not yet disclose to them, till the return of the Courier. The Secret being thus lodg'd with the Pope, Walsingham by the Means of a Venetian Priest retain'd at Rome as his Spy, got a Copy of the Original Letter, which was stolen out of the Pope's Cabinet by a Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber, who took the Keys out of the Pope's Pocket while he slept. How upon this Intelli­gence Walsingham found a way to retard the Spanish Invasion for a whole Year, by getting the Spanish Bills protested at Ge­noa, which should have supplied them with Money to carry on their Prepara­tions; being properly a Mercantile Af­fair, is needless here to mention.

I shall only give one Instance more of Walsingham's dexterity in employing and [Page 11] instructing his Spies how to get him In­telligence of the most secret Affairs of Princes. The Court of Queen Elizabeth had reason to have an Eye upon the King of Scots, as being the next Heir to the Crown, and who they knew was court­ed with all possible Insinuations into the French Interest. In order to fathom King Iames's Intentions, there was one Wig­more sent to Scotland, who pretending to be disoblig'd in England, fled thither for Protection. Sir Francis Walsingham gives him above Ten Sheets of Paper of In­structions, all writ with his own Hand, which I have read in the Cotton Library, so distinct and so digested, as a Man of far inferior parts to Wigmore could hardly fail to be a Master in his Trade. In these Papers he instructs him how to find out King James' s Natural Temper; his Mo­rals; his Religion; his Opinion of Mar­riage; his Inclinations to Queen Elizabeth, to France, to Spain, to the Hollanders, and in short, to all his Neighbours. He likewise directs him how to behave him­self towards the King, At Table; when a Hunting; upon his receiving good or bad News; at his going to Bed; and indeed in all the Publick and Private Scenes of his Life. Walsingham was not mistaken in [Page 12] his Man; for though there past a con­stant Correspondence betwixt them, Wigmore liv'd in the greatest Favour and Familiarity with King Iames for Nine or Ten Years together, without the least Suspicion of his being a Spy.

Walsingham also laid the Foundation of the Civil Wars in France, and the Low Countries, which put a final stop to the vast Designs of the House of Austria. Upon which occasion he told the Queen at his Return from his Embassy to France, That she had no reason to fear the Spaniard; for though he had a strong Ap­petite, and a good Digestion, he had given him such a Bone to pick, as would take him up Twenty Years at least, and break his Teeth at last: So her Majesty had no more to do, but to throw into the Fire he had kindled, some English Fuel from time to time to keep it burning. This Great Man after all the Services he had perform'd for his Queen and Countrey, gave a remark­able Proof at his Death how far he had pre [...]err'd the Publick Interest to his own; for he died so poor, that his Friends were oblig'd to bury him privately in the Night, for fear his Body should be ar­rested for Debt. A Fault which few Statesmen since his time have been guilty of.

[Page 13] Such Ministers also for Capacity and Application, were Cecil Lord Burleigh, and his Son the Earl of Salisbury, the Inheritor of his Father's great Qualities and Places. How refin'd a Politician he was, and how throughly acquainted with the most secret Designs of Foreign Courts, cannot be better express'd, than in the words of the same Nauntwell; Appendix, Numb. 2. to which the Reader is referr'd.

But to return to Queen Elizabeth: It appears by her whole Conduct she had no Inclination to Marriage, being loth to share her Power with any other. It's true, she seem'd sometimes to give Ear to Propositions that were made her by several Princes; but this was done either to gain time, or manage their Friendship to her own Ends. When the Parliament address'd her to Marry, she handsomly excus'd her self in a Pathetick Speech, concluding with this Expression; To me, said she, it shall be a full satisfaction [...]oth for the Memorial of my Name, and for my Glory also, if when I shall let my last Breath, it be engraven upon my Marble Tomb, Here lies Elizabeth, who reign'd a Virgin, and dy'd one. The whole Speech is of so Noble a Strain, Appendix, Numb. 3. that it deserves a place in the Appendix.

[Page 14] She was very sparing of Honours; in­somuch that Sir Francis Walsingham had been employ'd in several Embassies and other Matters of State for many Years, before she could be prevail'd with to make him a Knight, notwithstanding it appears that he frequently ask'd it, and particu­larly in a Printed Letter of his to Cecil. The Honour of Knighthood, though often prostituted since, was in so great Esteem in her Reign, that a Gentleman of Lincolnshire having rais'd Three hun­dred men for her Service at Tilbury Camp, upon his own Interest, told his Wife at parting, That he hop'd thereby to deserve the Queen's Favour so far, as that she should be a Lady at his Return.

She had a particular Friendship for Henry the Fourth of France; and to her in a great measure he ow'd his Crown. She never laid any thing more to heart than his changing his Religion: And it was a long time before she could be brought to believe it. But when she re­ceiv'd the Account of it from himself, all her Constancy fail'd her; and in the Ago­ny of her Grief, snatching a Pen, she writ him a short Expostulatory Letter, worthy of her self, Appendix, Numb. 4. and of that melan­choly occasion; which is related in the [Page 15] Appendix. This her Grief (says her Historian) she sought to allay by read­ing the Sacred Scriptures, and the Wri­tings of the Fathers, and even the Books of Philosophers; translating about that time for an Amusement, Boethius de Con­solatione Philosophiae, into Elegant Eng­lish.

The only Action that seems to reflect upon her Memory, was the Death of Mary Queen of Scots. The Affair of Mary Stuart, Q. of Scots. There had been an Emulation betwixt them of a long standing, occasioned at first by the lat­ter's assuming the Arms and Title of Queen of England; which it's no won­der Queen Elizabeth highly resented. A great many other Accidents did contri­bute to alienate their Affections. But when it fell out that every day produc'd some new Conspiracy against the Life of Queen Elizabeth, and that in most of them the Queen of Scots was concern'd either as a Party, or the Occasion; Queen Elizabeth was put upon a fatal Necessity of either taking off the Queen of Scots, or exposing her own Person to the fre­quent Attempts of her Enemies. With what Reluctancy Queen Elizabeth was brought to consent to her Death, and how she was deceiv'd at last in Signing [Page 16] the Warrant for her Execution, by the over diligence of her Secretary and Privy-Council, Cambden. her Celebrated Historian has given us a very full and impartial Ac­count.

Yet Queen Elizabeth is not altogether excusable in this matter; for Queen Mary came into England upon a Promise made her long before. Queen Elizabeth sent her once a Ring, and at the same time a Message, That if at any time she wanted her Protection, she might be as­sured of it; and the Token betwixt them was Queen Mary's sending her back the same Ring. That Unfortunate Princess seeing her Affairs desperate in Scotland, dispatch'd a Letter to Queen Elizabeth with the Ring, to put her in mind of her Promise; but without waiting for an Answer, she came into England the very next day. They were both to be pitied, the one for her Sufferings, and the other for being the Cause of them: And I have seen several Letters in the Cotton-Library, of Queen Mary's Hand, to Queen Eliza­beth, writ in the most moving Strain that could be; most of them in French, be­ing the Language she did generally write in. There was one particularly, where­in she tells her, That her long Imprison­ment [Page 17] had brought her to a Dropsical Swelling in her Legs, and other Diseases that for the Honour of her Sex she [...]orbears to commit to Paper: And concludes thus, Your most Affectionate Sister and Cousin; and the most miserable Princess that ever wore a Crown. When such Letters as these had no influence upon Queen Elizabeth, it may reasonably be concluded, That no­thing but Self-Preservation could oblige her to carry her Resentments so far as she did.

To sum up the Character of this Re­nowned Queen in a few words: She found the Kingdom at her coming to the Throne, in a most afflicted condition, em­broil'd on the one side with a Scotch, and on the other with a French War; the Crown overcharg'd with her Father's and Brother's Debts; its Treasure exhausted, the People distracted with different Opinions in Reli­gion; her self without Friends, with a con­troverted Title, and strengthen'd with no Alliance abroad. After one of the longest Reigns that ever was, she died in Peace, leaving her Countrey Potent at Sea, and Rich in People and Trade; her Father's and her Brother's Debts paid; the Crown without any Incumbrance; a great Treasure in the Exchequer; the Coin brought to a [Page 18] true Standard; Religion settled upon a re­gular and lasting Basis; her self having been admir'd and fear'd by all her Neigh­bouring Princes, and her Friendship courted by Monarchs that had scarce ever before any further knowledge of England, but the Name. So that her Successor had good reason to say of her, That she was one who in Wisdom and Felicity of Government sur­pass'd all Princes since the days of Au­gustus.

After all, To the Reproach of those she had made great and happy, she was but ill attended in her last Sickness; and near her Death, forsaken by all but three or four Persons; every body making haste to adore the Rising Sun.

With Queen Elizabeth dy'd in a great part the Glory and Fortune of the Eng­lish Nation; and the succeeding Reigns serv'd only to render hers the more Ilu­strious. As she was far from invading the Liberties of her Subjects, so she was careful to maintain and preserve her own just Prerogative; nor did ever any Prince that sat upon the English Throne carry the true and essential parts of Royalty further: But at the same time the whole Conduct of her Life plac'd her beyond the Suspicion of ever having sought [Page 19] Greatness for any other end, than to make her People share with her in it.

It was not so with the Prince that suc­ceeded her. The Reign of K. Iames. He was the more fond of Prerogative, because he had been kept short of it in his Native Country. He grasp'd at an Immoderate Power, but with an ill Grace; and if we believe the Hi­storians of that time, with a design to make his People little. If so, he had his Wish; for from his first Accession to the Crown, the Reputation of England began sensibly to sink; and Two King­doms which, disunited, had made each of them apart a considerable Figure in the World, now when united under one King, fell short of the Reputation which the least of them had in former Ages.

The latter Years of King Iames fill'd our Annals with little else but Misfor­tunes at home and abroad. The Loss of the Palatinate, and the Ruin of the Pro­testants in Bohemia through his Negli­gence; the Trick that was put upon him by the House of Austria in the business of the Spanish Match; and the continued Struggle betwixt him and his Parliament about Redress of Grievances, were things that help'd on to lessen his Credit abroad, [Page 20] and imbitter the Minds of his Subjects at home.

Repenting of these unlucky Measures too late, King Iames went off the State, not much lamented; and left in Legacy to his Son, a discontented People; an unnecessary, expensive War; an incumbred Revenue, and an exhausted Treasury; to­gether with the Charge of his Grand­children by the Queen of Bohemia, that were now divested of a large Patrimony, deriv'd to them by a long Series of Illu­strious Ancestors. In fine, he entail'd upon his Son all the Miseries that befel him; and left in the minds of his Sub­jects those Sparks of Discontent, that broke out some Years after into a Flame of Civil War, which ended in the Ruin of King Charles, and of the Monarchy with him.

This Prince, His Cha­racter. though his Father and Mother were esteemed the Handsomest Couple of the Age they liv'd in, was himself but a Homely Person, nor in any of his Features was to be found the least Resemblance of the Beautiful Mary Stu­art, or Lord Darnly. No Prince had a more Liberal Education: And it could not well be otherwise, having the Cele­brated Buchanan for his Tutor. He was [Page 21] acquainted with most parts of Learning, but valued himself upon his Knowledge in Divinity above the rest; in which he writ some things that were much esteem'd at that time. He writ and spoke well, but in a Stile that border'd too much upon Pedantry, which was in­deed the common Fault of that Age.

As to his Religion, notwithstanding all his Advances to the Pope and Papists upon the account, first of the Spanish, and afterwards the French Match, he was really Calvinist in most Points, but that of Church-Government, witness some of his Books, and his Zeal for the Synod of Dort. But as to Episcopacy, he shew'd so much Learning and Reading in his Arguments for it at the Conference of Hampton-Court, that Archbishop Whit­gift said, He was verily persuaded the King spake by the Spirit of God.

Notwithstanding his Mother was de­thron'd to make room for him, and con­sequently he could have no Right, but the Consent of the People while she liv'd; yet upon all occasions he was fond of being thought to have a Divine Right to the Crown. His Courage was much suspected; and some would ascribe his want of it to the Fright his Mother was [Page 22] in upon the Death of David Rizio. The Troubles of his Youth were various, oc­casion'd chiefly by Factions of Great Men that strove who should have the Manage­ment of him: But when he came of Age he sought all occasions to be reveng'd upon such of them as were living, and the Posterity of those that were dead. Goury's Conspiracy being in it self so im­probable a thing, and attended with so many inconsistent Circumstances, was disbeliev'd at the time it was said to have been attempted: And Posterity has swal­low'd down for a Truth, what their An­cestors took for a mere Fiction.

He came to the Crown of England by Lineal Descent, and the Verbal Designa­tion of Queen Elizabeth upon her Death­bed. And the Conspiracy wherewith Cobham and Sir Walter Raleigh were char­ged to set him by the English Throne, was no less Mystery than that of Goury's had been before. The only uncontro­verted Treason that happen'd in his Reign, was the Gunpowder Plot; The Gun­powder Plot. and yet the Letter to the Lord Mounteagle, that pretended to discover it, was but a Contrivance of his own; the thing be­ing discover'd to him before, by Henry the Fourth of France, through the means [Page 23] of Monsieur de Rhony, after Duke of Sully. King Henry paid dear for his Friendship to King Iames; and there is reason to believe that it was upon this account, among others, that a Party of the Church of Rome employ'd Ravillac to murther that Great Man.

King Iames was equally happy and unhappy in every one of his Children. The Cha­racter of Pr. Henry. Prince Henry was the Darling of Man­kind, and a Youth of vast Hopes, and wonderful Virtues; but was too soon Man, to be long-liv'd. The Duke of Sully being in England, to congratulate King Iames upon his Accession to the Crown, laid the Foundation of a strict Friendship betwixt his Master and Prince Henry; which was afterwards carried on by Letters and Messages, till the Death of that King. Though it's a Se­cret to this day what was the real Design of all those vast Preparations that were made by Henry the Fourth for some time before his Death; yet certain it is, those Preparations were such as kept all Europe in suspense: And I have seen some Papers that make it more than probable, that Prince Henry was not only acquainted with the Secret, but was engag'd in the Design. But whatever it was, it prov'd [Page 24] abortive, by the Murther of that Excel­lent King just at the time when it was to have been declar'd, his Army being ready to march. Prince Henry surviv'd him but two years, and dy'd universally la­mented. The World is very often wil­ling to attribute the Untimely Death of Princes to unfair Practices; and it was the general Rumour at that time, that this Prince was poison'd. Whatever was in it, there is yet in Print a Sermon preach'd at St. Iames's upon the Dissolu­tion of his Family, that boldly insinua­ted some such thing: And also Sir Francis Bacon, Lord Chancellor of England, in his Speech at the Trial of the Earl of Somerset, had some Reflections upon the Intimacy of that Lord with Sir Thomas Overbury, which seem to point that way; insomuch that there were several Expres­sions left out of the printed Copy, that were in the Speech. But after all, there is an Account in Print of what was ob­servable upon the Opening of Prince Henry's Body, under the Hand of Sir Theodore Mayerne, and Five other Physicians, Appendix, Numb. 5. from which there can be no Inference drawn, that he was poyson'd.

[Page 25] The Second of King Iames's Children was the Princess Elizabeth, Of Queen of Bohemia. married to the Elector Palatine, who was afterwards to his Ruin elected King of Bohemia. It is hard to say whether the Virtues of this Lady, or her Misfortunes were greater; for as she was one of the best of Women, she may be likewise reckon'd in the number of the most unfortunate. King Iames thought to retrieve his Son-in-law's lost Fortune by the way of Treaty; but in that, and in every thing else, the House of Austria outwitted him; so that the poor Prince Palatine gain'd nothing by his Alliance with England, but the hard Fate to be abandon'd by those whose Ho­nour and Interest it was to support him. Nor had the Crown of England any share in the Honour of re-establishing the Pa­latine Family, which happen'd Thirty Years after; for at the time of the Trea­ty of Munster, when that matter was set­led, King Charles the First was so far from being in a condition to mediate for his Friends, that he was himself a Priso­ner to those very Enemies that in a few Months after the signing of that Treaty, took his Life. Of whom, being the Youngest of King Iames's Children, and of his Misfortunes, there will be too [Page 26] much occasion to speak in the following Sheets.

But to return to King Iames; as he was equally happy and unhappy in his Children▪ he was for the most part un­happy in his Favourites; being oblig'd to abandon one upon the account of Over­bury's Murther; and coming to hate ano­ther the latter part of his Life as much as he had ever lov'd him before.

In order to obtain of the Emperor the Restoration of his Son-in-Law, The Spa­nish Match. he was wheedled into that Inglorious Counsel of sending the Prince into Spain for a Match that was either never design'd him, or too late: And it was more owing to Phi­lip the Third's Generosity, than to King Iames's Politicks, that he ever saw Eng­land again. To this Friendship with Spain he sacrific'd his own Honour, with the Life of that Excellent Person, Sir Wal­ter Releigh. This Gentleman, after Four­teen Years Imprisonment in the Tower, upon the account of a Mysterious Trea­son, during which time he did oblige the World with one of the best Histories that ever was writ, came to be set at li­berty, and was sent with an ample Com­mission, which was judg'd by Lawyers equivalent to a Pardon, to discover and [Page 27] take possession of new Countries and Mines in America. He gave King Iames the Plan of his Design, and of the Place he was to land at; which prov'd the Ruin of that Enterprize; for before he could get ready to sail from England, the Court of Spain had a Copy of it; which Sir Walter Raleigh found to his sad Expe­rience was got to America before him, and had thereby enabled the Spaniards to baffle the Attempt. At his return, to please the Spanish Ambassador, who had got a mighty Ascendent over King Iames, this last of Queen Elizabeth's Favourites lost his Head upon the former Sentence of Treason, there being no other way to reach it.

All our Histories have mention'd at large the business of the Spanish Match; K. Iames's Conduct in the bu­siness of the Pala­tinate. but few, or none, King Iames's Conduct in that of the Palatinate; which can hardly be express'd under a softer name than one continued Infatuation on his part. The Account of this Matter is writ with the greatest Exactness, though as favou­rably for King Iames as was possible, by the Learned Spanhemius in his History of Lowyse Iuliane Electrice Palatine, Daugh­ter of William Prince of Orange, and Mo­ther to the King of Bohemia, who out­liv'd [Page 28] her Son, and was one of the greatest Paterns of Virtue that any Age has pro­duc'd. Referring the Reader to the Book it self, I shall only mention a few things out of it.

To make this Book and the matter of the Palatinate better understood, it's to be remembred, That the Elector after his Marriage with King Iames's Daughter, was elected King of Bohemia, as the most powerful Prince, at that time, of the Empire, to oppose the House of Austria, and protect the Liberty of that Kingdom. He was scarce Crown'd, but he lost both his New Kingdom, and his Ancient In­heritance of the Palatinate, by the Battel of Prague, where his Army was entire­ly defeated, and he himself forc'd to fly, leaving Bohemia and the Palatinate both, a Prey to the Emperor.

Though the Parliament of England was zealous to restore the Palatine Fa­mily by Force of Arms, as the most ef­fectual means to do it, and had offer'd great Supplies to that purpose; yet King Iames was so lull'd asleep with the Insi­nuations of Gundamor, the Spanish Am­bassador, that he could be brought to no other Methods but those of Treaty. While he was sending one Embassy after [Page 29] another to Vienna and Brussels, the poor King of Bohemia seeing how little was to be expected from them, ventur'd to try his Fortune once more in the Palati­nate; and with the Assistance of Count Mansfield and the Duke of Brunswick, beat the Imperialists in several Rencoun­ters, and repossess'd himself of several Towns. But when he was in a fair way to be Master of the Whole, he was obli­ged to retire, and disband his Army, merely to please King Iames, who was possess'd of this wild Notion, That to lay down his Arms, was the only way to get good Terms from the Emperor. Upon which a Treaty was set a foot at Brussels, where King Iames consented by way of Preliminary, That his Son-in-Law should not only wave the Title of the King of Bohemia, but that of Elector Palatine, which had not hitherto been question'd, and which the poor Prince was forc'd to comply with.

This Treaty, after a great many other Mortifications put upon the Palatine Fa­mily, and upon K. Iames himself, was by a Contrivance of the Emperor transferr'd to Ratisbon, and came to nothing at last, as all the other Treaties had done. But while the Imperialists were thus amusing [Page 30] King Iames with Terms of Accommoda­tion, and that the King of Bohemia had disarm'd himself to please his Father-in-Law, Heidleburgh, and all the other pla­ces he had recover'd before, together with the rest of the Palatinate, were all seiz'd by the Emperor, except only Fran­kendale, which continued to make a vigo­rous Resistance. It would look like a Dream, to imagine that King Iames should oblige his Son-in-Law to quit this place also, the only one left him of his whole Countrey, and that as the only effectual way to get back all the rest: Yet it's true he did so, and that at the very time that the Emperor had actually transferr'd the Electoral Dignity from the Palatine Fa­mily to the House of Bavaria.

For Frankendale being a Town then of great Strength, The busi­ness of Franken­dale. and the Spaniards lying expos'd to the daily Excursions of its Ga­rison, they found a way to trick King Iames out of it in this manner. Gundo­mar represents to him, That it being the only place left in the Palatinate, it could not hold out much longer; and that there was but one way to save it for his Son-in-Law, which was, To put it into the hands of the Governor of Flanders for some time, till things might be brought [Page 31] to an Accommodation by the Treaty then on foot; and if there should happen any Interruption in it, then the Town should be render'd back to King Iames, for the use of his Son-in-Law, in the same Con­dition, together with a free Passage for Fifteen hundred Foot, and Two hun­dred Horse, to take possession of it, and Six Months Provisions.

King Iames being willing to do any thing, rather than break with Spain, agreed to this strange Proposition, and Frankendale was deliver'd up to the Go­vernor of Flanders for Fifteen Months under these Conditions. But the Treaty being once more broke off, and the time elaps'd, when King Iames demanded that Frankendale should be restor'd, it was told him, That he might have the Town, but by the Terms of the Agreement he was to have a Passage for his Troops through the Spanish Low-Countries; but that there was no Article, That he should have a Passage through any other Places that were in their possession in Germany. And thus King Iames was once more egregiously impos [...]d upon, for there was no way to come at the Town, but through Parts of Germany that were in the hands of Spain; and so the Spa­niards [Page 32] continued Masters of Franken­dale.

When several other Princes were some time after upon entring into a League for Restitution of the Palatinate, and the House of Austria was beginning to doubt the Success, Gundomar play'd another En­gine to break their Measures, by propo­sing a Match with the Infanta of Spain, for the Prince of Wales, as the easiest and surest way to restore the Palatine Fa­mily; which like all the rest, was only to amuse King Iames, and was equally unsuccessful.

It were too long to give the Detail of King Iames's Conduct in this Affair, which was all of a piece. The Author sums up the ills that attended it, in this, That thereby the Protestant Religion was entirely rooted out of Bohemia, the Ele­ctoral Dignity transferr'd from the Pala­tine Family, the Palatinate it self lost, the Liberty of Germany overthrown; and which he mentions with a sensible Re­gret, the famous Library of Heidelburgh was carried to Rome, to the irreparable Prejudice of Learning.

So that Gundomar had good reason to say, in one of his Letters to the Duke of Lerma, printed in the History of that [Page 33] Duke's Life, That he had lull'd King James so fast asleep, that he hop'd neither the Cries of his Daughter nor her Children, nor the repeated Sollicitations of his Par­liament and Subjects in their behalf, should be able to awaken him.

There are two Passages more very ob­servable in this Author. The Court of Spain finding King Iames had broke off the Spanish Match, and was brought to see how egregiously he had been abus'd in it; they ventur'd upon a bold Attempt to trouble his Affairs, by whispering in his Ears some things to make him jealous of his Son; And that a good while after, when King Charles and his Parliament were entring upon vigorous Measures to espouse the Palatine Cause, they found ways to sow Divisions between him and his People, that in progress of time broke out into a Civil War. The latter needs no Commentary; and the former is suf­ficiently explain'd, Hacket's Life of B [...] William, by what a late Author has writ in the Life of Bishop Williams, concerning that Prelate's being instru­mental in making up some secret differen­ces betwixt King Iames and his Son the Prince of Wales, a little before King Iames's Death. Spanhemius sums up what relates to this Affair, with this Remark, [Page 34] That never Prince was more oblig'd to a Si­ster, than King Charles the First was to the Queen of Bohemia; since it was only the Consideration of her and her Children, who were then the next Heirs to the Crown of England, that prevail'd with the Court of Spain to permit him to see England again.

As in most Foreign Transactions King Iames was unhappy; In the In­terdict of Venice. so more particular­ly in the difference between Pope Paul V. and the Venetians. There appear'd at that time a wonderful Disposition in that State to work a Reformation in the Church, and throw off the Papal Yoke. In order to advance it, King Iames dis­patch'd Sir Henry Wotton his Ambassador to Venice; and hearing that Spain had declar'd for the Pope, he declar'd for the Venetians; and acquainted Iustiniani, their Ambassador in England, That he would not only assist Them with all the Forces of his Kingdom, but engage all his Allies in their Defence. At Sir Henry Wotton's Arrival, the Breach between the Pope and the Republick was brought very near a Crisis; so that a total Separa­tion was expected not only from the Court, but the Church of Rome; which was set on by the Learned Padre Paulo, [Page 35] and the Seven Divines of the State, with much Zeal, and conducted with as great Prudence. The Ambassador at his Au­dience offer'd all possible Assistance in his Master's Name, and accus'd the Pope and Papacy of being the chief Authors of all the Mischiefs in Christendom. This was receiv'd with great Deference and Respect to King Iames: And when the Pope's Nuncio objected, That King Iames was not a Catholick, and so was not to be rely'd upon; the Doge took him up briskly, and told him, That the King of England believ'd in Iesus Christ, but he did not know in whom some others be­liev'd.

King Iames had sent with Wotton his Premonition to all Christian Princes and States, translated into Latin, to be pre­sented to the Senate; which Padre Paulo and the other Divines press'd might be done at his first Audience; telling him; they were confident it would have a very good effect. The Ambassador could not be prevail'd with; alledging he had posi­tive Orders to wait till St. Iames's Day, which was not far off. This Conceit of presenting K. Iames's Book on St. Iames's Day, spoil'd all; for before that day came, the Difference was made up, and that [Page 36] happy Opportunity lost. So that when he had his Audience on St. Iames's Day, and had presented the Book, all the An­swer he got, was, That they thank'd the King of England for his good will, but they were now reconcil'd to the Pope, and that therefore they were resolv'd not to ad­mit of any Change in their Religion, ac­cording to their Agreement with the Court of Rome. How little Reputation he acquir'd in the Matter of the Venetian In­terdict, appears yet more plainly in this, That in all the numerous Collections we have of Letters that pass'd on that Sub­ject between the Cardinals of Ioyeuse and Perron, the Marquis de Fresnes and Henry IV. there is not the least notice taken of King Iames or his Embassy.

To have done with King Iames; it was said, That he divided his time be­twixt his Standish, his Bottle, and his Hunting. The last had his fair Weather, the two former his dull and cloudy; and therefore that it was no wonder his Wri­tings were so variable; and that after he had pleaded for Witchcraft, and the Pope's being Antichrist, Somerset's Affair and the Spanish Match cur'd him of both. After having enjoy'd for the most part of his Life a firm Health, he died of a [Page 37] Quartan Ague, in the Fifty ninth Year of his Age, and with such suspicious Cir­cumstances, as gave occasion of Enqui­ry into the manner of his Death, in the two first Parliaments that were call'd by his Son; all which came to nothing, by reason of their sudden Dissolutions.

King Charles the First came to the Crown under all the Disadvantages that have been mention'd; The Reign of King Charl [...]s I. and yet the Nation might have hop'd that their Condition would be mended under a Prince of so much Virtue, as indeed he was, if the Seeds of Discontent which were sown in his Father's time, had not every day ta­ken deeper Root, and acquir'd new Growth, through the Ill Management of his Ministers, rather than any Wilful Errors of his own.

Some of them drove so fast, that it was no wonder the Wheels and Chariot broke: And it was in great part to the indiscreet Zeal of a Mitred Head, that had got an Ascendant over his Master's Conscience and Counsels, that both the Monarchy and Hierarchy ow'd afterwards their Fall. The Divi­sion be­twixt Archbi­shop Abbo [...] and Bishop Laud.

To trace this matter a little higher; there arose in the preceding Reign two opposite Parties in the Church, which [Page 38] became now more than ever exasperated against each other; the one headed by Archbishop Abbot, and the other by Bishop Laud. Abbot was a Person of wonderful Temper and Moderation; and in all his Conduct shew'd an unwillingness to stretch the Act of Vniformity beyond what was absolutely necessary for the Peace of the Church; or the Prerogative of the Crown, any further than conduc'd to the good of the State. Being not well turn'd for a Court, though other­wise of considerable Learning, and Gen­tile Education, he either could not, or would not stoop to the Humour of the Times; and now and then by an unsea­sonable Stiffness, gave occasion to his Ene­mies to represent him as not well-inclin'd to the Prerogative, or too much addicted to a Popular Interest, and therefore not fit to be employ'd in Matters of Govern­ment. Upon the other hand, Bishop Laud, as he was a Man of greater Learning, and yet greater Ambition and Natural Parts, so he understood nicely the Art of pleasing a Court; and finding no surer way to raise himself to the first Dignitices of the Church, than by acting a quite contrary part to that of Archbi­shop Abbot, he went into every thing [Page 39] that seem'd to favour the Prerogative of the Crown, or enforce an Absolute Obe­dience upon the Subject.

The King's urgent Necessities, and the backwardness of the Parliament to supply them, had forc'd him upon un­warrantable Methods of raising Money; and the readiness the Roman-Catholicks express'd to assist him in his Wants, did beget in him at first a Tenderness towards them, and afterwards a Trust and Con­fidence in them; which was unhappily mistaken by his other Subjects, as if he inclin'd to their Religion.

Among other means of raising Money, that of Loan was fallen upon; which met with great difficulties, and was ge­nerally taken to be illegal. One Sibthorp, an obscure Person, in a Sermon preach'd at the Assizes at Northampton, would make his Court by asserting not only the Lawfulness of this way of imposing Money by Loan, but that it was the in­dispensible Duty of the Subject to comply with it. At the same time Dr. Manwa­ring, another Divine, preach'd two Ser­mons before the King at Whitehall, in which he advanc'd these Doctrines, viz. That the King is not bound to observe the Laws of the Realm, concerning the Subjects [Page 40] Rights and Liberties; but that his Royal Word and Command in imposing Loans and Taxes without Consent of Parliament, does oblige the Subject's Conscience, upon pain of eternal Damnation. That those who refus'd to pay this Loan, did offend against the Law of God, and became guilty of Impiety, Disloyalty, and Rebellion. And that the Authority of Parliaments is not necessary for raising of Aids and Subsidies.

Every body knew Abbot was averse to such Doctrines: And to seek an advan­tage against him, Sibthorp's Sermon, with a Dedication to the King, was sent him by Order of his Majesty to License. Abbot refus'd, and gave his Reasons in writing; which Bishop Laud answer'd, and with his own hand Licens'd both Sibthorp's and Manwaring's Sermons. Up­on this Archbishop Abbot was confin'd to his Countrey-House, and suspended from his Function; the Administration of which was committed to Bishop Laud, and some others of his Recommenda­tion.

Archbishop Abbot died in disgrace, and was succeeded in the See of Canterbury by Bishop Laud; while in the mean time things went on from bad to worse, and hasten'd to a Crisis. The two first Par­liaments [Page 41] King Charles had call'd, pressing him hard for Redress of Grievances, and pushing on the Resentments begun in the preceding Reign, he was prevail'd with not only to dissolve them, but to leave the Nation without Parliaments for Twelve Years together; and all this contrary to the Advice of some of the best and wisest men about him; who foresaw the ill consequences that might follow, if ever any unlucky Iuncture of Affairs should necessitate him to call one.

Such a Iuncture fell out, The Rise of King Charles's Troubles. and the worst that could be; the manner thus: The Scots had been of a long time sowr'd by the Encroachments they said were made upon their Rights and Liberties, and par­ticularly in the matter of Church-Govern­ment. Archbishop Laud's Zeal for an Vniformity between the two Nations in point of Liturgy, prov'd the fatal Torch that put the Two Kingdoms into a flame. And it was the sooner kindled, there being so much Fuel laid up for many Years, that the least Spark was enough to set fire to the Pile.

In the Year 1637. The Scotch. Troubles. the Scots had not only in a Tumultuous manner refus'd the Liturgy that was sent them from England, [Page 42] of Archbishop Laud's composing; but had afterwards assum'd to themselves the Liberty and Power of holding a General Assembly of their Church, and in it to abolish Episcopacy, and do several other things that were judg'd inconsistent with the Duty of Subjects. Upon which they were declar'd Rebels; and King Charles thought his Honour was concern'd to re­duce them to Obedience by the Sword.

Instead of venturing to call a Parlia­ment, to enable him to prosecute this Design, he was necessitated to levy Mo­ney another way. Great Sums were rais'd by Loan and Benevolence, to which the Roman Catholicks and the Clergy of Laud's Faction contributed most. The King thus supplied, march'd to the North with a Gallant Army; and the Scots came as far as the Borders in a posture of Defence. To prevent matters coming to extremity, the Scots presented his Ma­jesty with their humble Supplication and Remonstrance, setting forth their inviola­ble Fidelity to the Crown; and that they desir'd nothing more, but the peaceable en­joyment of their Religion and Liberties; and that all things may be determin'd and settled by a Free Parliament, and General Assembly. At length, through the Inter­cession [Page 43] of the Moderate Party about the King, and some of the highest Rank in both Kingdoms, his Majesty was plea'd to comply with the desires of the Scots, by a solemn Pacification, sign'd in view of both Armies near Berwick, in Iune 1638.

This Treaty was but short-liv'd, and but ill observ'd on either side. The same men that counsell'd the King to the first, push'd him on to a second War against the Scots. Parliaments had been now discontinu'd for some Years together, and there appear'd no great Inclination in the King to call any more, if this emer­gent occasion had not fallen out. But his pressing Necessities, and this new War, oblig'd him once more to try the Affections of his People in a Parliamen­tary way.

Accordingly a Parliament meets in April, 1640. at the opening of which the King acquainted them with the Af­fronts he had receiv'd from the Scots, and demanded a Supply to reduce them to their Duty by force of Arms. Both Houses show'd a Willingness to relieve the King's Wants, and offer'd him a considerable Supply; but with this Condition, That their Grievances may be first redress'd; which had swell'd up to a considerable [Page 44] Bulk since the last Dissolution. Not only so, but the Scots had Friends enough in the Parliament to hinder any great matter to be done against them; and the greater part both of Lords and Commons were but little inclin'd to a War of Archbishop Laud's kindling.

The King being thus disappointed, dissolv'd this Parliament as he had done the rest, when they had scarce sat a Month; and made what shifts he could to raise a new Army against the Scots. They upon the other hand being resolv'd not to be behind in their Preparations, enter'd into England with a numerous Army, compos'd for the most part of Veteran Officers and Troops, that had serv'd in Germany under Gustavus Adol­phus, and taking Berwick and Newcastle, push'd their way as far as Durham.

King Charles came in Person to York, and there found himself inviron'd with perplexing Difficulties on all hands: The Nobility and Gentry that attended him, express'd on all occasions their dislike of the Cause, and the War they were en­gag'd in: The Scots stood firm to their ground, being flesh'd with Success: And the King was follow'd from the South with Petitions from the City of London, [Page 45] from several Counties, and from a consi­derable Number of Lords, desiring him to call a Parliament, as the only effectual Means to quiet the Minds of the People, and compose the present War without Bloodshed.

To extricate himself out of this La­byrinth, King Charles summon'd the Great Council of Peers to meet at York, to consult what was fit to be done in this Juncture; who advis'd him unanimously to enter into a Treaty with the Scots at Rippon, and to summon a Parliament to meet at Westminster; with both which Advices the King comply'd, and imme­diately issu'd out Writs for a Parliament to sit down in November, 1640. and ad­journ'd the Treaty with the Scots to London.

No Age ever produc'd Greater Men than those that sat in this Parliament: They had sufficient Abilities and Incli­nations to have render'd the [...]ing and their Countrey happy, if England had not been through a Chain of concurring Accidents ripen'd for destruction.

At their sitting down, The Par­liament, 1641. a Scene of Grie­vances under which the Nation had long groan'd, was laid open, and all Topicks made use of to paint them out in liveliest [Page 46] Colours. The many Cruelties and Ille­gal Practices of the Star-Chamber, and High-Comission-Court, that had alienated Peoples Minds from the Hierarchy, were now insisted on to throw down those two Arbitrary Tribunals, and with them in some time after, the Bishops out of the House of Peers, and at length Episco­pacy it self out of the Church. It was not a few of either House, but indeed all the Great Patriots, that concurr'd at first to make Enquiry into the Grievances of this Reign. Sir Edward Hyde, afterwards Earl of Clarendon, and Lord Chancellor of England; the Lord Digby; the Lord Falkland; the Lord Capell; Mr. Grim­stone, who was chosen afterwards Speaker of the House of Commons that brought in King Charles the Second, and was Master of the Rolls; Mr. Hollis, since Lord Hollis; all which suffer'd afterwards on the King's side; and, in general, most of those that took the King's part in the succeeding War, were the Men that ap­pear'd with the greatest Zeal for the Re­dress of Grievances, and made the sharp­est Speeches upon those Subjects. The Intentions of those Gentlemen were cer­tainly Noble and Just, and tended to the equal advantage of King and People: [Page 47] But the Fate of England urg'd on its own Ruin step by step, till an open Rupture between the King and Parliament made the Gap too wide ever to be made up again.

Sir Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Straf­ford, and Dr. Laud, Archbishop of Can­terbury, had too great a share in the Mi­nistry, to escape being Censur'd; and they were the first that felt the effects of a Popular Hatred. These two Gentle­men, and Iames Duke of Hamilton, first advis'd King Charles to call this Parlia­ment; and all Three fell by it, though not at the same time.

The Earl of Strafford was a Gentleman of extraordinary Parts, The Fall and Chara­cter of the Earl of Strafford. a great Orator, and yet a greater Statesman: He made a considerable Figure in the first Three Parliaments of King Charles; and no man appear'd with greater Zeal against Ship­money, Tunnage and Poundage, and other Taxes illegally impos'd upon the Subject. The Court bought him off, and preferr'd him to great Honours and Places, which lost him his former Friends, and made the Breach irreconcilable. There had been a long and intimate Friendship be­twixt Mr. Pym and him, and they had gone hand in hand in every thing in the [Page 48] House of Commons. But when Sir Tho­mas Wentworth was upon making his Peace with the Court, he sent to Pym to meet him alone at Greenwich; where he began in a set Speech to sound Mr. Pym about the Dangers they were like to run by the Courses they were in; and what Advantages they might have, if they would but listen to some Offers would probably be made them from the Court. Pym understanding his drift, stopt him short with this expression, You need not use all this Art to tell me that you have a mind to leave us: But remember what I tell you, You are going to be undone. But remember, That though you leave us now, I will never leave you while your Head is upon your Shoulders. He was as good as his word, for it was Pym that first ac­cus'd him of High Treason in the House of Commons, he carried up his Impeach­ment to the House of Lords, and was the chief Manager of his Tryal, and Bill of Attainder.

There never was a more solemn Trial than that of the Earl of Strafford, whe­ther we consider the Accusers, or the Per­son accus'd; the Accusation, or the Defence. As in every thing else, so in this more particularly, he express'd a wonderful [Page 49] Presence of Mind, and a vast Compass of Thought, with such nervous and mo­ving Flights of Eloquence, as came no­thing short of the most celebrated Pieces of Antiquity. This did manifestly ap­pear from his summing up the long An­swer he made ex tempore to every one of the Articles against him, with this Pa­thetick Conclusion: My Lords, said he, I have troubled you longer than I should have done, were it not for the Interest of these dear Pledges a Saint in Heaven hath left me. At this word he stopt, pointing to his Children, that stood by him, and dropt some Tears; then went on, What I for­feit for my self in nothing; but that my Indiscretion should extend to my Posterity, woundeth me to the very Soul. You will pardon my Infirmity; something I should have added, but am not able; therefore let it pass. And now, my Lords, for my self, I have been by the Blessing of God, taught, That the Afflictions of this present Life are not to be compar'd to that Eternal Weight of Glory which shall be reveal'd hereafter. And so, my Lords, even so, with all Tranquility of Mind, I freely sub­mit my self to your Iudgment: And whe­ther that Iudgment be of Life or Death, Te Deum laudamus.

[Page 50] It's believ'd that King Charles's ap­pearing so heartily for him, did him no good with the House of Commons: And it's confidently said, that he wrote his Majesty a Letter from the Tower, praying him not to intercede in his Affair; and that his not seeming to be concern'd in it, would be the best Method to calm the Rage of his Enemies. But notwith­standing this Caution, the King came to the House of Lords, and sending for the House of Commons made a warm Speech in favour of the Earl; which some of his Friends took, for so good News, that they went straight from Westminster to give him an account of it: Stafford re­ceiv'd it as his Doom, and told them, The King's Kindness had ruin'd him; and that he had little else now to do, but to prepare himself for Death.

As King Charles was mistaken in his Intercession for the Earl of Strafford, so was the Earl himself much more, in ne­glecting the Advice of his Friends against his coming up to this Parliament. It was easy to foresee there was something design'd to his Prejudice; and he had fair Warning given him not to come up at that time; at least, till he saw how mat­ters would go. He had two plausible [Page 51] Pretences for his Absence, if he had pleas'd to make use of them; the necessi­ty of his Presence in Ireland, where he was Lord Lieutenant; or in the North of England, where he was Lieutenant-Ge­neral of the Army that had been rais'd against the Scots. But being too confi­dent, not only of the King's Favour, and his Interest among the Lords, but of the good effects an Humble Honey Speech might have with the House of Com­mons (to use his own words), he came late at Night to Town, and took his place next Morning in the House of Lords, with an Intention to ask leave that very day to go down to the House of Commons to clear himself of the Mis­representations he lay under.

Mr. Pym hearing he was come, mov'd to have the Doors lock'd, and the Keys laid upon the Table, lest any Member should give Intelligence of what they were upon: Which being done, he accus'd the Earl of Strafford of High-Treason; and an Impeachment was immediately drawn up, and agreed to by the House. In the mean time, it fell out unluckily for the Earl of Strafford, that at his coming into the House of Lords, they were upon a Debate that took them up a [Page 52] considerable time; and while he was waiting till that was over, the Commons came up with their Impeachment.

As the Earl was strangely unfortunate in most things that befel him in the latter Period of his Life, he was no less in the very Opinion of the King himself, and those others that did all they could to save his Life. For the King in the Speech he made to both Houses in his favour, was pleas'd to say, That he did not think my Lord Strafford fit hereafter to serve him or the Commonwealth in any Place of Trust, no▪ not so much as that of a Constable. And the Lord Digby, in the Speech he made in the House of Commons against the Bill of Attainder, for which among other things he was forc'd to fly, treats the Earl in yet much harsher Terms: The Name of the Earl of Strafford (says he) is a Name of Hatred in the present Age by his Practices, and fit to be made a Terror to future Ages by his Punishment. I am still the same in my Opinions and Affe­ctions as to the Earl of Strafford (conti­nues he after); I believe him to be the most dangerous Minister, the most insup­portable to free Subjects, that can be cha­racter'd. I believe his Practices in them­selves as high, as Tyranical, as any Subject [Page 53] ever ventur'd upon; and the Malignity of them highly aggravated by those rare Qua­lities of his, whereof God has given him the Vse, but the Devil the Application. In a word (adds the Lord Digby) I believe him still that Grand Apostate to the Com­monwealth, who must not expect to be par­don'd in this World, till he be dispatch'd into the other. And yet let me tell you, Mr. Speaker, my Hand must not be at that Dispatch. Thus far a Nobleman that was entirely in the King's Interest; and for his Zeal to the Royal Cause became the most obnoxious to the Parliament.

After all, there seems to have been some Mistake about the main Article in his Accusation, of his advising the King to bring over the Army from Ireland to re­duce England; which contributed more to the undoing of this Minister, than all the rest: For the Proof of this Article being only Words contain'd in Mr. Se­cretary Vane's Notes, Appendix, Numb. 6. (which are plac'd in the Appendix) and said to be spoke at the Council-Table, they do naturally refer to the Kingdom of Scotland, and not to England; the thing then under Debate, being how to reduce Scotland. And though Secretary Vane swore to the Truth of his Notes, yet it was after [Page 54] such a manner as left the matter still more dubious: And though he had sworn more positively, it was but the Testimo­ny of One Witness, and that contradicted by Four Lords, who were then present in Council, and who declar'd upon their Honours, That they did not remember they heard the Earl of Strafford speak those Words.

I cannot leave the Earl of Strafford, without taking notice of a silly Mistake that has gain'd some Credit in the World, as if the Bill of Attainder against him was of so extraordinary a nature, and so much out of all the known Methods of Justice, that the Legislators themselves were oblig'd to insert a Clause into the Body of it, That it should never be drawn into President. Whereas that Clause does expresly relate only to Judges in Inferior Courts; and is conceiv'd in the following words: Provided, That no Iudge or Iudges, Iustice or Iustices whatsoever, shall adjudge or interpret any Act or Thing to be Treason, nor hear or determine any Treason, in any other manner than he or they should or ought to have done, before the making of this Act.

As Archbishop Laud was nothing in­ferior to the Earl of Strafford in Parts, [Page 55] and much his Superior in Learning; The Fall and Cha­racter of Archbi­shop Laud. so it is as hard to determine which of the two made a Nobler Defence at their Trial. The Fate of the former has been the same with that of most Great Men, to be represented to Posterity in Ex­tremes; for we have nothing writ of him, but what's either Panegyrick, or Satyr, rather than History.

That Archbishop Laud was brought to his Trial, and found Guilty during the Heat of a Civil War, and when all things were tending to Confusion, was nothing strange: Nor was Serjeant Wild's Intro­duction at the opening of his Charge, any thing but what might have been expected at such a time, when he told the Lor [...]s, That it might be said of the Great Cause of the Archbishop of Canterbury, as it was in a like Case, Repertum est hodierno die faci­nus, quod nec Poeta fingere, nec Histrio sonare, nec Mimus imitari potuer it. But it was indeed strange, and none of the least of this Great Man's Misfortunes, That Three Years before, he should be declar'd by the House of Commons a Traytor, Nemine contradicente at a time when there was not the least Misunder­standing betwixt the King and Parlia­ment, being within the first Month after [Page 56] they sat down: And which was yet stranger, That no body was more severe upon him, than some of those that after­wards took the King's Part against the Parliament, and were at last the chief In­struments of his Son's Restoration. Who­ever reads Sir Harbottle Grimstone's Speech upon voting his Impeachment, or Pym's upon carrying it up to the Lords, will be apt to think, That scarce any Age has produc'd a Man, whose Actions and Con­duct have been more obnoxious to Obloquy, or given greater occasion for it.

There was one Thread that run through his whole Accusation, and upon which most of the Articles of his Im­peachment turn'd; and that was, his In­clination to Popery, and his design to intro­duce the Romish Religion: Of which his Immortal Book against Fisher, and his Declaration at his Death, do sufficiently acquit him. And yet, not Protestants only, but even Roman-Catholicks them­selves were led into this Mistake; other­wise they would not have dar'd to offer one in his Post a Cardinal's Cap, as he confesses in his Diary they did twice. The Introduction of a great many Pompous Ceremonies into the Church, the Licen­sing some Books that spoke favourably of [Page 57] the Church of Rome, and the refusing to License others that were writ against it, were the principal Causes of his being thus misrepresented: And indeed his Be­haviour in some of these matters, as like­wise in the Star-Chamber, and High-Commission-Court, can hardly be account­ed for; and particularly his Theatrical manner of Consecrating a New Church in London; Appendix, Numb. 7. related at length in the Ap­pendix.

He was certainly, in spite of Malice, a Man of an elevated Capacity, and vast Designs; a great Encourager of Learn­ing, and Learned Men; and spar'd no Pains nor Cost to enrich England with such a Noble Collection of Books and Manuscripts in most Languages, as look'd rather like the Bounty of a King, than of a Subject. As he left behind him many lasting Monuments of his Beneficence to the Learned World, so was he in a way to have carry'd it much further, if his Misfortunes had not interven'd, and de­priv'd Learning of so powerful a Bene­factor.

But after all; as there is seldom found a Mind so Great but has some Allay, so it seems Archbishop Laud, notwithstand­ing his excellent Endowments, was not [Page 58] Proof against either the Impression of Dreams, or Revenge of Personal Affronts, though never so trivial in themselves, nor the Person never so mean: Of the one, witness his taking so particular notice in his Diary of several of his Dreams; and of the other, his carrying his Resent­ments so far against Archie the King's Fool, for a mere Iest, that he had him turn'd out of Court by an Order of Coun­cil: Which being so unaccountable a piece of Weakness in so great a Man, and done at a full Board, the King and the Archbishop present; the Order is plac'd in the Appendix, Appendix, Numb. 8. for a remarkable Instance how far the Greatest of Men may at some times be left without a Guard against Pas­sion.

To return to King Charles, he did eve­ry thing that was possible, to give satis­faction to the Parliament, or could be reasonably expected from a Gracious and Beneficent Prince. He pass'd the Bill for Attainting the Earl of Strafford, though with reluctancy, as believing he deserv'd not such hard measure: He took away Monopolies, that had been a great Discou­ragement to Trade: He express'd him­self to their Contentment in the matters of Loan, Ship-money, Tunnage and Poun­dage, [Page 59] and other unwarrantable Methods that had been us'd in raising Money; and show'd a settled Resolution to comply with them in every thing that might tend to the Ease and Security of the Subject. As in the preceding Parliament he had past the Petition of Right, so in the be­ginning of this he had agreed to the Acts for Triennial Parliaments, and for abolish­ing the Star-Chamber and High Commission Courts, which had been great Grievances; and with Chearfulness pass'd that Act which seem'd inconsistent with his own just Prerogative, That that Parliament should not be dissolv'd, but by Act of Par­liament; nor prorogu'd or adjourn'd, but by their own Consent.

The King having upon these Concessi­ons receiv'd the Publick Thanks of Both Houses, and the loud Applauses of his People, took a Journey for Scotland in August, 1641. to settle matters there, that requir'd his Presence; leaving the Parliament sitting, which they continued to do for some time, and then adjourn [...]d themselves to October following. At the King's going away, Affairs had been al­ready settled betwixt the two King­doms by an Act of Pacification, and both Armies order'd to be disbanded, [Page 60] the Scots returning home for that pur­pose.

While the King was in Scotland, The Irish Rebellion. the Irish Rebellion broke out, which became a new Bone of Contention between the King and the Parliaments of both Nati­ons. He took what Measures were pos­sible in Scotland about suppressing that Rebellion, and made what haste he could back to England to concert with the Par­liament there, what was further to be done towards it; leaving the Scots, as he said himself, a contented People, and eve­ry thing settled to their mind both in Church and State.

He return'd to London the latter end of November, and was receiv'd with all de­monstrations of Affection. The Lord-Mayor and Aldermen, the Nobility, Gen­try, and Train'd-Bands met him without the City, and conducted him in great State, with the Acclamations of the People (the City-Companies in their Formalities lining the Streets on each side) to Guildhall, where he was Royally Feasted, and after Dinner conducted with the same Pomp to Whitehall.

What man that had seen a Prince thus receiv'd into his Capital City, could have imagin'd, that within less than Seven [Page 61] Weeks he should be oblig'd to leave it upon the account of Tumults, never to see it again, but as a Prisoner brought thi­ther to dye upon a Scaffold? Yet this was King Charles's hard Fortune: And it's here I would willingly draw a Veil over the remaining part of his Reign, that ended in one of the most dismal Tragedies that ever was acted upon the English Stage. His Virtues and Morals deserv'd a better Fate, and he suffer'd for the Faults of others, rather than Errors of his own.

The House of Commons had begun some few days before his Return, to fall into new Heats about Innovations in Reli­gion; the Rebellion in Ireland; Plots said to be laid in Scotland; the disabling the Clergy to exercise Temporal Iurisdiction; and excluding the Bishops from Votes in Parliament: All which matters, together with Reports that were buzz'd about of some Designs against the Parliament, led the House into that Remarkable Petition and Remonstrance of the State of the Na­tion; The Peti­tion and Remon­strance of the II of Commons to King Charl [...]s. in which they ript up again all the Mismanagements in the Government since the King's coming to the Crown; and attributed all to Evil Counsels and Counsellors, and a Malignant Party about [Page 62] the King. This Remonstrance was roughly penn'd, both for Matter and Expression, and met with great Opposition in the House; the Debate lasting from Three a Clock in the Afternoon till Ten a Clock next Morning; and was presented to his Majesty the Eighth Day after his Return from Scotland.

It was no wonder King Charles was surpriz'd at this Petition and Remon­strance, considering how much he had done to comply with his Parliament in all they desired. And since from these two Papers, and from the King's Answer to it at its delivery, and the Declaration he publish'd more at large afterwards to the same purpose, the Reader will be better enabled to make a Judgment of the Cause and Arguments on both Sides for the Civil War that ensued, I have plac'd all the Four in the Appendix: Appendix, Numb. 9. The Length of them may be more easily pardon'd, since upon the Matters contain'd in them, the whole almost of all the Differences that came to be decided by the Sword, happen'd to turn.

Things were now going fast on to­wards lessening the Confidence betwixt the King and Parliament: K. Charles's coming to the II. of Commons to demand the Five Members. And yet there were not wanting Endeavours on both [Page 63] Sides to accommodate Matters by soft and healing Methods, when the King's coming to the House of Commons in Per­son to demand Five of their Members, whom he had order'd the day before to be impeach'd of High-Treason, did put all into a Combustion, and gave occasion to the House to assert their Privileges with a greater Warmth than ever. This was the most unlucky Step King Charles could have made at that Juncture: And the Indiscretion of some that attended the King to the Lobby of the House, was in­sisted upon as an Argument that the King was resolv'd to use Violence upon the Par­liament, which it's to be presum'd was a thing far from his thoughts. The Five Members had hardly time to make their Escape just when the King was entring; and upon his going away, the House ad­journ'd in a Flame for some days, order­ing a Committee to sit in Guildhall in the mean time, as if they were not safe at Westminster.

Whoever they were that advis'd the King to this rash Attempt, are justly chargeable with all the Blood that was afterwards spilt; for this sudden Action was the first and visible Ground of all our following Miseries. It was believ'd, [Page 64] That if the King had found the Five Members in the House, and had call'd in his Guards to seize them, the House would have endeavour'd their defence, and oppos'd Force to Force; which might have endanger'd the King's Per­son. But the Consequences were bad enough without this; for immediately upon it there was nothing but Confusion and Tumults, Fears and Iealousies every where, which spread themselves to Whitehall in the rudest manner; so that his Majesty thinking himself not safe there, he retir'd with his Family to Hampton Court.

The King leaving the Parliament in this manner, there were scarce any hopes of a thorough Reconciliation. But when after a great many Removes from place to place, The Be­ginning of the Ci­vil Wars. his Majesty came to set up his Standard at Nottingham, there ensued a Fatal and Bloody War; which it's rea­sonable to believe was never design'd at first by either Side.

Each Party blam'd the other for be­ginning this War; and it's not easy to determine which of them began it. Though the King made the first Steps that seem'd to tend that way; such as raising a Troop for a Guard to his Person; [Page 65] summoning the Gentlemen and Freeholders of several Counties to attend him in his Pro­gress to the North, and ordering Arms and Ammunition to be bought in Holland for his use: Yet the Parliament did as much at the same time; for they likewise rais'd Guards of their own, and took care that the Magazine of Hull should not fall into the King's hands. So that the King and Parliament prepar'd themselves in­sensibly for War, without considering that these Preparations must gradually and inevitably come to Blows in the end. The King's setting up his Standard at Nottingham was not the first publick No­tice of this War, as has been commonly reported by Historians that should have known better; for that was not done till August 22. 1642. and yet the House of Commons past these Two Votes the 12 th of Iuly before; 1. That an Army should be forthwith rais'd for the Safety of the King's Person, Defence of both Houses of Parlia­ment, and of those who have obey'd their Orders and Commands; and preserving of the true Religion, Laws, Liberty, and Peace of the Kingdom. And 2. That the Earl of Essex should be General, and the Earl of Bedford General of the Horse. To which Votes the House of Lords agreed.

[Page 66] Whoever begun the War, it was car­ried on in the beginning with equal Suc­cess, and it was hard to determine which Side had the better: Till in the Sequel, the Loss of Essex's Army in the West, and other disadvantages, brought the Parliaments Affairs to a low Ebb, and seem'd to promise the King an entire Mastery. To retrieve their sinking For­tune, the Parliament was oblig'd to call in the Scots to their Assistance; which so far turn'd the Scale, that the King lost ground every day after: And the Defeat of his Army at the Battels of Marston-Moor, and Naseby, put him out of capa­city to keep the Field, and broke entirely all his Measures.

During the whole Course of this Vn­natural War, it was hard to divine what would be the Fate of England; whether an Absolute Vnlimited Monarchy; a new huddled-up Commonwealth; or a down­right Anarchy. If the king should pre­v [...]il, the first was to [...]e fear [...]d, consider­ing that the many Indignities put upon him, might imbitter him against the Par­l [...]ament: If the Parliament should pre­vail, the second was to be apprehended: And if the Army should set up for them­selves, as afterwards they did, the last [Page 67] was inevitably to follow. All which some of the best men about the King wisely foresaw, and trembled at the Event of every Battel that was fought, whoever, happen'd to be Victors. It was the dread of these Misfortunes that hin­der'd the Lords and Commons whom the King call'd to Oxford, to assume to them­selves the Name of The Parliament of England, and from declaring those met at Westminster, Rebels; though the King again and again importun'd them to it, and took their Refusal so ill, that in one of his Letters to Queen, intercepted at Naseby, he reflects heavily upon them for it, and calls them in derision his Mun­grel Parliament. It was likewise the dismal Prospect he had of this War, even in the beginning of it, that mov'd that Accomplish'd Gentleman the Lord Falk­land to throw away his Life, rather than be a witness of the Miseries were coming upon the Nation. For though he was Secretary of State to the King, and fol­low'd his Fortune; yet seeing all his En­deavours for promoting a Peace were in vain, he went on with a Party to skir­mish with the Enemy, the day before the first Battel of Newbury; and being dissua­ded by his Friends, as having no Call to [Page 68] it, being no Military Person, he said, He was weary of the Times, and foresaw much Misery to his Countrey, and hop'd he should be out of it e're night. So pushing into the Battel, he was slain.

Many Endeavours were us'd from time to time to bring Matters to an Ac­commodation by way of Treaty; Endea­vours that were us'd for an Ac­commo­dation. but still some one unlucky Accident or ano­ther render'd them all abortive. At the Treaty of Vxbridge, though the Parlia­ment's Demands were high, and the King show'd a more than ordinary Aversion to comply with them; yet the ill posture of the King's Affairs at that time, and the fatal Consequences they fear'd would follow upon breaking off of the Treaty, oblig'd a great many of the King's Friends, and more particularly that Noble Person the Earl of Southampton, who had gone Post from Vxbrige to Oxford for that pur­pose, to press the King again and again upon their Knees, to yield to the necessity of the Times; and by giving his Assent to some of the most material Propositions that were sent him, to settle a lasting Peace with his People. The King was at last prevail'd with to follow their Coun­sel; and the next Morning was appoint­ed for signing a Warrant to his Commis­sioners [Page 69] to the effect. And so sure were they of a happy end of all differences, that the King at Supper complaining his Wine was not good, one told him merri­ly, He hop'd that his Majesty would d [...]ink better before a Week was over, at Guildhall with the Lord Mayor. But so it was, that when they came early next morning to wait upon him with the Warrant that had been agreed upon over Night, they found his Majesty had chang'd his Reso­lution, and was become inflexible in these Points.

The unhappy Occasion this Altera­tion has lain hitherto a Secret in History, and might have continued such still, if a Letter from the Marquess of Montross in Scotland, Montross's Fatal Let­ter. whereof I have seen a Copy under the Duke of Richmond's Hand, did not give a sufficient Light into it. To make the Matter better understood, it's necessary to say something of Montross and his Actions in Scotland. This No­bleman had been at first very active and zealous for the Liberties of his Countrey; and was the first man that past the River Tweed at the Head of Five hundred Horse, upon the Scots First Expedition into Eng­land. But being afterwards disoblig'd, or as some say, repenting of his former [Page 70] Error, he left that Side, and came in to the King at the breaking out of the War between Him and the Parliament. When the Scots came into England the second time to assist the Parliament, Montross apply'd himself to the King for a Commis­sion to levy War against his Rebel Sub­j [...]cts, as they were call'd, of Scotland; assuring his Majesty, he was able with the Assistance of his Friends, and Con­currence of the rest of the Royal Party, to make at least a very considerable Di­version, if not to reduce the whole Coun­trey to his Majesty's Obedience. Ac­cordingly the Marquess was made Gover­nor of Scotland; where in the space of five Months, with a handful of raw un­disciplin'd Men, and those not half arm'd, he did over-run a great part of the Coun­trey, and gain'd three very considerable Battels; the last of which was that of Inverlochy, fought the second of Februa­ry, 1644. according to the English, and 1645. according to the Scotch Account. In this Battel the Earl of Argyle was en­tirely defeated, and the Prime of the No­ble Family of the Campbells cut off, with inconsiderable Loss on Montross's side; who next day dispatch'd an Express to the King with the News of this and his [Page 71] two former Victories: And in his Letter express'd his utter Aversion to all Treaties with his Rebel-Parliament in England, as he calls them: Tells the King, he is hear­tily sorry to hear that his Majesty had con­sented to Treat; and hopes it is not true: Advises him not to enter into Terms with his Rebellious Subjects, as being a thing un­worthy of a King: And assures him, That he himself was now so much Master of Scotland, that he doubted not but to be able within a few Months to march into England to his Majesty's assistance, with a brave Ar­my. And concludes with this odd Ex­pression, When I have conquer'd from Dan to Beersheba, as I doubt not I shall very quickly, I hope I may have then leave to say as David' s General said to his Master, Come thou, lest this Countrey be call'd by my Name.

This Letter, writ with such an Air of Assurance, and by a Person that was thought capable to make good his Promi­ses; and the Matter contain'd in it, suit­ing but too well with the King's Inclina­tions, was unluckily deliver'd to the King but a few Hours before he was to have sign'd the Warrant before-mention'd; and had as ill effects as the worst of King Charles's Enemies could have wish'd; for [Page 72] it dash'd out in a moment all the Im­pressions his best Friends had been ma­king upon him for a considerable time, towards a full Settlement with his Peo­ple.

It look'd as if there was some secret Fatality in this whole matter; for it could hardly have been imagin'd, that a Letter writ the Third of February, in the furthermost North Corner of Britain, should come so soon to Oxford, consider­ing the length of the Journey, the bad­ness of the Roads at that time of the Year, especially through the Mountai­nous parts of Scotland, together with the Parliament's and Scotch Armies and Ga­risons that were posted all along the Road: And yet certain it is, it came through all these Dangers and Inconve­niences in very few days; for it's indors'd upon the Copy I have seen, That it was deliver'd to the King during the Treaty of Vxbridge; which every body knows began the 30 th of Ianuary, and ended the 22 d of February: And further, it must have been deliver'd before the 19 th of February, because King Charles takes no­tice of it in a Letter to the Queen, of that Date, found among others at Naseby; where he says, Though I leave News to [Page 73] others, yet I cannot but tell thee, That even now I have received certain Intelligence of a great Defeat given by Montross to Ar­gyle, who upon surprize totally routed those Rebels, and kill'd Fifteen hundred upon the place. And it's remarkable, That in the same Letter to the Queen, immediately after the mentioning Montross's Victory, the King adds, That as for trusting the Rebels, either by going to London, or dis­banding my Army before a Peace, do no ways fear my hazarding so cheaply or fo [...]lish­ly; for I esteem the Interest thou hast in me at a far dearer rate; and pretend to have a little more Wit (at least, by the Sympathy that's betwixt us) than to put my self into the Reverence of Persidious Rebels. Which Words being compar'd with Montross's Letter, it will be found the one is a Com­mentary upon the other.

I have plac'd Montross' s Letter it self in the Appendix; Appendix, Numb. 10. and cannot leave it, without making this Observation, That considering the time it was writ, the Critical Minute it was deliver'd, with the sad Con­sequences that attended it; it makes this Axiom true, That oftentimes the Fate of Princes and States is chiefly owing to very minute and unforeseen Accidents.

[Page 74] The Treaty of Vxbridge being thus broke off, the War was renew'd with greater Fury than ever; till at last the Parliament's Army having beaten the King out of the Field, came to kick their Masters out of the House; and having modell'd the Parliament and Army to their own minds, did set up for them­selves, and at one Blow compleated the Ruin of their Countrey in the Murther of King Charles I. and the Extirpation of Monarchy. In short, a continued Series of Misfortunes attended the Royal Cause; and several favourable Accidents that seem'd from time to time to promise better Events, did concur in the end to the King's undoing: Till at last, that Unhappy Prince, in being brought be­fore a Tribunal of his own Subjects, and submitting his Neck to the Stroke of a Common Executioner, taught the World an astonishing Example of the Instability of Human Greatness; and in that and the rest of his Sufferings, a lasting Patern of Christian Magnanimity and Patience.

The Character of King Charles I. The Cha­racter of King Charles I. may be taken in a great part from what has been already said; and I shall only add a few things more. He was a Prince [Page 75] of a Comely Presence, of a Sweet, Grave, but Melancholy Aspect. His Face was Regular, Handsome, and well-comple­xion'd; his Body Strong, Healthy, and well-made; and though of a low Stature, was capable to endure the greatest Fa­tigues. His Face, contrary to that of his Son's Charles II. was easily taken, either in Painting or Sculpture; and scarce any one, though never so indiffe­rently skill'd in their Art, fail'd do hit it. He had something in the Lines and Fea­tures which Physiognomists account un­fortunate: And it's commonly reported, that his Picture being sent to Rome to have a Busto done by it; a famous Statua­ry not knowing whose it was, told the Gentleman that brought it, He was sorry if it was the Face of any Relation of his; for it was one of the most Vnfortunate he ever saw; and according to all the Rules of Art, the Person whose it was, must dye a violent Death. In his Temper he was Brave, Magnificent, Liberal, and Constant; but more affable to Strangers than his own Subjects. It was his Noble and Generous Behaviour that took so much with the King of Spain, when he went thither to court the Infanta, that he re­jected the repeated Solicitations of his [Page 76] Council to seize him; and paid him more Respect than could have been well ex­pected, if he had been King of England at that time. Of his Composure of Mind in time of greatest danger, he gave a Noble Instance in his Behaviour in that great Storm in the Road of St. Andrees, which was worthy the Ancient Philo­sophers: Nor did he fall short of the Bravest in Personal Courage; having ex­pos'd his Person in every Battel he was in, and oftentimes charging at the Head of his Squadrons.

He had a good Taste of Learning, and a more than ordinary Skill in the Liberal Arts, especially Painting, Sculpture, Ar­chitecture, and Medals; and being a Ge­nerous Benefactor to the most Celebrated Masters in those Arts, he acquir'd the Noblest Collection of any Prince in his time, and more than all the Kings of England had done before him. It's said, notwithstanding his Natural Generosity, That he bestow'd Favours with a worse Grace than his Son King Charles the Se­cond denied them; and many times ob­literated the sense of the Obligation by the manner of it: But indeed he had sel­dom much to give, being kept short of Money a great part of his Reign. The [Page 77] Essentials of Divinity he was as much Master of, as ever his Father had been, but without the Allay of Pedantry: Of this among other things, the Papers that past betwixt him and Mr. Henderson at Newcastle, will be a lasting Monument. He was a great Patron of the Clergy; but his employing them in the highest Offices of Trust in State Matters, created Envy against them, and lessen'd the Love of the Nobility towards him. Yet such was the Honesty and Integrity of one of them in the greatest and most obnoxious Post in the Kingdom, that when some Years after he had resign'd the Treasu­rer's Staff, and when the Parliament wanted not Will to crush him, they could not find upon the narrowest Scrutiny, any one thing to object either against his Accounts, or his Behaviour in that Place.

King Charles was a passionate Lover of his Queen, who was a Beautiful Lady, and in all things very well accomplish'd; insomuch that his Friends regretted the Ascendant she had over him on some oc­casions, while others tax'd him with the Character of an Uxorious Husband. He was fond of his Children, and kind to his Servants; though these last felt sometimes the hasty Sallies of his Passion. He was [Page 78] not mistaken of himself, when he said before the High-Court of Justice, That he understood as much Law as any private Gentleman in England: And pity it was that any of his Ministers should have ad­vis'd him to make Breaches in what he so well understood.

He spoke several Languages very well, and with a singular good Grace; though now and then, when he was warm in Discourse, he was inclinable to stammer. He writ a tolerable Hand for a King, but his Sense was strong, and his Stile Laco­nick; and yet he seldom wrote in any Language but English. Some of his Manifestoes, Declarations, and other Pub­lick Papers he drew himself, and most of them he Corrected. In comparing those of the King's with the Parliament's, one will be easily inclin'd to prefer, for the most part, the King's, for the Strength of Reasoning, and the Force of Expres­sion. I have seen several Pieces of his own Hand, and therefore may the better affirm, That both for Matter and Form▪ they surpass those of his Ablest Mini­sters, and come nothing short of Strafford or Falkland, the Two most Celebrated Pens of that time.

[Page 79] As to his Religion, he was Protestant, and in the strictest sense, of the Church of England, and for the Divine Right of Episcopacy. But his consenting perso­nally to the total Abolition of that Order in Scotland, does not well agree with this part of his Character; especially consi­dering his repeated Protestations at the Treaties of Vxbridge and Newport, That he could not supersede it, but for a time in England. What his Opinion was, about Subjects defending their Religion and Liberties by Force of Arms, appear'd in the business of Rochell. For though some would have had us believe of late, That Defensive Arms were inconsistent with the Principles of the Church of England; it's hop'd they will not deny but King Charles I. understood the Doctrine and Principles of that Church as well as any other Person can pretend to do; and yet its certain, that in his Practice and De­clarations he allow'd of the People of Rochell's vindicating their Religion and Liberties from the Encroachments made by their Sovereign, and that by Force of Arms; and assisted them in so doing.

King Charles did not only assist the Rochellers after the War was actually be­gun, His assist­ing the Rochellers. but we have reason to believe that [Page 80] he encourag'd them to it at first, if we look into the Duke of Rhoan 's Memoirs and Apology; where that Great Man acquaints the World in what manner he was brought into that War, in these words, as near as I can translate them from the Original: When all our Privi­leges (says he) were violated, and our Religion brought to Ruin, and the City of Rochell in the greatest Danger, I could see no possibility to escape, but was upon the sad thoughts of submitting our selves to the Mercy of the King (meaning Lewis the XIIIth.) Being in this desperate state, there came a Gentleman to me from the King of England; who told me from his Master, That he seeing our Privileges were violated, and our Religion in danger of being subverted, had taken compassion on our Sufferings, and thought himself oblig'd in Honour and Conscience to assist and protect us; which he was resolv'd to do, by employ­ing all his Kingdoms, and his own Person, in so just a War: Provided, we would join our Arms with his, and not enter into any Treaty with the King (meaning the French King) without him; and for that effect he would make War against the French King both by Sea and Land Intreating me (continues the Duke of Rhoan) not [Page 81] to abandon my Party in so just and honoura­ble a War. And a little after, in the same Apology, he has these words; I refer it to all the World, if I can be justly call'd the Author of the Third War, considering I was sollicited to it by the King of Great Bri­tain.

But suppose there were no Credit to be given to the Duke of Rhoan, whose Ho­nour and Veracity even his very Enemies never call'd in question; and suppose it were false, which all the World knows to be true, that King Charles did actually assist the Rochellers again and again against their Prince; yet we have Authentick Accounts of several Speeches made by the Duke of Buckingham's Secretary to the Rochellers, and of several Messages sent to them from the Duke, in name of the King his Master, all to the same purpose: And likewise a Manifesto publish'd by him, and sign'd with his own Hand, dated Iuly 21. 1627. aboard the Admiral Ship; in which he has this Expression: No private Interest (says he) has oblig'd my Master to make War against the French King, but merely the Defence of the Prote­stant Church: My Master's design is the Re­establishment of the Church; their Good is his Interest, and their Contentment his End. [Page 82] We have also Authentick Copies of the League betwixt King Charles and the Peo­ple of Rochell; in which there is this Expression, That the Rochellers may be deliver'd from the Oppressions they groan un­der. And to sum up all, there were two Letters writ by King Charles with his own Hand to the Rochellers, which are mention'd by Monsieur Mervault, a Syn­dic of that Town, and who was active in the whole matter, and present during the whole Siege; of which the Copies follow.

[Page 83] The other Letter, directed as before, runs thus:

I have dwelt the longer upon this Sub­ject, because it is easy to draw a Parallel betwixt this Case of King Charles's assist­ing Subjects against their King in the De­fence of their Religion and Liberties, and that of another Prince's doing the same upon a late occasion. But as the former had no other Right to interpose [Page 84] in the one, but the common Interest of Religion; so the other had over and above that, the Right of a Prince of the Blood, and the Interest of the Presumptive Heir of the Crown; all which alter'd the Case greatly to the advantage of the latter. King Charles was as unfortunate in this War with France, as he was in all others he engag'd in. The poor City of Rochell, after a long and Cruel Siege, amidst the Horrors of Famine and Death, was at last forc'd to submit to the Will of the Conqueror; and the loss of that Bul­wark of the French Liberty, was in some time follow'd by the total Ruin of the Protestant Interest in France. The English Fleet lay within view of the Town when it was taken; and which added to the Misfortune, that mighty Dyke, that had been rais'd at inestimable Charges to block up the Harbour, fell down the very next day after the Surren­der, and open'd a Passage for the Fleet that came to relieve it, when it was now too late.

During this War, he lost his Favou­rite, The Cha­racter of the D of Bucking­ham. George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham. This Gentleman was one of the greatest Prodigies of Fortune that any Age has produc'd; and gave us a signal Instance [Page 85] how far it is possible for the same Person to be the Favourite▪ of two Successive Monarchs. He possess'd King Iames's Favour without a Rival, and without any other Interruption, but that Cloud which the Intrigues of Spain rais'd against him in the King's mind, which has been already hinted at; wherein the Son shar'd equally with the Favourite, and which Bishop Williams's dexterity soon dissipated. King Charles out-did his Father in his Kindness to Buckingham, and had no Favourite after him. He had all the Qualities that are requisite for a Court, and fit to acquire and preserve his Master's Affection. Notwithstand­ing he was in his Temper highly Generous and Beneficent, and that there were few Great Families in England but he had some way or other oblig'd, either in themselves or their Relations, yet he fell under the Misfortune that attends Favou­rites; but it must be own'd he was rather envied than hated. He had the ill luck to be charg'd with a great many things of which he was innocent, and particu­larly in relation to the Spanish Match. By all that I have seen, he deserv'd the Thanks of the Nation upon that account, rather than an Impeachment in Parlia­ment: [Page 86] For it was he chiefly that broke off that Match, when he saw how much King Iames suffer'd in his Honour, through the manner he was treated in it, which he found out sooner than the King did himself. It's none of the least Proofs of the Duke of Buckingham's In­nocency in these matters, that Spanhemius in his History of the Electrice Palatine, (writ long after Buckingham's Death) speaks always honourably of him in the Business of the Palatinate; whereas at the same time he exposes King Iames's Conduct.

It's a vulgar mistake, That he came to be the First Minister, merely through the Caprice of King Iames; for the Court unanimously promoted his Inte­rest, and recommended him to the highest Favour, in opposition to Somerset, whose Arrogancy, Covetousness, and Pride, had disoblig'd every body, and made both the King and the Court weary of him. No Servant did his Master more Honour in the Magnificence of his Train, and the splendid Manner of his living; especially in his Embassy to France; wh [...]re in the Gracefulness of his Person, and Nobleness of his Behaviour and Equi­page, he out-did any thing that ever was [Page 87] seen of that kind before. He was more form'd for a Court than a Camp; and though very Brave in his Person, he was Unsuccessful in the only Military Expedi­tion he was engag'd in, which was that of Rochell: And when he was upon the embarking a second time to repair that Disgrace, he was basely murder'd amidst a Croud of his Friends, and in the height of his Glory.

To return to King Charles's Character. If he had any Personal Faults, they were much over-weigh'd by his Virtues: But an Immoderate Desire of Power, beyond what the Constitution did allow of, was the Rock he split upon. He might have been happy, if he had trusted more to his own Judgment, than that of those about him; for as in his nature he was an Enemy to all violent Measures, so was he apt to submit his own Reason to that of others, when any such things came under consideration. There was another Error that run through the whole Ma­nagement of his Affairs, both Domestick and Publick, and which occasion'd a great part of his Misfortunes: He ap­pear'd many times stiff and positive in denying at first, what he granted after­wards out of time, and too late to give [Page 88] satisfaction; which encourag'd ambiti­ous and interested Persons to ask more than they thought of at first, and lost him the fruits of his former Concessions. So that in the whole Conduct of his Life he verified this Maxim, That Errors in Go­vernment have ruin'd more Princes than their Personal Vices.

I shall have done with this Melancholy Subject, after the Reader has been ac­quainted with one remarkable Accident, not hitherto mention'd with that Exact­ness it deserves, by any Author I know of; which considering its Consequences, is an extraordinary Instance, upon what small Hinges the greatest Revolutions may turn.

That the principal Rise of all King Charles's latter Troubles, The true Cause of the Scots coming first into England. was from the Second War with the Scots, has been alrea­dy show'd. But what the Motives were that embolden'd the Scots to alter their Measures from those they had observ'd in the first War, continues in great part a Mystery to this day. In the first War they stood upon the Defensive only, and came no further than their own Borders; but in the second they acted so much in the offensive, that they march'd into Eng­land as far as Durham, and were coming [Page 89] on further, if the Treaty that was set a­foot at Rippon had not stopt them. All the Accounts we have of this proceeding of the Scots, do seem to be grounded up­on the Informations they had of the Backwardness of England to assist the King in this War; and that they were well assur'd of Friends all over the Kingdom, and some of nearest access to the King's Person, who they knew would interpose in their behalf, rather than Matters should come to Extremities. But these general Encouragements can hardly be thought to have had such weight with the Scots, as to make them venture upon so bold an Attempt; and therefore it's but reasonable to believe they went upon surer Grounds, when they made this In­vasion.

This matter will be set in a clearer Light, when the Reader is acquainted, That a Forg'd Letter (pretended to be sent from some of the most Leading Men of the Nobility of England), came to have the same effects as if it had been a True One, and really sign'd by the same Persons whose Names were affix'd to it. Which fell out in this manner.

After the Pacification at Duns, which put an end to the first War, the King at [Page 90] his Return to London was prevail'd with, upon the account of several things the Scots were said to have done contrary to the Articles of the Treaty, and the Duty of Subjects, to order the Pacification to be burnt by the hands of the Common Hangman. To reduce them to obedi­ence, he was meditating a New War, and in order thereto was levying another Army, and was pleas'd to call a Parlia­ment to assist him in it. The Scots had their Commissioners at London at that time, who wanted not Friends in both Houses to inform them of every thing that happen'd in Parliament and Council, which they fail'd not to write home to their Countrey; advising them to be on their Guard, and to put themselves in a posture not to be surpriz'd.

The Scots knowing how matters went in England, and that a new Storm was like to break out upon them, were resolv'd to put themselves into a Posture of De­fence; and to the Forces they had not yet disbanded, they added considerable new Levies both of Horse and Foot. Their Preparations went faster on than the King's, and with the more cheer­fulness; for by this time he had parted on ill terms with his Parliament, and [Page 91] without obtaining a Supply. While the King was advancing towards the North, the Scots drew to their Borders; and it was debated at several Councils of War, where a Committee of Estates assisted, Whether they should expect the King upon the Borders, as they had done before, or march into England, and carry the War out of their own Countrey. But they had taken no Resolution in the mat­ter, before the King was got as far as York.

In this nice Juncture there came a Gentleman to the English Border, who sent a Message to the Earl of Rothes, That he desir'd to acquaint him with a Matter of the greatest Importance and Secresy, if he might privately and with safety speak with him alone. Rothes thereupon sent a Trusty Servant with a Passport, to conduct him to his Quarters; where the Gentleman told him, That he was directed particularly to him as a Per­son of great Honour, and whom they could safely trust, with a Message from several Great Men of England; who were griev'd for the Ruin they foresaw must necessarily attend their Country, if the King should make himself Absolute Ma­ster of Scotland; seeing after that, they [Page 92] were to expect the same Fate, considering how little to the King's satisfaction things had been carried in the Parliament of Eng­land, and how much he had resented their refusing a Subsidy to carry on this War. He told him, That nothing was so much desir'd in England, as a Free Parliament to re­dress their Grievances: And if the Scots would march immediately into England, the King must necessarily be straitned to that degree in his Affairs, as to be oblig'd to call a Parliament: And that upon their March, the City of London, and the greatest part of the Nobility and Gentry would not only petition the King for a Free Parliament, but likewise mediate between the King and them, and bring matters to such an Accom­modation, as might be for the good of both Nations: Adding withal, That if the Scots slipt this Opportunity, they were never to expect the like again. The Gentleman having deliver'd this Message, gave the Earl a Letter directed to him, and sign'd by about Twelve Noblemen, much to the same purpose, but writ more cautiously, and in more general terms; desiring him for a further Explanation, to give entire Credit to the Bearer, whom they had fully inform'd of their Intentions.

[Page 93] Rothes, with the Gentleman's leave, acquainted General Lesley, afterwards Earl of Leven, and one or two of the most Leading Men of the Committee of Estates, with this Message; and upon so­lemn Promises of Secrecy, show'd them the Letter; both which agreeing so well in the main with the Intelligence they had receiv'd from England, and suiting with their own Inclinations, determin'd them in the Point: And next morning, in the Council of War, It was resolv'd to march into England that Afternoon; which accordingly they did. Rothes in the mean time dispatch'd back the Mes­senger with an Answer to the Noblemen he suppos'd had writ to him; Thanking them for their Advice, and acquainting them with the Resolution had been taken thereupon.

It fell out afterwards at the Treaty of Rippon, when the English and Scotch Commissioners grew familiar with one another, that the Earl of Rothes came from Newcastle to the Place of Treaty; and one of the English Noblemen making him a Visit, they fell into Discourse about the present Juncture of Affairs. The English Nobleman express'd how much he had been surpriz'd upon the first News [Page 94] of the Scots entring into England; and told him, That though he hop'd it would now turn to the Advantage of both Na­tions, yet it was in it self a dangerous and rash Attempt, and might have been fatal to the Scots, if the King had not been pleas'd to enter into a Treaty for an Accommodation of Mat [...]ers in dispute between them. Rothes was at a stand what to make of this Discourse, consi­dering this Nobleman was one of those whose Name was to the Letter formerly mention'd; and therefore answer'd, That he wondred his Lordship was surpriz'd at an Action he had so much influenc'd: And that if it had not been for the Invitation of him­self and his Friends, perhaps the Scots [...]r­my might have continued still on the other side of Tweed The Two Lords being equally in the dark as to one another's meaning, were at length, upon produ­cing of the Letter, both of them unde­ceiv'd, and found it was a mere Forgery; which was afterwards acknowledg'd by the Contriver, who was the Lord Savile, created some time after Earl of Sussex.

This Letter, though forgotten now, was much talk'd of during the Civil Wars: And I have seen several O­riginal Papers of those Times, that [Page 95] mention'd it. A Noble Lord, lately dead, whose Name was to the Letter, never made any scruple of telling this Passage to his Friends, in the manner I have re­lated it. And I once had a Copy of the Letter it self (from the Original, which was then, and I believe is still among the Papers of the Noble Family of Rothes), which I have since lost. I must confess I have dwelt longer upon this matter, than consists with the Brevity I intended, and that it might have been more properly mention'd in another place: Yet thus it was, that a Counterfeit Invitation brought the Scots into England, in the Year 1640. And considering the Consequences, it may be said, That Pro­vidence many times seems to play with Hu­man Affairs, and influences the Fate of Kingdoms by Counsels and Measures the most improbable to succeed, if he had not de­sign'd them to be subservient to his great Ends.

There is an Historian for whom I have the highest Veneration, Bishop of Salisbury's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton. who in his Me­moirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, mentions a Passage not unlike to this, and perhaps it may be the very same, though his Re­lation and mine differ in the time, and some other Circumstances. And seeing I [Page 96] happen'd to look into that Book some time after I had writ these Sheets; that I may do Justice to its Reverend Author, whose Information I am willing to be­lieve may be better than my own, though I had mine from no common Hands, I shall give his Account of it in his own words; and the rather, for that I do not remember the Date of the Letter upon which the Passage turns, though I do the main Design and Contents of it.

‘But that the Reader may not be wholly in the dark, says this Great Hi­storian, about the Grounds of this Con­fidence the Covenanters had, I shall set down what I had from some Persons of Great Honour, who were fully in­form'd about it. When the Earls of Dumfermling and Loudon came to Lon­don, a Person of Quality of the English Nation (whose Name is suppress'd because of the Infamy of this Action) came to them, and with great Vehe­mence press'd them to engage in a new War; and among other Motives brought them Engagements in writing from most of the greatest Peers of England, to join with them, and assist them when they should come into Eng­land [Page 97] with their Army. This did much animate them; for they had not the least doubt of the Papers brought them. But all this was discover'd at the Treaty of Rippon, to have been a base Forgery: For there the Sc [...]ttish Lords looking very sullenly upon some of the English Lords, as on Persons of no Faith or Truth, the Lord Mandevil came to the Earl of Rothes, and asked the reason of that change of their Countenances and Behaviour in them; who after some high Reflections, at length chal­leng'd him and the other Lords of not keeping what they engag'd to them. Upon which that Lord stood amaz'd, and told him, and so did the other Lords there, That they had sent no such Messages nor Papers to them; and that they had been abus'd by the black­est Imposture that ever was. Thus it appear'd (concludes this Author) how dangerous it may be to receive some things that seem to have the highest probabilities in them, easily and upon trust.’

To leave this Subject, it may not be improper to add another Passage out of the same Book; where that Reverend Prelate speaking of the In [...]lucements [Page 98] that prevail'd with the Scots to come into the Assistance of the Parliament Three Years after; tells us, ‘That among other Arguments That Paper which was sent down in the Year 1640, as the Engage­ment of Twenty eight of the Peers of England, for their Concurrence with the Scottish Army that Year, was shown to divers, to engage them into a grate­ful Return to those to whom it was pretended they were so highly oblig'd. For though the Earl of Rothes (and a few more) were well satisfied about the Forgery of that Paper, yet they thought that a Secret of too great Im­portance to be generally known; there­fore it was still kept up from the Body of the Nation.’

To shut up what relates to K. Charles I. K. Charles's thoughts of Resign­ing the Crown to his Son. After the Treaty of Newport was broke off, and he once more carried away by the Army, he found his Case was despe­rate, and thereupon began to have some Thoughts of Resigning the Crown to the Prince of Wales, as the only means in that unhappy Condition, to preserve it for his Family. But before he had time to digest this Resolution, or an opportu­nity to acquaint the Parliament with it, [Page 99] he was hurried on to his Trial. The last day of that Trial he earnestly propos'd, That before Sentence pass'd, he might be heard before the Lords and Commons in the Painted Chamber, where he had something to offer for the Peace of the Kingdom, and the Liberty of the Subject, which might settle all differences. It is probable he meant by this, to have resign'd the Crown; which his Enemies having some Intimation of, and fearing it might be accepted, they were the more forward to proceed to Sentence and Execution.

Likewise some days before his Death, About setting up the Duke of Glouce­ster King. the prevailing Party had thoughts of set­ting up the Duke of Gloucester King. This was not kept so secret, but King Charies had some notice of it; for the Duke and his Sister having leave to wait upon him the Night before the Executi­on, he took the Young Duke in his Arms, and told him, They were going to take off his Father's Head, and may be they would set the Crown upon his Head; which he forbad him to accept of while his Two Elder Brothers were Living.

There befel him an Accident, which though a Trifle in it self, and that no Weight is to be laid upon any thing of that nature; yet since the best Authors, [Page 100] both Ancient and Modern, have not thought it below the Majesty of History to mention the like, it may be the more excusable to insert it.

The King being at Oxford during the Civil Wars, went one day to see the Publick Library, where he was show'd among other Books, a Virgil nobly Print­ed, and exquisitely bound. The Lord Falkland, to divert the King, would have his Majesty make a Trial of his Fortune by the Sortes Virgilianae; His con­sulting the Sortes Virgilianae. which every body knows was an usual kind of Augury some Ages past. Whereupon the King opening the Book, the Period which hap­pen'd to come up, was that part of Di­do's Imprecation against Aeneas; which Mr. Dryden translates thus:

It is said K. Charles seem'd concern'd at this Accident; and that the Lord Falk­land observing it, would likewise try his own Fortune in the same manner; hoping he might fall upon some Passage that could have no relation to his Case, and thereby divert the King's Thoughts from any Impression the other might have upon him: But the place that Falk­land stumbled upon, was yet more suited to his Destiny, than the other had been to the King's; being the following Ex­pressions of Evander, upon the untimely Death of his Son Pallas, as they are tran­slated by the same Hand.

To return to our History: Upon the Death of King Charles I. there was a Total Eclipse of the Royal Family for Twelve Years: During a great part of which time an unusual Meteor fill'd the English Orb, and with its surprizing In­fluences over-aw'd not only Three King­doms, but the powerfullest Princes and States about us. A Great Man he was, and Posterity might have paid a just Ho­mage to his Memory, if he had not em­brued his Hands in the Blood of his Prince, or had not usurp'd upon the Liberties of his Countrey.

It being as natural a Curiosity in man­kind to know the Character of a Fortu­nate Vsurper, as of a Lawful King, it may not perhaps be much amiss to say something of Oliver Cromwell.

By Birth he was a Gentleman, The Usur­pation and Cha­racter of Oliver Cromwell. and bred up for some time at the Vniversity, though nothing of a Scholar. When the Civil Wars broke out, he took the Par­liaments Side; and his first Employment in the Army was a Captain of Horse, whence by degrees he rose to be Lieute­nant-General [Page 103] under the Earl of Manche­ster: In which Post he was the chief In­strument, together with Lieutenant Ge­neral Lesley, of gaining the Battel of Marston-Moor, which prov'd the first re­markable Stop to the King's Success. Some time after, the Earl of Manchester having refus'd to give an Order to Crom­well, to charge a Party of Horse where the King was personally present, he came up to London to complain against him, though he ow'd his Advancement chiefly to his Favour. Which the Earl having notice of, and being by this time weary of a War, of which he foresaw the fatal Consequences, he took that opportunity to lay down his Command; wherein he was succeeded by Cromwell.

Sir Thomas Fairfax also laying down his Commission some time after, he was declar'd General of all the Forces rais'd or to be rais'd by the Parliament; and having modell'd the Parliament and Army to his mind, he dismiss'd the former, when he had no more use for them; and upon their forc'd Resignation, he assum'd the Supreme Power, under the Title of Pro­tector.

Being thus mounted to so high a Pina­cle of Fortune, he became more formi­dable [Page 104] both at Home and Abroad, than most Princes that had ever sat upon the English Throne. And it was said that Cardinal Mazarine would change Coun­tenance, whenever he heard him nam'd; so that it pass'd into a Proverb in France, That he was not so much afraid of the De­vil, as of Oliver Cromwell. He had a Manly stern Look, and was of an Active, Healthful Constitution, able to endure the greatest Toil and Fatigue. Though Brave in his Person, yet he was Wary in his Conduct; for from the time he was first declar'd Protector, he always wore a Coat of Mail under his Cloaths. His Con­versation among his Friends was very di­verting and familiar, but in publick re­serv'd and grave. He was sparing in his Diet, though sometimes would drink freely, but never to Excess. He was mo­derate in all other Pleasures, and for what was visible, free from Immoralities, espe­cially after he came to make a Figure in the World. He writ a tolerable good Hand, and a Stile becoming a Gentleman; except when he had a mind to wheedle, under the Mask of Religion; which he knew nicely how to do, when his Affairs requir'd it. He affected for the most part a Plainness in his Cloaths; but in them, [Page 105] as well as in his Guards and Attendance, he appear'd with Magnificence upon Publick Occasions. No man was ever better serv'd, nor took more pains to be so. As he was severe to his Enemies, so was he beneficent and kind to his Friends. And if he came to hear of a Man fit for his purpose, though never so obscure, he sent for him, and employ'd him; suiting the Employment to the Person, and not the Person to the Employment. And upon this Maxim in his Government depended in a great measure his Success.

In matters of greatest Moment, he trusted none but his Secretary Thurlo, and oftentimes not him. An Instance of which Thurlo us'd to tell of himself; That he was once commanded by Cromwell to go at a certain hour to Grays-Inn, and at such a place deliver a Bill of Twenty thousand Pound, payable to the Bearer at Genoa, to a Man he should find walking in such a Habit and Posture as he describ'd him, without speaking one word. Which accord­ingly Thurlo did; and never knew to his dying day either the Person or the Oc­casion.

At another time the Protector coming late at Night to Thurlo's Office, and be­ginning to give him directions about [Page 106] something of great Importance and Se­crecy, he took notice that Mr. Moreland, one of the Clerks, afterward Sir Samuel Moreland, was in the Room, which he had not observ'd before; and fearing he might have over-heard their Discourse, though he pretended to be asleep upon his Desk, he drew a Ponyard, which he always carried under his Coat, and was going to dispatch Moreland upon the Spot, if Thurlo had not with great Intreaties prevail'd with him to desist, assuring him that Moreland had sat up two Nights to­gether, and was now certainly asleep.

There was not the smallest Accident that befel King Charles the Second in his Exile, but he knew it perfectly well; in­somuch that having given leave to an English Nobleman to Travel, upon con­dition he should not see Charles Stuart; he ask'd him at his Return, If he had punctually obey'd his Commands? Which the other affirming he had; Cromwell replied, It's true, you did not see him; for to keep your Word with me, you agreed to meet in the dark, the Candles being put out for that end: And withal, told him all the Particulars that pass'd in Conversation betwixt the King and him at their Meeting.

[Page 107] That he had Spies about King Charles, The Busi­ness of Dunkirk. was not strange; but his Intelligence reach'd the most secret Transactions of other Princes; and when the Matter was communicated to but very few. Of which we have a notable Instance in the Business of Dunkirk. There was an Ar­ticle in the Treaty between France and the Protector, That if Dunkirk came to be taken, it should be immediately deliver'd up to the English; and his Ambassador Lockhart had Orders to take Possession of it accordingly. When the French Army being join'd with the English Auxiliaries, was in its March to Invest the Town, Cromwell sent one Morning for the French Ambassador to Whitehall, and upbraided him publickly for his Master's design'd Breach of Promise, in giving secret Or­ders to the French General to keep Posses­sion of Dunkirk, in case it was taken, contrary to the Treaty between them. The Ambassador protested he knew no­thing of the matter, as indeed he did not, and begg'd leave to assure him that there was no such thing thought of. Up­on which Cromwell pulling a Paper out of his Pocket, Here (says he) is the Copy of the Cardinal's Order: And I desire you to dispatch immediately an Express, to let [Page 108] him know, That I am not to be impos'd upon; and that if he deliver not up the Keys of the Town of Dunkirk to Lockhart within an hour after it shall be taken, tell him, I'll come in Person, and demand them at the Gates of Paris. There were but Four Persons said to be privy to this Order, the Queen-Mother, the Cardinal, the Mareschal de Turenne, and a Secretary, whose Name it is not fit at this time to mention. The Cardinal for a long time blam'd the Queen, as if she might pos­sibly have blabb'd it out to some of her Women: Whereas it was found, after the Secretary's Death, That he had kept a secret Correspondence with Cromwell for several Years; and therefore it was not doubted but he had sent him the Copy of the Order above-mention'd.

The Message had its effect; for Dun­kirk was put into the Possession of the English. And to palliate the matter, the Duke and Mareschal of Crequy was di­spatch'd into England Ambassador Extra­ordinary, to Compliment Cromwell, at­tended with a Numerous and Splendid Train of Persons of Quality; among whom was a Prince of the Blood, and Muncini, Mazarine 's Nephew, who brought a Letter from his Uncle to the [Page 109] Protector, full of the highest Expressi­ons of Respect; and assuring his High­ness, That being within view of the Eng­lish Shore, nothing but the King's Indispo­sition (who lay then ill of the Small-Pox at Calais) could have hinder'd him to come over to England, that he might enjoy the Honour of waiting upon one of the Greatest Men that ever was; and whom next to his Master, his greatest Ambition was to serve. But being depriv'd of so great a happiness, he had sent the Person that was nearest to him in Blood, to assure him of the profound Veneration he had for his Person, and how much he was resolv'd, to the utmost of his power, to cultivate a perpetual Amity and Friendship betwixt his Master and him.

Few Princes ever bore their Character higher upon all occasions, than Oliver Cromwell, especially in his Treaties with Crown'd Heads. And it's a thing with­out Example, that's mention'd by one of the best-inform'd Historians of the Age, Puffendorf, in the Life of the late Elector of Brandenburgh, That in Cromwell's League with France against Spain, he would not allow the French King to call himself King of France, but of the French; whereas he took to himself not only the Title of Protector of England, [Page 110] but likewise of France. And which is yet more surprizing, and which can hardly be believ'd, but for the Authority of the Author, Puffendorf de Rebus Gestis Fre­d [...]rici Wil­helmi Ele­ctoris Bran­denburgici, p. 313. Id porro Bellum Protecto­ris in Hi­spanos ad­eo oppor­tunum, Gallo ac­cedebat, ut summo Studio istum faedore sibi innectere studeret, eti­am concesso, ut Cromwellus eundem, Ga [...]orum Regem, non Gallia­rum nuncuparet, aliâs ipse Protectoris quoque Franciae, vocabulum, ficut Angliae assumpturus: Simul pateretur Cromwellum Instru­mento suo Nomen titulumque ante Gallicum ponere. whose own Words are in the Margin, In the Instrument of the Treaty, the Protector's Name was put before the French King's. It's true, France was then under a Minority, and was not arriv'd at that Greatness to which it has since attain'd. Towards which, Cromwell contributed not a little, by that League with France against Spain; being the falsest Step he ever made, with respect to the Tranquility of Europe.

As every thing did contribute to the Fall of King Charles I. so did every thing contribute to the Rise of Cromwell. And as there was no design at first against the King's Life, so it's probable that Crom­well had no thoughts, for a long time, of ever arriving at what he afterwards was. It is known he was once in Treaty with the King, after the Army had carried his Majesty away from Holmby House, to have Restor'd him to the Throne; which [Page 111] probably he would have done, if the Secret had not been like to take Vent, by the Indiscretion of some about the King; which push'd Cromwell on to prevent his own, by the Ruin of the King.

It's likewise certain, that the Title of Protector did not satisfy his Ambition, but that he aim'd to be King. The Mat­ter was for some time under Considerati­on, both in his Mock-Parliament, and Council of State; in-so-far, that a Crown was actually made, and brought to Whitehall for that purpose. But the Aversion he found in the Army against it, and the fear of the Commonwealth-Party, oblig'd him to lay the Thoughts of it aside, at least for that time. Yet it's probable these high Aims did not dye, but with himself: For to be able with the help of Spanish Gold to carry on his Design in England, without depending upon a Parliament for Money, is thought was the true Motive of his Attempt upon St. Domingo; which was the only Action of War he fail'd in.

But notwithstanding his specious Pre­tences to the contrary, Cromwell invaded and betrayed the Liberties of his Coun­trey, and acted a more Tyrannical and Ar­bitrary Part, than all the Kings of Eng­land [Page 112] together had done since the Norman Conquest. And yet after all, his Good Fortune accompanied him to the last; for after a long Chain of Success, he died in Peace, and in the Arms of his Friends; was buried among the Kings with a Roy­al Pomp, and his Death condol'd by the Greatest Princes and States of Christen­dom, in Solemn Embassies to his Son.

But this is not all; for whatever Rea­sons the House of Austria had to hate the Memory of Cromwell, yet his causing the Portugal Ambassador's Brother to be Exe­cuted for a Tumult in London, notwith­standing his Plea of being a Publick Mini­ster as well as his Brother, was near Twenty Years after Cromwell's Death, brought as a Precedent by the present Emperor, to justify his Arresting and car­rying off the Prince of Furstenburgh at the Treaty of Cologne, notwithstanding Furstenburgh's being a Plenipotentiary for the Elector of that Name. And in the Printed Manifesto publish'd by the Empe­ror upon that occasion, this Piece of Cromwell [...]s Justice in executing the Por­tuguese Gentleman, is related at large.

To sum up Cromwell's Character, it's observable, That as the Ides of March were equally Fortunate and Fatal to Iu­lius [Page 113] Caesar, another Famous Invader of the Liberties of his Countrey; so was the Third of September to Oliver Crom­well; For on that Day he was Born [...]; on that Day he fought the Three Great Battels of Marston-Moor, Worcester, and Dun­bar; and on that Day he died.

Cromwell died in the peaceable Possessi­on of the Sovereign Power, though dis­guis'd under another Name, and left it to a Son that had neither Heart nor Abilities to keep it. The Genius of the Nation return'd to its Natural Byass; and Mo­narchy was so much interwoven with the Laws, Customs, and the first Threads of the English Constitution, that it was alto­gether impossible it could be ever totally worn out. Our Ancestors had wisely settled themselves upon that Bottom; and those very men that some Years before had justled out Monarchy, upon the ac­count of its Encroachments upon the Rights of the People, were become as zealous now to restore it again, upon the Encroachments that the assuming part of the People had made of late, upon the Rights of their Fellow-Subjects. For near Two Years together after Cromwell's Death, the Government of England un­derwent various Shapes, and every Month [Page 114] almost produc'd a New Scheme; till in the end all these Convulsions co-opera­ted to turn the Nation again upon its True and Ancient Basis. Thence it was, that the Son of King Charles the First, The Re­storation of King Charles II. after Ten Years Exile, was restor'd to his Father's Throne in the Year 1660, without Blood, or any remarkable Oppo­sition.

This Revolution was the more to be admir'd, since not only all Attempts to bring King Charles back by Force of Arms, prov'd ineffectual; but that not­withstanding upon Cromwell's Death, eve­ry thing at home seem'd to concur to his Restoration; yet the bare Name of an English Parliament, though but the Sha­dow of what formerly it was, continued to be so Terrible abroad, that neither France nor Spain durst venture to give King Charles the least Assistance to regain his Throne; but on the contrary, were oblig'd to treat him in a manner altoge­ther unworthy of a Crown'd Head: As appears by the following Instance at the Treaty of the Pyrenees. The Beha­viour of the French and Spani­ards to K Charles II at [...] Treaty of the Pyre­nces.

King Charles after having in vain sought a Sanctuary in France, was neces­sitated to throw himself upon the Friend­ship of Spain. He was at Brussels when [Page 115] he receiv'd the News of the Disposition that was in England to Restore him, just at the time the Conferen [...]es were to begin between Cardinal Mazarine, and Lewis de Haro, the Two Plenipotentiaries of France and Spain, in order to a General Peace. This determin'd King Charles to take Post from Brussels through France, to the Place of Treaty, that he might in Person repre­sent his Interests to these Two Ministers. He judg'd the Spaniards had reason to be Enemies to the then Government in Eng­land, for not only having taken Dunkirk and Iamaica from them, and enter [...]d into a League with Portugal against them, but for endeavouring all that was possi­ble to persuade the French to continue the War. Upon the other hand, it was but reasonable to think that France could not be well pleas'd to see the English Master of such a Frontier Town as Dunkirk; or that Mazarine, the most Ambitious Man upon Earth, would not be willing to raise his own Glory, by espousing the Cause of an Exil'd Prince, especially when there was so great probability of Suc­cess.

Notwithstanding all these plausible Appearances, King Charles made this long Journey to no purpose. It's true, [Page 116] Lewis de Haro receiv'd him with all pos­sible Marks of Respect: But the Cardinal positively denied him Access. All he could be brought to, after several Messa­ges from the King, was to allow the Duke of Ormond to talk to him upon the Road from St. Iean de Luz to the Place of Treaty, as if it had been but an accidental Rencounter. Ormond obtain'd nothing of the Cardinal, but general and ambiguous Answers: Till being press'd, he told Ormond plainly, That all his Ma­ster could do for his Cousin the King of England, was to compassionate his Misfor­tunes; as not being in a condition himself to break with the Government of England, with which his Affairs oblig'd him to keep a good Correspondence. Over and above this Neglect of Mazarine's, King Charles had the Mortification to see Ambassador Lockhart receiv'd at the same time with the greatest Pomp and Splendor, having the Cardinal's Coaches and Guards sent a day's Journey to receive him, and the Cardinal giving him the Right Hand, which was a Respect he denied the Am­bassadors of Crown'd Heads. Nor was Lewis de Haro kinder upon the matter to King Charles, notwithstanding all his Civilities; for having ask'd the Com­mand [Page 117] of the Army in Flanders, which the Prince of Conde was by the Treaty oblig'd to quit, Don Lewis refus'd it. All which will be a lasting Example to Po­sterity, how little Trust is to be repos'd in Foreign Aid, when a Prince comes to need it, for recovering his Throne.

It were the highest Injustice to deny General Monk the greatest share of the Honour in Restoring King Charles II. Monk's part in the Restora­tion. and yet it is a question whether his De­sign to do it, was of so long standing, as some have reported. It's probable he had not Thoughts that way, till about the time that Richard Cromwell was depriv'd of the Government: In which he was afterwards the more confirm'd, upon the Army in England's setting up once more for themselves. If he had really a form'd Intention at that time to bring back the King; it must be confess'd he acted the part of a Politician, much better than that of a Christian; for he declar'd once again at that time, for a Commonwealth, without the King, a Single Person, or House of Lords; and formally Renounc'd the Family of the Stuarts. All which will appear by a Letter, sign'd by him and his Officers, to the Parliament, upon Ri­chard's Abdication, and the Declaration [Page 118] it self, Appendix, Numb. 11. mention'd at length in the Ap­pendix.

It's hardly to be imagin'd he had a mind to set up for himself, as his Ene­mies have given out; for he could not but see the whole Nation was returning apace to their Ancient Monarchical Princi­ples; and therefore he had little else to do, but to comply a while with the Times, till by declaring for a Free Parliament, he pav'd the way for the King's Return. It's certain the People that then assum'd the Supreme Power, were jealous of his Intentions; and it was within an Ace he escap'd a Trap laid for him, just at the time when he was ready to march from Scotland; which would have inevitably ruin'd his Design, if a mere Accident had not interven'd.

For Monk keeping his ordinary Resi­dence at Dalkeith, some four Miles on this side of Edinburgh, the London Packet touch'd constantly there, that the Gene­ral might have his Letters before it reach'd Edinburgh. The Committee of Safety being resolv'd to secure Monk, dispatch'd secret Orders to Scotland by the ordinary Packet, lest an Express might give suspicion; and instead of di­recting the Label for Dalkeith, as was [Page 119] usual, it was order'd straight for Edin­burgh. It happen [...]d that one of Monk's Lifeguard met accidentally the Post turning out of the Road that led to Dal­keith, and finding he had not touch'd there, he brought him back, not­withstanding the Label was directed otherwise. Monk suspecting something, open'd all the Letters that he found di­rected to the Officers of the Army; among which there was one from the Committee of Safety to Colonel Thomas Wilks, ordering him to use the most effectual, spee­dy, and secret way to secure the Person of General Monk, and to send him up to Lon­don under a strong Guard, in a Frigat that lay in Leith Road; and then to take up [...]n him the Command of the Army, till further Order.

Having taken out this, and what other Letters he thought fit, together with his own from the same Committee, full of high Compliments, and Expressions of Trust, he sent away the Packet as it was directed. But having communicated the matter to some of his particular Friends, he gave Orders for a General Review of the Army to be made next morning at Edinburgh, where he arrested Colonel Wilks, and some other Officers he [Page 120] had reason to suspect, and sent them Pri­soners to the Castle; filling up their Com­missions with others of his own Crea­tures.

Monk in his March through England, and after he came to London, carried on the Thread of Dissimulation with won­derful dexterity, till all things were fully ripe for throwing off the Mask, and cal­ling home the King. As he was singu­larly happy in being the Chief Instru­ment of that Revolution, he was no less in the Sense King Charles continued to express, of so great an Obligation. And it show'd him to be a Man of true Judg­men, That the Duke of Albemarle be­hav'd himself in such a manner to the Prince he had thus oblig'd, as never to seem to overvalue the Services of General Monk.

King Charles the Second prov'd one of the Finest Gentlemen of the Age, and had Abilities to make one of the Best of Kings. The first Years of his Reign were a continued Iubilee. And while we were reaping the Fruits of Peace at Home, after the Miseries of a long Civil War, a Potent Neighbour was laying the Foundation of a Power Abroad, that has [Page 121] since been the Envy and Terror of Europe. One might have thought that his Parlia­ment had glutted his Ambition to the full, by heaping those Prerogatives upon him, which had been contested for with his Father, at the Expence of so much Blood and Treasure: But he grasp'd early after more; and from his first Ac­cession to the Cro [...]n, show'd but little Inclination to depend upon Parliaments. Of which we have a remarkable Instance in an Affair that was one of the true Causes of the Disgrace of that Great Man, Chancellor Clarendon, which hap­pen'd a few Years after.

It looks as if Heaven took a more than ordinary Care of England, that we did not throw up our Liberties all at once, upon the Restoration of that King; for though some were for bringing him back upon Terms, yet after he was once come, he possess'd so entirely the Hearts of his People, that they thought nothing was too much for them to grant, or for him to receive. Among other Designs to please him, there was one form'd at Court, to settle such a Revenue upon him by Parliament during Life, as should place him beyond the Necessity of asking more, except in the Case of a War, or [Page 122] some such extraordinary Occasion. The Earl of Southampton, Lord High Treasu­rer, came heartily into it, out of a mere Principle of Honour and Affection to the King; but Chancellor Clarendon secretly oppos [...]d it. It happen [...]d that they two had a private Conference about the mat­ter; and the Chancellor being earnest to bring the Treasurer to his Opinion, took the freedom to tell him, That he was better acquainted with the King's Tem­per and Inclinations, than Southampton could reasonably expect to be, having had long and intimate Acquaintance with his Majesty abroad; and that he knew him so well, that if such a Revenue was once settled upon him for Life, neither of them Two would be of any further use; and that they were not in probability to see many more Sessions of Parliament during that Reign. Southampton was brought over; but this Passage could not be kept so se­cret, but it came to King Charles his Ears, which together with other things where­in Clarendon was misrepresented to him, prov'd the true reason why he abandon'd him to his Enemies.

Notwithstanding this disappointment, King Charles made a shift, partly by his obliging Carriage, partly by other Induce­ments, [Page 123] to get more Money from his first Parliament towards the Expence of his Pleasures, than all his Predecessors of the Norman Race had obtain'd before, to­wards the Charges of their Wars. This Parliament had like to have been Perpe­tual, if the Vigor wherewith they began to prosecute the Popish Plot, and the Re­sentment they express'd against his Bro­ther, had not oblig'd him, much against his Will, to part with them, after they had sat near Nineteen Years.

That there was at that time a Popish Plot, The Dis­covery of the Popish Plot. and that there always has been one since the Reformation, to support, if not restore the Romish Religion in England, scarce any body calls in question. How far the near Prospect of a Popish Successor ripen'd the Hopes, and gave new Vigor to the Designs of that Party; and what Methods they were then upon, to bring those Designs about, Coleman's Letters alone, without any other concurring Evi­dence, are more than sufficient to put the matter out of doubt. But what Super­structures might have been afterwards built upon an unquestionable Foundati­on; and how far some of the Witnesses of that Plot might come to darken Truth by subsequent Addttions of their own, [Page 124] must be deferr'd till the Great Account, to be made before a Higher Tribunal: And till then, a great part of the Popish Plot, as it was then sworn to, will in all human probability lye among the darkest Scenes of our English History. However, this is certain, the Discovery of the Popish Plot had great and various Effects upon the Nation: And it's from this remarkable Period of Time, we may justly reckon a New Aera in the English Account.

In the first place, Its Effects. it awaken'd the Na­tion out of a deep Lethargy they had been in, for Nineteen Years together; and alarm'd them with Fears and Iealou­sies that have been found to our sad Expe­rience but too well grounded. In the next, it gave the Rise too, at least settled that unhappy distinction of Whig and Tory among the People of England, that has since occasion'd so many Mischiefs. And lastly, the Discovery of the Popish Plot began that open Struggle between King Charles and his People, that occa­sion'd him not only to dissolve his first Favourite Parliament, and the Three others that succeeded; but likewise to call no more during the rest of his Reign. All which made way for bringing in que­stion the Charters of London, and other [Page 125] Corporations, with a great many dismal Effects that follow'd. It was likewise about this time, that a certain Set of Men began a second time to adopt into our Religion a Mahomet an Principle, un­der the Names of Passive Obedience and Non-Resistance; which since the time of the Impostor that first broach'd it, has been the means to Enslave a great part of the World.

The great share which the Duke of York was suppos'd to have had very early, The Bill of Exclu­sion. in a Design to overturn our Religion and Liberties; and the mighty Hopes which the near Prospect of a Popish Successor gave the Roman [...] Catholicks, of bringing about their Grand Project of rooting out the Northern Heresy, were the Reasons why a great part of Both Houses of Par­liament had recourse to a Bill of Exclusion against the Duke, as the only effectual means they could think on in that Jun­cture, to prevent our intended Ruin. This Prince had been privately reconcil'd to Rome in the time of his Exile: But it seems it was not thought convenient he should declare himself till several Years after. And though he had abandon'd the Worship of the Church of England, it was accounted a heinous Crime to say [Page 126] he was a Roman-Catholick, when every body knew that he was one; and some were Fin'd in great Sums of Money for saying it. King Charle's Conversion (if we believe Huddleston the Priest) was of an older Date: But, if true, he either wanted Courage, or thought it not his Interest to declare himself in his Life­time. If he had any design of introdu­cing Popery, he knew the Temper of the Nation too well, to imagine it could be brought about in a short time, or by such open and barefac'd Methods as his Brother was pleas'd afterwards to put in practice.

But the truth is, King Charles was nei­ther Bigot enough to any Religion, nor lov'd his Ease so little, as to embark in a Business that must at least have disturb'd his Quiet, if not hazarded his Crown. The Romish Emissaries knowing this, were resolv'd to make sure of one of the Brothers: And the Duke was now the Rising Sun; King Charles having no pro­spect of Issue by the Queen. It was not the Roman-Catholi [...]ks alone, that began to pay him their Early Devotions; there were others that came nothing short of them in their Addresses to him. He had in the time of his Banishment, and after the Restoration, acquir'd the Reputation [Page 127] of being Brave, and skill'd in the Art of War: Flanders and the Ocean were the Theatres on which he had given unque­stionable Proofs of both; having Com­manded the Spanish Horse in the one, and the English Fleet on the other. From a Prince thus possess'd of a Warlike Cha­racter, and thus devoted to the See of Rome, it was no wonder the Roman Ca­tholicks expected, and the Protestants fear'd some extraordinary Change in Eng­land, if ever he should come to wear the Crown. And therefore as it was the Interest of the first to have him upon the Throne, so it was equally the Interest of the latter to exclude him from it.

It's said King Charles came in at first to the Bill of Exclusion, or seem'd to do so. The Favourite Mistress was prevail'd with, from secret Motives and Prospects of her own, to concur with others in persuading him to abandon his Brother; and waving the Duke's Right, to accept of an Act of Parliament in his own fa­vour, like that made in the Reign of Henry VIII. by which he should have a Power invested in him, to dispose of the Crown at his Death, under such Restricti­ons and Limitations as should be agreed on.

[Page 128] Whether any such Act was really in­tended, it's hard to determine; but it's certain such an Offer was made to King Charles, with a Promise of a considerable Sum of Money, towards the supplying his pressing Wants. It's likewise certain, that King Charles seem'd willing to accept of it; till it happen'd that a Foreign Court, whose Interest it was to support the Duke of York, struck up a Bargain with the King, to give him more Money for refusing, than had been offer'd him for consenting to the Bill of Exclusion.

Some time before the Popish Plot came upon the Stage, King Charles had been prevail'd with to Marry the Eldest of his Nieces to the Prince of Orange, as he did afterwards the Youngest to the Prince of Denmark: The happiest Actions of his Life, and by which he made a sufficient Attonement for all the Errors of his Reign. It were Ingratitude to enquire too narrowly into the Motives that in­duc'd him to these Matches: It's enough to entail a lasting Honour on his Name, that he did it, and did it against the Ad­vice of his Brother, and in spight of all the Sollicitations that were made to him from Abroad, to marry them to Princes of the Romish Religion. The Parliament [Page 129] had in their view the Princess of Orange, in the Bill of Exclusion; and it was She and the Prince her Husband that were to have fill'd the Throne, upon the Death of their Uncle. But King Charles either not daring, or not willing to consent to the Bill, he dissolv'd both that and the next Parliament at Oxford, merely to ward off the Blow that threaten'd his Brother.

After the Dissolution of the Oxford Parliament, King Charles shew'd but little Inclination to call any more; and was prevail'd with to enter into harsher Measures than hitherto he had taken; and which seem'd contrary to his Natu­ral Goodness and Temper. The Char­ters of the City of London, and other Corporations, stood in the way of an Ab­solute Government; and it was resolv'd to break through this Barrier. In order to which, Quo Warranto's were brought against them; and in progress of time they were either surrendred by the Corpo­rations themselves, or vacated in West­minster-Hall, by a Set of Iudges pickt out for that purpose. And it was resolv'd thereby to make one of the Estates of Parliament depend entirely upon the Will and Nomination of the Prince.

[Page 130] While these Quo Warranto's were go­ing on, whole Peals of Anathema's were rung out against those Patriots that had stood up for the Liberties of their Coun­trey in the preceding Parliaments. And it was look'd upon as a Crime against the State, for any one to regret the approach­ing Fate of his Countrey. Even the Holy Scriptures themselves were made a Stale for Arbitrary Power; and the Laws which were given to the Iews as they were a Political State, were now brought in upon every occasion, to countenance the Designs of the Court. As if those Laws which were intended only to sup­port the Political Government of the Iews, were the real Foundation of the Christian Religion; or that the Consti­tution of England was founded upon the Iewish Doctrine. All which was not much for the Honour of those Gentlemen that broach'd that Notion. This was a Time never to be forgot, when to wish well to our Countrey, was a Crime; and when Heaven it self was rank'd upon our Ene­mies side, by some that pretended to ex­pound its Will. In some places a new kind of Funeral Harangues came in fa­shion: Our Laws, our Liberties, our Par­liaments, our Native Rights were to be [Page 131] buried; but instead of dropping a Tear at their Funeral, fulsom Panegyricks were made upon their Murtherers, and Curses denounc'd against those that would have retriev'd them from Destruction.

All these Transactions were attended with the Publick Disgrace of the Duke of Monmouth. The Dis­grace of the Duke of Mon­mouth, and its Conse­quences; This Gentleman stood pos­sess'd of all the Qualities requisite to gain the Love of the People, and stir up the Jealousy of the Duke of York. King Charles had heap'd Honours upon him; and nothing pleas'd him so much as to see him Great. He had been sent to Scotland in the Year 1678, to suppress an Insurre­ction which the Severity of Lauderdale's Administration had occasion'd; where his Lenity towards a People made by Op­pression mad, gain'd him the ill will of a Predominant Party at Court. The Zeal he shew'd some time after in the prose­cution of the Popish Plot, and his Friend­ships with some that were profess'd Ene­mies to the Duke, concurr'd to his Fall. Yet King Charles still continued under­hand the same Tenderness for him; though he was declar'd in Publick to be in Disgrace. The Duke's Faction at home, and a Foreign Interest abroad, were too powerful for King Charles to [Page 132] grapple with, even though the Fortune of a Favourite Son was at stake.

The more he was depress'd by the En­vy of his Uncle, the higher he rose in the Affections of the People; till the break­ing out of what was call'd the Protestant Plot, The Pro­testant Plot. overwhelm'd not only him, but a whole Party with him. This Plot was in some part a greater Mystery than the Popish Plot had been before, and had more dismal Effects. The shatter'd Re­mains of English Liberty were then at­tack'd on every side; and some of the Noblest Blood in the Nation was offer'd up a Sacrifice to the Manes of Popish Martyrs, and made to atone for the Bill of Exclusion. Swearing came once more into Fashion, and a New Evidence-Office was erected at Whitehall. But whereas the Witnesses of the Popish Plot were brow-beaten and discourag'd, those of the Protestant Plot were highly encou­rag'd; and instead of Iudges and Iuries that might perhaps boggle at half-Evi­dence, as it fell out in the Prosecution of the former; care was taken in this to pick out such as should stick at nothing to serve a Turn. It was by such Iudges and Iuries that the Lord Russel and Mr. Sidney fell; and the cutting off those [Page 133] Two Noble Lives, may be reckon'd among the first Triumphs of the Duke's Party in England.

It's true, King Charles seem'd inclin'd to pardon both the one and the other; and the very day the Lord Russel was executed, some Words escap'd him, that show'd sufficiently his Irresolution in that matter: But by this time he was too far gone, to make a handsome Retreat on a sudden; and there was observable ever after, a sensible Change in his Temper; for from an Easiness and Debonairness that was natural to him, he came at length to treat men with Hard Names, and upon some occasions to express a Se­verity in his Disposition, that he had been ever averse to before.

The rest of that Reign was one conti­nued Invasion upon the Rights of the Peo­ple; and the Nation seem'd unwilling now to contend for them any more. King Charles, notwithstanding his great Abilities and Fitness for business, appear'd to be quite lull'd asleep with the Charms of a new swell'd-up Prerogative; while some of our Neighbours were playing their Game, to the Prejudice of England abroad, and the Duke's Creatures were managing all things to their own mind at home. [Page 134] Nature prevail'd upon King Charles at length; and the shame of seeing himself impos'd upon by others far short of him in Parts; and that the Court was antici­pating his Death, by their Addresses to his Brother, as if he had been already King, did help to awake him out of his Slumber, and brought him to lay a Pro­ject for a mighty Change in the Affairs of England, which probably might have made both him and the Nation happy. If he had liv'd but a few Weeks longer, Monmouth had been recall'd to Court, the Duke of York had been sent beyond Sea, and a New Parliament conven'd. But what further was to follow, must be bu­ried with his Ashes, there being nothing left us, but bare Suspicions of what might have been. This is certain, his Death came opportunely for the Duke; and in such a Manner, and with such Circum­stances, as will be a Problem to Posterity, whether he died a Natural Death, or was hasten'd to his Grave by Treachery.

In so nice a Point as this is, The Death of King [...] II. it becomes one that would write Impartially, to set down with the exactest Fidelity, every thing of Moment of either side, that may determine the Reader in his Judg­ment, without venturing to give his own. [Page 135] This Rule I have set to my self, in laying down the following Particulars.

It's confest, The Suspici­ons about the Man­ner of it consider'd few Princes come to dye a sudden Death, but the World is apt to attribute it to Foul Play, especially if at­tended with unusual Circumstances in the Time and Manner of it. King Charles had a healthful Constitution be­yond most men, and took great care to preserve it by Diet and Exercise, which naturally promise a long Life. And it was more extraordinary to see such a Man dye before Threescore, than ano­ther in the Bloom of Youth. Now if he died a Natural Death, it's agreed by all, that it must have been an Apoplexy. This Disease seizes all the Vital Faculties at once; and yet for the most part, does not only give some short Warnings of its Approach, by unusual Affections of the Head, but many times is occasion'd by some evident preceding Cause. In King Charles's Case, there appear'd no visible Cause, either near or remote, to which with any certainty of Reason, his Dis­ease could be ascrib'd; and the Forerun­ners of it were rather to be found in the Stomach and Bowels, than in the Head. For after he was a [...]bed, he was over­heard to groan most of the Night: And [Page 136] both then, and next Morning, before he fell into the Fit, he complain'd first of a heavy Oppression in his Stomach, and about his Heart, and afterwards of a sharp Pain in those Parts; all which Symptoms had but little relation to an Apoplexy. That Morning there appear'd to every body about him a Ghastliness and Paleness in his Looks: And when he sat down to be shav'd, just before the Fit took him, he could not sit straight, as he us'd to do, but continued in a stooping Posture, with his Hand upon his Stomach, till the Fit came. After he had been brought out of it by opening a Vein, he complain'd of a Racking Pain in his Stomach, and of no Indisposition any where else: And du­ring the whole Time of his Sickness, and even when he seem'd most Insensible, he was observ'd to lay his Hand for the most part upon his Stomach, in a moaning Po­sture, and continued so to his Death. And so violent was the Pain, that when all hopes were gone, the Physicians were desir'd to use all their Art to procure him an Easy Death.

So much for the Distemper it self: There remains some things to be taken notice of, that fell out before and after his Death. A few days before he was taken [Page 137] ill, King Charles being in Company where the present Posture of Affairs was discours'd of, there escap'd him some warm Expressions about the uneasy Cir­cumstances he was plung'd into, and the ill Measures had been given him: And how in a certain particular Affair he was pleas'd to mention, he had been abus'd: Adding in some Passion, That if he liv'd but a Month longer, he would find a way to make himself easy for the rest of his Life. This Passage was whisper'd abroad next day; and the Rumour of recalling the Duke of Monmouth, and sending away the Duke of York, came to take Air about the same time. Indeed all things were making ready, to put the latter in execu­tion; and there is reason to believe the King had intimated as much to the Duke himself; for some of his Richest Furni­ture was put up, and his chief Servants order'd to be in a readiness to attend their Master upon an Hour's warning; and Yatchts were waiting to Transport some Person of Quality, without mentioning who it was, or whither bound. The Romish Party that manag'd about Court, were observ'd to be more than ordinary diligent and busy up and down Whitehall and St. Iames's, as if some very important [Page 138] Affair was in agitation; and a new and unusual Concern was to be seen on their Countenances. Nor was it any won­der; for in this suspected Change they were like to be the only Losers, and all their teeming Hopes were in a fair way to be disappointed. How far the Princi­ples of some of that Party might leave them at liberty to push on their Revenge for this design'd Affront, as well as to prevent the Blow that threaten'd them, though without the Privacy, much less the Consent of the Duke of York, is left to the Reader to judge.

There was a Foreign Minister, that some days before the King fell ill, order'd his Steward to buy a considerable Parcel of Black Cloth, which serv'd him and his Retinue after for Mourning: And the late Ambassador Don Pedro Ranquillor, made it no Secret, that he had a Letter from Flanders the Week before King Charles died, that took notice of his Death, as the News there. But both these might fall out by mere Accident.

There remains two things more, that deserve some Consideration in this mat­ter. When his Body was open'd, there was not sufficient time given for taking an exact Observation of his Stomach and [Page 139] Bowels; which one would think ought chiefly to have been done, considering the violent Pains he had there: And when a certain Physician seem'd to be more inquisitive than ordinary about the Condition of those Parts, he was taken aside, and reprov'd for his needless Curio­sity. In the next place, his Body stunk so extremely within a few Hours after his Death, notwithstanding the Coldness of the Season, that the People about him were extremely offended with the Smell: Which is a thing very extraordinary, in one of his strong and healthful Constitu­tion; and is not a proper Consequent of a mere Apoplectical Distemper.

There was some Weight laid upon an Accident that fell out at Windsor some Years before his Death: For the King drinking more liberally than usual, after the Fatigue of Riding, he retir'd to the next Room, and wrapping himself up in his Cloak, fell aslep upon a Couch. He was but a little time come back to the Company, when a Servant belonging to one of them, lay down upon the same Couch, in the King's Cloak, and was found stabb'd dead with a Ponyard. Nor was it ever known how it happen'd, but the matter hush'd up, and no Enquiry made about it.

[Page 140] To conclude; Dr. Short, who was a Man of great Probity and Learning, and a Roman-Catholick, made no scruple to declare his Opinion to some of his inti­mate Friends, That he believ'd King Charles had foul Play done him. And when he came to dye himself, express'd some suspicion that he had met with the same Treatment, for opening his mind too freely in that Point.

So much for the Circumstances of King Charles's Death, that seem to have an Ill Aspect. There are others that seem to destroy all Suspicions of Treache­ry in the matter.

As First, He had liv'd so fast, as might enervate in a great measure the Natural Force of his Constitution, and exhaust his Animal Spirits; and therefore he might be more subject to an Apoplexy, which is a Disease that weakens and locks up these Spirits from performing their usual Functions. And though in his later Years he had given himself more up to the Pleasures of Wine than of Wo­men, that might rather be the effect of Age, than of Choice.

Next, it's known he had been once or twice attack'd before, with Fits that much resembled those of which he after­wards [Page 141] died: And yet as the manner of them is told, they look rather to have been Convulsive Motions, than an Apo­plexy; seeing they were attended with violent Contorsions of his Face, and Convulsions of his whole Body and Limbs. This is the more confirm'd, by a Passage that happen'd during the Heat of the Popish Plot. King Charles had some secret Matter to manage at that time, by the means of a Romish Priest then beyond Sea, whom he order'd to be privately sent for: And the Gentleman employ'd betwixt the King and him (from whom I had the Story) was di­rected to bring him in a Disguise to White­hall. The King and the Priest were a considerable time together alone in the Closet, and the Gentleman attended in the next Room: At last the Priest came out with all the marks of Fright and Astonishment in his Face; and having recover'd himself a little, he told the Gentleman, That he had run the greatest Risque ever man did; for while he was with the King, his Majesty was suddenly surpriz'd with a Fit, accompanied with violent Convulsions of his Body, and Contorsions of his Face, which lasted for some Moments; and when he was [Page 142] going to call out for help, the King held him by force till it was over, and then bid him not to be afraid, for he had been troubled with the like before; the Priest adding, what a condition he would have been in, considering his Religion, and the present Juncture of Affairs, if the King had died of that Fit, and no body in the Room with him besides himself.

But leaving this Story to the Credit of the Priest; there might be another Natural Cause assign'd for King Charles's falling into such a Fit as that of which he died; which is this: He had had for some time an Issue in his Leg, which run much, and consequently must have made a great Revulsion from his Head, upon which account it's probable it was made. A few Weeks before his Death, he had let it be dried up, contrary to the Advice of his Physicians, who told him it would prejudice his Health. Their Prognostick was partly true in this, that there came a painful Tumor upon the place where the Issue had been, which prov'd very obstinate, and was not tho­roughly heal'd up when he died.

In fine, it is agreed on all hands, that King Charles express'd no Suspicion of his being poyson'd, during all the time of [Page 143] his Sickness: Though it must be also ob­served, that his Fits were so violent, that he could not speak when they were upon him, and show'd an Aversion to speaking during the Intervals. And there was not any thing to be seen upon opening his Body, that could reasonably be attributed to the force of Poyson. Yet to allow these Considerations no more weight than they can well bear, this must be acknow­ledg'd, That there are Poysons which affect originally the Animal Spirits, and are of so subtle a nature, that they leave no concluding Marks upon the Bodies of those they kill.

Thus Reign'd, The Cha­racter of King Charles II. and thus Died King Charles the Second; a Prince endow'd with all the Qualities that might justly have rendred him the Delight of Man­kind, and entitled him to the Character of one of the Greatest Genius's that ever sat upon a Throne, if he had not sullied those Excellent Parts with the soft Plea­sures of Ease, and had not entertain'd a Fatal Friendship, that was incompatible with the Interest of England. His Reli­gion was Deism, or rather that which is call'd so: And if in his Exile, or at his Death, he went into that of Rome; the first was to be imputed to a Complaisance [Page 144] for the Company he was then oblig'd to keep, and the last to a lazy Diffidence in all other Religions, upon a Review of his past Life, and the near Approach of an uncertain State. His Person was Tall and well-made, his Constitution Vigo­rous and Healthy; and it's hard to deter­mine, whether he took more pains to preserve it by Diet and Exercise, or to impair it by Excess in his Pleasures. In Health he was a great Pretender to Phy­sick, and Encourager of Quacks, by whom he was often cheated of conside­rable Sums of Money for their pretended Secrets: But whenever he was indispos'd, he consulted his Physicians, and depend­ed on their Skill only.

His Face was compos'd of harsh Fea­tures, difficult to be trac'd with the Pen­cil; yet in the main it was agreeable; and he had a Noble Majestick Mien. In contradiction to all the common receiv'd Rules of Physiognomy, he was Merciful, Good-natur'd, and in the last Twenty four Years of his Life, Fortunate, if to succeed in most of his Designs, may be call'd so. Never Prince lov'd Ceremony less, or despis'd the Pageantry of a Crown more; yet he was Master of something in his Person and Aspect, that com­manded [Page 145] both Love and Veneration at once.

He was a great Votary to Love, and yet the easiest and most unconcern'd Ri­val. He was for the most part not very nice in the choice of his Mistresses, and seldom possess'd of their First Favours; yet would sacrifice all to please them; and upon every Caprice of theirs, denied himself the use of his Reason, and acted contrary to his Interest. He was a Re­spectful, Civil Husband; a Fond Father; a Kind Brother; an Easy Enemy; but none of the Firmest or most Grateful Friends: Bountiful by Starts; one day lavish to his Servants; the next, leaving them to starve: Glad to win a little Mo­ney at Play, and impatient to lose but the thousandth part of what within an hour after he would throw away in gross. He seem'd to have had nothing of Jea­lousy in his Nature, neither in Matters of Love nor Power. He bore patiently Ri­vals in the one, and Competitors in the other; otherwise he would not have con­tributed to a Foreign Greatness at Sea; nor given his Brother so uncontroul'd a share in the Government.

Though his Understanding was quick and lively, with a vast Compass of [Page 146] Thought, yet he would submit his Judg­ment in greatest Matters, to others of much inferior Parts: And as he had an extraordinary Share of Wit himself, so he lov'd it in others, even when pointed against his own Faults and Mismanage­ments. He had read but little, yet he had a good Taste of Learning, and would reason nicely upon most Sciences. The Mechanicks were one of his peculiar Ta­lents, especially the Art of building and working of Ships; which no body under­stood better, nor if he had liv'd, would have carried it farther. He had a strong Laconick way of Expression, and a Gen­tile, Easy, and Polite way of Writing: And when he had a mind to lay aside the King, which he often did in select Com­panies of his own, there were a thou­sand irresistible Charms in his Conversa­tion. He lov'd Money only to spend it: And would privately accept of a small Sum paid to himself, in lieu of a far greater to be paid into the Exchequer.

He lov'd not Busi [...]s; and sought eve­ry occasion to avoid it; which was one reason that he past so much of his time with his Mistresses: Yet when Necessity call'd him, none of his Council could rea­son more closely upon Matters of State; [Page 147] and he would often by fits outdo his Mi­nisters in Application and Diligence. No Age produc'd a greater Master in the Art of Dissimulation; and yet no man was less upon his Guard, or sooner de­ceiv'd in the Sincerity of others. If he had any one fix'd Maxim of Government, it was to play one Party against another, to be thereby the more Master of both: And no Prince understood better how to shift hands upon every Change of the Scene. To sum up his Character, he was dextrous in all the Arts of Insinuati­on; and had acquir'd so great an Ascen­dant over the Affections of his People, in spite of all the unhappy Measures he had taken, that it may in some sense be said, He died opportunely for England; since if he had liv'd, it's probable we might in compliance with him have com­plimented our selves out of all the Re­mains of Liberty, if he had had but a mind to be Master of them; which it's but Charity to believe he had not, at least immediately before his Death.

There is one thing more that may help to make up the Character of this Prince, That in the Li [...]es and Shape of his Face (all but the Teeth) he had a great Re­semblance of the Ancient Bustoes and [Page 148] Statues we have of the Emperor Tiberius: Insomuch that one of the most Learned Men of this Age told me, That walk­ing in the Furnesian Gardens at Rome, with a Noble Italian that had been at the Court of England, he took notice of this Resemblance in an Antique Statue of Ti­berius; and asking the Italian if he re­membred any Prince he had seen that re­sembled it, the other immediately nam'd King Charles. As there was a great Likeness betwixt these Two Princes in their Faces, there was likewise some in their Maxims of Government, the Time of their Age in which they came to govern, the Length of their Reigns, and the Suspi­cions about the manner of their Death. And indeed, excepting Tiberius's Tem­per, his Cruelty, Jealousy, and unnatu­ral Lusts, any one that's acquainted with both their Stories, will easily find some­thing of a Parallel betwixt them. Nor is this any Reflection upon the Memory of King Charles; for except in what I nam'd, Tiberius may be reckon'd among the Wisest and the Bravest of those that wore the Imperial Purple.

Upon King Charles's Death, The Reign of King Iames II. Iames Duke of York mounted the Throne, by the Name of King Iames the Second. All [Page 149] the former Heats and Animosities against him, and even the very Memory of a Bill of Exclusion, seem'd to be now quite forgot, amidst the loud Acclamations of his People at his Accession to the Crown. He had many Years of Experience when he came to it; and few of his Predeces­sors could boast of the like Advantages: In most of the Transactions of the pre­ceding Reign, he had born a considerable Share as to Action, but much more as to Counsel and Influence. In the Post of Lord High Admiral of England, he had large opportunities to be fully acquainted with the Native Strength, and peculiar Interest of the Nation, I mean the Af­fairs of the Navy; in which he had acquir'd deservedly a great Reputation. He had met with but too many occasions to understand the Genius and Temper of the People he was to govern, and to know how far it was impracticable to overturn the Establish'd Religion, or to introduce a New one, for he had wrestled through a great many Difficulties upon the account of his own. He could not but have a true value for h [...]s Brother's great Parts and Abilities, and be acquaint­ed with the Arts by which he gain'd and preserv'd the Affections of his People, [Page 150] notwithstanding all the Hardships he had been induc'd sometimes to put upon them: And he had seen how fearful and averse he had been to push things too far, or to drive his Subjects to Extremiti­ties.

He had before him the Fatal Example of a Father, who though he was a Pro­testant, yet upon a false Suspicion of ha­ving a Design to introduce Popery, was sent to his Grave by a violont Death; and he was almost a Man when that Tragedy happen'd, and had suffer'd Ten Years Banishment, among other Consequences that attended it. He had been acquainted abroad with a Princess fam'd for Parts and Learning, who Resign'd her Crown, apprehending she might be divested of it for embracing the Romish Religion, by those very Subjects that held her before in the greatest Veneration, both upon her own account, and that of a Father, who had rais'd them to the highest Pitch of Glory that ever the Suedish Nation ar­riv'd to. And he might have remembred what his Mother said upon her Return to Somerset-house after the Restoration, That if she had known the Temper of the Peo­ple of England some Years past, as well as she did then, she had never been oblig'd to [Page 151] leave that House. But the History of his Ancestors might have more fully in­form'd him, T [...]at those that grasp'd at Immoderate Power, or a Prerogative above the Law, were always Unfortunate, and their Reigns Inglorious.

There was also a Passage at his Father's Death, which he would have done well to have observ'd: He deliver'd his George to Dr. Iuxon upon the Scaffold, and bid him Remember, without saying more: The Council of State was willing to know the meaning of that Expression, and call'd the Doctor before them, to give them an Account of it; who told them, That the King immediately before his coming out to the Place of Execution, had charg'd him to carry to the Prince his Son, his George, with these his Two last Commands, That he should forgive his Mur­therers: And, That if he ever came to the Crown, he should so govern his Subjects, as not to force them upon Extremities.

Over and above all this; one of the best Historians of the Age, Puffendorf ut supra. who had the advantage of all the late Elector of Bran­denburgh's Papers and Memoirs, acquaints us, That King Charles the Second deli­vering to King Iames at his Death the Key of his Strong Box, advis'd him not [Page 152] to think upon introducing the Romish Re­ligion into England, it being a thing that was both dangerous and impracticable. And that the late Don Pedro Ronquillor, the Spanish Ambassador, at his first Audience after the Death of King Charles, having ask'd leave to speak his mind freely upon that occasion, made bold to tell him, That he saw several Priests about him, that he knew would importune him to alter the Establish'd Religion in England; but he wish'd his Majesty would not give Ear to their Advice; for if he did, he was afraid his Majesty would have reason to repent of it when it was too late. This Author tells us, That King Iames took ill the Free­dom of the Spanish Ambassador; and ask'd him in Passion, Whether in Spain they advis'd with their Confessors? Yes, Sir, (answer'd Ronquillor) we do, and that's the reason our Affairs go so ill.

The same Historian does likewise in­form us (but he does not tell us upon what grounds), Pope Inno­cent XI th's Letter to K Iames. That Pope Innocent XI. writ a Letter to King Iames upon his Ac­cession to the Crown, to this purpose, That he was highly pleas'd with his Majesty's Zeal for the Catholick Religion; but he was afraid his Majesty might push it too far, and instead of contributing to his own Great­ness, [Page 153] and to the Advancement of the Ca­tholick Church, he might come to do both It and himself the greatest Prejudice, by at­tempting that which his Holiness was well assur'd from long Experience, could not suc­ceed. This Letter does very well agree with what I shall have occasion to men­tion afterwards, concerning the Earl of Castlemain's Embassy to Rome.

How far he profited by all these Advan­tages on the one hand, and Examples and Advices on the other, will appear in the Sequel.

The first Speech he made as King, the day his Brother died, gave hopes of a Happy Reign; and even those that had appear'd with the greatest Warmth against him before, were willing now to own themselves to have been mistaken, and were ready to express their Repen­tance for what was past. For he told them, That since it had pleas'd Almighty God to place him in that Station, and that he was now to succeed to so good and gracious a King, as well as so very kind a Brother, he thought fit to declare to them, That he would endeavour to follow his Example, and especially in that of his great Clemency and Tenderness to his People: And that though he had been reported to be a Man for Arbitra­ry [Page 154] Power, yet he was resolv'd to make it his Endeavour to preserve the Government of England both in Church and State, as it was then Establish'd by Law. That he knew the Principles of the Church of England were for Monarchy; and that the Members of it had show'd themselves good and Loyal Subje [...]ts; therefore he would always take care of it, and defend and support it. That he knew that the Laws of England were suf­ficient to make the King as Great a Mo­narch as he could wish: And that as he would never depart from the just Rights and Pre­rogatives of the Crown, so he would never invade any man [...]s Property. Concluding, That as he had often hitherto ventur'd his Life in defence of this Nation, so he was resolv'd to go as far as any man in preser­ving it in all its just Rights and Liberties.

If a Trajan or an Antoninus had been to lay down a Scheme of Government to make their People happy, they could not have done it in better Terms; nor could the Nation well desire, or in reason wish for more. If his subsequent Actions had come up to it, he had eterniz'd his Name, and might have reviv'd in himself the Memory of those of his Ancestors who have deservedly given them by Posterity, the Character of Good and Great.

[Page 155] This promising Speech was not many days old, nor King Charles's Ashes well cold, when the Nation was alarm'd with a Proclamation for levying that part of the Customs that had been granted to his Brother only for Life, an [...] was expir'd at his Death. This was not only an open Violation of his Promise in his foremention'd Speech, but of our Fundamental Constitution, by which no Money can be levied on the Subject, but by their Consent in Parlia­ment. As it was contrary to Law, so it was altogether needless at that time, since a Parliament was to meet within a few days, which no body doubted would in a Parliamentary way continue the same Customs for his Life, as they had been for his Brother's.

He was not the first Prince that did ille­gally seize what he had no right to: But few Instances can be given of a King that did openly violate the Constitution of his Countrey, to obtain that which he was certain would be granted him in a Legal Manner, and with the Good­will of his People.

Notwithstanding this unusual Stretch of Power upon his entring into the Ad­ministration, yet the Parliament he had call'd sat down in a good Humour, and [Page 156] with a hearty Inclination to do every thing in compliance with him, that might tend to his Honour or Safety. His Speech to both Houses was much of the same Strain with his former to the Council upon his Brother's death, but more full. He demanded the setling of his Revenue during Life, as it was in his Brother's time; and acquainted them with the Earl of Argyle' s Landing in Scotland; and threaten'd to reward his Treason as it deserv'd.

This Speech buoy'd up the Minds of the People that had been sufficiently stunn'd before with the Unpresidented Proclamation for levying the Customs: And so earnest was the Parliament to give the King no just occasion of Dis­pleasure, and so great a Confidence did they place in a Royal Promise from the Throne, that they immediately complied with him in the matter of the Revenue, thank'd him for his Speech, and resolv'd by an Unanimous Vote, To assist him with their Lives and Fortunes against the Earl of Argyle, and all other his Enemies what­soever.

Some few days after, the Bill for set­ling his Revenue, was presented to him for his Assent; upon which Occasion he [Page 157] made them another Memorable Speech: He thank'd them for the Bill; told them of want of Stores in the Navy and Ord­nance; of the Anticipations that were upon several Branches of the Revenue; of the Debts due to his Brother's Servants and Family; which he said were such as de­serv'd Compassion; and of the extraordina­ry Charges he must be at in suppressing the Rebellion in Scotland: Upon all which accounts he demanded an Extraordinary Supply; and summ'd up all, with recom­mending to them the Care of the Navy, which he was pleas'd to call the Strength and Glory of the Nation: And in the end told them, He could not express his Concern upon that occasion more suitable to his own thoughts of it, than by assuring them, He had a true English Heart, as jealous of the Honour of the Nation, as Theirs could be: And that he pleas'd him­self with the Hopes, Appendix, Numb. 12. His [...] Speech to the Parlia­ment. That by God's Bles­sing and the Parliament's Assistance, he might carry the Reputation of it higher in the World, than ever it had been in the time of any of his Ancestors.

It was no wonder that a Speech of this Strain, so becoming an English Monarch, did meet with a kind Reception from an English Parliament, and be answer'd as it [Page 158] was, with a large Supply; since a Neigh­bouring Court was thereupon at a stand what to think of a Prince they had rec­kon'd upon as their own, and of whose real Friendship this unexpected Speech gave them ground to doubt. They well knew that a true English Heart was dia­metrically opposite to their Designs; and that a King jealous of the Honour of the English Nation, must needs be an Ene­my to all Encroachments of any Neigh­bouring State. To plunge that Court yet the more into a Maze of Thoughts about King Iames upon this Occasion, the carrying the Reputation of England yet higher in the World than ever it had been in the time of any of his Ancestors, were Words that seem'd to promise no less than the imitating, or rather out­doing of an Edward III. or a Henry V. that had rais'd to themselves immortal Trophies, at the Expence of their Neigh­bours, and wrote their own Panegyricks with their Enemies Blood.

How this Speech was relish'd abroad, cannot be better express'd, than in Two Letters writ at that time by a certain Great Minister, to an Ambassador here, which being communicated to me by a Noble Person, into whose hands many of [Page 159] that Ambassador's Papers happen'd to fall upon the late Revolution, they are plac'd at length in the Appendix, Appendix, Numb. 13. in English.

In the first of these Letters, That Minister discovers a sort of diffidence in King Iames, as if he were not the Man they had taken him for. Expresses his Fears, that a Cordial Agreement between him and the Parliament, might unhindge all the Measures had been so long a concert­ing betwixt him and his Master, when King James was but Duke of York. He re­commends to the Ambassador, to enquire narrowly into the Motives and the Advisers of this Speech to the Parliament, as the most considerable Service that could be done in that Juncture.

The other Letter chides the Ambassa­dor, for not being yet able to sound King James's Intentions; and tells him, They had receiv'd from a sure hand better News than what it appears the Ambassador had writ. And which is most remarkable in the whole Letter, there is in it a plain In­sinuation, That there was in that Court some great matter under consideration, con­cerning the Edict of Nants, which was not to be declar'd until King James's Intenti­ons were fully known. And concludes with a Command to the Ambassador, to sift out [Page 160] how King James stood affected to the Prince of Orange.

What discoveries were made in obe­dience to these Letters, can be no other­wise guess'd at but by the Event; for at this very time the Unfortunate Duke of Monmouth, by a desperate, ill-tim'd At­tempt to overturn King Iames's Throne, did all that in him lay, to fix it the faster.

King Charles, as I have said, lov'd Monmouth tenderly; and all the Disgra­ces and Hardships that had of late Years been put upon him, were rather the ef­fects of Fear and Policy, than Inclinati­on or Choice. He was fond of him to that degree, that though he was the greatest Master in the Art of Dissimula­tion, yet he could not refrain sometimes in Company where he might be free, from regretting his own hard Fortune, which necessitated him to frown upon a Son, whose greatest Crime was to have incurr'd his Brother's Displeasure.

His Fondness was yet more express'd in his Behaviour to the Duke of Mon­mouth, upon the Discovery of that which was call'd the Protestant Plot, and in the manner he brought him back to Court, after the Ferment was a little abated. All [Page 161] the time Monmouth was absconding, and when there was a Proclamation out for apprehending him, King Charles not only knew where he was, and sent him Messa­ges every day, but saw him several times in private. When the Duke's Anger was a little appeas'd by the Sacrifices that were offer'd up to it, King Charles thought it was then time to have his Son once again about him. In order to which, he so manag'd the mat­ter, that Monmouth should owe the Fa­vour to the Duke of York, and that his Pardon should be granted merely at the Duke's Intercession.

The Night he appear'd first at Court upon his Reconciliation, King Charles was so little Master of himself, that he could not dissemble a mighty Joy in his Countenance, and in every thing he did or said. Insomuch, that it was the pub­lick Talk about Town, and strongly in­sinuated to the Duke of York, That all the King's former Proceedings against the Duke of Monmouth, were but Grimace, and that his Royal Highness being made the Instrument of the Reconciliation, was all but a Trick put upon him. This so far incens'd the Duke, that he never rested till King Charles was prevail'd with [Page 162] to demand of Monmouth the Publication of a Paper which he had sign'd under Trust, and with an Assurance given him that it should never be made publick; which the Party about the Duke knew Monmouth would not consent to, as being against his Honour. They were not mi­staken, for Monmouth refus'd it; and up­on his Refusal was disgrac'd once again.

King Charles's Kindness ended not here, but attended him to Holland, whi­ther he was oblig'd to retire. He found secret means to furnish him with Money, and sent him Messages from time to time, and sometimes writ to him with his own Hand. He could not bear any hard thing to be said of him in his absence; and some officious Courtiers found to their Cost that it was not the way to make their Fortune, to aggravate Monmouth's Crimes: Nor did the King take any thing more kindly, than the Noble Reception Monmouth receiv'd from a Prince of his Blood in a Foreign Countrey, when he was forc'd to abandon his own.

King Charles, tir'd out at last with the uncontroul'd Hardships that were every day put upon him by the Duke's Creatures, and asham'd to see his own Lustre obscur'd, and his Power lessen'd [Page 163] by a Party that had rais'd themselves upon Monmouth's Ruin, he resolv'd to shift the Scene; and in order to make himself easy for the rest of his Life, as he express'd it, he determin'd to send away the Duke of York, and recall the Duke of Monmouth.

April was the time agreed on to put this Resolution in practice; but there is little left us, by which we can judge whether Monmouth was to be recall'd to Court by a formal Invitation of the King's, or whether King Charles's usual Thread of Dissimulation was to be spun out to that length, that Monmouth was to Land with an Arm'd Force. The first seems more probable, if it were but for what he has writ himself in the Pocket-Book, which there will be occasion to mention hereafter. It's true, the last looks more of a piece with the rest of his Behaviour towards his Brother and Son, and more agreeable to his Natural Biass, which seldom inclin'd him to chuse the High Road, when there could possibly be found a By-Path to tread in.

But Death put a sudden stop to all King Charles's Designs and Monmouth's Hopes; and at the same time warded off a Blow that threaten'd the Duke of York so near. And Monmouth being just ready to rise [Page 164] higher than ever, was left by all his good Stars, which set with that Royal Sun that gave them Birth and Heat.

I would not be mistaken here, as if I were of opinion that in this New Turn that was upon the Anvil immediately be­fore the Death of King Charles, there was any Design of altering the Succession, or bringing Monmouth within the View of a Crown: The whole Course of King Charles's Actions does sufficiently contra­dict any such thought: And though Mon­mouth was afterwards prevail'd with by a headstrong Party about him, to assume the Title of King, yet it's next to a Cer­tainty, that all that was originally aim'd at by King Charles and the Duke of Mon­mouth, was only to weaken the Duke of York's Faction, which was then become insupportable, by playing Monmouth's Party against it; which was consistent with the only fix'd Maxim of Govern­ment in that Reign, That when any one Party grew too strong, to throw in the Royal Weight into the lightest Scale.

Monmouth was sufficiently stunn'd with this unexpected Change in his Fortune, by the Death of King Charles: But his great Courage and vain Confidence in a Popular Affection and Assistance, bore [Page 165] him up against all Difficulties, and prompted him on to attempt by Force of Arms, what was never design'd him by King Charles.

With Three small Ships, and about an Hundred and fifty Men, the Duke landed in the West of England, the Parliament sitting. A Romantick kind of Invasion, and scarce parallel'd in History: Yet with this Handful of Men, and the com­mon People that join'd him, without Arms, Provisions, Martial Discipline, Money, or any one Place of Strength to retire to, in case of Accidents, did this Brave Unfortunate Man bid fair for a Crown: And if his Ill Fate had not plac'd a Battalion of Dumbarton's Regi­ment in his way, he had in all probabi­lity surpriz'd the King's Army in their Camp, and perhaps at that single Blow decided the Fortune of England for once. Yet this Attempt may be said to have pav'd the Way for a Nobler Change in the Throne, by leaving King Iames at liberty through this Success to act with­out Controul, what at length tumbled him down.

Monmouth paid the Price of his Rebel­lion with his Blood: And King Iames in ordering him to be brought into his Pre­sence [Page 166] under the Sentence of Death, was pleas'd to make one Exception against a General Rule observ'd inviolably among Kings, Never to allow a Criminal under the Sentence of Death, the sight of his Prince's Face, without a design to pardon him.

There is nothing deliver'd concerning this Unfortunate Gentleman, but what I have unquestionable Grounds for, and which some Persons yet alive, of the First Quality, know to be true. But of the most things above mention'd, there is an infallible Proof extant under Mon­mouth's own Hand, in a little Pocket-Book which was taken with him, and de­liver'd to King Iames; which by an Ac­cident is needless to mention here, I had leave to copy, and did it in part. A great many dark Passages there are in it, and some clear enough, that shall be eternally buried for me: And perhaps it had been for King Iames's Honour to have com­mitted them to the Flames, as Iulius Caesar is said to have done upon a like oc­casion. All the use that shall be made of it, Appendix, Numb. 14. is only to give in the Appendix some few Passages out of it, that refer to this Subject, and confirm what has been above related.

[Page 167] Monmouth seem'd to be born for a bet­ter Fate; Monmouths Character. for the first part of his Life was all Sunshine, though the rest was clouded. He was Brave, Generous, Af­fable, and extremely Handsome: Con­stant in his Friendships, just to his Word, and an utter Enemy to all sort of Cruelty. He was easy in his Nature, but fond of Popular Applause, which led him insen­sibly into all his Misfortunes: But what­ever might be the hidden Designs of some working Heads he embark'd with, his own were Noble, and chiefly aim'd at the good of his Countrey, though he was mistaken in the means to attain it. Am­bitious he was, but not to the degree of aspiring to the Crown, till after his Land­ing in the West; and even then, he was rather Passive than Active in assuming the Title of King. It was Importunity alone that previal'd with him to make that Step; and he was inflexible, till it was told him, That the only way to pro­vide against the Ruin of those that should come into his Assistance, in case he fail'd in the Attempt, was to declare himself King; that they might be shelter'd by the Statute made in the Reign of Henry VII. in favour of those that should obey a King de Facto. Those that advis'd him, had [Page 168] different Ends in it: Some to render the Breach betwixt King Iames and him irre­concilable, and thereby pave a way for a Commonwealth, in playing them against one another. Others, to prevent a possi­bility of his being reconcil'd to King Iames, by the merit of delivering up those that should join him; which was a Thought unworthy of that nice Sincerity he had shown in all the former Conduct of his Life.

To confirm this, I remember to have heard Rumbold say openly at his Execu­tion in Scotland, upon the account of Ar­gyle's Invasion, That Monmouth had broke his Word with them, in declaring him­self King. And I have reason to know that he was so far from a Design upon the Crown before he left Holland, that it was not without great difficulty he was persuaded to come over at all: And that upon King Charles's Death he express'd a firm Resolution to make no such At­tempt, but to live a retir'd Life, without giving King Iames any disturbance.

In his latter Years he us'd to complain of the little Care had been taken of his Education; and in his Disgrace endea­vour'd to make up that Want, by apply­ing himself to Study, in which he made [Page 169] in a short time no inconsiderable Progress. He took the occasion of his Afflictions to inform his Mind, and recollect and amend the Errors of Youth; which it was not strange he should be tainted with, being bred up in all the Pleasures of a Luxurious Court. What sedate Thoughts his Retirement brought him to; and, which is in a great part hitherto a Secret, how little Inclination he had to make a Bustle in the World (to give it in his own Words) is best express'd in a Letter of his own, to one that after­wards lost his Life in his Quarrel: Which though without a Date, appears to be writ after King Charles's Death, and is plac'd in the Appendix; Appendix, Numb. 15. which was de­liver'd me by a Gentleman yet alive, that was intrusted with the Key of that and other Letters that were writ at that time: Mr. Spence, Secretary to the late Ear of Argyle. Which rather than discover, he chose to submit himself to be thrice cruelly tor­tur'd; all which he bore with a Courage worthy of the Ancient Romans.

The Duke of Monmouth, when he was brought Prisoner to King Iames's Pre­sence, made the humblest Submissions for his Life; and it's a Mystery what could move King Iames to see him, when he had no mind to pardon him: But the [Page 170] Manner of his Death Three Days after, did more than acquit him of any Mean­ness of Spirit in desiring to live, since he died with the greatest Constancy and Tranquility of Mind, and such as be­came a Christian, a Philosopher, and a Soldier.

The Storm being thus blown over that threatn'd his Crown, King Iames thought it time to cast off the Mask, and to act without disguise what till then he had in some part endeavour'd to dissemble. This Parliament had ex­press'd a more than ordinary Zeal in Attainting Monmouth, and had readily granted him a competent supply to sup­press that Rebellion. Not only so, but to testify the Confidence they had in his Promises mention'd in the former Speeches, the House of Commons Pass'd a Vote, nemine contradicente, That they did acquiesce, and intirely rely and rest wholly satisfied on His Majesty [...]s Gracious Word, and repeated Declarations to sup­port and defend the Religion of the Church of England as it is now by Law Establish'd, which was dearer to them than their Lives. So that they had reason to expect some suitable Returns to all this Kindness and Confidence on their sides. But they [Page 171] were mistaken; for King Iames began to talk to them in a quite other strain than he had done before. And in ano­ther Speech from the Throne, gave them to understand by a plain Insinuation, That he was now Master, and that for the fu­ture they must expect to be govern'd, not by the known Laws of the Land, but by his own sole Will and Pleasure.

No part of the English Constitution was in it self more sacred, or better secur'd by Law, then That by which Roman Catho­licks were declar'd incapable of Places of Trust either Civil or Military in the Go­vernment: And he himself, when Duke of York, was forc'd by the Test-Act to lay down his Office of Lord High-Admiral, even at a time when he had not publickly own'd his Reconciliation to the Church of Rome. But he did what lay in his power to break down this Barrier upon Monmouth' s Defeat. And in a Speech to his Parliament, told them, That after the Storm that seem'd to be co­ming when he parted with them last, he was glad to meet them again in so great Peace and Quietness. But when he re­flected what an inconsiderable number of Men began the late Rebellion, and how long they carry'd it on without any Opposi­tion; [Page 172] He hop'd ev'ry body was convinc'd that the Militia was not sufficient for such Occasions; but that nothing but a good Force of Disciplin'd Troops was sufficient to defend Vs from Insults at Home and Abroad: And therefore he had increas'd the number of Standing Forces to what they were: K. Iames's Speech to the Par­ment after Monmouth's defeat. Appendix, Numb. 16. And demanded a supply to support the Charge of them, which he did not doubt they would comply with. Then, as the main End of his Speech, and to let them know what he was positively resolv'd to do; He adds, Let no man take Exception that there are some Officers in the Army not qualified according to the late Test for their Employment: The Gentlemen, I must tell you, are most of them well known to me; and having formerly serv'd me on several Occasions, and always approv'd the Loyalty of their Principles by their Pra­ctices, I think them now fit to be Employ'd under me, and will deal plainly with you, That after having had the benefit of their Services in such time of need and danger, I will neither expose them to Disgrace, nor my self to the Want of them, if there should be another Rebellion to make them necessary to me. And at last he tells them, That he was afraid some may hope that a difference might happen betwixt Him and [Page 173] his Parliament on that occasion; which he cannot apprehend can befal him, or that any thing can shake them in their Loyalty to him, who will ever make all returns of kind­ness and protection, and venture his Life in the Defence of the true Interest of the Nation.

It was no wonder, That this Speech surpriz'd a people who valu'd themselves so much upon their Liberties, and thought themselves secure of them, both from the Constitution of their Government, and the solemn repeated promises of their Prince. They found too late, that their fears in the former Reign, of a Popish Successor, were too well grounded, and how inconsistent a Roman Catholick King is with a Protestant Kingdom. The Par­liament did in humble manner represent the inconvenience that might attend such Measures, The Par­liaments Address to K. Iames upon that Speech. at least to render him inexcu­sable for what might Ensue. And that they might not be wanting to themselves and their Posterity, they Voted an Ad­dress, wherein they told him, That they had with all duty and readiness taken into Consideration His Majesty's Gracious Speech. And as to that part of it relating to the Officers of the Army not qualified for their Employment according to the Act of Parlia­ment, [Page 174] they did out of their bounden duty humbly Represent to His Majesty, That these Officers could not by Law be capable of their Employments; and that the Incapacities they bring upon themselves that way, could no ways be taken off, but by an Act of Parlia­ment: Therefore out of that great Reve­rence and Duty they ow'd to His Majesty, they were preparing a Bill to indemnify them from the inconveniences they had now in­curr'd. And because the continuing them in their Employments may be taken to be a dispensing with Law without an Act of Par­liament, the consequence of which was of the greatest concern to the Rights of all his Subjects, and to all the Laws made for the security of their Religion; Therefore they most humbly beseech His Majesty, That he would be graciously pleas'd to give such Directions therein, that no Apprehensions or Iealousies might remain in the hearts of his Subjects.

Over and above what was contain'd in this Address, the House of Commons were willing to capacitate by an Act of Parliament, such a Number of the Roman Catholick Officers, as King Iames should give a List of. But both this Offer and the Address was highly resented; and notwithstanding that, they were prepa­ring [Page 175] a Bill for a considerable Supply to An­swer his extraordinary Occasions, and had sent to the Tower one of their Mem­bers for speaking indecently of his Speech, King Iames was influenc'd to part with this his first and only Parliament in dis­pleasure, upon the Fourth day after they presented the Address.

As his former Speeches to his Council and Parliament had put a Foreign Court to a Stand what to think of him; so this last put them out of pain, and con­vinc'd them he was intirely Theirs. Their sense of it can hardly be better express'd than in a Letter from Abroad contain'd in the Appendix; Appendix, Numb 17. which by its Stile though in another Hand, seems to be from the same Minister that writ the two for­mer: In which he tells the Ambassador here, That he needed not a surer Character of King James and his Intentions, than this last Speech to the Parliament, by which they were convinc'd of his former Resolu­tion to throw off the Fetters which Hereticks would impose upon him, and to act for the time to come En Maistre, as Master: A word till then altogether Foreign to the English Constitution.

What other Effects this Speech had up­on the Minds of People at Home and [Page 176] Abroad, may be easily guess'd from the different Interests they had in it: Nor is it to be pass'd over without some Re­mark, That the Revocation of the Edict of Nants, which probably had been some time under Consideration before, was now put in Execution to the Astonish­ment of all Europe.

The Parliament being dissolv'd, and no visible means left to retrieve the Liberties of England, King Iames made haste to accomplish the Grand Design which a head strong Party about him, push'd on as the certain way in their opinion to Eternize his Name in this World, and to merit an Eternal Crown in the other. They foresaw that this was the Critical Iun­cture, and the only one that happen'd since the days of Queen Mary, to Restore their Religion in England. And if they were wanting to themselves in making use of it, the prospect of a Protestant Successor would infallibly prevent their having any such opportunity for the future: King Iames was pretty far advanc'd in years, and what was to be done requir'd Expe­dition; for all their labour would be lost, if he should die before the accom­plishment. If he had been Younger, or the next presumptive Heir had not been [Page 177] a Protestant, there had been no such ab­solute necessity for Dispatch: But the Uncertainty of the King's Life call'd for more than ordinary diligence in a De­sign that depended meerly upon it.

The Party being resolv'd for these Reasons to bring about in the Compass of one Single Life, and that already far spent, what seem'd to be the Work of a whole Age, they made large steps to­wards it. Roman-Catholicks were not only Employ'd in the Army, but brought into Places of greatest Trust in the State: The Earl of Clarendon was forthwith re­mov'd from the Office of Privy-Seal, and the Government of Ireland, to make room for the Earl of Tyrconel in the one, and the Lord Arundel in the other. Fa­ther Peters, a Iesuit, was sworn of the Privy Council. And though by the Laws it was High-Treason for any to assume the Character of the Pope's Nuncio; A Pope's Nuncio in England. yet these were become too slender Cob­webs to hinder a Roman Prelate to ap­pear publickly at London in that Quality; Duke of Somerset. and one of the greatest Peers of England was disgrac'd for not paying him that Respect which the Laws of the Land made Criminal.

[Page 178] To bear the Publick Character of Am­bassador to the Pope, An Am­b [...]ssador sent to Rome: was likewise an open Violation of the Laws: But so fond was the governing Party about King Iames to show their new-acquir'd Trophies at Rome, that the Earl of Castlemain was dispatch'd thither Extraordinary Ambassa­dor, with a Magnificent Train, and a most Sumptuous Equipage. What his Secret Instructions were, may be partly guess'd by his Publick ones, which were, To Reconcile the Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, to the Holy See, from which they had for more than an Age fallen off by Heresy.

Innocent XI. And slighted by the Pope. receiv'd this Embassy as one that saw further than those who sent it. The Ambassador had but a cold Re­ception of the Holy Father; and none of the Cardinals, but those of a particular Faction, and the good-natur'd Cardinal of Norfolk, took any further notice of it, than Good Manners oblig'd them. The Court of Rome were too refin'd Politici­ans to be impos'd upon with Show and Noise; and knew the World too well, to expect great Matters from such hasty, ill-tim'd Advances as were made to them. Not only so, but Innocent having an Aver­sion in his Nature to a Faction he knew [Page 179] King Iames was embark'd in, which he ne­ver took pains to dissemble, was not over­fond of an Embassy from a Prince who was in an Interest he had long wish'd to see humbled. King Iames met with no­thing but Mortifications at Rome in the Person of his Ambassador, which occa­sion'd his making as short a Stay as was possible. In which may be seen the vast difference there was at that▪ time betwixt the Politicks of Italy, and those of a head­strong Party in England. And however the World has been impos'd upon to be­lieve that the Pope's Nuncio at the English Court, who is since made a Cardinal, was an Instrument to push on things to extremities, yet certain it is he had too much good sense to approve of all the Measures that were taken; and therefore desir'd often to be recall'd, lest he should be thought to have a hand in them.

Although the Earl of Castlemain was pleas'd upon his Examination before the Parliament, to say that his Embassy to Rome was only such as is between Two Tem­poral Princes, about Compliment and Com­merce; yet Father Warner in his Manu­script History, quoted by a Learned Au­thor, Dr. Gee's Animad­versions on the Iesuits Memorial for the In­tended Re­formation of England, under the first Popish Prince. London, 1690. gives us another account of it, in these words; Things being thus setled [Page 180] (says he) within the Realm, the next care his Majesty had, was to unite his Coun­tries to the Obedience of the Bishop of Rome, and the Apostolick See, which had been cut off by Heresy about an Age and a half before. To try the Pope's Inclinati­on, In the Year 1685. he sent Mr. Carryl thither, who succeeding according to his Wishes, and being recall'd, the Earl of Castlemain was sent the next Year, as Extraordinary Ambassador to the Pope, in the Name of the King and the Catholicks of England, to make their Submission to the Holy See.

Castlemain had several Audiences of the Pope, but to little purpose; for when­ever he began to talk of Business, the Pope was seasonably attack'd with a Fit of Coughing, which broke off the Am­bassador's Discourse for that time, and oblig'd him to retire. These Audiences and Fits of Coughing continued from time to time, while Castlemain continued at Rome, and were the subject of diver­sion to all but a particular Faction at that Court. At length he was advis'd to come to Threats, and to give out that he would be gone, since he could not have an op­portunity to treat with the Pope about the Business he came for. Innocent was [Page 181] so little concern'd for the Ambassador's Resentment, that when they told him of it, he answer'd with his ordinary Coldness, E bene, se vuol andarsene dite­gli adonque che si levi di buon matino al fresco e che a mezzo giorno si reposi, per che in questi paesi non bisogna viaggiare al caldo del giorno. Well! let him go; and tell him, It were fit he rise early in the Morning, that he may rest himself at Noon; for in this Countrey it's dangerous to travel in the Heat of the Day.

In the end, he was recall'd; being able to obtain of the Pope two trifling Requests only, that could hardly be de­nied to an ordinary Courier; The one was a License for the Mareschal d' Humiers's Daughter to marry her Vncle: Mercure Historick, pour Iune, 1687. And the other, a Dispensation of the Statutes of the Iesuits Order, to Father Peters, to en­joy a Bishoprick: The want of which, says my Author, was the reason that the Arch­bishoprick of York was kept so long va­cant.

Though the Pope carried himself in this manner towards the English Ambassa­dor, The Jesu­its Noble Entertain­ment of the English Ambassa­dor at Rome. yet the Iesuits paid him the highest Respect imaginable; which did him no service with the Old Man, for He and [Page 182] That Order were never hearty Friends. They entertain'd him in their Seminary with the greatest Magnificence; and nothing was wanting in Nature or Art, to grace his Reception. All their Stores of Sculpture, Painting, Poetry, and Rhe­torick, seem to have been exhausted upon this Entertainment. And though all the Inscriptions and Emblems did center upon the Triumph of the Romish Religion, and the Ruin of Heresy in England, yet Care was taken not to omit such particular Trophies and Devices, as were adapted to their new-acquir'd Liberty of setting up their Publick Schools at London. Among a great many other Panegyricks upon King Iames, the following Distich was plac'd below an Emblem of England:

There was also this Inscription put round King Iames's Picture:

[Page 184] In the Great Hall the Ambassador was Harangued by the Rector of the College in a Latin Speech; which, to show the vain Hopes they had of King Iames and their own Fortune at that time, is plac'd in the Appendix, Appendix, Numb. 18. Nouveau Voyage d' I­talie, Edit. 3. Tom. 2. Par Mon­sicur Misson. with a Translation of it into English: Referring the Reader for the rest of that Solemnity, to an Ingeni­ous Gentleman that was then upon the Place, and has given a particular Ac­count of it.

But yet it may not be amiss to mention what the same Gentleman tells us, of a Device that related to King Iames's having a Son; which was, A Lilly, from whose Leaves there distill'd some Drops of Water, which as the Naturalists say, becomes the Seed of new Lillies; and the Motto was, Lachrimor in Prolem: I weep for Children. Underneath was this Distich:

[Page 185] There was one Inscription more this Author takes notice of; which being one of the most unaccountable things of that kind, afforded matter for the Wits of Rome to descant upon. Though the Words are ill chose, and strangely harsh, yet it's certain the Fathers had a good meaning in them; and they refer to King Iames's Influence upon his Brother to turn Roman-Catholick at his death. The Inscription runs thus,

I will not pretend to give the nice Sense of these words; and tho I would, I cannot, there being such a perplexity in them. But for the Expressions that follow, I may venture to give them in English, though they seem to be as much out of the ordinary Road as the former.

Nuncii ex Anglia proceres Retulerunt Regibus aliis Jacobum Regnan­tem. Coelo Primus omnium retulit Carolus. Nec Immerito; Reges alii Legatos suscipiunt Mittuntque Principes, Legatos Reges Deum Excipere decuit; Jacobum mittere.

English Noblemen were sent to other Kings, to acquaint them with King James's Accession to the Crown: But Charles first of all brought the News of it to Heaven.

[Page 187] It was but reasonable, For Kings to send and receive Princes as Ambassadors: But It became God Almighty to receive, and James to send no Ambassadors but Kings.

To see King Iames neglected at Rome in the Pontificat of Innocent XI. The Mor­tifications K. Iames met with at Rome, about his Marriage with the Princess of Es [...]ê. was not so strange, considering what has been said of his Antipathy to a Faction wherein that Prince was concern'd: But that in the time of Innocent's Predecessor, and when he was Duke of York, he should be denied a common Favour, which that Court seldom or never refuses to any one, was a thing altogether unaccountable: Yet so it was, That he having sent the late Earl of Peterborough to Italy, to Espouse the Princess of Modena in his Name, all the Interest he could make, was not able to obtain a Dispensation for the Marriage. Genealo­gies of the Family of Mordant, &c. in a large Fol. p. 427, 428. The account of this mat­ter being so little known, and that Earl's Book wherein he mentions it, being so rare, and, as I am told, but Twenty four Copies printed, I shall give it in the Earl's own Words:

[Page 188] ‘But now from Rome there was Ad­vice (says he) by the Abbot of Angeo, of the great difficulties that arose in the Consultations of this Affair (mean­ing the Marriage.) The French Am­bassador, the Duke d' Estrees, favour'd the Marriage with all the Power of the French Faction; so did Cardinal Barbe­rini, and all the other Friends and Al­lies of the House of Estê. But his Ho­liness himself was very averse, and Cardinal Altieri, who was the Govern­ing Nephew, a profess'd and violent Opposer. The main pretence for this Obstinacy, was the Duke of York's not declaring himself publickly of the Ro­mish Church, though they knew that he was of a long time reconcil'd to it.’

‘But now at last (continues the Earl of Peterborough) came from Rome the Abbot of Angeo without the Dispensa­tion, which he could by no means ob­tain, by reason that Cardinal Altieri was inflexible, and Threats of Excom­munication were issued out against any that should undertake to perform or celebrate the Marriage. Whereupon we were all upon the fears and expecta­tions of a total Rupture. The Duchess of Modena her self, a Zealous, if not a [Page 189] Bigot Woman, was in great pain about the part that might seem offensive to his Holiness, or neglective of his Au­thority: And the Young Princess took occasion from hence to support her un­willingness. But in truth, Cardinal Barberini, upon whom the Duchess had great dependance, and all the other Adherents and Relations of the House of Estê, being every day more and more possess'd of the Honour and Inte­rest they were like to find in this Alli­ance, were scandaliz'd at the unrea­sonable Obstinacy of the Pope and his Nephew; and did frankly advise the Duchess of Modena suddenly to make up and perfect the Marriage: The Peace and Excuse of the thing being easier to be had after it was done, than any present License to be obtain'd for doing it.’

‘The Bishop of Modena was then ap­plied to (adds the Earl) for the Per­formance: But he refusing, a poor English Iacobine was found, Brother to Ierome White, that after serv'd the Duchess, who having nothing to lose, and on whom the Terror of Excommu­nication did not so much prevail, did undertake it, and so he perform'd the [Page 190] Ceremony.’ Thus far the Earl of Pe­terborough.

But to leave this Digression, The true design of the Perse­cution of Dissenters in King Charles's time. and to re­turn to our History. It was about this time that the Romish Cabal about King Iames began to play their Popular Engine, and which was likely to do most Execu­tion, by weakning the National Establish'd Church, and dividing Protestants among themselves, when in the mean time the Roman-Catholicks were to be the only Gainers. This was disguis'd under the specious Name of Liberty of Conscience. And the very same Party that advis'd this Toleration, were they that had push'd on all the Severities against the Protestant Dissenters in the former Reign, with de­sign to widen the Breach between them and the Church of England, and to ren­der the first more willing to swallow the Bait of Toleration, whenever it should be offer'd to them. They gain'd in a great part their End; for the Dissenters were not so fond of Persecution and Ill Usage, as to refuse a Liberty that was frankly offer'd them, which neither their Pray­ers nor Tears could obtain before: Nor did they think it good manners to enquire too narrowly how that Liberty came [Page 191] about, as long as they were shelter'd thereby from the Oppressions they lay under.

The Church of England saw through all this Contrivance, and fear'd the Con­sequences. The Protestant Dissenters were more pitied now in their seeming Prosperity, than ever they had been in their real Adversity. Some that had been zealous before in putting the Penal Laws in execution against them, did now see their Error too late, and found they had been us'd but as Tools to prevent the Dissenters from uniting with the Church of England, whenever the common Dan­ger should come to threaten both.

This Toleration could not subsist, K. Iames grants a Tolerati­on of Re­ligion. be­ing contrary to the Establish'd Laws of the Realm, unless a new Monster was in­troduc'd to give it life, under the Name of a Dispensing Power. When King Iames came to assume to himself this Power as his Prerogative and Right, he unhindg'd the Constitution all at once; for to Dis­pense with Laws already made, is as much a part of the Legislature, as the making of new ones. And therefore in aarogating to himself such a Dispensing Power, he invaded the very Essence of the English Constitution, by which the Le­gislature [Page 192] is lodg'd in King, Lords, and Com­mons; and every one of them has a Nega­tive upon the other two.

Charles II. was the first King of Eng­land that ever aim'd at any thing like a Dispensing Power. In the Year 1662. he was prevail'd upon for some Reasons of State to issue out a Proclamation, dispen­sing with some few things that related to the Act of Vniformity, but without the least regard to Roman-Catholicks. And though in his Speech to the Parliament upon that occasion, he did in a manner acknowledge that he had no such Power, in saying, That if the Dissenters would demean themselves peaceably and modestly, he could heartily wish he had such a Power of Indulgence to use upon occasion: Yet the Parliament was so jealous of this Inno­vation, that they presented the King with an Address against the Proclamation; and plainly told him, That he had no Power to dispense with the Laws, without an Act of Parliament.

King Charles made another Attempt of the like nature, in the Year 1672; and in a Speech to Both Houses, did mention his Declaration of Indulgence, and ac­quainted them with the Reasons that in­duc'd him to it; telling them withal, [Page 193] how little the Roman Catholicks would be the better for it. Upon which the House of Commons made an Address to him for recalling this Declaration: Wherein they plainly told him, That in claiming a Power to dispense with Penal Laws, his Majesty had been very much mis­inform'd; since no such Power was ever claim'd or exercis'd by any of his Predeces­sors; and if it should be admitted, might tend to the interrupting of the free course of the Laws, and altering the Legislative Power, which has always been acknowledg'd to reside in his Majesty, and his Two Houses of Parliament. King Charles was so far satisfied in the matter contain'd in this Address, that he immediately thereupon cancell'd his Declaration of Indulgence, and order'd the Seal to be torn off; and acquainted both Houses, That he had done so; with this further Declaration, which was enter'd upon Record in the House of Lords, That it should never be drawn into Example or Consequence.

The next that attempted such a Dis­pensing Power, though of a far larger Extent, was King Iames, as has been said: And how any thing that look'd that way, was relish'd by the House of Commons, does appear by their Address [Page 194] against the Roman Catholick Officers; which also has been mention'd.

It was not enough for King Iames to assume this Dispensing Power, And as­sumes a dispensing Power. and to act by it; but such was the Misery and hard Fate of England, that the Party about the King would h [...]ve had us believe, That a Power in the King to dispense wi [...]h Laws, was Law. To maintain this Mon­strous Position, there were not only Mer­cenary Pens set a-work, but a Set of Iudges found out, that to their Eternal Reproach, did all was possible for them to Compliment the King with the Liber­ties of their Countrey. For these Gen­tlemen gave it for Law,

Thus were we fallen under the greatest Misfortune that can possibly happen to a Nation; To have our Laws and Consti­tution trampled upon under colour of Law. And those very Men, whose Office it was to support them, became now the Betrayers of them to the Will of the Prince.

This mighty Point being gain'd, or rather forc'd upon us, the Roman-Catho­licks were not wanting to make the best use of it for themselves. The free and open Exercise of their Religion was set up every where, and Jesuit Schools and Seminaries erected in the most considera­ble Towns. The Church of England had now but a Precarious Title to the Na­tional Church, and Romish Candidates had swallow'd up its Preferments and Digni­ties already in their Hopes. Romish Bi­shops were publickly Consecrated in the Royal Chappel, and dispatch'd down to exercise their Episcopal Function in their respective Diocesses. Their Pastoral Let­ters, directed to the Lay-Catholicks of England, were openly dispers'd up and [Page 196] down, and printed by the King's own Printer, with Publick License. The Re­gular Clergy appear'd in their Habits in Whitehall and St. Iames's; and made no scruple to tell the Protestants, They hop'd in a little time to walk in Procession through Cheapside.

A mighty Harvest of New Converts was expected; and that Labourers might not be wanting, Shoals of Priests and Regulars were sent over from beyond Sea to reap it. The only Step to Preferment, was to be of the King's Religion: And to preach against the Errors of Rome, was the height of Disloyalty, because, forsooth, it tended to alienate the Sub­jects Affections from the King. An Or­der was directed to the Protestant Bishops about Preaching, which was, upon the matter, forbidding them to defend their Religion in the Pulpit, when it was at the same time attack'd by the Romish Priests with all the Vigor they were ca­pable of, both in their Sermons and Books. This Order was taken from a Precdent in Queen Mary's time; for the first Step she made to introduce Popery, notwithstanding her Promises to the Gen­tlemen of Suffolk and Norfolk to the con­trary, upon their appearing first of any [Page 197] for her Interest, upon the Death of her Brother, was to issue out a Proclamation, forbidding the Preaching upon contro­verted Points of Religion, for fear, it was said, of raising Animosities among the people. But notwithstanding this insna­ring Letter of K. Iames's, the Clergy of the Church of England were not wanting in their Duty: For to their Immortal Ho­nour, they did more to vindicate the Doctrine of their own Church, and ex­pose the Errors of the Church of Rome, both in their Sermons and Writings, than ever had been done either at Home or Abroad, since the Reformation; and in such a Stile, and with such an Inimitable Force of Reasoning, as will be a Stan­dard of Writing to succeeding Ages.

To hasten on the Project against the Establish'd Church, a new Court of In­quisition was erected, under the Name of a Commission for Ecclesiastical Affairs: And to blind the people, there were some Bishops of the Church of England nam'd Commissioners, whereof one re­fus'd to act from the beginning, and the other excus'd himself, after he came to see where the Design of it was levell'd. This Commission was another manifest Violation of the Laws, and against an [Page 198] express Act of Parliament: And as if that had not been enough to mortify the Church of England, there were some Roman Catholicks appointed Commission­ers; and consequently, the Enemies of the Protestant Religion were become the Judges and Directors of a Protestant Church in its Doctrine and Discipline.

These Commissioners thought fit to begin the Exercise of their New Power with the Suspension of Dr. Compton, The Sus­pension of the Bishop of Lond [...]n. Bi­shop of London. This Noble Prelate, by a Conduct worthy of his Birth and Sta­tion in the Church, had acquir'd the Love and Esteem of all the Protestant Churches at home and abroad, and was for that reason the Mark of the Envy and Hatred of the Romish Party at Court. They had waited for an occasion to eno­ble their Ecclesiastical Commission with such an Illustrious Sacrifice; and such an oc­casion was rather taken than given, in the Business of Dr. Sharp, now Arch­bishop of York.

The Priests about the King knowing how much it was their Interest that the Protestant Clergy should not have leave to refute the Errors of the Church of Rome in their Sermons, The Occa­sion of it. had advis'd him to send to the Bishops the ensnaring Let­ter [Page 199] or Order before mention'd, containing Directions about Prea [...]hers. The Learned Dr. Sharp taking occasion in some of his Sermons to vindicate the Doctrine of the Church of England, in opposition to Po­pery; this was in the Court-Dialect un­derstood to be the endeavouring to beget in the minds of his Hearers an ill opinion of the King and his Government, by insinua­ting Fears and Iealousies, to dispose them to Discontent, and to lead them into Disobe­dience and Rebellion; and consequently, a Contempt of the said Order about Preach­ers. Whereupon King Iames sent a Let­ter to the Bishop of London, containing an Order to suspend Dr. Sharp from Preaching in any Parish-Church or Chap­pel in his Diocess, until the Doctor had given Satisfaction, and his Majesty's fur­ther Pleasure should be known.

The Bishop of London perceiving what was aim'd at in this Letter, endeavour'd all that was possible to divert the Storm that threaten'd him, and the Church of England through his sides. He writ a Submissive Letter to the Secretary of State, to be communicated to the King; setting forth, That he thought it his Duty to obey his Majesty in whatever Commands he laid upon him, that he could perform with [Page 200] a safe Conscience: But in this he was oblig'd to proceed according to Law, and as a Iudge: And by the Law no Iudge condemns a man, before he has knowledge of the Cause, and has cited the Party. That however, he had acquainted Dr. Sharp with his Majesty's Displeasure; whom he found so ready to give all reasonable Satisfa­ction▪ that he had made him the Bearer of that Letter.

Together with this Letter from the Bishop of London, Dr. Sharp carried with him a Petition to the King in his own Name, shewing, That ever since his Ma­jesty was pleas'd to give notice of his Dis­pleasure against him, he had forborn the Publick Exercise of his Function: And as he had endeavour'd to do the best Service he could to his Majesty and his late Brother in his Station, so he had not vented now in the Pulpit any thing tending to Faction or Schism: And therefore prayed his Majesty would be pleas'd to lay aside his Displeasure conceiv'd against him, and restore him to that Favour which the rest of the Clergy enjoy'd.

All this Submission was to no purpose. Nothing would satisfy the Party, but a Revenge upon the Bishop of London, for his Exemplary Zeal for the Protestant [Page 201] Interest; and this Affair of Dr. Sharp's was made use of as a handle to mortify him, and in his Person the whole Body of the Clergy. The Bishop was Cited be­fore the Ecclesiastical Commission, for not suspending Dr. Sharp, according to the King's Order, and treated by their Chair­man at his Appearance, in a manner un­worthy of his Station and Quality. All the Defence he could make, and his Plea to the Jurisdiction and Legality of the Court, which was good beyond all con­tradiction, did signify nothing. These New Inquisitors being resolv'd to stick at nothing that might please the Party that set them at work, did by their Definitive Sentence declare, decree, and pronounce, That the Bishop of London should for his Disobedience and Contempt be suspended during his Majesty's Pleasure: And accord­ingly was suspended; with a peremptory Admonition, To abstain from the Function and Execution of his Episcopal Office, and other Ecclesiastical Iurisdictions, during the said Suspension, under the pain of De­privation, The Pro­ceedings against the Presi­dent and Fellows of Magdalene College. and Removal from his Bishoprick.

The next that felt the weight of this Ecclesiastical Commission, were the Presi­dent and Fellows of St. Mary Magdalen's College in Oxford. The two chief Seats [Page 202] of Learning, the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge stood in the way of the Grand Design; and the Party was impa­tient to get footing there. Magdalen College is one of the Noblest Foundations that perhaps was ever erected to Learn­ing in the World, and therefore it was no wonder it was one of the first Marks that was shot at. This Illustrious Society, from repeated Grants of Kings, ratified in Parliament, and from their own Sta­tutes, was in an uninterrupted Possession of a Right to Elect their own President. That Place being vacant by the Death of Dr. Clark, a Day was appointed by the Vice-President and Fellows, to proceed to the Election of another to fill up the Va­cancy. But before the day of Election came, Charnock, one of the Fellows (who was since executed for the late Plot to Assassinate his present Majesty) brought them a Mandate from King Iames, to elect one Fermer into the Place; a Man of an Ill Reputation, who had promis'd to declare himself Roman Catholick, and was altogether uncapable of the Office by the Statutes of the College. This Mandate the Vice-President and Fellows receiv'd with all decent Respect; and sent their humble Address to the King, representing [Page 203] to his Majesty, That Fermer was a Person in several respects incapable of that Office, according to their Founders Statutes: And therefore did earnestly beseech his Majesty, either to leave them to the discharge of their Duty and Consciences, according to his Majesty's late Gracious Declaration, and their Founders Statutes; or else to recom­mend to them such a Person, who might be more serviceable to his Majesty and the College.

Notwithstanding this humble and sub­missive Address, King Iames signified his Pleasure to them, That he expected to be obey'd. Upon which, the Fellows being oblig'd by the Statutes of their Society, to which they were sworn, not to delay the Election longer than such a day; and Fermer being a Person they could not chuse, without incurring the Sin of Per­jury, they proceeded to Election, and chose Dr. Hough (now Bishop of Litch­field and Coventry) their President.

Hereupon the New President and Fel­lows were cited before the Ecclesiastical Com­mission, for disobeying the King's Mandate. And notwithstanding they made it ap­pear by their Answer, plac'd at length in the Appendix, Appendix, Numb. 19. That they could not comply with that Mandate, without Breach of their [Page 204] Oath; and that there was no room left for the King to dispense with that Oath, be­cause in the Oath it self they were sworn not to make use of any such Dispensation, nor in any sort consent thereto: Yet against all Law, the Ecclesiastical Commissioners did by their Sentence deprive Dr. Hough of his Presidentship, and suspended two of the Fellows from their Fellowships: While the King at the same time Inhibited the Col­lege to elect or admit any person whatso­ever into any Fellowship, or any other Place or Office in the said College, till his further Pleasure.

The Court finding by this time, that Fermer was one of so profligate a Life, that though he had promis'd to declare himself Roman-Catholick upon his Pro­motion to that place, they began to be asham'd of him: And therefore instead of insisting on the former Mandamus in his favour, there was another granted in favour of Dr. Parker, then Bishop of Oxford, one of the Creatures of the Court, and who they knew would stick at no­thing to serve a Turn.

The Place of President being already in a Legal manner fill'd up by the Election of Dr. Hough; which though it had not been, yet the Bishop of Oxford was like­wise [Page 205] incapable by the Statutes of the College, of being elected; The Fellows did humbly offer a very pathetick Peti­tion to his Majesty, mention'd at length in the Appendix; Appendix, Numb 20. in which they set forth, how inexpressible an Affliction it was to them, to find themselves reduc'd to such an extremity, that either they must disobey his Majesty's Commands, contrary to their In­clinations, and that constant course of Loyalty which they had ever shew'd hithert [...] upon all occasions; or else break their Foun­ders Statutes, and deliberately perjure themselves. Then they mention'd the Statutes and the Oaths that every one of them had taken at their Admission into their Fellowships; and concluded with an humble Prayer to his Majesty, To give them leave to lay their Case and Themselves at his Majesty's Royal Feet, earnestly be­seeching his Sacred Majesty to extend to them, his humble Petitioners, that Grace and Tenderness which he had vouchsaf'd to all his other Subjects.

All this Submission was in vain: For the Ecclesiastical Commissioners by their final Decree and Sentence, depriv'd and expell'd from their Fellowships all the Fellows of Magdalen College, but Three that had complied with Breach of Oath, being Twenty [Page 206] five in number. And to push their Inju­stice yet further, they did by another Sen­tence decree and declare, That Dr. Hough, who had been depriv'd before, and the said Twenty five Fellows, should be incapable of receiving or being admitted into any Eccle­siastical Dignity, Benefice, or Promotion. And such of them who were not yet in Holy Orders, they adjudg'd incapable of receiving or being admitted into the same. Thus by a Decree of an Illegal Court, were a Set of Worthy and Learned Men turn'd out of their Freeholds, merely for not obeying an Arbitrary Command, which was di­rectly against their Consciences: And thus was King Iames prevail'd with by a Headstrong Party, to assume a Power not only to dispense with Laws, but to make void Oaths.

The first Declaration for Liberty of Conscience was not thought a sufficient Stretch of Power; The Se­cond De­claration for Liber­ty of Con­science. and therefore King Iames issued out another of a much higher Strain, in which the Roman-Catholicks were chiefly included, and indeed it was for their sake alone it was granted. To render the Church of England accessary to their own Ruin, The Order of Council upon it there was an Order of Council made upon the latter, commanding it to be read at the usual times of Divine [Page 207] Service, in all Churches and Chappels throughout the Kingdom; and ordering the Bishops to cause it to be sent and distributed throughout their several and respective Diocesses, to be read accordingly.

The Clergy of the Church of England had reason to take it for the greatest Hardship and Oppression that could be put upon them, to be commanded to read from their Pulpits a Declaration they knew to be against Law, and which in its Nature and Design was levell'd against their own Interest, and that of their Religion. Some of them through Fear or Mistake, and others to make their Court, complied; but the Generality refus'd to obey so unjust a Command. The Romish Party had their Ends in it, for their Re­fusal laid them open to the severe Lashes of the Ecclesiastical Commission; and ac­cordingly, every one that had not read the Declaration in their Churches, were order'd to be prosecuted before that in­exorable Tribunal, where they were in­fallibly to expect to be depriv'd: And so most of the Benefices in England must have been made vacant for a new kind of Incumbents.

But the Scene chang'd before all this could be brought about: For King Iames, [Page 208] urg'd on by his Fate, and by a restless Party about him, came at this time to level a Blow against the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Six of his Suffragan Bi­shops, that awaken'd the People of Eng­land to shake off their Chains, and im­plore Foreign Assistance to retrieve the dying Liberties of their Countrey.

These Seven Bishops being sensible, The Affair of the Se­ven Bi­shops. as most of the Nation was, of what was originally aim'd at in these two Declara­tions for Liberty of Conscience, did con­sult together about the humblest manner to lay before King Iames the Reasons why they could not comply with the Order of Council. Having got leave to attend him, they deliver'd to him with the greatest Submission, a Petition in behalf of themselves and their absent Brethren, and in the name of the Clergy of their respective Diocesses, humbly represent­ing, That their unwillingness did not pro­ceed from any want of Duty and Obedience to his Majesty, nor from any want of due Tenderness to Dissenters; in relation to whom, they were willing to come to such a Temper as should be thought fit, when that Matter should be consider'd in Parliament and Convocation: But, among a great many other Considerations, from this especially, [Page 209] Because That Declaration was founded upon such a Dispensing Power as had been often declar'd Illegal in Parliament; and was a matter of so great moment and consequence to the whole Nation, that they could not in Prudence, Honour, or Conscience, so far make themselves Parties to it, as the distri­bution of it all over the Kingdom, and the solemn Publication of it even in Gods House, and in the Time of his Divine Ser­vice, must amount to, in common and rea­sonable Construction. Therefore did hum­bly and earnestly beseech his Majesty, That he would be graciously pleas'd, not to insist upon their Distributing and Reading the said Declaration.

This Petition, tho the humblest that could be, and deliver'd by Six of them to the King alone in his Closet, was so highly resented, that the Six Bishops that presented it, and the Archbishop of Can­terbury that writ it, but was not present at its delivery, were committed Prisoners to the Tower.

They were a few days after brought to the King-Bench Bar, and Indicted of a High Misdemeanor, for having falsly, unlaw­fuly, maliciously, seditiously, and scandalously fram'd, compos'd, and writ, a false, mali­cious, pernicious, and seditious Libel, con­cerning [Page 210] the King and his Royal Declaration for Liberty of Conscience, under the pre­tence of a Petition: And that they had publish'd the same in presence of the King. There was a great Appearance at this Trial; and it was a Leading Case; for upon it depended in a great measure the Fate of the rest of the Clergy of the Church of England. It lasted long, and in the end the Seven Bishops were Acquit­ted, with the Acclamations of all but the Court-Party.

There were two things very remarka­ble in this Trial: The Dispensing Power was learnedly and boldly argued against by the Counsel for the Bishops, and de­monstrated by invincible Arguments to be an open Violation of the Laws and Constitution of the Kingdom. So that in one of the greatest Auditories that was ever seen in Westminster-Hall, and upon hearing one of the most Solemn Causes that was ever Tried at the Kings-Bench-Bar, King Iames had the Mortification to see his new-assum'd Prerogative baffled, and its Illegality expos'd to the World. The other thing observable upon this Trial, was, That the Tables were so far turn'd, that some that had largely contri­buted to the Enslaving their Countrey [Page 211] with false Notions of Law, were now of another Opinion: While at the same time, others that had stood up for the Liberty of their Countrey in two succes­sive Parliaments, and had suffer'd upon that account, did now as much endea­vour to stretch the Prerogative beyond its just Limits, as they had oppos'd it be­fore. So hard it is for Mankind to be in all times, and upon all turns, constant to themselves.

The News of the Bishops being ac­quitted, was receiv'd with the highest Ex­pressions of Joy throughout the whole Kingdom: Nor could the King's own Presence prevent his Army, that was then encamp'd at Hounslow-Heath, from mixing their loud Acclamations with the rest. This last Mortification might have prevented his Fate, if his Ears had been open to any but a Hot Party, that were positively resolv'd to push for all, cost what it would: And it was easily seen by the Soldiers Behaviour upon this occasion, How impossible it is to debauch an English Army from their Love to their Countrey and their Religion.

While the Bishops were in the Tower, the Roman-Catholicks had their Hopes [...]rown'd with the Birth of a pretended [Page 212] Prince of Wales. The Birth of a pre­tended Prince of Wales. The fears of a Prote­stant Successor had been the only Allay that render'd their Prosperity less perfect: Now the happiness of having an Heir to the Crown to be bred up in their own Religion, quash'd all those Fears, and aton [...]d for the Uncertainty of the King's Life. It was so much their Interest to have one, and there were so many Cir­cumstances that seem'd to render his Birth suspicious, that the Nation in ge­neral were inclinable to believe that this was the last Effort of the Party, to ac­complish our Ruin.

All things seem'd now to conspire to­wards it. A new Parlia­ment de­sign'd, and to what End. There was only a Parliament wanting, to ratify and approve all the Illegal Steps that had been made; which was to be done effectually, by taking off the Penal Laws and Test, the two chief Barriers of our Religion. To obtain such a Parliament, no Stone was left unturn'd, nor no Threa [...]s nor Promises neglected. Regulators were sent-down to every Corporation, to model them to this end; though a great part of their Work had been done to their hand; for in most of the New Charters there had been such Regulations made, and such sort of Men put in, as was thought would make all sure.

[Page 213] But to be yet surer, Closetting in fashion. and to try the In­clinations of People, Closetting came in­to fashion; and King Iames was at pains to sound every man's mind, how far he might depend upon him for his concur­rence with those Designs: If they did not readily promise to serve the King in his own way, which was the distinguishing word at that time, there was some Brand put upon them, and they were turn'd out of Place, if they had any. Nor did King Iames think it below his Dignity, after the Priests had fail'd to bring in New Converts, to try himself how far his own Arguments might prevail; and he Closetted men for that purpose too. Some few of no Principles, and a great many others of desperate Fortunes, com­plimented him with their Religion, and were generally thereupon put into Em­ployments: And so fond was the King of making Proselites at any rate, that there were of the Scum of the People, that pretended to turn Papists, merely for the sake of a Weekly small Allowance, which was regularly paid them.

It's a question after all, whether the Par­liament which K. Iames was thus labour­ing to model, would have answer'd his Expectation, had they come to sit; for [Page 214] mens eyes were open'd more and more every day; and the Noble Principles of English Liberty began to kindle afresh in the Nation, notwithstanding all the en­deavours had been us [...]d of a long time to extinguish them. Though the Dissen­ters who might be chosen into Parlia­ment upon this new Model, would pro­bably have made Terms for themselves▪ to prevent their falling under any future Persecution; yet being as a verse to Popery as any others whatsoever, it is not to be imagin'd that they would upon that Con­sideration have unhindg'd the Constitution of England, to enable the Roman Catholicks to break in upon the Establish'd National Church, which in the end must have in­evitably ruin'd both it and themselves.

But there fell out a little before this time, an Accident that help'd mightily to buoy up the sinking Spirits of the Na­tion, and which was occasion'd by the forward Zeal of some about the King, contrary to their Intentions. While the Project was going on to take off the Pe­nal Laws and Test, and the Protestants were in a maze what to expect, the good Genius of England, and King Iam [...]s's ill Fate, set him on to make a Trial of the Inclinations of the Prince and Princess of [Page 215] Orange in that matter. The Prince and Princess had look'd on with a silent Re­gret upon all the unlucky Steps that were making in England, and were unwilling to publish their Opinion of them, since they knew it could not but be displeasing to King Iames. To know their Highnesses mind in the business of the Penal Laws and Test, was a thing the most desir'd by the Protestants; but there was no possible way to come to this knowledge, if King Iames himself had not help'd them to it.

Mr. Stuart, The Prince and Princess of Orange's Opinion about the Penal Laws and Test, de­clar'd in Pensiona­ry Fagell's Letter. since Sir Iames Stuart, had been pardon'd by King Iames, and receiv'd into Favour, after a long Ba­nishment: He had been acquainted in Holland with the late Pensionary Fagel, and persuaded himself of a more than ordinary Friendship with that Wise Mi­nister. The King foresaw it was his In­terest to find out, some one way or other, the Prince and Princess's Thoughts of these matters; which if they agreed with his own, were to be made publick; if otherwise, were to be conceal'd: And Mr. Stuart took that Task upon him­self: Pensionary Fagel was in a great Post in Holland, and in a near Intimacy with the Prince; one that was entirely trusted by him, and ever firm to his In­terest. [Page 216] To know the Pensionary's Opinion was thought to be the same with knowing the Prince's, since it was to be suppos'd that he would not venture to write of any thing that concern'd England, especially such a nice Point as was then in question, without the Prince's Approbation at least, if not his positive Direction.

Upon these Considerations, and upon a Mistake that Mr. Stuart was in, about the Constitution of Holland, as if the Roman-Catholicks were not there excluded from Employments and Places of Trust, he writ a Letter to Pensionary Fagel. It's needless to give any account of the Let­ter it self, since Fagel's Answer, together with what has been already said, do give a sufficient Hint of the Design and Scope of it.

So averse were the Prince and Princess of Orange to meddle, and so unwilling to allow Pensionary Fagel to return to this Letter an Answer which they knew would not be pleasing, that Mr. Stuart writ by the King's direction five or six more, before it was thought fit to answer them. But at length their Highnesse [...] were in a manner forc'd to it, by the Re­ports that were industriously spread abroad in England by the Emissaries of [Page 217] the Court, as if the Pensionary in an An­swer to Mr. Stuart, had acquainted him, That the Prince and Princess agreed with the King in the Design of taking off the Penal Laws and Test. This was not all; for the Marquess de Albeville, the English Envoy at the Hague, was put upon wri­ting over to several persons, That the Prince of Orange had told him the very same thing; which Letter of Albeville's was likewise made publick. Such Re­ports were enough to shake the Constancy of all those that design'd to stand firm to the Interest of the Establish'd Church in the ensuing Parliament, and to make them give all up for lost.

To do themselves Justice, and to dis­abuse a Nation they had so near an Inte­rest in, Pensionary Fagel was directed by the Prince and Princess, to write one Answer to all Mr. Stuart' s Letters, to this purpose; That being desir'd by Mr. Stuart to let him know the Prince and Princess of Orange's Thoughts concerning the Repeal of the Penal Laws, and more particularly concerning the Test; he told him, That he would write without Reserve, since Mr. Stu­art had said in his Letters, that they were writ by the King's Knowledge and Allowance. That it was the Prince and Princess's Opi­nion, [Page 218] That no Christian ought to be persecu­ted for his Conscience, or be ill us'd because he differs from the Publick and Establish'd Religion: And therefore, that they can consent, That the Papists in England, Scotland, and Ireland, be suffer'd to con­tinue in their Religion, with as much Liberty as is allow'd them by the States of Holland; in which it cannot be denied but they enjoy a full Liberty of Conscience. And as to the Dissenters, their Highnesses did not only consent, but did heartily approve of their having an entire Liberty for the full Exer­cise of their Religion: And that their Highnesses were ready to concur to the setling and confirming this Liberty, and protect and defend it, and likewise confirm it with their Guarantee, which Mr. Stuart had mention'd.

And if his Majesty (continues the Pensionary) desires their Concurrence in Repealing the Penal Laws, their Highnesses were ready to give it, provided these Laws remain still in their full force, by which the Roman-Catholicks are shut out of both Houses of Parliament, and out of all Pub­lick Employments Ecclesiastical, Civil, and Military; as likewise those other Laws which confirm the Protestant Religion, and which secure it against all the Attempts of [Page 219] the Roman-Catholicks. But their High­nesses cannot agree to the Repeal of the Test, and those other Penal Laws last mention'd, that tend to the Security of the Protestant Religion; since the Roman-Catholicks receive no other Prejudices from these, than the being excluded from Parliament, and Publick Employments.

More than this (adds Pensionary Fagel) their Highnesses do think ought not be ask'd or expected; and they wondred how any that profess'd themselves Christians, and that may enjoy their Religion freely and without disturbance, can judge it lawful for them to disturb the Quiet of any Kingdom or State, or overturn Constitutions, that so they themselves may be admitted to Employ­ments, and that these Laws, in which the Security and Quiet of the Establish'd Reli­gion consists, should be shaken. And as to what Mr. Stuart had writ, That the Roman-Catholicks in Holland were not shut out from Employments and Places of Trust, he tells him, He was grosly mistaken. The Pensionary concludes, That their High­nesses could not concur with his Majesty in these matters; for they believ'd they should have much to answer to God for, if the consideration of any present Advantage should carry them to consent to things which [Page 220] they believe would not only be dangerous, but mischievous to the Protestant Religion.

Thus far Pensionary Fagel. And I would not have dwelt so long upon this Letter of his, if it were not for the Noble Scheme of a just Liberty in matters of Conscience, that's therein contain'd. Notwithstanding, it was still given out at Court, and that even after it came to Mr. Stuart's hands, That he had writ the quite contrary; though it's but Cha­rity to suppose that Mr. Stuart was a Man of more Honour than to contribute to the Report. At last there was a necessi­ty of making publick the Pensionary's Letter in several Languages, which had wonderful Influence upon the Minds of the Protestants of England, and was high­ly resented by King Iames.

However, King Iames had more than one Method in his View, how to accom­plish his Design; for what a Parliament it may be would not do, he was resolv'd that an Army should; and therefore Care was taken to model his Troops as much to that end, as the shortness of time would allow. The Mo­delling of the Army.

Ireland was the inexhaustible Source whence England was to be furnish'd with [Page 221] a Romish Army; and an Irish Roman-Catholick was the most welcome Guest at Whitehall. They came over in Shoals to take possession of the promis'd Land; and had already swallow'd up in their Hopes the best Estates of the Hereticks in England. Over and above compleat Regiments of them, there was scarce a Troop or Company wherein some of them were not plac'd by express Order from Court. Several Protestants that had serv'd well and long, were turn'd out to make room for them; and Seven consi­derable Officers were cashier'd in one day, merely for refusing to admit them. The chief Forts, and particularly Portsmouth and Hull, the two Keys of England, were put into Popish Hands, and the Garisons so modell'd, that the Majority were Papists.

To over-awe the Nation, and to make Slavery familiar, this Army was encamp'd Yearly near London; where the only Publick Chappel in the Camp was ap­pointed for the Service of the Romish Church, and strict Orders given out, That the Soldiers of that Religion should not fail every Sunday and Holiday to re­pair thither to Mass.

[Page 222] As Ireland was remarkable for having furnish'd King Iames with Romish Troops sent into England, The Me­thods us'd in Ireland. so was it much more for the bare-fac'd and open Invasions that were made there, upon the Liberties and Rights of the Protestants. That Kingdom was the most proper Field to ripen their Projects in, considering that the Protestants were much out-number'd by the Papists, and had been for some Ages the constant Object of their Ran­cour and Envy, which had been more than once express'd in Letters of Blood.

King Iames did recall the Earl of Cla­rendon from the Government of Ireland, Tyrconnel made Lord Lieute­nant of Ireland. soon after he was sent thither, and ap­pointed the Earl of Tyrconnel to succeed him, who was a Gentleman had signa­liz'd himself for his Bigotry to the Church of Rome, and his Hatred to the Protestants. The Roman-Catholick Cler­gy had recommended him to King Iames for that Post, in a Letter mention'd at length in the Appendix, Appendix, Numb. 21. As one that did first espouse, and chiefly maintain the Cause of the Catholick Clergy against their many and powerful Enemies, for the last Five and twenty Years; and was then the only Person under whose Fortitude and Popularity in that Kingdom, they durst with chearfulness [Page 223] and assurance own their Loyalty, and assert his Majesty's Interest. Making it there­fore their humble Request, That his Ma­jesty would be pleas'd to lodge his Authority in his hands, to the Terror of the Factious, and Encouragement of his Majesty's faithful Subjects in Ireland; promising to receive him with such Acclamations as the long-captiv'd Jews did their Redeemer Morde­cai. Which Letter show'd they were no less mistaken in their History of the Bi­ble, than their Advice to the King; for it does not appear by the Story of Morde­cai in the Scripture, that he was ever sent to the Iews, or remov'd from the City of Susa, after he came into Favour with Ahasuerus.

However, Tyrconnel fully answer'd the hopes and expectations of the Papists, and the fears of the Protestants of Ireland; for by the Ministry of this Rigid Man was the Ruin of the Protestant English Interest in that Kingdom in a great measure com­pleated.

At King Iames's Accession to the Crown, the Army of Ireland consisted of about Seven Thousand Men, all Prote­stants, and zealous to the Service: These were in a little time all turn'd out, and the whole Army made up of Papists, most of [Page 224] them the Sons and Descendants, or near Relations of those that were Attainted for the Rebellion in 1641; or others that had distinguish'd themselves since that time, by their notorious Villanies, and implacable Hatred to the English and Pro­testant Interest.

Though in King Charles's time, The Man­ner of fil­ling up the Bench­es in Ire­land. by the Influence of the Duke of York, there had been grounds of Complaint against some of the Judges in Ireland, upon the account of their Partiality to the Papists, yet when King Iames came to the Crown these very Judges were not thought fit enough for the Work that was design'd. It was judg'd necessary to employ the most zealous of the Party, those that from Interest and Inclination were the most deeply engag'd to destroy the Pro­testant Interest; and accordingly such were pick'd out to sit in every Court of Justice.

The Custody of the King's Consci­ence and Great Seal, was given to Sir A­lexander Fitton, a Person convicted of Forgery, not only at Westminster-Hall, and at Chester, but Fin'd for it by the Lords in Parliament. This Man was taken out of Gaol, to discharge the Trust of Lord High Chancellor, and had [Page 225] no other Qualities to recommend him, besides his being a Convert to the Romish Church, and a Renegado to his Religion and Countrey. To him were added as Masters of Chancery, one Stafford a Po­pish Priest, and O Neal, the Son of one of the most notorious Murderers in the Massacre, 1641.

In the Kings Bench care was taken to place one Nugent, whose Father had lost his Honour and Estate, for being a prin­cipal Actor in the same Rebellion. This Man, who had never made any figure at the Bar, was pitch'd upon to judge whe­ther the Outlawries against his Father and Fellow-Rebels, ought to be Revers'd; and whether the Settlements that were made in Ireland upon these Outlawries, ought to stand good.

The next Court is that of Exchequer, from which only of all the Courts in Ireland, there lies no Appeal, or Writ of Error in England. It was thought fit, that one Rice, a profligate Fellow, and noted for nothing but Gaming, and a mortal Inveteracy against the Protestants, should fill the place of Lord Chief Baron. This man was often heard to say, before he came to be a Judge, That he would drive a Coach and Six Horses through the [Page 226] Act of Settlement: And before that Law was actually Repeal'd in King Iames's Parliament, he declar'd upon the Bench, That it was against Natural Equity, and did not oblige. It was before him, that all the Charters in the Kingdom were damn'd in the space of a Term or two; so much was he for dispach. A Learned Prelate, Dr. King, Bishop of Londonder­ry, his State of Ireland under K. Iames. from whose Book all the things that here relate to that Countrey are ta­ken, does observe, That if this Judge had been left alone, it was believ'd in a few Years he would by some Contrivance or another have given away most of the Protestants Estates in Ireland, without troubling a Parliament to Attaint them.

In the Court of Common-Pleas it was though advisable, that a Protestant Chief Iustice should continue; yet so, as to pinion him with Two of their own sort, that might out-vote him upon occasion.

The Administration of Justice and the Laws being in such hands, it was no wonder that the poor Protestants in Ire­land wish'd rather to have had no Laws at all, and be left to their Natural De­fence, than be cheated into the necessity of submitting to Laws, that were execu­ted only to punish, and not to protect them. Under such Judges the Roman-Catholicks [Page 227] had a glorious time; and be their Cause never so unjust they were sure to carry it: When the Lord Chan­cellor did not stick on all occasions, and sometimes upon the Bench, to declare, That the Protestants were all Rogues; and that among Forty thousand of them, there was not one that was not a Traytor, a Rebel, and a Villain.

The Supreme Courts being thus fill'd up, it was but reasonable all other Courts should keep pace with them. In the Year 1687. there was not a Protestant Sheriff in the whole Kingdom, except one, and he put in by mistake for another of the same Name, that was a Roman-Catholick. Some few Protestants were continued in the Commission of the Peace; but they were render'd useless and insig­nificant, being over-power'd in every thing by the greater Number of Papists join'd in Commission with them, and those, for the most part, of the very Scum of the People; and a great many, whose Fathers had been executed for Theft, Robbery, or Murther.

The Privy-Council of Ireland is a great part of the Constitution, and has consi­derable Privileges and Power annex'd to it: This was likewise so modell'd, that [Page 228] the Papists made the Majority; and those few that were Protestants, chose for the most part to decline appearing at the Board, since they could do those of their Religion no service.

The great Barrier of the Peoples Li­berties both in England and Ireland being their Right to chuse their own Repre­sentatives in Parliament, The Re­gulating the Cor­porations in Ireland which being once taken away, they become Slaves to the Will of their Prince; The Protestants in Ireland finding a necessity of securing this Right in their own hands, had pro­cur'd many Corporations to be founded, and had built many Corporate Towns upon their own Charges; from all which the Roman Catholicks were by their Charters excluded. This Barrier was broken through at one stroke, by dissol­ving all the Corporations in the Kingdom, upon Quo Warranto's brought into the Exchequer Court, and that without so much as the least shadow of Law. Here­upon New Charters were granted, and fill [...]d up chiefly with Papists, and men of desperate or no Fortunes: And a Clause was inserted in every one of them, which subjected them to the Absolute Will of the King; by which it was put in the Power of the chief Governor to turn out [Page 229] and put in whom he pleas'd, without showing a Reason, or any formal Trial at Law.

The Protestant Clergy felt upon all oc­casions the weight of Tyrconnel's Wrath. The Seve­rities a­gainst the Protestant Clergy. The Priests began to declare openly, That the Tythes belong'd to them; and forbad their people under the pain of Damnation, to pay them to the Protestant Incumbents. This past afterwards into an Act of Parliament, by which not only all Tythes payable by Papists, were given to their own Priests, but likewise a way was found out to make the Popish Clergy capable of enjoying the Protestants Tythes: Which was thus: If a Prote­stant happen'd to be possess'd of a Bi­shoprick, a Dignity, or other Living, he might not by this new Act demand any Tythes or Ecclesiastical Dues from any Roman-Catholick; and as soon as his Pre­ferment became void by Death, Cession, or Absence, a Popish Bishop or Clergy­man was put into his Place. And the Act was so express, that there needed no more to oblige all men to repute and deem a man to be a Roman-Catholick Bi­shop or Dean of any place, but the King's signifying him to be so, under his Privy Signet, or Sign Manual. As soon as any [Page 230] one came to be thus entitled to a Bi­shoprick, Deanry, or Living, immedi­ately all the Tythes, as well of Prote­stants as Papists, became due to him, with all the Glebes and Ecclesiastical Dues.

The only great Nursery of Learning in Ireland, [...] is the Vniversity of Dublin, consisting of a Provost, Seven Senior, and Nine Junior Fellows, and Seventy Scho­lars, who are partly maintain'd by a Yearly Salary out of the Exchequer. This Salary the Earl of Tyrconnel stopt, merely for their not admitting into a vacant Fellowship, contrary to their Sta­tutes and Oaths, a Vicious, Ignorant Person, who was a New Convert. Nor could he be prevail'd with by any Inter­cession or Intreaty, to remove the Stop; by which in effect he dissolv'd the Foun­dation, and shut up the Fountain of Learning and Religion. This appear'd more plainly afterwards to have been his Design; for it was not thought enough upon King Iames's Arrival, to take away their Maintenance, but they were further pr [...]ceeded against, and the Vicepresident, [...], and Scholars all turn'd out, their Furniture, Library, and Commu­ [...]on-Plate seiz'd, and every thing that [Page 231] belong'd to the College, and to the pri­vate Fellows and Scholars, taken away. All this was done, notwithstanding that when they waited upon King Iames at his first Arrival at Dublin, he was pleas'd to promise them, That he would preserve them in their Liberties and Properties, and rather augment than diminish the Privile­ges and Immunities that had been granted them by his Predecessors. In the House they plac'd a Garison, and turn'd the Chappel into a Magazine, and the Cham­bers into Prisons for the Protestants. One More, a Popish Priest, was made Provost, and one Mackarty, also a Priest, was made Library-keeper, and the whole de­sign'd for them and their Fraternity.

One Archbishoprick, and several Bi­shopricks, and a great many-other Digni­ties and Livings of the Church, were designedly kept vacant, and the Reve­nues first paid into the Exchequer, and afterwards dispos'd of to Titular Bishops and Priests, while in the mean time the Cures lay neglected; so that it appear'd plainly that the Design was to destroy the Succession of Protestant Clergymen. At length things came to that height after King Iames was in Ireland, that most of the Churches in and about Dublin, were [Page 232] seiz'd upon by the Government; and at last Lutterell, Governor of Dublin, issued out his Order, Appendix, Numb. 22. mention'd in the Appendix, Forbidding more than Five Protestants to meet together, under pain of Death. Being ask'd whether this was design'd to hinder meeting in Churches? He answer'd, It was design'd to hinder their meeting there, as well as in other places. And accordingly all the Churches were shut up, and all Religious Assemblies through the whole Kingdom forbidden, under the pain of Death.

It were endless to enumerate all the Miseries that Reverend Author mentions, The Act of Attain­der in Ire­land. which the Protestants of Ireland suffer'd in the Reign of King Iames: But to give a decisive Blow, there was an Act of Attainder past in Parliament; in order to which evey Member of the House of Commons return'd the Names of all such Protestant Gentlemen as liv'd near them, or in the County or Borough for which he serv'd; and if he was Stran­ger to any of them, he sent to the Coun­trey for Information about them. When this Bill was presented to the King for his Assent, the Speaker of the House of Com­mons told him, That many were attainted [Page 233] in that Act upon such Evidence as satisfied the House, and the rest upon common Fame.

In this Act there were no fewer At­tainted, than Two Archbishops, One Duke, Seventeen Earls, Seven Countesses, Twenty eight Viscounts, Two Viscountesses, Seven Bishops, Eighteen Barons, Thirty three Baronets, Fifty one Knights, Eighty three Clergymen, Two thousand one hundred eighty two Esquires and Gentlemen: And all of them unheard, declar'd and adjudg'd Traytors, convicted and attainted of High Treason, and adjudg'd to suffer the pains of Death and Forfeiture. The famous Pro­scription of Rome during the last Trium­virate, came not up in some respects to the Horror of this; for there were condemn'd in this little Kingdom more than double the Number that were pro­scrib'd through the vast Bounds of the Roman Empire. And to make this of Ireland yet the more terrible, and to put the Persons Attainted out of a possibility of escaping, the Act it self was conceal'd, and no Protestant allow'd a Copy of it, till Four Months after it was past. Whereas in that of Rome, the Names of the Persons proscrib'd were affix'd upon all the Publick Places of the City, the very day the Proscription was concerted; [Page 234] and thereby opportunity was given to many of the Noblest Families in Rome, to preserve themselves by a speedy flight, for better Times.

There remain'd but one Kingdom more for the Romish Party to act their Designs in; and that was Scotland; where they reap'd a full Harvest of their Hopes, and there were scarce left the least Remains of Ancient Liberty in that Na­tion. Their Miseries were summ'd up in one new-coin'd Word, which was us'd in all the King's Declarations, and serv'd to express to the full their Absolute Slavery; which was this, That his Sub­jects were oblig'd to obey him without Re­serve. A Word that the Princes of the East, how Absolute soever they be, did never yet pretend to in their Stile, what­ever they might in their Actions. But I leave the Detail of the Encroachments that were made upon the Laws and Li­berties of that Kingdom, to others that may be thought more impartial, as having suffer'd less in their Ruins.

While King Iames was thus push'd on by a headstrong Party, The Inte­rest that Foreign Princes and States had in England. to enslave his Subjects, the other Princes and States of Europe look'd on with quite different Sen­timents, according as their own Interests [Page 235] and Safety mov'd them. The greater part did commiserate the Fate of these Three Kingdoms, and wish'd for their Deliverance. The Protestants saw with Regret, that they themselves were with­in an immediate Prospect of losing the most considerable Support of their Reli­gion; and both they and the Roman-Catholicks were equally convinc'd, that it was their common Interest to have England continue in a condition to be the Arbiter of Christendom, especially at a time when they saw they most needed it. On the other hand, it was the Interest of another Prince, that not only the King of England should be his Friend, but the Kingdom of England should become in­considerable abroad, which it could not fail to be when enslav'd at home.

King Iames had been again and again sollicited, not only by Protestant Princes but those of his own Religion, to enter into other Measures for the common Safe­ty of Europe; at least, not to contribute to its Ruin, by espousing an Interest which they judg'd was opposite to it. The Emperor, among others, had by his Ambassador made repeated Instances to him to this purpose, but with no better Success than the rest; as appears by a [Page 236] Letter he writ to him after his Abdication, The Em­peror's Letter to K. Iames in Latin, printed at London, 1689. which has been Printed in several Lan­guages, and was conceiv'd in Elegant Latin, as all the Publick Dispatches of that Court are. But all these Remon­strances had no weight with King Iames; though they had this good effect in the end, as to put those Princes and States upon such Measures as secur'd to them the Friendship of England in another way.

The Power of France was by this time become the Terror and Envy of the rest of Europe; and that Crown had upon all sides extended its Conquests. The Em­pire, Spain, and Holland seem'd to enjoy a precarious Peace, while the common Enemy of the Christian Name was making War with the Emperor, and the State of Venice, and was once very near being Master of the Imperial Seat, whereby he might have carried the War into the Bowels of Germany. The main Strength of the Empire being turn'd against the Turks, and that with various Success, there was another War declar'd against the Emperor by France; so that it came to be absolutely necessary for Spain and Holland to interpose, not as Mediators, for that they were not to hope for, but [Page 237] as Allies and Partners in the War. These last, as well as the other Princes and States that lay nearest the Rhine, were expos'd to the Mercy of a Prince whom they were not able to resist, if England should look on as Neuters, or take part against them; the last of which they had reason to fear.

Thus it happen'd that the Fortune of England, and that of the greatest part of Christendom came to be link'd together, and their common Liberties must of ne­cessity have undergone one and the same Fate. The latter, from a Natural Prin­ciple of Self-Preservation were resolv'd to make their last Effort to break the Fetters which they saw were ready to be impos'd upon them: And the other, animated by the Example of their An­cestors, and the Constitution of their Countrey, which is diametrically oppo­site to Tyranny, were resolv'd to venture All, to retrieve themselves and their Po­sterity from the Chains that were already put upon them.

Both the one and the others might have struggled in vain to this day with the Ruin that threaten'd them, The Inte­rest the Prince of Orange had in England. if Hea­ven in pity to their Condition had not provided in the Person of the Prince of [Page 238] Orange, the only Sanctuary that was left them to shelter their sinking State. This Prince by his Mother was a Nephew of England, and in Right of the Princess his Wife, the Presumptive Heir of the Crown. By his Father's side he was Heir of an Illustrious Family, that had eterniz'd their Name, by delivering their Countrey from Slavery, and laying the Foundation of a mighty Commonwealth, which has since prov'd the greatest Bul­wark of the Protestant Religion, and the chief Support of the Liberty of Christen­dom. A Family born for the good of Mankind, to be the Scourge of Tyrants, and Deliverers of the Oppress'd.

The Father of this Prince died young, The ill Circum­stances of the House of Orange at his Birth. possess'd of Hereditary Dignities he de­riv'd from his Ancestors in the States of the Vnited Provinces, which had plac'd them upon a Level with most Princes of Europe, and had given them a Figure in the World equal to some Crown'd Heads. He had married a Princess of England, the Eldest Daughter of King Charles I. and left her with Child of this only Son, at a Time when the Royal Family of England was not only bereft of their Re­gal Power at Home, but forc'd to seek Refuge Abroad. The Father was scarce [Page 239] dead, and the Son yet unborn, when a Party in Holland that always oppos'd the House of Orange, took hold of that un­happy Juncture, to divest the Family by a Publick Decree, of all the Dignities and Offices they had enjoy'd since the first Foundation of that Commonwealth, and which they had so justly acquir'd as the Rewards of so many glorious Services they had done their Countrey.

Under these dismal Circumstances was the Prince of Orange, now King of England, born: And in Apartments hung with Mourning, for the Untimely Death of a Father, and the Murther of a Royal Grandfather, he first saw Light.

He was about Ten Years of Age, when his Uncle King Charles the Second was restor'd; and whether it proceeded from want of Power or of Will in the one, the Condition of the other was little bet­ter'd by that Change. It's true, King Charles in his Wars with Holland did al­ways mention the Injury done to his Ne­phew, as one of the Motives of his break­ing with the States: Yet neither in the Treaty of Breda in 1667. nor in the Al­liance made at the Hague in 1668. nor that of the Peace concluded at London in 167 1/4. was there any notice taken of the [Page 240] Prince of Orange's Interest. In this last it's confess'd it was needless, seeing some little time before, he was Restor'd to all his Hereditary Offices and Dignities upon the following Occasion.

King Charles, The man­ner he was restor'd to the Digni­ties of his Family. the French King, and the Bishop of Munster, had enter'd into a mutual League against the Hollanders in the Year 1672. While in pursuance of that League, King Charles, without any previous Declaration of War, did send out a strong Squadron of Ships to intercept their Smyrna Fleet, and ruin their Trade at Sea; and while the Bishop of Munster did invade the Provinces that lay next to him, the French King, at the Head of a Royal Army of at least 118000 Foot, and 26000 Horse, broke in upon them on the other side. Like an Impe­tuous Torrent he carried all before him, without any remarkable opposition, ma­king himself Master in a few Weeks, of above Forty Towns and places of Strength, some without firing a Gun, and the rest with little or no Resistance. This Army was compos'd of the best Troops that had been seen together for some Ages before, and was made up of several Nations. Over above the French themselves, there were 3000 English, 3000 Catalans, 3000 [Page 241] Genoese, and other Italians, 6000 Savoy­ards, 1200 German Horse, 10000 Swis­sers, without reckoning into the Num­ber the Ancient Regiments of that Nati­on in the French Service; and which was altogether new and extraordinary, there was a Regiment of Swiss Horse. Under the King in Person, this Army was com­manded by Two of the greatest Generals of the Age, the late Prince of Conde, and the Mareschal Turenne.

Never was any State nearer its Ruin, The des­perate Condition of Holland, An. 1672. than that of Holland was upon this Ir­ruption; and in the opinion of all the World, the end of that flourishing Re­publick was then at hand. The French pierc'd into the Bowels of Holland as far as Vtrecht, where the King kept a splen­did Court, and receiv'd Embassies from all Parts. He was already Master of Three of the Seven Provinces, and a Fourth was in the hands of the Bishop of Munster his Ally. The Consternation was so great in the rest, that it's said it was debated at Amsterdam, whether they should send the Keys of that Town to the French King at Vtrecht, or hold out a Siege.

Scarce any thing can paint out in live­lier Colours the low Ebb the Common­wealth of Holland was brought to at that [Page 242] time, than the Declaration which the French King publish'd at Arnheim, plac'd at length in the Appendix. Appendix, Numb. 23. In this the French King declar'd that all the Inhabi­tants of the Towns in Holland that should render themselves willingly his Subjects, and receive his Troops, should not only be treated favourably, but likewise be maintain'd in their Liberties and Privi­leges, and enjoy the free Exercise of their Religion: But upon the contrary, who­ever of them did not submit themselves, of whatever degree or condition they be, or should endeavour to resist his Arms, by opening their Sluces, or any other way, they should be punish'd with the utmost Rigor; his Majesty being re­solv'd to give no Quarter to the Inhabi­tants of those Towns that shall resist his Arms, but an Order to pillage their Goods, and burn their Houses.

Among the more immediate Causes of this surprizing Desolation of Holland, The Cau­ses of that Desolati­on. upon the Irruption of the French Army, there were chiefly these two: 1. The su­pine Security, or rather profound Le­thargy they were of late fallen into. And 2. Their Intestine Divisions.

As to the first, A vast Opulent Trade through most parts of the World, had [Page 243] wonderfully enrich'd them, and brought them to neglect and forget the Art of War. A Peace that had continued with­out any remarkable Interruption for about Twenty Years at Land, lull'd them so fast asleep with false Notions of their own Strength, that they had neglected their Fortifications and Martial Disci­pline, and were brought to believe, that their Neighbour's Garisons and Strong Places were sufficient to cover them from all Insults.

As to the second, Their Ancestors at the first founding their State, taking into their Consideration, that they were to raise a Commonwealth out of a great many distinct Governments independent origi­nally of one another, and govern'd by Customs and Laws peculiar to every Town and Province, and how difficult it was to prevent Intestine Divisions in a Body thus aggregated, did wisely pro­vide against such a destructive Inconve­nience, by constituting an Hereditary Stadtholder and Captain General, whose Office and Power was to be the Center in which all the various Lines of their Con­stitution should meet, and the Cement that should keep the whole Frame toge­ther. This High and Important Dignity [Page 244] was lodg'd in the Family of Orange; and it was to the Auspicious Conduct of the Princes of that House, that the States of Holland ow'd their first Settlement, and the Figure they have made ever since in the World.

What their Ancestors foresaw, and had thus wisely provided against, came to pass: For no sooner was this Office and Dignity abolish'd, upon the Death of the last Prince of Orange, through the Inte­rest of a prevailing Faction, but they fell into Intestine Divisions and Animosities at Home, and sunk in their Reputation Abroad: Insomuch that it was justly said, That instead of being the Vnited, they were become the Disunited Provinces.

There may be a Third Reason given for this Chain of Misfortunes that over­whelm'd the Hollanders the first Year of this War. From a false, though plausi­ble Notion of saving Money, they thought fit to reduce their Army to 25000 men, and rejected the repeated Propositions of Spain to enter into a Trea­ty with them for a mutual Supply of Money Yearly to England and Sueden, by which these Two Crowns might be ena­bled and encourag'd to maintain and con­tinue the Triple League. And which was [Page 245] yet worse, the few Troops they had, were in a bad Condition, and sunk to a very low degree both in Discipline and Courage. Their Fortifications were eve­ry where fallen into decay, and their Magazines ill provided. To compleat all their Misfortunes, they wanted a Head to command them, at least one of Weight and Authority enough to support so great a Trust.

It were in vain to attempt to express the deplorable Condition of the Hollan­ders at that time. It's enough to say, The approach of a Triumphant King flesh'd with Victories, put them into so deep a Consternation, that a great many of their Richest Families abandon'd their Countrey, and retir'd to Hamburgh, Ant­werp, and other places of Security; while the States-General gave Orders for remo­ving the Courts and Archives from the Hague, for fear they should fall into the Enemies hands. This horrid Fright, which spread it self every where, and grew every day greater, was sufficient of it self to occasion the entire Ruin of their State, though it had not been accompa­nied as it was, with Seditions, Divisions, and Tumults in every Town and Province, and no Enemy within their Bowels. [Page 246] Those alone did naturally tend to the Dissolution of the Belgick Vnion, without any other concurring Circumstances to hurry it on.

Matters standing thus with the Vnited Provinces, they came to see, when it was almost too late, their former Errors, and more particularly that of abolishing the Office of Stadtholder. And now, as the last Cast for their Liberty, they applied to the Prince of Orange, young though he was, as the only Person capable to sup­port their Tottering State, and to put a stop to the Miseries that overwhelm'd their Countrey. With the Universal Consent and Approbation of the People, and the Publick Sanction of the States, he was declar'd Stadtholder, Captain and Ad­miral-General, and restor'd to all the Dig­nities of his Family.

It's hard to determine whether the Misfortunes of his Countrey, or the Universal Love the People bore him, contributed most to his Restoration. How­ever, he was restor'd in spite of the Bar­nevelt Faction; and had the pleasure to see De-Wit, the greatest Opposer of his House, among the other Deputies that waited upon him with the Resolutions of the States-General, and deliver'd him his Commission.

[Page 247] The Difficulties this Young Prince had to struggle with, in supporting his sink­ing Countrey, would have pall'd any Courage but his own; The Hi­story of the Ma­ [...]schal Tu­reme, by Monsieur de Busson, render'd out of French by Ferrand Spence, 1686. and may in the main be gather'd from what has been al­ready said. What these were, upon his first heading the Army, are in part so well express'd by a French Author, who was a considerable Actor in that War on the French side, and has writ the Account of it with an Impartiality not over-fre­quent among the Historians of his Coun­trey, that it may not be amiss to Tran­scribe some few Passages relating to this matter, as they lye together in the Eng­lish Translation.

‘Nothing but the Season of the Year, The diffi­culties the P. of O­range had to grapple with for retrieving his Coun­trey from Ruin. says he, hinder'd the French from at­tempting new Conquests, or rather the Waters which cover'd the Surface of the Earth. The Duke of Luxenburgh being still at Vtrecht, hop'd however, that if it once came to freeze, he might by means of the Ice surprize several Posts that were otherwise inaccessible. As the Enemy ( meaning the Holland­ers) were not unacquainted with his Design, they had ever the Shovel and Pickaxe in their hands, to precaution [Page 248] themselves against this Misfortune, upon the first Frost that should come. They broke the least piece of Ice, hoping by taking such strict care, they should render all his Measures abor­tive. But it happening to freeze all of a sudden, it was impossible for them to repair in several days what fell out in one Night. This cast so great an Alarm into the Places that were the most expos'd, that Peoples minds were wholly set upon removing thence what they had most precious’

‘The Consternation spread it self to the very Hague, which being destitute of Walls and Defence, could not other­wise expect but a strange Desolation, if the Posts that cover'd it came to be forc'd. However, the Prince of Orange, who laid the Publick Miseries as much to heart, as if they had only regarded him­self, had not for all this been under any Apprehensions, if his Troops, by be­ing so often beaten, had not utterly lost their Courage: For though the Ice seem'd to give a great Advantage to the French, they would however run a great Risque, in coming to at­tack him in places well intrench'd, and where his Highness might oppose [Page 249] against them as many Men as they could have. He was busied Day and Night either in adding new Fortifica­tions to those that were already made, or in encouraging his Captains and Soldiers. But whatever care he took, Colonel Penvin, abandon'd his Post upon the Request of the Inhabitants of Dergau, who sent for him to main­tain their Walls. The D. of Luxem­burgh's Cruelties at Swam­merdam. The Duke of Luxem­burgh trusting rather to the Terror than the Strength of his Troops, marching in the mean while towards Bodegrave and Swammerdam, won both, Sword in hand. And as if this Action had not been sufficiently glorious by reason of the little Opposition he met with, he would render it the more remarkable, not only by the Slaughter that he made of those that were found in Arms, but of all sorts of Persons, even Women and Children. He was often heard, amidst the piteous Cries that every one made to move him to Compassion, to bid his Soldiers give no Quarter, but Plunder, Ravish, and Kill. He him­self did what he said; and his Men, after his Example, having delug'd the Streets with Rivers of Blood, entred the Houses, where they committed in­conceivable [Page 250] Cruelties. Several Wo­men were violated in their Husbands Arms, several Maidens in their Fa­thers; and whoever went about to op­pose such Criminal Excesses, was piti­lesly massacred by these Furies, who suffer'd themselves to be no longer go­vern'd, but by their disorderly Passion, and by their Cruelty.’ Thus far my Author.

Notwithstanding these Difficulties and Discouragements that seem'd insupera­ble, wonderful and surprizing were the Consequences of the Prince of Orange's Restoration. As if that Family alone were design'd of Heaven to be the Foun­der and Restorer of Holland: It fell out, that immediately upon his being call'd to the Helm, the whole Scene of their Af­fairs chang'd to the better. At the Head of a small ill-disciplin'd Army, discou­rag'd by continual Losses, he not only put a Stop to the French Conquests, but by taking first Naerden in spite of an Army near four times greater than his own, and carrying afterwards the War out of his own Countrey, he oblig'd the Enemy to abandon their Conquests in Holland as fast as they had gain'd them, and be [Page 251] contented to retire to the Defence of their own Frontiers.

This War was attended with various Successes on all sides; and most of the Princes of Europe came to be some way or other engag'd in it; till at last it ended in the Treaty of Nimeguen. The part King Charles acted in all these Transacti­ons, contributed but little to his Glory, for he had been unsuccessful while he was engag'd in the War; and when he came to be a Mediator for the Peace, all Parties grew jealous of him, and neglected him.

It was during the Course of this War, as has been said before, that King Charles aton'd for all the Errors of his Reign, by marrying his Niece, the Lady Mary, to the Prince of Orange: And whatever were the Motives that induc'd him to comply in this with the Universal Wishes of his People, it has been found since, that not only England, but the greatest part of Europe do share at this day in the Blessings that have attended it.

By this Match the Prince of Orange had a double Interest in England, both as a Prince of the Blood himself, and in Right of his Princess the next Presumptive Heir. He liv'd with King Charles in as much Friendship as was possible, for one that [Page 252] would not enter into an Interest separate from that of his Country, or of England. Insomuch that in all the Endeavours that were made to exclude the Duke of York from the Crown, he look'd on, without espousing any of the Parties that strug­gled for or against the Bill of Exclusion; though he knew it was design'd that He and the Princess should succeed upon the Death of King Charles.

When King Iames came to the Throne, the Prince of Orange tried all possible means to cultivate a sincere Friendship with him, and to persuade him to enter into such Measures as might tend to the Common Safety of Europe, and the Hap­piness of England; which if King Iames had given Ear to, would have preserv'd the Crown upon his Head. And so cau­tious was he of giving him no reasonable ground of Complaint, that though in King Charles's time he had given a Gene­rous Welcome to the Duke of Monmouth, at the Request of that King, upon his retiring to Holland; Yet as soon as he knew that that unhappy Gentleman design [...]d to invade England upon King Iames's Acces­sion to the Throne, he offer'd to come over in Person to his Assistance, and sent him with all Expedition the English and [Page 253] Scotch Troops that were in the Service of the States.

It had been happy for King Iames if he had complied with the Advice of the Prince of Orange, or had not by his Suc­cess against Monmouth been push'd on to make the Steps that have bee mention'd, together with a great many more, for Brevity's sake here omitted, towards his own Ruin, and that of the Constitution of England. But being flatter'd with the gaudy Charms of Absolute Power, and the empty Merit of Restoring the Romish Religion, he drove on without Controul, till at last he forc'd the People of England upon an inevitable necessity of calling in the Prince of Orange to retrieve the expiring Liberties of their Countrey.

At the same time an indissoluble Friendship and Alliance, which King Iames had enter'd into when Duke of York, and had cultivated afterwards when he came to the Crown, was a matter of that vast Consequence to the Neighbour­ing Princes and States, as would not per­mit them to stand by as unconcern'd Spe­ctators of the Scene that was acting in England; but oblig'd them likewise to save recourse to the Prince of Orange for [Page 254] breaking off their own Fetters, by break­ing first those of England.

But by what Steps and concurring Ac­cidents, and with what surprizing Cir­cumstances this Mighty Design came about, may some time or other, though perhaps not so properly in this Age, be the Subject of a Second Part, when it meets with one of more Leisure and Ca­pacity to write it.