IF any Augury or Conjecture could be made of the Course and For­tune of Mens Lives by the Cal­culation of their Nativity, the Birth of Dr. Peter Heylyn, according to the Rules of our Astrologers, presa­ged firm Constitution of Body, and prosperous Success in the Civil Affairs of Humane Life. For it was Novemb. 29. 1599. at Burford, in the County of Oxon, between Eight and Nine in the Morning. At which time the Sun [Page 2] was in the Horoscope of his Nativity, and the Houses very well disposed. But our Almanack Prognostications a­bout Weather, &c. shew what incon­siderable Influence the Stars have up­on the inanimate-part of the Creation, much less upon free and discerning A­gents; especially upon men Wise and Learned: For Wisdom has an Empire over Stars and Constellations, accord­ing to that Adagy, ‘ [...]’ And this Reverend Man was in this particular fortunate, that he [...]ad the honor to carry the mark of the Cross, which was imprinted on him at the Font, through the most considerable part of his Pilgrimage; having frequent opportunities in Suffering for a Righte­ous Cause, to manifest his Passive, as well as his Active Courage; as will sufficiently appear in the subsequent Circumstances and Account of his Life.

[Page 3] He was the second Son of Henry Heylyn, Gentleman, descended from the Antient Family of the Heylyns of Pentre-Heylyn in Montgomery-shire, then part of Powes-land; from the Princes whereof they were derived, and unto whom they were Hereditary Cup-Bearers: For so the word Heylyn doth signifie in the Welsh or British Language. After which Office, they were in great Authority with the Prin­ces of North-Wales; as plainly appears from Llewellyn, the last Prince of that Country, who made choice of Grono-Ap-Heylyn to Treat with the Commis­sioners of Edward the First, King of England, for the Concluding of a full and final Peace between them. And Pentre-Heylyn continued the Seat of this Antient Family till about the Year 1637. at which time Rowland Heylyn, Alderman and Sheriff of Lon­don, and Cousin-German to our Do­ctors Father, dying without Issue-Male, the Seat was transferred to another Family, into which some of the Heires­ses [Page 4] were Married: But the Doctor de­sign'd to repurchase it, and had infal­libly effected it, had not Death preven­ted the Execution of his Purpose.

His Mother was Elizabeth Clampard, Daughter of Francis Clampard of Wro­tham in Kent, Gentleman, and of Ma­ry Dodge his Wife; Descended in a di­rect Line from that Peter Dodge of Stop­worth in Cheshire, unto whom King Ed­ward the First gave the Seigneury or Lordship of Padenhugh in the Barony of Coldingham in the Realm of Scot­land, as well for the especial Services done by him in the Sieges of Barwick and Dunbar, as his Valour shew'd in divers Battels; Encontre son grand Enemy & Rebelle le Baillol Roy d' Escoce & Vassal d'Angleterre, as the words are in the Original Charter of Arms, given to the said Peter Dodge by Guyen King of Arms at the said Kings Com­mand, dated April 8. in the 34th. year of King Edward the First. Neither is this unworthy of observation, that one of the Descendents from the said Peter [Page 5] Dodge was Uncle to Doctor Heylyn's Mother, and gave the Mannor of Lech­lade in Glocestershire, worth 1400 l. per ann. to Robert Bathurst Esq Uncle to our Reverend Doctor, and Grand-Father to that honest and modest Gen­tleman Sir Edward Bathurst Baronet, now living.

In the sixth year of his Age, he was committed to the Tuition of Master North, School-Master of Burford; un­der whose Instructions he so well pro­fited, that in a short time he was able to make true Latine: and his Improve­ments were so very considerable, that in a little space after he was advanc'd a Form higher than his Fellows; with which he kept pace and arrived to the ability of making Verses: to which ex­cellency, together with History, his Genius did so naturally incline him, that at the Age of ten years he framed a Story in Verse and Prose upon a ludi­crous Subject, of which he himself was Spectator. And he Composed it in imi­tation of the History of the Destructi­on [Page 6] of Troy, and some other Books of Chivalry, upon which he was then ve­ry studious and intent. The Story was exceedingly prized by his School-Fel­lows, and afterward by one Master Hinton, Fellow of Merton-College, un­to whom it was communicated by his Father. And I presume to specifie it as an Argument of the prodigious preg­nancy of those Endowments which God had bestowed upon him. For he may truly be accounted one of the Praecoces Fructus, the forward Fruits of his time, that was soon ripe, and contrary to the Proverb, of a lasting duration. It may be truly affirmed of him, as once of Lipsius, Ingenium ba­buit docile, & omnium capax: Memo­ria non sine praeceptorum miraculo (eti­am in puero) quae senectute non defe­cit.

But his proficiency in Letters was very much retarded by a Distemper that seized on his Head; the Cure of which was not effected under the space of two years; and therefore occasion'd [Page 7] great loss of time, as well as infinite pain and torture of Body to one so young and tender. For by reason of the unskilfulness of Country Empericks who first undertook him, the Flesh in the fore-part of his Head rotted to the Skull, where never any Hair came af­terward. And the Distemper again returning upon him as the Flesh grew up, he was in the 13th. year of his Age sent to London by his Father, to be under the Cure of Dr. Turner (Hus­band to that Gentlewoman that had a hand in the Death of Sir Tho. Overbury) who keeping him to a strict Diet and frequent Sweatings, sent him back into the Country after four Months time. But his Distemper again returning, he was fain once more to apply himself unto his old Doctor, before a Cure could be completed.

Upon his return to Burford, he found his old Master dead, and was commit­ted to the Care of a Successor, viz. Mr. Davis, a Reverend good man; who notwithstanding his long discon­tinuance [Page 8] from School, found his Scho­lar not to have mis-spent or mis-em­ployed any time, that gave him the least Relaxation from his Distemper, and therefore placed him Third in the [...]ppermost Form. Mr. Davis spared no diligence that might tend to the cultivating of a Plant so flourishing and hopeful, making him fit for the Uni­versity by having him but twelve Months under his Tuition: A kind­ness so gratefully resented by our Do­ctor, that he dedicated to him one of his Books, called Ecclesia Vindicata; and had it not been for the misfortune of the War, had given better Testimo­nies of a thankful and generous mind in preferring him to some considerable Benefice or Dignity in the Church.

He was the beginning of December, 1613. in the 14th. year of his Age sent to Oxford, and placed under the Tuiti­on of Mr. Ioseph Hill, an antient Bat­chelor in Divinity, once one of the Fellows of Corpus Christi College, but then Commoner of Hart-Hall; by [Page 9] whom Mr. Walter Newberry (after­ward a zealous Puritan) was made choice of to instruct him in Logick, and other Academical Studies, as far as the tenderness of his Age rendred him capable. And he made such pro­gress in them, that upon the 22d. of Iuly, 1614. he stood Candidate for a Demies place in Magdalen College, ha­ving no other Recommendations than Sir Iohn Walters, then Attorney Gene­ral to the Prince, and afterward Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, Grand-Father to that worthy Gentleman Sir William Walter now of Sarsden in the County of Oxford, Baronet. Dr. Lang­ton, President of the College, put Mr▪ Heylyn the Eighth upon the Roll; which was the first place of the second Course; but it succeeded not till the year following, being then Elected First upon the Roll, and having very much endeared himself to the President and Fellows by a facetious Latine Poem upon a Journey that he made with his two Tutors, unto Woodstock.

[Page 10] But immediately after his admission into that noble Foundation, he fell in­to a Consumption, which constrain­ed him to retire to his Native Air, where he continued till Christmas fol­lowing. He was a year after his Ad­mission made Impositor of the Hall; in which Office he acquitted himself with so much Fidelity, that the College-Dean continued him longer in it, than any ever before; by which means he contracted a great deal of Hatred and Enmity from those Students that were of his own standing, being called by them the Perpetual Dictator. But he diverted the violence of the Storm by the assiduity of his Studies, and parti­cularly by Composing an English Tra­gedy, called Spurius; which was so well approved of by some learned per­sons of that Foundation, that the Pre­sident caused it to be privately acted in his own Lodgings.

In Iuly 1617. he obtained his Grace for the degree of Batchelor of Arts, but was not Presented to it till the October [Page 11] following, by reason of the absence of one of his Seniors, holding it unworthy to prejudice another person for his own Advancement. After the performance of the Lent-Exercises for his Degree, he fell into a Fever, which increasing with great violence, at last turned into a Tertian Ague, and caused him again to retreat unto his Countrey Air; which he enjoyed till the middle of Iuly following, and then according to the College Statutes (which require that Exercise to be performed every long Vacation by some Batchelor of Arts) he began his Cosmographical Le­ctures, and finished them in the end of the next August. His Reading of those Lectures drew the whole So­ciety into a profound admiration of his Learning and Abilities; insomuch that before he had ended them, he was admitted Fellow upon Probation, in the place of one Mr. Love. And that he might give a Testimony of his grateful mind for so unexpected a Fa­vour, he writ a Latine Comedy, call'd [Page 12] Theomachia, which he Composed and Transcribed in a Fortnights space. On Iuly 29. 1619. he was admitted in ve­rum & perpetuum Socium; and not long before was made Moderator of the Se­nior Form, which he retained above two years: And within that compass of time he began to write his Geogra­phy, accordingly as he designed when he Read his Cosmographic-Lectures; which Book he finish'd in little more than two months, beginning it Feb. 22. and completing it the 29th. of April following. At the Act, Ann. Dom. 1620, he was admitted Master of Arts; the honor of which Degree was the more remarkable, because that very year the Earl of Pembroke, Chancellor of the University, signified his pleasure by special Letters, that from that time for­ward, the Masters of Arts, who before sate bare, should wear their Caps in all Congregations and Convocations; unto which Act of Grace his Lord­ship was induced by an humble Petiti­on presented to him by the Regent [Page 13] Masters in behalf of themselves and Non-Regents; as also by Dr. Prideaux then Vice-Chancellor, who being pre­acquainted with the business, gave great encouragement to proceed on­ward in it; and lastly by the indefa­tigable pains of one Master Clopton, junior, of Corpus-Christi-Colledge, who was the principal Solicitor in that Af­fair.

His Geography was committed by him to the perusal of some Learned Friends, and being by them well ap­proved, he obtained his Fathers con­sent for the Printing of it; which was done accordingly, November 7. 1621. The first Copy of it was presented by him to King Charles the First, then Prince of Wales, unto whom he De­dicated it; and by whom, together with its Author, it was very graci­ously received; being introduced into the Princes Presence by Sir Robert Carre, one of the Gentlemen of his Highnesses Bed-Chamber, and since Earl of Ancram; unto whose Care [Page 14] Master Heylyn was commended by the Lord Danvers, then at Cornbury by reason of some bodily Indispositi­on. But after this Sun-shine of Favour and Honor darted on him by the Prince, there followed a Cloud which darkened all his Joys: for in a few months after, his Father died at Oxon with an Ulcer in his Bladder, occasi­oned by the Stone, with which he had been for many years grievously af­flicted: His Body was conveyed to Lechlade in Glocestershire, where he was buried near his Wife, who died six years before him of a Contagious Fever, and lay in the Chancel of that Parish-Church.

Septemb. 15. 1622. he received Con­firmation from the hands of Bishop Lake, in the Parish Church of Wells; and in a short space after exhibited a Certificate to Doctor Langton concern­ing his Age; by which means he ob­tained a Dispensation, notwithstanding any Local Statutes to the contrary, that he should not be compelled to [Page 15] enter into Holy Orders till he was Twenty four years of Age, according to the time appointed, both in the Canons of the Church, and the Statutes of the Realm. And such were his fears to enter upon the Study, as well as undertake the profession of Divinity, that it was not without great Relu­ctance and Difficulty on his own part, as well as many weighty Arguments and Persuasions of a very Learned and Reverend person (Mr. Buckner) that he applied himself unto Theology. Thus Moses pleaded his Inability, and not­withstanding the express command of the Almighty, refused to be sent upon the Divine Embassie, persevering in his unseasonable modesty, till God threatned him with his Anger, as he had before encouraged him with his promises. But as the difficulties in Di­vinity made Mr. Heylyn for some time to desist, so the sweetness and amabi­lities of that Study allured him to un­dertake the Profession. And therefore he received the Orders of Deacon and [Page 16] Priest (but at distant times) in St. Al­dates Church in Oxon from the Right Reverend Bishop Howson. And when he was Ordained Priest, he Preach'd the Ordination Sermon upon those words of our Blessed Saviour to St. Peter, Luke 22. 32. And when thou art con­verted, strengthen thy Brethren. What course and method he observed in his Theological Studies, he tells of with his own Pen; ‘When I began my Studies in Divinity, Theol. Vet. Pref. to the Reader. I thought no course so proper and expedient for me, as the way commended by King Iames ’ (which was, that young Stu­dents in Divinity should be excited to study such Books as were most agreeable in Doctrine and Discipline to the Church of England, K. Iames Instru­ctions to the U­niversity, Ian. 18. 1616. and to bestow their time in the Fathers and Councils, Schoolmen, Histories, and Controversies, and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and Abbreviators, making them the grounds [Page 17] of their Study) ‘and opened at the charges of Bishop Montague, though not then a Bishop. For though I had a good respect to the memory of Lu­ther, and the name of Calvin, as those whose Writings had awakened all these parts of Europe out of the ig­norance and superstition in which they suffered, yet I always took them to be men: men as obnoxious unto Error, as subject to humane Frailty, and as indulgent too unto their own Opini­ons, as any others whatsoever. The little knowledge I had gained in the course of Stories, had pre-acquainted me with the Fiery Spirit of the one, and the Busie Humor of the other; thought thereupon unfit by Arch-Bishop Cranmer and others, the chief Agents in the Reformation of this Church, to be employed as Instruments in that weighty Business. Nor was I igno­rant how much they differed fsom us in their Doctrinals and Forms of Go­vernment. And I was apt enough to think, that they were no fit Guides [Page 18] to direct my▪ Judgment in order to the Discipline and Doctrine of the Church of England; to the establish­ing whereof they were held unuse­ful; and who both by their Practi­ces and Positions had declared them­selves Friends to neither.’

The Geography was in less than three years Re-printed; and in this second Edition Enlarged and again Presented by him to the Prince of Wales, and by him received with most affectionate Commendations of the Author. But it met with a far different entertainment from K. Iames. For the Book being put into the hands of that learned Monarch by Dr. Young Dean of Winton (who thereby designed nothing else but the highest kindness to Mr. Heylyn) the King at first expressed the great Value he had for the Author: but unfortu­nately falling on a passage, wherein Mr. Heylyn gave Precedency to the French King, and called France the more Famous Kingdom, King Iames became very much offended, and ordered the [Page 19] Lord Keeper that the Book should be call'd in. The good Dean gave notice to Mr. Heylyn of his Majesties Displea­sure, advising him to repair to Court, and to make use of the Princes Patron­age, as the best lenitive to prevent the rankling of this wound, lest it festered and became incurable. But he rather chose to abide at Oxon, acquainting the Lord Danvers with the business, and requesting his Advice and Intercession, and sending afterward an Apology and Explanation of his meaning to Doctor Young, the substance of which was, ‘That some crimes are of a nature so unjustifiable, that they are improved by an Apology; yet considering the purpose he had in those places, which gave offence to his Sacred Majesty, he was unwilling that his Innocence should be condemn'd for want of an Advocate: The burthen under which he suffered was rather a mi­stake than a crime, and that mistake not his own, but the Printers. For if in the first line of page 441. was be [Page 20] read instead of is, the sense runs as he design'd it: And this appears from the words immediately following; for by them may be gathered the sense of this corrected reading, When Edward the Third quartered the Arms of France and England, he gave Pre­cedency to the French; first, because France was the greater and more fa­mous Kingdom. Secondly, That the French, &c. These Reasons are to be referr'd to the time of that King, by whom those Arms were first quartered with the Arms of England, and who desired by this honor done unto their Arms to gain upon the good opinion of that Nation, for the Crown and Love whereof he was a Suitor. For at this time (besides that it may seem ridiculous to use a Verb of the pre­sent Tense in a matter done so long ago) that Reason is not of the least force or consequence; the French ha­ving so long since forgot the Rights of England, and our late Princes claim­ing nothing but the Title only.’

[Page 21] ‘The place and passage so corre­cted, I hope (says Mr. Heylyn) I may without detraction from the Glory of this Nation affirm, That France was at this time the more famous King­dom. Our English Swords for more than half the time since the Norman Conquest had been turned against our own Bosoms; and the Wars we then made (except some fortunate Excursions of King Edward the First in France, and King Richard in the Holy Land) in my conceit were ful­ler of Pity than of Honor. For what was our Kingdom under the Reign of Edward the Second, Henry the Third, Iohn, Stephen and Rufus but a publick Theatre, on which the Tra­gedies of Blood and civil Dissentions had been continually acted? On the other side, the French had exercised their Arms with Credit and Renown both in Syria, Palestine, and Egypt; and had much added to the Glory of their Name and Nation by Conquer­ing the Kingdoms of Naples and Si­cily, [Page 22] and driving the English them­selves out of all France, Guyen only excepted. If we look higher, we shall find France to be the first Seat of the Western Empire, and the Forces of it to be known and felt by the Saracens in Spain, the Saxons in Germany, and the Lombards in Italy; at which time the Valour of the English was impri­soned in the same Seas with their Island: And therefore France was at that time, when first the Arms were quartered, the more famous King­dom. 'Tis true indeed, since the time of those victorious Princes, those Duo Fulmina Belli, Edward the Third and the Black Prince his Son, the Arms of England have been exerci­sed in most parts of Europe. Nor am I ignorant how high we stand above France and all other Nations in the true fame of our Atchievements. France it self divers times over-run, and once Conquered, the House of Burgundy upheld from Ruine, the Hollanders Supported, Spain Awed [Page 23] and the Ocean Commanded, are suf­ficient testimonies, that in pursuit of Fame and Honor, we had no Equals. That I was always of this opinion my Book speaks for me (and indeed so unworthy a person needs no better an Advocate) in which I have been no where wanting to commit to me­mory the honorable performances of my Countrey. The great Annalist Baronius pretending only a true and sincere History of the Church, yet tells the Pope in his Epistle Dedicato­ry, that he principally did intend that work, pro Sacrarum Traditionum Antiquitate, & Authoritate Romanae Ecclesiae. The like may I say of my self, though not with like imputation of Imposture. I promised a Descri­ption of all the World, and have ac­cording to the measure of my poor Abilities fully performed it: yet have I apprehended withal every mo­dest occasion of enobling and extol­ling the So [...]ers and Kings of Eng­land. Besides that I do not now speak [Page 24] of England as it now stands aug­mented with, by the happy Additi­on of Scotland, I had had it from an Author, whom in poverty of read­ing I conceived above all exception, viz. Cambden Clarencieux, that gene­ral and accomplish'd Scholar in the fifth part of his Remains, had so in­formed me. If there be error in it, 'tis not mine but my Authors. The Precedency which he there speaks of is in General Councils. And I do hear­tily wish it would please the Lord to give such a sudden Blessing to his Church, that I might live to see Mr. Cambden Confuted by so good an Ar­gument as the sitting of a General Council.’

Thus Mr. Heylyn was the interpre­ter of his own words; and by these demonstrations of his integrity, King Iames's indignation was appeased, and his own fears were ended: Only he took care to have these offensive words blot­ted out of his Book, as the Dean of Winton advised him.

[Page 25] In the year 1625. he took a Jour­ney with Mr. Levet of Lincolns-Inn in­to France, where he visited more Ci­ties, and made more Observations in the space of five weeks (for he staid there no longer) than many others have done in so many years. The par­ticulars of this Journey he put in Wri­ting, and some years after gratified his Countrey with the Publication of it, together with some other very excel­lent Remarks made by him, when he attended upon the Earl of Danby to the Isles of Guernsey and Iersey, Anno Dom. 1628. Had King Iames lived to have perused that Book, Mr. Heylyn had needed no other Advocate to have restored him to his Princely Favour and Protection. For never was the Vanity and Levity of the Monsieurs, and the Deformity and Sluttishness of their Madames more ingeniously expo­sed both in Prose and Verse, than in the Account that he gives of his Voy­age into France.

[Page 26] On April 18. 1627. he opposed in the Divinity-School, and the 24th. day following he answered pro Forma upon these two Questions, viz.

Both which he determined in the Ne­gative: And in stating of the first, he fell upon a different way from that of Doctor Prideaux in his Lecture de Visibilitate Ecclesiae, Appendix to the Adv. on Mr. San­derson's Histories. and other Tractates of and a­bout that time; in which the visibility of the Protestant Church (and conse­quently of the Renowned Church of England) was no otherwise proved, than by looking for it into the scatter­ed Conventicles of the Berengarians in Italy, the Waldenses in France, the Wickliffs in England, and the Hussites in Bohemia; which manner of proceed­ing not being liked by Mr. Heylyn, be­cause it utterly discontinued that Suc­cession [Page 27] in the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, which the Church of England claims from the Apostles; he rather chose to look for a continual Visible Church in Asia, Aethiopia, Greece, Italy, yea and Rome it self; as also in all the Western Provinces then subject to the power of the Popes thereof: And for the proof whereof he shewed, 1. That the Church of England received no Suc­cession of Doctrine or Government from any of the scattered Conventicles before remembred. 2. That the Wick­liffes, together with the rest (before remembred) held many Heterodoxies in Religion, as different from the Esta­blish'd Doctrine of the Church of Eng­land, as any point that was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome. And 3. That the Learned Writers of that Church, and Bellarmin himself a­mong them have stood up as cordially and stoutly in maintenance of some Fundamental points of the Christian Faith against Socinians, Anabaptists and Anti-Trinitarians, and other Hereticks [Page 28] of these Ages, as any of the Divines and other Learned men of the Prote­stant Churches; which point Mr. Hey­lyn closed with these words, viz. Vti­nam quod ipse de Calvino, sic semper er­rasset nobilissimus Cardinalis. And this so much displeased the Doctor of the Chair, that so soon as our young Di­vine had ended his Determination, he fell most heavily upon him, calling him by the most odious names of Papicola, Bellarminianus, Pontificius, &c. bitter­ly complaining to the younger part of his Audients (unto whom he made the greatest part of his Addresses) of the unprofitable pains he had took amongst them, if Bellarmin, whom he had la­boured to decry for so many years, should now be honored with the Title of Nobilissimus. The like he did with­in a few days after ( Tantaene animis coelestibus irae?) when the Respondent be­came prior Oppenent, loading him with so many Reproaches, that he was branded for a Papist before he under­stood what Popery was. And because [Page 29] this Report should not prepossess the minds of some great Persons, the Di­sputant went to London; and after the Lord Chamberlain had ordered him to Preach before the Kings Houshold, Arch-Bishop Laud, then Bishop of Bath and Wells, took notice of the pas­sages that had happened at Oxford. But Mr. Heylyn told him the story at large, and for a farther testimony of his Judg­ment and Innocency, gave him a Copy of his Supposition; which, when it was perused, the Disputant waited on him, and his Lordship made him to sit down by him, and after enquiry made into the course of his Studies, told him, ‘That his Supposition was strongly grounded, and not to be over thrown in a fair way of Scholastick Argu­ing, That he would not have him be discouraged by noise and clamour. That he himself had in his younger days maintained the same Positions in Disputation in St. Iohns College, for which he was much blamed by Arch-Bishop Abbot, then Vice-Chancellor, [Page 30] and made a By-word and Reproach in the University. Finally he exhorted him to continue in that moderate course, telling him, That as God had given him more than ordinary Gifts, so he would pray to God that he might employ them in such a way and manner, as might make up the Breaches in the Walls of Christen­dom.’ The Discourse between them continued for the space of two hours, Amotis Arbitris. For he ordered his Servants that no one should come to him on any occasion before he called.

But this was not all that was done then by our young Divine to secure him­self from the Reproach of a Papist. For in November next following, he Preached before the King on those words, Iohn 4. 20. Our Fathers wor­shipped on this Mountain. In which Ser­mon he declared himself with such warm zeal against some Errors and Cor­ruptions in the Roman Church, that he shewed himself to be far enough from any inclination to the Roman Religion, [Page 31] But his innocency in that matter will be made more apparent in some follow­ing passages of his Life.

Unto one of the most principal parts of which the Reader is now invited, viz. his Marriage, which was so far from being Clandestine and Clancular (as it was objected to him in Print a­bove thirty years after its solemnizati­on) that he ordered it to be performed upon St. Simon and Iudes day, between ten and eleven of the Clock in the morning in his own College-Chappel, which by his appointment was set out with the richest Ornaments, in the pre­sence of a sufficient number of Wit­nesses of both Sexes, according to Law and Practice. The Wedding-Dinner was kept in his own Chamber, some Doctors and their Wives, with five or six of the Society being invited to it. Mrs. Bride was placed at the head of the Table, the Town-Musick playing, and himself waiting most part of the Din­ner, and no Formality wanting which was accustomably required (even to [Page 32] the very giving of Gloves) at the most solemn Wedding. These things are more particularly related, because some of his Enemies, having nothing else with which they could blast his Re­putation, were pleased to accuse him of a Clandestine Marriage, and that he was obliged in Conscience to restore all the Emoluments that he had recei­ved from his Fellowship between that time and his Resignation. But what shall be given to thee, or what shall be done unto thee, thou false tongue? It seems it must be injustice in Mr. Heylyn to re­ceive his share of an half-years Divi­dent, which was usually allowed to persons in his circumstances, but it was no act of unrighteousness in other men to take bread out of the mouths of young Students, and send them to wander in solitary ways, being hungry and thirsty, and their souls ready to faint in them. The Ceremony was per­formed by his faithful and ingenuous friend Dr. Allibond; and the person that he made choice of for his Wife [Page 33] was Mrs. Laetitia Heygate, third Daugh­ter of Thomas Heygate of Heys Esq one of his Majesties Justices of Peace for the County of Middlesex (who in his younger days, whilst his elder Bro­ther was alive, had been Provost-Mar­shal-General of the Army under the Earl of Essex at the Action of Cales) and of Margery Skipwith his Wife, one of the Daughters of— Skipwith of— in the County of Leicester, a Family of good note and credit in those parts. Which said Thomas Heygate the Father was second Son of that Thomas Hey­gate, who was Field-Marshal-General of the English Forces before St. Quin­tins, under the Command of the Earl of Pembroke, Anno Dom. 1557. and of— Stonner his Wife, a Daughter of the antient Family of the Stonners in Oxfordshire.

These particulars are set down by our learned Doctor in his little Manu­script to this end, That Posterity might know from what Roots they sprang, and not engage in any thing unworthy their [Page 34] Extraction. 'Tis an inestimable blessing for any one to be well Born and De­scended, but the present guilt and fu­ture account of that person will be in­creased who blemishes and stains his Family by unworthy and ill-done acti­ons.

Continuing this time, Mr. Heylyn had no very considerable subsistence for himself and his new Companion. For the Portion which he was to have by her (being a thousand pounds) was never paid, many irreparable losses and mis-fortunes happening to her eldest Brother, which he was not able to re­cover, though left by his Father in the possession of 800 l. per Annum. His Fellowship he resigned, and although he had the Advowson of Bradwel, a very good Living in Glocestershire, left him by his Father, together with a Rent-charge of Inheritance paid him out of the Mannor of Lechlade, yet he was constrained for a while to wrestle with some necessities and frowns of Fortune. He parted with his Title to Bradwel, [Page 35] resolving to lay the foundation of his future Felicity in this world by his own honest industry, and not bury him­self in the obscurity of a Rural Life. His noble Friend, the Earl of Danby, whom he attended in the quality of a Chaplain to the Isles of Guernsey and Iersey (his own Chaplains modestly refusing a Voyage which they concei­ved to be troublesome and dangerous) was not a little troubled to see such ex­traordinary merits continue still dis­couraged and unrewarded; and there­fore out of his generous Nature pre­sented him to the great Judg and Me­coenas of Learning, Arch-Bishop Laud, then Bishop of London; who making a second and more narrow enquiry into his Temporal concerns, appointed him to meet him Court, which not long af­ter was to remove to Woodstock. But his Lordship fell sick at Reading; and Mr. Heylyn met with some rude usages in the Kings Chappel, which was tal­ked of the more at Oxon, the interest he had at Court being universally [Page 36] known in that University. But it was not very many months after, that power was given him to revenge the Affront, being admitted Chaplain in Ordinary to the King, and into great Favour with the Grandees of that time. But a soul enobled with the principles of Gratitude and Generosity is as a­verse to retaliate, as to do an injury. The first person therefore, unto whom he paid his thankful Acknowledgments for his honorable Preferment, was the Earl of Danby, who presently told him, ‘That those thanks were not in the least due unto himself, but to the Lord Bishop of London, unto whose generous and active mind the whole of that Dignity was to be ascribed.’ Upon which hint he attended upon the Bishop; who after he had wish'd him happiness in his new Preferment, gave him some particular Instructions for his behaviour in it, which he carefully ob­served the whole time of his Atten­dance upon the Sacred Person of his gracious Master.

[Page 37] Having thus gained the advantage of this rising ground, he found out an honest Art by which he might recom­mend himself to the Patronage of some noble mind; and that was to assert the History of St. George, Patron of the most noble Order of the Garter, A bu­siness (as he tells the King in his Epistle Dedicatory) of so intricate and invol­ved a nature, that he had no Guide to follow, nor any Path to tread, but what he had made unto himself. Neither had that Task ever come to perfection, had not so able an hand undertaken it, whose industry and abilities were supe­rior to every thing but themselves. Ma­ny enemies the Book met withal, when it came first to light. But 'tis more easie to load learned Authors with Railing and Reproaches, than to Encounter and Confute their Arguments.

The Historian had the honor to be introduced by the Bishop of London in­to his Masters Bed-Chamber, unto whom he presented his Book, which his Majesty graciously accepted, and [Page 38] held some conference with the Author about the subject-matter contained in it. He also gave Copies of the Histo­ry to all the Knights of the Order, that were then attending at Court, who all used him with respect suitable to his merits, except the Earl of E. who cal­led him a begging Scholar; of which words he was afterward very much a­shamed, when the incivility unbecom­ing a Nobleman and Courtier, came to the knowledge of those that were of hiw own Quality. Against this History Doctor Hackwel appeared in Print; of which the King was presently informed, and sending for Mr. Heylyn, comman­ded him to consider the Arguments of his Antagonist, and withal sent him to Windsor to search into the Records of the Order. This occasioned a second Edition of the History, wherein were answered all the Doctors Arguments and Allegations, but no Reply made to his Invectives, which were too fre­quently interspersed in the Book of that learned Writer; of whom Mr. Heylyn [Page 39] heard no more till his very excellent Book about the Supposed Decay of Na­ture came out in a new Edition, where­in there was a Retractation made of those passages that related to St. George.

Mr. Heylyn began now to conceive some hopes of not being any longer un­kindly dealt withal by the hand of Fortune, having a Presentation given him by one Mr. Bridges to the Parson­age of Meysie-Hampton in the Diocess of Glocester; unto the Bishop of which he made Application, but found him already pre-engaged to further the pre­tended Title of Corpus Christi College in Oxon. However his Lordship promi­sed not to give Institution to any person, till the Title was cleared; advising Mr. Heylyn to leave his Presentation with him, and to enter a Caveat in his Court. But he who was false to God and his Mother-Church, could never be faith­ful to those engagements thich [...] made to man; the one he deserted by turning Papist, being the only Bishop of the English Hierarchy, who re­nounced [Page 40] a Persecuted Church to em­brace the Errors and Idolatries of the Roman Communion: And as for his promises to Mr. Heylyn, those he vio­lated, giving one Mr. Iackson who was presented by C.C.C. Institution so soon as ever he requested it. This engaged our young Married Divine in a tedious Suit at Law, which occasioned him great trouble, and that which he could not well at that time undergo, vast charge and expence; especially if we con­sider the bad success that attended it. For by reason of the absence of many of the Iury, and the supply of Tales (who attended upon the Trial as Water-men wait for a Fare) together with the Ter­giversation or rather Treachery of one of his Council, upon whose Wisdom and Integrity the Client most relied, the Cause went against him, though affirmed by all Standers-by, and by the Council himself the night immediately preceding the Trial, to be as fair and just an Action as ever was brought to Bar. But indignus es felictate, quem [Page 41] fortuitorum pudet. It was not the first time that a poor man was oppressed and a righteous Cause miscarried. And God ever rewards the quiet submission of his faithful Servants to his wise and unsearchable Providence with far more valuable Blessings, than those which he deprives or with-holds from them. Ioseph had never met with those signal honors and dignities in Pharaohs Court, had not he been first sold by his Bre­thren for a Bond-slave into Egypt.

Neither was this the only disappoint­ment he met with in his way to Pre­ferment. For not long after, Preaching at Court in his second Attendance, his Majesty expressed a very high opinion of him to many noble Lords about him, and in a few months after gave him a Presentation to the Rectory of Hemingford in the County of Hunting­ton. But this also missed of the desired effect, which his Majesties Bounty and Mr. Heylyns necessities required. For the Bishop of Linclon, unto whom he made Application with his Presenta­tion, [Page 42] would not allow the King to have any Title to the Living; so that the poor man was fain to return to London re infectâ. The Bishop was much of­fended as well as surprized that a young Divine should have so compre­hensive a knowledg of the Law. For he made good the Kings Right upon the passages of the Conveyances of the other party. But the King soon un­derstood the entertainment his Chap­lain met with at Bugden, and sent him this gracious Message, That he was sor­ry he had p [...]t him to so much charge and trouble, but it should not be long before he would be out of his debt. And he soon performed his Royall promise; for within a week after, he bestowed on him a Prebe [...]dship of Westminster (void by the death of Dr. Darrel) to the extreme vexation of his Lordship, who was then Dean of the same Church. And that which added to the honor of this Preferment, was his not only being the same day ini [...]iated into the friendship of the Attorney-General, [Page 43] Mr. Noye, but the condescending Mes­sage that came along with the Royal Gift, viz. That he bestowed that Pre­bendship on him to bear the charges of his last Iourney, but he was still in his debt for the Living. When Moses was deserted by his Parents for fear of Pharaohs fury, God was pleased to provide him a Saviour and a Nurse; and he was taken out of the Bul-rushes, and fed and preserved in despight of all his enemies.

Being possessed of this Preferment, he began the repairing and beautifying of his House, with many other things, so far as his narrow contracted Fortune would permit him. And the first ho­norable Visit that he received in his new Habitation, was from the learned Lord Falkland, who brought along with him one Captain Nelson, that pretended a new Invention, viz. The Discovery of the Longitude of the Sea. The Captain had imparted his design to many learned Mathematicians, who by no means could approve of, or sub­scribe [Page 44] to his Demonstrations. But the King referr'd him to Mr. Heylyn, who told that noble Lord, That his Majesty was mistaken in him; his skill and knowledg lying more in the Historica [...] than Philosophical part of Geography▪ His Lordship seem'd much offended with the answer, conceiving that out of a supercilious disdain of the old Captain, Mr. Heylyn declined the bu­siness. But he presently rectified his Lordships mis-apprehensions, assuring his Honor that he would confer with some learned men about that Hypothe­sis, and by previous Study fit and pre­pare himself to discourse it with them, and in a short time give the King and his Lordship an account of what he did in the business. With this his Lord­ship went away satisfied, and commen­ded to Mr. Heylyn he acquaintance of Mr. Oughtred, as he ablest person to be consulted in an affair of that nature. Some Letters also passed between his Lordship and Mr. Heylyn, in which his Lordship commended the ‘honest old [Page 45] Captain to his Religious and Judici­ous care and consideration, telling him that in the credibility of that Phaenomenon, his Majesties Resolu­tion would be very much guided by his Judgment, which he found would be of special Authority with him: That he press'd the point the oftner to him, because he conceived it a duty which he owed to the Truth it self to have it made manifest one way or other; that is, either to be freed from the Captains Imposition and Pre­tence, if upon trial it appeared to be fallacious; or else to be approved and declared for right and perfect (if such it be) to the perpetual silencing of all malicious impugners thereof, that the world may be deprived no lon­ger of the participation and use of so publick and common a Benefit.’

Mr. Heylyn being backward in no­thing, wherein he might be really ser­viceable to any one part of Learning, went to Mr. Oughtred, with whom he had much discourse concerning the Ca­ptains [Page 46] Hypothesis. Mr. Oughtred told his Visitant, that the Captain was ve­ry much mistaken in his Principle; which he made afterward appear unto the Captain at London, and gave this following account of it in a Letter to Mr. Heylyn.— ‘I asked him the ground whereon he went, and tol [...] him the difficulties which other [...] found. His ground, he said, was by the Nodes of the Moons Circle, be­cause the Moon accompanies the Earth, having it the Center of her Orb. The difficulties which others imagined was the finding out of the place of the Node or ☊ upon th [...] superficies of the Earth. His Princ [...] ­ple I determine to omit till more le [...] ­sure (for I had but one whole day [...] stay in London.) The difficulty of th [...] place of ☊ I saw factible at Sea, an [...] accordingly let him understand [...] ▪ Now being at London, I desired co [...] ­ference with him, and thus I pr [...] ­ceeded. You require for the discov [...] ­ry of the Longitude, the place of [...] [Page 47] upon the earth. Well, imagine you were now at Sea in an unknown place, and what I gave you in de­grees of Longitude, the distance of ☊ from that place where you are; what will you conclude? He was en­tring into I know not what by-de­mands of If this, or If that; but I held him to the Question in the Hy­pothesis, telling him he had what he required. At last he answered, Why methinks you have done it already your self. You have the distance of ☊ in the degrees of Longitude of ☊ from an unknown place, and there­fore the difference of the ☊ is also unknown, except to that place only. But we required the distance from the other known place which you promised to argue. At last he began to be sensible of his mistake, and I advised him to desist from such un­dertakings; and being of so great an Age, to labour the Discovery of an­other Voyage, or rather only labour to attain to the blessed end thereof, [Page 48] being already opened to us by our Saviour. And this was the end of our Communication, and will be I sup­pose of that business also. I wonder how the Captain for these twelve years, wherein he hath mused upon this, and hath had conference with so many learned men, would receive no answer. But it seems they gave him too much liberty of digression; and he having a very ill expression of his of his confused Conceits, intangled himself more and more in perplexi­ties.’

Thus this business ended; but before it was brought to this issue, there was an end put to the life of that learned Lord. However Mr. Heylyn continued his endeavours in the business, till the Captain was convinced of his mistake. Had the poor Captain lived unto these days, wherein Philosophy has met with such wonderful improvements, 'tis not unlikely but that he might have had the honor of giving the first hint of the truth of that Hypothesis. For I [Page 49] have been informed from a good hand, that Mr. Hooke the great pattern of modesty and industry, did not many years since in his Lectures at Gresham-College read upon this very subject; and divers of his Auditors as well as himself were of opinion, that he had really found out and demonstrated the Seas Longitude. And perhaps what is here inserted from Mr. Oughtred may invite him to oblige his Country with what he was written upon that Hypo­thesis.

But to make our return unto the subject of these Papers; whose mind was intent rather upon useful than no­tional Learning; and therefore about this time he began with great diligence to read over the Statute-Laws of the Nation, and to compare them with the times and circumstances that occurr'd in Story: and this he did with the greatest care, to enable himself for the service of his Royal Master, who then had the Small-Pox appearing on him, but soon recovered of that Distemper: [Page 50] and our young Divine to testifie his joy, turned Poet, making a Copy of English Verses, which were presented by one of his Friends to his Majesty; and they were so well liked, that both their Majesties gave him the honor of their thanks.

But the King found Improvement rather for the Judgment than Fancy of his Chaplain; and therefore Ian. 27. 1632. s [...]nt for him to the Council-Table, where he received his Royal Com­mands to read over that Book of Mr. Pryns, called Histriomastix; and to collect thence all such passages, as were scandalous or dangerous to the King or State, and to reduce them into method. The Book was delivered to him, and a fortnights time assigned him to perform the task imposed. But he had learned from the wisest of men, That diligence in business and a quick dispatch of it would qualifie him for the service of Kings, and not mean persons. And therefore he performed what he un­dertook, and carried it to the Secretary [Page 51] of State in less than four days; for which he had his Majesties thanks, as also new Commands to revise his Pa­pers, and to write down such logical Inferences as might naturally arise from the Premisses of Mr. Pryn. Which task was accordingly done by him, but ei­ther the Papers were lost, or at least pretended to be so. And he received a third Command to deliver his own Copy to the Attorney-General; and a­bout this time, and upon this occasion wrote a small Tract touching the pu­nishments due by Law, and in point of practice unto such Offenders as Mr. Pryn. And this was observable in the Trial of that person, that nothing was urged by the Counil to aggravate his Faults, but what was contained in the Collections made by Mr. Heylyn.

For a reward of these and other Ser­vices, his Majesty bestowed on him the Parsonage of Houghton, in the Bi­shoprick of Durham, now let for above 470 l. per ann. and made void by the preferment of Dr. Lendsel to the See of [Page 52] Peterborough; and ordered Mr. Secre­tary Windebank to take care for the Broad Seal; but within a few hours after intimated his Royal Pleasure to him by the Bishop of London, ‘that it should be exchanged for some other Living nearer hand, and more for the convenience of his Chaplain, his Ma­jesty conceiving that he might have frequent occasion to make use of his service, and therefore was unwilling that he should have any Preferment that was so far distant from his Court.’ Upon this Dr. Heylyn entred into a Treaty with Dr. Marshal for the Parsonage of Alreford in Hampshire; where the first thing he did after Insti­stution and Induction, was to order the daily Reading of Morning-Prayer, be­ing a populous Market-Town, which gave very great content unto the peo­ple. And being Ordinary of the place, he removed the Communion-Table to the East end of the Chancel; the decency of which act, he not only justified by Reason, convincing the people how [Page 53] much it had been profaned by sitting on it, Scribling and casting Hats on it in Sermon time, and at other times pas­sing the Parish Accounts, and dispu­ting businesses of like nature; and which was worst of all, by Dogs pis­sing against it, and sometimes snatch­ing away the Bread that was provided for the use of the Blessed Sacrament, but by the place and posture which the Communion-Table and Altars had been situated in former times. And in a short time after, this act of his was justified and confirmed by what his Majesty determined in the case of St. Gregories Church near St. Pauls, Lon­don.

But before these things happened, he took his Degree of Batchelor in Divi­nity, viz. In Iuly 1630. his Latine Ser­mon was upon those words, Mat. 4. 19. Faciam vos fieri piscatores hominum. Upon the Sunday followi [...]g (being the time of the Act) [...]e Preached in the Afternoon on Matth. 13. 25. In which [Page 54] Sermon he discovered the great Mystery of Iniquity that lay under the specious pretext of Feoffees for buying in of Im­propriations. And he was the first per­son that ever gave notice of the dan­ger of it to the undeceiving of the peo­ple. What he said concerning it made a loud clamour throughout the whole Nation, and was one of the first things that exposed him to the implacable ha­tred and malice of a restless Faction. At first he looked upon the project with as great reverence and affection, as any that were deceived and abused by it; and could not but congratulate the felicity of those times, in giving birth to a design of such signal merit. But when he look'd more narrowly in­to the mannagement and conduct of it, he apprehended it to be (as in­deed it was) the most pernicious im­posture that ever since the Reforma­tion was imposed upon the people; and the most dangerous device to subvert the Church and undermine [Page 55] Episcopal Power and Jurisdiction. And having satisfied himself in the danger of it, he conceived it his boun­den duty to give notice of it to other men; that being once discovered and set out in its proper Colours, it might be taken into deeper consideration, than had been to that time observed if it. The Sermon was Preach'd Iuly 11. and the passage in it which con­cern'd the Feoffees was in these words, ‘Planting of Pensionary-Lecturers in so many places where it needs not, and upon days of common labour, will at last bring forth those fruits, that will appear to be a Tare indeed, though now no Wheat be accounted fairer. For what is that which is most aimed at in it, but to cry down the standing Clergy of this Kingdom, to undermine the Publick Liturgy by Law Established, to foment Fa­ctions in the State, Schisms in the Church, and to have ready Sticklers in every place for the Advancement of some dangerous and deep Design? [Page 56] And now we are fallen upon this point, we will proceed a little far­ther in the proposal of some things to be considered. The Corporation of Feoffees for buying of Impropriations to the Church, doth it not seem in the appearance to be an excellent piece of Wheat, a noble and gracious part of Piety? Is not this Templum Domini, Templum Domini? But bles­sed God! that men should thus draw near to Thee with their mouths and be so far from Thee in their hearts! For what are those entrusted in the managing of this great Business? Are they not most of them the most a­ctive and best affected men in the whole cause, and Magna partium mo­menta, chief Patrons of this grow­ing Faction? And what are those that they prefer? Are they not most of them such men as are and must be serviceable unto their dangerous In­novations? And will they not in time have more Pref [...]rments to be­stow than all the Bishops of the King­dom? [Page 57] And so by consequence a greater number of Dependents to promote their Interest? yet all this while we sleep and slumber and fold our hands in sloth, and see perhaps, but dare not note it. High time it is assuredly you should be awaked and rouze up your selves upon the appre­hension of so near a danger.’ The noise and calumnies that were raised and fixed upon Mr. Heylyn after this Sermon, incited him to make a more narrow search into the matter, and to multiply as well as strengthen his for­mer Arguments, which he delivered to his endeared Friend Mr. Noye, who un­dertook the suppression of the Feoffees in the Kings name; and they were ac­cordingly suppressed in a judicial way of proceeding in the Exchequer-Cham­ber, Feb. 13. 1633.

In which year Mr. Heylyn com­menc'd his Degree of Doctor in Divi­nity; an honor not usually in those days conferr'd upon men of such green years; but he verfied those excellent [Page 58] words of the Son of Syrach, Wisdom 4. 8, 9. That honorable Age is not that which stands in length of time, nor that which is measured by number of years, but Wisdom is the gray hair unto men, and an unspotted life is old age. He entertained some hopes that those prejudices and heats which for some years past he had fe [...]t at Oxon, had been cooled and allayed; and that the remembrance of them was quite buried by Dr. Prideaux, having so long a tract of time as from 1627. to 1633. to forget them. In his first Disputation he had insisted on the Churches Visi­bility; and now he resolved to assert and establish its Authority: and to that purpose made choice to answer upon these three Questions for his Degree of Doctor,

• In determinandis Fidei Controversiis?
• Interpretandi Scriptu­ras?
• Decernendi Ritus & Ceremonias?

[Page 59] All which he held in the Affirmative, according to the plain and positive Doctrine of the Church of England in the 20th. Article, which thus runs in terminis, viz. Habet Ecclesia Ritus si­ve Ceremonias statuendi Ius, & in Fi­dei Controversiis Authoritatem, &c. But the Regius Professor was as little pleased with these Questions, and the Respon­dents stating of them, as he was with the former: And therefore that he might the more effectually expose him, he openly declared how the Respondent had falsified the publick Doctrine of the Church, and charged the Article with that Sentence, viz. Habet Eccle­sia Ritus sive Ceremonias, &c. which was not to be found in the whole Body of it; and for the proof thereof, he read the Article out of a Book which lay before him beginning thus, Non licet Ecclesiae quicquam instituere quod verbo Dei scripto adversetur, &c. To which the Respondent rea [...]i [...]y answer­ed, That he perceived by the bigness of the Book which lay upon the Do­ctors [Page 60] Cushion, that the Article he read was out of the Harmony of Confessions publish'd at Ceneva, Anno Dom. 1612. which therein followed the Edition of the Articles in the time of King Edw. 6. Anno Dom. 1552. in which that Sen­tence was not found; but that it was otherwise in the Articles agreed on in the Convocation, Anno Dom. 1562. to which most of us had subscribed in our several places; but the Professor still insisting upon that point, and the Re­spondent perceiving the grea [...]est part of his Auditory dissatisfied, he called to one Mr. Westly, who had formerly been his Chamber-Fellow in Magdalen Col­lege, and desired him to fetch the Book of Articles from some Adjacent Book­sellers; which being observed by the Professor, he declared himself very wil­ling to decline any farther Debate a­bout that business, and to go on dire­ctly in the Disputation; But the Re­spondent was resolved to proceed no further, Vsque dum liberaverit animam suam ab istâ calumniâ, (as his own [Page 61] words were) till he had freed himself from that Imputation. And it was not long before the coming of the Book put an end to the Controversie; out of which he read the Article in English in his▪ verbis, The Church hath power to de­cree Rites and Ceremonies, and Autho­rity in Controversies of Faith, &c. which done, he delivered the Book to one of the Auditors who desired it of him, the Book passing from one hand to another till all were satisfied. And at this point of time it was, that the Bishop of An­golesme, Lord Almoner to the Queen, left the Schools, professing afterward, That he could see no hope of a fair Dis­putation from so foul a beginning.

It has been laid to Doctor Heylyn's charge, that at this time he was Hissed, because he excluded King and Parlia­ment from being parts of the Church: But he never deny'd either to be parts of the Diffusive Body of the Church, but only to be parts of the Church Re­presentative, which consists of the Bi­shops and Clergy in their several Coun­cils. [Page 62] For neither King nor Parliament are Members of the Convocation, as he then proved and asserted. The Articles ascribe to the Church of England Re­presented in a National Council power of decreeing Rites and Ceremonies, and Authority of determining Controver­sies in Faith, as well as other Assem­blies of that nature. And this neither deserved nor met with any Hiss. Per­haps a Hiss was then given, but it was when the Regius Professor went to prove, that not the Convocation, but the High Court of Parliament had pow­er of ordering matters in the Church, in making Canons, ordaining Ceremo­nies, and determining Controversies in Religion. And he could find no other medium to make it good, but the Au­thority of Sir Edw. Coke in one of the Books of his Reports. An Argument unto which the Respondent returned no other Answer than Non credendum est cuique extra suam Artem; upon which immediately he gave place to the next Opponent, which put an end to the [Page 63] heats of that Disputation. But it did not so to the Regius Professors passion against Dr. Heylyn. For conceiving his Reputation somewhat lessened in the eye of the world, he gave an account in a paper of the whole transaction, that tended very much to the Doctors disgrace, as well as his own Justificati­on. But Dr. Heylyn well knew upon what bottom he stood, and therefore in his own Vindication caused the Profes­sor to be brought before the Council-Table at Woodstock, where he was pub­lickly rebuked for the mis-representati­ons that he had made of him. And upon the coming out of the Kings De­claration concerning Lawful Sports, Dr. Heylyn took the pains to translate the Regius Professors Lecture upon the Sabbath into English, and putting a Preface before it, caused it to be Prin­ted; A performance which did not on­ly justifie his Majesties proceedings, but abated much of that opinion, which Dr. Prideaux had amongst the Purita­nical Faction in those days.

[Page 64] Pass we now from the University, the School of Learning and Study, to the Court, the Seat of Breeding and Business; where Dr. Potter (afterward Dean of Worcester) presented to the King a very learned Treatise, called Charity Mistaken; and for a reward of his great Abilities, had a Prebendship of Windsor design'd for him, which was then likely to become vacant by the promotion of the Bishop of Gloce­ster to the See of Hereford. Many of Dr. Heylyn's Friends were very zea­lous with the King on his behalf, es­pecially Dr. Neile then Archbishop of York. But his Lordship stuck faster to his Bishoprick, than he did to his Prin­ciples, and so the business ended. But whilst it was in agitation, it occasioned this merry Epigram from our young Doctor, who was conceived by every one to have missed that Prebendship upon the supposed Vacancy;

But the Doctors Juvenile humor was presently converted iuto a far less plea­sing passion. For Mr. Attorney-Gene­ral Noye left this world for a better, very much to the sorrow, but much more to the loss of Dr. Heylyn. He kept his Whitsontide in 1634. with the Doctor at Brentford, where he used all imaginable arguments and intrea­ties to dissuade him from going to Tunbridge-Waters the following Vaca­tion, importuning him to accompany him to Alresford, where he would be certain to find a better Air, and a more careful Attendance. But we are very often wise to our own hurt, and stand in that light which would guide us to safety and felicity. But whatsoever [Page 66] damage our Doctor sustained by the loss of so invaluable a Friend, some persons else have gained well by it, ha­ving two large Manuscripts of Mr. Noys own hand-writing: The one con­tains the Collections he made of the Kings maintaining his Naval power accroding to the practice of his Royal Predecessors: The other about the Pri­viledges and Jurisdictions of Ecclesiasti­cal Courts. These two Books Doctor Heylyn had a sight of from Mr. Noye about two months before the death of that learned man. And it would be a generous act and highly conducive to the honor of Mr. Noy's memory, as well as the Kings and Churches interest, if such Treasures were communicated to the benefit of all his Majesties Subjects, which are now only useful to some sin­gle persons.

Neither was this all the trouble that Dr. Heylyn met with at this [...]ime. For some enemies then living added to the sorrow and disturbance that he had for his departed Friend. The grievances [Page 67] which the Collegiate Church of West­minster suffered under the Government of Iohn Lord Bishop of Lincoln, then Commendatory-Dean thereof, became so intolerable, that our Doctor was con­strained for the common safety of that Foundation, to draw up certain Articles (no less than 36.) against his Lordship by way of charge; which he commu­nicated to Dr. Thomas Wilson, Dr. Ga­briel Moore, and Dr. Ludovicus Wem­mys, Prebendaries of the said Church, who embarqu'd themselves in the same bottom with him, and resolved to make complaint by way of Petition; which was drawn up and presented to the King by all four together in the Withdrawing-Chamber at Whitehal, March 31. 1634. And a Commission was issued out thereupon to the Arch­bishops of Centerbury and York, the Earl of Manchester Lord Privy-Seal, Earl of Portland Lord high Treasurer, the Lord Bishop of London, Lord Cottington, and the two Secretaries of State, viz. Sir Iohn Coke and Sir Francis Windebank; [Page 68] authorizing them to hold a Visitation of the Church of Westminster to exa­mine particular charges made against Iohn Lord Bishop of Lincoln, and to redress such Grievances and Pressures as the Prebendaries of the said Church suffered by his Mis-government. The Articles were returned to Dr. Heylyn to be put in Latine, and the Commission bore date April 20. But the whole thing lay dormant till December 1635. at which time the Bishop began again to rage in his Province of Westminster, dispossessing the Prebendaries of their Seats, neglecting to call the Chapter to pass accounts, conferring Orders in the said Church within the space of a month, permitting a Benefice in the gift of the said Church, and lying within his Diocess, to be lapsed unto himself; with many other Grievances which caused the forementioned Pre­bendaries to present a second Petition to his Majesty, Humbly beseeching him to take the ruinous and desperate estate of the said Church into his Princely con­sideration, [Page 69] as 'tis worded in the Peti­tion it self.

Upon which the former Commission was revived and delivered to the Lords whom it did concern; and a Citation fixed upon the Church-doors of West­minster accordingly. Upon Ianuary 25. they were warned by the Sub-Dean to meet the Bishop in Ierusalem-Chamber, where amongst other matters his Lord­ship desired to know what those things were that were amiss, that so he might presently redress them. To whom Dr. Heylyn replied, That seeing they had put the business into his Majesties hands, it would ill become them to take it out of his into their own▪ Ian. 27. both parties met before the Lords in the Inner Star-Chamber, where the Commission was tendred and accepted, and the whole business put into a me­thodical course; each following Mon­day being appointed for the day of hearing, till the whole was concluded. Feb. 1. The Commissioners with the Plaintiffs and Defendant met in the [Page 70] Council-Chamber at Whitehal, where it was ordered that the Plaintiffs should be called by the name of Prebendaries-Supplicant. That they should be admit­ted upon Oath as Witnesses. That they should have a sight of all Registers, Records, Books of Accounts, &c. That the first business that they should pro­ceed in should be that of the Seat, be­cause that made the breach or diffe­rence more visible and offensive to the world, than those matters that were more private and domestick, and fi­nally that the Prebendaries-Supplicant should have an Advocate, who should plead their Cause, defend their Rights, and represent their Grievances. And the person that they unanimously made choice of was Dr. Peter Heylyn.

Feb. 8. the Dean put in his Plea a­bout the Seat or great Pew under Ri­chard the II. and the Advocate being appointed by the Prebendaries-Suppli­cant to speak in the defence of their common Interest, in the Seat now con­troverted, and of which the Bishop of [Page 71] Lincoln had most disgracefully dispo [...]ses­sed them, he made choice to represent to the Lord Commissioners, 1. Their Original Right. 2. Their Derivative Right, and lastly their Possessory Right.

Their Original Right he proved from the Charter of their Foundation, from Queen Elizabeth their Foundress, who declared by Act of Parliament made in the first year of her Reign, the Abbey of St. Peter in Westminster fell into her hands, and that being seized thereof, and of all the Lands thereunto belong­ing, she did by her Letters Patents erect the said dissolved Abbey into a Colle­giate Church, consisting of a Dean and twelve Prebendaries; and that the said Dean and Prebendaries should be both in re & nomine unum corpus corpo­ratum, one only Body Politick; that they should have a perpetual Succession, a Common Seal; and that they should Call, Plead and be Impleaded by the name of the Dean and Chapter of the Collegiate Church of St. Peter in Westminster.—So that by this Donation the Dean hath [Page 72] no propriety in the said Church (his own Stall excepted) but is joynt-Owner with the Prebendaries of the Site and Soil. Nor did the Queen be­stow upon them the Church alone, but bestowed it joyntly upon them, una cum omnibus antiquis privilegiis, libertati­bus, ac liberis consuetudinibus; and those to be enjoyned in as full a manner, as ever tho Abbot and Convent did before enjoy the same. By which it appears, that all the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of the Church of Westminster is vested joyntly in the Dean and Chapter, and not in the Dean alone. For as the Dean and Chapter are one Body, so they make one Ordinary; and as one Ordinary, have a common and joynt Power to dispose of Seats.

Their Derivative Right, he proved from their Original Right: For the Queen giving the Dean and Prebenda­ries with their Successors all Rights, Possessions, Privileges and Immunities, they need only to prove their Successi­on in the Church of St. Peter; and [Page 73] then whatever Right was in their Pre­decessors Original, must be on them derived.

As for their Possessory Right, he desi­red their Lordships pardon, if he should fail in the proof of it. For the Book of the Chapter-Acts was missing, which was very necessary in order to it. And although one offered to take his Oath, that the Bishop of Lincoln never saw it; yet the Oath was so desperate, that either the person who offered to take it had an hand in making away the Book, or else that he durst swear what­ever the Bishop of Lincoln said or asser­ted. But being deprived of that Evi­dence, he proceeded to Testimony; where he did not make use of such Wit­nesses as were summoned by the Dean, viz. Col [...]ege-Servants and Tenants, who were obnoxious to him; but indiffe­rent men, that were no way Friends to the Complainants, but only to the Truth; some of them Bishops, some Doctors in Divinity, all of them of unquestion'd Credit, and such as spake [Page 74] upon certain and affirmative know­ledge.

Finally, the Advocate (than whom never any Orator or Lawyer did better acquit himself) urged, that however things were in time past, yet the Bi­shop by his Non-Claim had pre-judged himself; and that the possession of the Prebendaries since his Lordship became Dean of Westminster was sufficient to create a Right, though they had never any right before. And this he made good by particular Cases and Decisions in the Civil, Canon, and Common Laws.

First, for the Civil Law it was deter­mined by the Laws of the twelve Ta­bles, That a continued and quiet pos­session which any man had gained in a Personal Estate, for one year only, or for two years together in matters Real, which they call Immovable, should cre­ate a Right; (those times being thought sufficient for any man to put in his Claim.) And so it held in Rome many hundred years, till that upon some in­conveniences which did thence arise, it [Page 74] pleased Iustinian to set out his Edict (which is still extant in the 7th. Book of his Code) and in that Edict to De­cree, That a possession of three years in matters Personal should beget a Right: and as for Real Estates, it was determined that a possession of ten years inter praesentes, and twenty years in­ter absentes should conclude as much. And in almost all Nations Christened, the same Law has continued to this ve­ry time. So that if this be applied to my Lord of Lincoln, he is gone in Civil Law: For being resident here continu­ally for fifteen years together, he never made his Claim to the Seat in questi­on, and so has lost his Right, if ever he had any.

Next for the Canon Law, it yields as many ruled Cases and Decisions, by which to regulate this point as the for­mer. But the Advocate instanc'd only in one. The Church of Sutry in Tusca­ny being void, the Canons go to the Election of a Bishop, and make choice of one whom they desire to have con­firmed. [Page 76] The Clergy of the Convents about the City interpose their Claim, and make it manifest, Eos Electionibus trium Episcoporum qui immediatè prae­fuerunt, &c. interfuisse, i. e. that they were present at the Election of the three last Bishops, and did give their Voices. The Pope thereupon deter­mined, that seeing the Witnesses on the Canons part did seem to differ a­mong themselves, Et quod negativam quodammodo astruere satagebant, and that they went about to prove the Ne­gative, viz. that the said Clerks had no Voices in the three last Elections, or were not present in the same: (which negative proof it seems was taken for a strange attempt.) And seeing on the other side, that it was manifest how the said Clerks were present at the three last Elections, and had their Voices in the same, the former Ele­ction was made void, and the said Clerks put into that possession which they had before. A Case (says Dr. Heylyn) that is very parallel to our [Page 77] present business, we claiming, that if not before, yet in the time of the three last Deans we had possession of this Seat, and therefore are to be re­stored unto that possession, out of which we had been cast by my Lord of Lincoln.

Lastly, for the Common Law, how­ever, there is nothing against which the Laws do provide more carefully, than the preventing or removing of a Force; nor any thing wherein they do proceed with more severity than in punishing of the same; yet by the Laws it is en­acted, that they which keep their pos­sessions by Force in any Lands or Te­nements whereof they or their Ance­stors, or they, whose Estate they have in such Lands or Tenements, have con­tinued their Possession by the space of three years or more, be not endangered by any former Statutes against Force, Forcible Entries, and Forcible Detain­ers. So careful are the Laws to pre­serve Possession, that in most cases they do prefer it before Right; at least till [Page 78] Right be cleared and Judgment be pro­nounced in favour of it. And albeit in the Common Laws there is no ruled Case in the present business, as being meerly of Ecclesiastical Cognizance and Jurisdiction, yet in the Common Law, there is one Case which comes very near it; and 'tis briefly this. If there be two Ioynt-Tenants, or Tenants in Common of certain Lands, and one of them doth expel or put forth the other out of Possession of the said Lands by force, he that is so expelled may either bring his Writ of Assize of Novel Dis­seisin, and so recover treble dammages, or have his Action of Trespass of For­cible Entry against his Companion that did so expel him, and thereupon shall have a Writ of Restitution. This Case is very near ours, as before is said, the Dean and Prebendaries being Ioint-Tenants, or Tenants in Common of the Seat in question, out of which we are expelled forcibly by my Lord of Lincoln, and now desire the benefit of the Law for our Restitution.

[Page 79] But (says the Advocate) my Lord ob­jects, that the Prebendaries are in sub­jection to him, that they swear Cano­nical Obedience to him, and therefore should not sit in the same Seat with him. But to both we answer with an Absque hoc, we are not in subjection to him; for we are made Ioynt-Governors with him in every thing pertaining to the Church, and in the Statutes are enti­tuled Primarii & principes viri, and are to be Assistants to him, and Asso­ciates with him in the common Go­vernment of the same. Nor do we swear Canonical Obedience to him, as is pretended. We only make Oath that we shall give him dignam debitamque Reverentiam, and that we swear to give to all Officers: So that if Digna Reverentia is [...]o be construed Canonical Obedience, we owe Canonical Obedi­ence to the Arch-Deacon, the Treasurer, the Sub-Dean and Steward, as well as to the Bishop of Lincoln.

Much more was spoken by Dr. Hey­lyn vivâ voce in this matter, which will [Page 80] be too tedious to be inserted in his Life. But when he had ended his Speech, the Lord Commissioners expected that the Bishop would have made a Reply: but after a long pause, he said no other words than these, If your Lordships will hear that young fellow prate, he will pre­sently persuade you that I am no Dean of Westminster. But upon hearing the proofs of both sides, it was ordered by general consent of the Lord Commissi­oners, that the Prebendaries should be restored to their old Seat, and that none should sit there with them but Lords of the Parliament and Earls El­dest Sons, according to the antient cu­stom. After this, there was no Bishop of Lincoln to be seen at Morning-Pray­er in the Church, and seldom at Even­ing. Feb. 15. the Lord Commissioners went on in hearing the particulars of the second Petition, and so they pro­ceeded from one Monday to another, till Monday April 4. and then adjourned till the 25th. of the same month: up­on which day the business was again [Page 81] re-sumed, and the Bishop of Lincoln appeared not so well to the Lord Com­missioners; except those of the Laity, who were apparently inclined to favour him; and therefore those of the Clergy thought it neither fit nor safe to pro­ceed to Sentence; and upon that the Commission was put off sine die.

The Advocate's Activity in this Af­fair procured him a great deal of enmi­ty and ill-will both in Court and Coun­trey, as every mans Zeal will do, that will be true to his Principles, and faith­ful in his Station. For whoever does impartially administer, or peremptorily demand publick Justice, will as cer­tainly be exclaimed of, as a Patient will cry out of that Chirurgeon that Launces a gangren'd or fester'd Wound. But Dr. Heylyn gained these two ad­vantages by his zeal in this business, viz. That he justified the Priviledges of the Prebendaries, out of whose Reve­nues the Bishop kept a plentiful Ta­ble; inviting to it the chiefest of the Nobility, Clergy and Gentry; the [Page 82] Prebendaries having no other advan­tages by his Hospitality, than to fill their bellies with the first Course, and then after the manner of great mens Chaplains, to rise up and wait till the coming in of the second: And the o­ther was, that by his frequent and ex­tempore Debates before the Lords Com­missioners, he was at last brought to such an habit of speaking, that Preach­ing became more easie and familiar to him, than it had been in the first part of his life.

I will not (as I before promised) men­tion all the Grievances that were com­plained of concerning that great per­son. One thing more it may not be a­miss to insert in these Papers, and that is Dr. Heylyn's Refusal to sit in the Choire of Westminster, according to Academical Decrees. For the Bishop of Lincoln having taken a Resolution, that the twelve Prebendaries should sit in the Choire according to their Degrees in the Vniversity, our Doctor remonstra­ted against it, giving these Reasons for his Refusal.

[Page 83] 1. In the Charter of the Foundati­on of that Church, the Prebendaries are distinguished by Primus, Secundus, Tertius, &c. as now by Prima, Secunda, Tertia Praebenda, &c. according unto which account, both in the Treasurers Book, and in the Chanters, I am reckon­ed as the sixth Prebendary, and do preach accordingly, as Successor to Ed­mund Schambler, the Sextus Prebenda­rius here first established.

2. In the same Charter of the Foun­dation, William Young being of no De­gree is placed before Gabriel Coodman, Master of Arts, which makes it evi­dent, there was no purpose that for the after-times, the Order of Acade­mical Degrees should be observed in marshalling the Prebendaries places.

3. The Statutes of the College give to the new succeeding Prebendaries the Stall and House belonging to their Predecessors in the same Prebend, ac­cording to these words thereof, Succe­d [...]nt Prebendarii praedecessoribus suis in eâdem praebenda tam in Stallo, loco & [Page 84] voce in Capitulo, quam in domo eidem Praebendae annexis. By which it is appa­rent, that the Stalls as well as Houses are annexed to the Prebendaries. But the Prebendaries by this Statute take not their places in the Chapter-House by any such Seniority as is pretended; nor have two several Chapter-Acts been found of any force to sever the Houses from the Prebendaries, and therefore not their Stalls neither.

4. His Majesties Letters Patents, whereby I claim whatsoever I hold in Westminster, give me Praebendam illam quae vacat per mortem, G. Darrel (which was the sixth Prebend) cum omnibus ju­ribus & praeheminenti [...]s, with all Rights and Pre-eminences thereunto belong­ing; and so by consequence the sixth Stall also, as the pre-eminenee apper­taining to it.

5. The Mandat in those Letters Pa­tents is, that I be installed fully and absolutely in the same Prebend which was then vacant ( In eandem Praeben­dam plenariè installari faciatis, as the [Page 85] Patent goes) which is not done at all, either plenariè or in eandem, if this or­der hold.

6. The Mandat issuing out with the said Letters Patents, is, that I be Installed prout moris est, according to the antient custom. But such a custom by sitting according to degrees of Schools was never yet known in West­minster, nor in any Church out of the University that I can hear of, and is not kept in many Colleges of the Uni­versity, which I am sure of: therefore that clause reflects upon such a custom as hath formerly been used in West­minster, and hath both the Statute and the Charter for the ground there­of.

7. Your Lordship did determin the last Chapter, that the way of sitting by Prima, Secunda, Tertia Praebenda, &c. was most agreeable to Statute; and that if any man should take his place accordingly, he could not be hindred from so doing; to which determinati­on there was then a full assent in Cha­pter, [Page 86] and divers of the Prebendaries have since sate accordingly.

8. Whereas your Lordship took a Corporal Oath at your Admission into this Deanery to govern this Collegiate Church ex his Statutis, according to the tenor of these very Statutes which are now in use; and that the Preben­daries have all of them taken a several Oath faithfully to observe the same Sta­tutes; and whereas the Statute is most plain, that the new Prebendaries are to have the Stalls of their Predecessors in the same Prebend, I cannot see how prossibly this new order can stand with the same Statute, and so by consequence with out Oaths, who have sworn to keep them.

9. Upon this new order there will follow such confusion in the Church, that upon the coming in of a new Pre­bendary, the greatest part of the com­pany will be still troubled to remove their Stalls higher or lower from one side to another, according as the New-comer is in Seniority; and so instead [Page 87] of order, we shall bring disorder into our Church.

10. This new order is an Innovation never before known in this Church, and hath no ground in Statute or in Cu­stom, which, as your Lordship noted, is optimus Insterpres Legis; but is quite contrary thereunto. Unto which Sta­tute and his Majesties Letters Patents I refer my self; humbly desiring that these just reasons of my refusal to yield to such an order, as neithe [...] stands with Statute, or with Custom, nor any other true ground of Reason, may find a fa­vourable Interpretation and Admission.

Whilst these hot contests continued, out came our Doctors History of the Sabbath; the Argumentative or Scho­lastick part of which subject was refer'd to Bishop White of Ely; the Historical part to Dr. Heylyn, who had before that time given ample Testimony of his knowledge in the antient Writers. The History is divided into two parts: The first whereof begins with the Founda­tion of the World, and carries on the [Page 88] story till the destruction of the Temple at Ierusalem. The second begins with our Saviour Christ and his Apostles, and is drawn down to the year 1633. It was Written, Printed and Presented to the King (by whose Special Com­mand he undertook it) in a less space of time than four months, and had a second Edition within three months af­ter: and notwithstanding the polemi­cal Debates upon that Argument, there was never any one yet that had the courage to return an Answer to that History. And whoever peruses it with serious and unprejudiced thoughts, will find that its Author principally de­signed to withdraw his Country-men from a Iudaical Observation of the Lords day, i. e. from Dedica [...]ing the whole of that time to the services and offices of Religion; and refusing to engage in any business, which our own or our Neighbors Conveniences or Necessities might exact from us. And when all that our voluminous Writers have said upon this Argument is [Page 89] summ'd up together, there are none of them but will subscribe to the truth of these two Propositions: 1. That worldly cares and bodily Recreations tend very much to discompose and ra­rifie men [...] spirits, and to fill them full of froth and worldliness, of gaiety and wantonness; so that they cannot fix their thoughts upon Christian Duties with any serious or continued Attenti­on. 2. That 'tis impossible for the minds of the generality of Christians, who are not used to Contemplation to be for a whole Lords day, or the great­est part of it, intent upon Religious Exercises. And besides, if all Refresh­ments and Recreations were absolutely unlawful upon that day. poor Servants and the laborious part of mankind would be highly prejudiced, for whose benefit the Sabbath was first instituted and appointed.

No sooner had the Doctor perfected this History, but the Dean of Peterbo­rough engages him to answer the Bishop of Lincloln's Letter to the Vicar of [Page 90] Grantham. He received it upon Good-Friday, and by Thursday night follow­ing discovered the Sophistry, Mistakes and Falshoods of it; and yet did not for all that intermit any of the publick Religious Exercises of the holy Feast of Easter. It was approved by the King; by him given to the Bishop of London to be Licensed and Published under the Title of A Coal from the Al­tar.—In less time then a [...] twelve-month the Bishop of Lincoln writ an Answer to it, entituled, The Holy Ta­ble, Name and Thing: but pretended it was writ long before by a Minister in Lincolnshire against Dr. Cole, a Divine in the days of Queen Mary. Our Re­verend Doctor received a Massage from his Majesty to return a Reply to it, and not in the least to spare the Author, April 1. 1637. And he obeyed the Royal Command, in the space of se­ven weeks, presenting it ready Printed to the King the 20th. of May following, and called it Antidotum Lincolniense. And although the Bishops Book was [Page 91] (from the dissatisfaction of the times, the subject-matter of the Book it self, and the Religious esteem of the Au­thor who was held in high Veneration) looked upon to be unanswerable, and sold for no less than 4 s. yet upon the coming out of the answer, it was brought to less than one. But before this, he answered Burtons Seditious Sermon, being thereunto also appointed by the King; which Book although he dispatch'd in a fortnight, yet it was not published till Iune 26. 1637. being kept in readiness till the Execution of the Star-Chamber Sentence upon the Triumviri; Pryn, Burto [...], Bastwick. that so people might be satisfied as well in the greatness of the Crimes, as the necessity and justice of the pu­nishment inflicted upon those Offen­ders.

In Iuly, 1637. the Bishop of Lincoln was Censured in the Star-Chamber for tampering with Witnesses in the Kings Cause, being suspended à Beneficio & Officio, and sent to the Tower, where he [Page 92] continued three years, and did not in all that space of time hear either Ser­mon or Publick Prayers. Not long af­ter this, Dr. Heylyn was chosen Trea­surer for the Church of Westminster, and continued in that Office all the while of the Bishops Imprisonment and Suspension. And he made use of the power with which that place invested him to the best advantage of that Foundation. For first he regu [...]ated the Disorders of the Iury by exacting the Sconces or Perdition-money, and divi­ding it amongst those that were most diligent and devout. Then he proceed­ed to repair the Timber-work of the great West Isle, which was ready to fall down; caused the new Arch over the Preaching-place to be new Valuted, and the Roof thereof to be raised to the same heighth with the rest of the Church; the Charge whereof amoun­ted to 434 l. 18 s. 10 d. and lastly, made the South-side of the lower West-Isle to be new Timbred, Boarded and Leaded, being fallen into great decay. [Page 93] Thrice he assisted in the Election at Westminster-School, and every time had an opportunity of bringing in a Scho­lar into that Royal Foundation; for two of which he was never spoke un­to: and for his kindness unto all three he never had the value of one pint of Wine, nor any thing of less moment.

Whilst he continued Treasurer, the Parsonage of Islip became vacant by the Death of Dr. King, unto which he was presented by the Chapter. But he deferr'd receiving Institution by reason of its great distance from Alresford, be­ing advised to exchange it for some o­ther that was more near and conveni­ent. After many offers, he at last ex­changed with Mr. Atkinson of St. Iohns College in Oxon for South-Warnborough, which was eight miles distant from his other Living; and the perpetual Pa­tronage of which Archbishop Laud had bestowed upon that fore-mentioned Society. But that Gentleman enjoyed Islip but a few weeks; and those of his College conceiving themselves pre­judiced [Page 94] by the change, our Doctor was so generous, as to obtain for one of the Fellows a second Presentation to Islip, for which he never received so much as the least civil Acknowledgment.

But he had other things to afflict his spirit at that time, his whole Family being visited with a contagious Fever, and no person in it, except one Servant, but were all sick at one and the same time. The Doctor did as narrowly e­scape death, as St. Paul and his Compa­nions did Shipwrack, when they went to Rome. The Fever had so seized up­on his spirits, that after the abatement of its Paroxisms, he had many dull and sleepless nights: and returning upon him with greater violence a twelve-month after, he was reduced to so ex­treme a weakness, that all his Friends together with himself supposed him fallen into a deep Consumption. And yet even at this time his mind was not idle or unactive. For now it was that he first meditated of a project of Wri­ting a History of the Church of Eng­land [Page 95] since the Reformation. And no sooner had he recovered some measure and degrees of strength, but he pre­pared materials for it; and upon his return to London, obtained the freedom of Sir Robert Cotton's Library, and by the recommendation of Archbishop Laud had liberty granted him to carry home some of the Books, leaving 200 l. apiece as a pawn behind him.

About this time it was, that the Commotions began to be hot in Scot­land, and the Archbishop of Canter­bury designing to put out an Apology for vindicating the Liturgy, that he had recommended to that Kirk, desi­red our Doctor to translate it into La­tine; that being published with the Apology, the world might be satisfied in his Majesties Piety, as well as his Graces care; as also that the rebellious and perverse temper of the Scots might be apparent unio all, who would raise such tumults upon the recommendati­on of a Book that was so venerable and Orthodox [...] Our Reverend Doctor [Page 96] undertook and compleated it; but the distemper and troubles of those times were the occasion that the Book went no farther than the hands of that lear­ned Martyr.

In Feb. 1639. Dr. Heylyn was put in Commission of the Peace for the County of Hampshire; into which he was no sooner admitted, but he occasioned the discovery of an horrid Murther, that had been committed many years be­fore in that Country. April following he was elected Clerk of the Convocati­on for the College of Westminster. At which time the Archbishop of Canter­bury sending a Canon to that Assembly for the Suppressing the further growth of Popery, and bringing Papists to Church, our Reverend Doctor moved his Grace that the Canon might be enlarged for the greater satisfaction of the people, as well as the protection of the Church, viz. ‘That all persons entrusted with Care of Souls, should respectively use all possible Care and Diligence by open Conferences with the Parties, [Page 97] and by Censures of the Church in in­ferior Courts, as also by Complaints unto the Secular Powers, to reduce all such to the Church of England as were misled into Popish Superstition.’ This and much more was offered by Dr. Heylyn, as may be seen more at large in his Life of the Archbishop. Page 426. And a­bout the same time he drew up a Pa­per wherein he offered a mutual Con­ference by select Committees between the House of Commons and the Lower House of Convocation: And this he did that the Representatives of the Cler­gy might give satisfaction to the Com­mons in point of Ceremonies, and in other matters relating to the Church, if the motion was accepted; but if re­fused, that they might gain the advan­tage of Reputation among knowing and wise persons. But the unhappy Dis­solution of the Parliament prevented all things of this nature: The news of which was so unwelcome and amazing to Dr. Heylyn, that being then busied [Page 98] at the Election for the School at Westminster, the Pen fel [...] out of his hand; and it was not without some difficulty before he could recollect his thoughts in the business about which he was en­gaged.

The Convocation, according to usual custom, had expired the next day after the Parliament, had not our Reverend man gone to Lambeth, and there dis­played to the Archbishop the Kings ne­cessities, and acquainted him with a precedent in the Reign of Queen Eli­zabeth, for granting Subsidies or a Be­nevolence by Convocation to be taxed and levied without help of Parliament. Upon which proposal the Convocation was adjourned till Wednesday, May 13. on which day the Bishops met in full Convocation, and a Commission was sent down to the Lower-House, dated May 12, which enabled the Prelates and Clergy then Assembled to treat of, and conclude upon such Canons as they con­ceived necessary for the good of the Church. The greatest part of the Clergy [Page 99] very much scrupled this matter, con­ceiving the Convocation to end with the Parliament. But our Reverend Divine being well skill'd in the Records of Convocations, shew'd the distinction between the Writ, Archbishops Life, page 429. for calling a Parlia­ment, and that for assembling a Convo­cation; their different Forms, the in­dependence of one upon the other, as also between the Writ, by which they were called to be a Convocation, to make Canons and do other business. He proved also, that although the Commis­sion was expired with the Parliament, yet the Writ continued still in force; by which they were to remain a Convo­cation till they were Dissolved by ano­ther Writ. With this distinction he sa­tisfied the greatest part of those who scrupled to sit after the Parliaments Dissolution. But the King proved the best Casuist in the case; who being ac­quainted with these scrupulosities, cal­led the most learned in the Laws to consult about them; by whom it was [Page 100] determined, That the Convocation be­ing called by the Kings Writ, notwith­standing the Dissolution of the Parlia­ment, was to be continued till it was Dis­solved by the Kings Writ, And this was subscribed by Finch, Lord Keeper, Lit­tleton Lord Chief Justice of the Com­mon-Pleas, Banks, Attorney-General, Whitfield, &c.

It will be too tedious to insert into these Papers all the Debates that were in this learned Assembly; most of them are to be seen in the Life of the Archbishop. Page 430. Suf­fice it to acquaint the Leader, that few or none of those pro­positions which either concerned the Institution, Power, or Priviledges of So­vereign Kings, or related to the Episco­pal Power, Doctrine, or Discipline of the English Church, but were either first proposed, or afterward drawn up by Dr. Heylyn, though he ou [...] of his great modesty and worth ascribes them to other persons. It was the Clerk of the Church of Westminster, who was [Page 101] placed on purpose by the Prolocutor to speak last in the Grand Committee for the Canon of Uniformity, and to answer all such Arguments as had been brought against any of the Points pro­posed, and were not answered to his hand. It was he who made a proposition for one uniform Book of Articles to be used by all Bishops and Arch-deacons in Visitations, to avoid the confusion that happened in most parts of the Church for want of it; those Articles of the Bi­shops many times everting those of the Arch-Deacons, one Bishop differing from another, the Successors from the Predecessors, and the same person not consistent to those Articles which him­self had published; by means whereof the people were much disturbed; the Rules of the Church contemned for their multiplicity; unknown by rea­son of their uncertainty, and despised by reason of the inconstancy of those that made them. The motion back'd by these Reasons did so well please the Prolocutor, with the rest of the Clergy, [Page 102] that they desired the Doctor in pursuit of his own project to undertake the Compiling of the said Book of Articles, and to present it to the House with all convenient speed. It was the same lear­ned man who took into consideration the great Excesses and Abuses, which were crept in, and complained of Ec­clesiastical Courts: the redress and Re­formation of which Grievances, was brought within the compass of these seven Heads. 1. Concerning Chancel­lors Patents, and how long their virtu [...] was to continue. 2. That Chancellors were not alone to censure the Clergy in sundry cases. 3. That Excommunicati­on and Absolution were not to be pro­nounced but by a Priest. 4. Concern­ing Commutations and the way of dispo­sing of them. 5. Concerning Concur­rent Iurisdictions. 6. Concerning Li­cences to Marry. 7. Against Vexatious Citations. Some other things were proposed and designed, but never put in execution; there being intended an English Pontifical, which was to con­tain [Page 103] the Form and Manner of the Coro­nation of King Charles I. and to serve as a standing Rule to succeeding Ages on the like occasions. Another Form to be observed by all Archbishops and Bishops for consecrating Churches, Church-yards and Chappels. And a third for reconciling such Penitents as either had done open Pennance, or had revolted from the Faith of Christ to the Law of Mahomet. Which three, to­gether with the Form of Confirmation, and that of ordering Bishops, Priests and Deacons, (which were then in force) were to make up the whole Bo­dy of the Book intended. But the trou­bles of the times increasing, it was thought expedient to defer the prose­cution of it till a fitter conjuncture. And yet notwithstanding all the storms that were then rising, this excellent person went through the Book of Articles; the compiling of which gave no obstruction to him from attending the service of the Committee upon all occasions. And for the better Authori­zing [Page 104] of the Articles, he placed before every one of them in the Margin, the Canon, Rubrick, Law, Injunction, or o­ther Authentick Evidence upon which they were grounded: Which being fi­nished, were by him openly read in the House, and by the House approved and passed without any alteration; on­ly that exegatical or explanatory clause in the fourth Article of the fourth Cha­pter touching the reading of the Com­munion-Service at the Lords Table, was desired by some to be omitted, which was done accordingly. Finally, it was Dr. Heylyn who proposed a Canon ‘for enjoyning the said Book to be only used in Parochial Visitations, for the better settling of Uniformity in the outward Government and Admini­stration of the Church, and for pre­venting of such just Grievances as might be laid upon the Church-War­dens and other sworn men by any im­pertinent, inconvenient, or illegal En­quiries in the Articles for Ecclesiasti­cal Visitations.’

[Page 105] Neither were these the only Fruits of his labours and travels in this busi­ness; there being six Subsidies granted to the King; and the Bishops and Cler­gy in Convocation upon the 20th. of May received his Majesties Letters, Sea­led with his Royal Signet, and atte­sted by his Sign Manual, which requi­red and authorized them to proceed in making Synodical Constitutions for le­vying of those Subsidies which had been before granted. And this was ea­sily done, there being nothing to be al­tered but the changing of the name of Subsidy into that of Benevolence. Fri­day, May 29. the Canons were formally subscribed unto by the Bishops and Clergy, no one dissenting except the Bishop of Glocester (who died in the Communion of the Roman Church, and was all that part of his life in which he revolted from the Church of England, a dear Favourite and Servant of Oliver Cromwel, unto whom he dedicated some of his Books) for which he was voted worthy of Suspension by the [Page 106] Convocation, and was accordingly Su­spended by the Archbishop of Canter­bury. Which being done, the Convoca­tion was dissolved.

Proceed we now from the Active to the more Passive part of Dr. Heyly's life. For the Long Parliament, the Churches as well as the Kings Scourge, began to sit at Westminster, and a ge­neral Rumor was spread both in City and Country, that our Doctor being conscious to himself of many Crimes, durst not stand the brunt of their dis­pleasure, and therefore had made use of his heels as his best weapons of de­fence; being run away out of a fear and foresight of an approaching storm. When these rumors were raised, he was at his Parsonage of Alresford, from whence he hastened with all conveni­ [...]nt speed, confuting the Calumny, by shewing himself the very next day after his coming to London in his Gown and Tippet in Westminster-Hall. And upon a Vote passed in the House of Lords, that no Bishop should be of the Com­mittee [Page 107] for the Preparatory Examinati­ons in the Cause of the Earl of Straf­ford, under colour that they were ex­cluded from acting in it by some anti­ent Canons, as in cause of Blood, our learned Divine did thereupon draw up a brief Discourse, entituled, De jure Paritatis Episcoporum (now inserted in the Re-printed Volume of his Works) which he presented unto many of the Bishops to assert all their Rights of Peerage (and this of being of that Com­mittee among the rest) which either by Law or antient custom did belong un­to them.

The Parliament began their Session Novemb. 3. 1640. and upon the 9th. of December following, upon the Com­plaint of Mr. Pryn, our Doctor was called before the Committee of the Courts of Justice; who accosted him with that fierce fury, that no one could have withstood the Torrent, but one whose Soul was fortified with Inno­cence equal to his Courage. The Crime objected against him, was, that he had [Page 108] been a subservient Instrument under the Archbishop of Canterbury all the sufferings of Mr. Pryn, having read the Histriomastix, out of which he had fur­nished the Lords of the Council and ma­ny other persons with matter to pro­ceed against its Author. But our Do­ctor made a bold and just Defence for himself, telling his Accusers, That the Task was imposed upon him by Royal Authority, which he would readily prove, if they would have so much pa­tience as to allow him time for that purpose. Great hopes they had to squeeze something out of him concern­ing his being engaged in it by the Arch­bishop: but he was too wary to be en­snared by any of their Artifices, and be­ing faithful to his Friend and Patron, was kept four days under Examinati­on, suffering for the two first the bru­tish Rage of the People, more perhaps than St. Paul did at Ephesus; for that blessed man did not adventure himself amongst those Savages. But our poor Doctor was tossed up and down by the [Page 109] fury of an ungovern'd multitude, and railed at as he passed through them by their leud and ungoverned tongues. But God who sets bounds to the Waves of the proud Ocean, rebuked their rage, and rescued him from their ma­lice.

But alas! what civility can be expe­cted from the ill-bred Rabble unto Clergy-men, when they themselves like the Eagle in the Greek Apologue wound one another with Arrows fea­thered with their own Plumes. For four days after he had received order to appear before the Committee, he preach'd his turn in the Abbey at Westminster, and in the midst of his Sermon was insufferably affronted by the Bishop of Lincoln, who knocking the Pulpit with his Staff, cried out a­loud, No more of that Point, No more of that Point, Peter. This happened to the poor man in very ill circumstances, for it occasioned new clamours, and a­nimated his enemies to proceed on with greater violence against him. But [Page 110] notwithstanding all their united ma­lice, he held out bravely, sending the whole passage of his Sermon as he de­signed to Preach it both to his Friends at Court, and Enemies in Parliament: and taking Sir Robert Filmore, with some other Gentlemen that were his Auditors, out of the Church along with him to his House, where he im­mediately sealed up his Sermon-Notes in their presence, they setting their Seals to them, that so there might not be the least Alteration in the Sermon, nor any ground to suspect it. Nay he made choice of one Mr. White, the fiercest man in the Committee, to be judg of the affront offered to him, de­siring him in his Letter, ‘That he would recommend him to the House of Commons, that they might so far take him into their protection, as might consist with the Honor and Ju­stice of their House; otherwise he would rather chuse to put himself up­on their Censure for a Contempt in not appearing, than be again exposed [Page 111] to the fury of an outragious people, whose malice is most merciless be­cause most groundless: That after he was dismissed from the Committee, he was set upon by the rude and uncivil Multitude with thrustings, justlings, spurnings, and worse than that, with such opprobrious and reviling lan­guage, that as he never endured the like before, so he was confident it would add much to the esteem and reputation of that honorable House, if neither he nor any other honest man do endure it more. And lastly, whereas he was intertupted in his Sermon by the Bishop of Lincoln, and thereupon might justly think that there was some strange matter like to follow, which might enforce him to such an unusual course, therefore he intreated him to accept of the whole passage, as it should have been spoken verbatim out of the original Copy.’

And the whole passage I shall here transcribe, as being that which may at [Page 112] least gratifie the curiosity, if not in­form the judgment of the Reader. ‘Such also should the correspondence and affections be between the Mem­bers and particular Assemblies of the Church Militant▪ all which, though many and of different natures, make but one Body in the whole; and therefore to be so affected each to o­ther as the bodily members. Now God hath so disposed the members in the body natural, that they should have the same care of one another; and though they be of several quali­ties, yet do endeavour the subsistence of the whole composition, that so there may be no Schism nor dangerous divi­sion in the body of man. An excellent Item unto us, to teach us our behaviour to our Fellow-members in the Church of Christ; that we aim all of us at Gods glory, and the Churches peace, raising no Schism, nor making any Division in this blessed body. But we alas! neglect this Item, and hear­ken not to those instructions of peace [Page 113] and unity which every member of the Body doth even preach unto us. Men of dull spirits in the Lord, who will not give an ear to his word and works, when now the very flesh is become a preacher to them. How comes it else to pass, that in the very Church of Christ there be almost as many Schisms as Nations; such dif­ferences not alone in points of Do­ctrin, but also in the Forms of our Devotions? The Christian Church divided into the Eastern and Western: the Western into Popish and Prote­stant: the Protestant into the Luthe­ran and Zuinglian: the Zuinglian in­to Calvinist and Remonstant. Not to say any thing of any other Sects, or Subdivisions into the same Sects, more dangerous though not so no­table. And how comes this to pass, but that forgetting that we make to­gether one Body only, we would have every member be a several Bo­dy, and thereby make our Saviour Christ more monstrous than the Gi­ant [Page 114] Gerion, and not to have three Bodies only, but three hundred thou­sand.’

‘That so it is, who knows not that knows any thing? But why it should be so we must ask our selves. Is it not that we are so affected with our own Opinions, that we condemn whoever shall opine the contrary? And so far wedded to our own wills, that when we have espoused a Quar­rel, neither the Love of God, nor the God of Love shall divorce us from it? Instead of hearkening to the voice of the Church, every man hearkens to himself, and cares not if the whole miscarry so that himself may bravely carry out his own de­vices. Upon which stubborn height of pride, what quarrels have been rais'd! What Schisms in every cor­ner of this our Church! (to enquire no further) some rather putting all into open tumult, than that they would conform to a lawful Govern­ment derived from Christ and his A­postles [Page 115] to these very times. At these words the Bi­shop knock'd with his Staff on the Pulpit. Others com­bining into close and dangerous Factions, be­cause some points of Speculative Divinity are otherwise maintained than they would have them. All so regardless of the com­mon peace, that rather than be quiet, we will quarrel with our Blessed Peace-maker for seeking to compose the differences, though to the preju­dice of neither party. Thus do we foolishly divide our Saviour, and rent his Sacred Body on the least occasi­on; vainly conceiving that a diffe­rence in point of Judgment must needs draw after it a dis-jointing of the affection also, and that conclude at last in an open Schism. Whereas diversity of Opinions if wisely man­naged, would rather tend to the dis­covery of the Truth, than the distur­bance of the Church; and rather whet our Industry than excite our Passions. It was S. Cyprian's Resolu­tion, [Page 116] Neminem, licet aliter senserit, à communione amovere; not to suspend any from the Churches Communi­on; although the matter then deba­ted was (as I take it) of more weight than any of the points now contro­verted. Which moderation, if the present age had attained unto, we had not then so often torn the Church in pieces, nor by our fre­quent broils offered that injury and inhumanity to our Saviours Body, which was not offered to his Gar­ments by those that Crucified him.’

These were the feuds that passed be­tween these two Clergy-men; and 'tis worthy of remark, that although both of them were at so wide a distance in the prosperous condition of the Church, yet there was a closure made when the heavy storm fell upon it. For a motion being offered by Dr. Newel, but coming originally from the Bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Heylyn, with the privi­ty and consent of the Archbishop paid the respects of a Visit to his Lordship [Page 117] at his Lodging in Westminster, where he met rather▪ with a ceremonious than a kind Reception. A short Reca­pitulation there was made of some past differences between them, and a pro­posal for atonement of all faults, viz. the calling in of the Antidotum Lin­colniense, and that too by the Kings command. Unto which our Doctor answered, That it was Writ and Pub­lished by the Kings Command, and therefore it was improbable that he would call it in; however he would try all possible ways to give his Lord­ship satisfaction; and then presented to him his Papers about the Peerage of Bishops, which he then read over and approved. After this there was no more meeting between them, till a­bout a year following the Doctor gave his Lordship a Visit in the Tower, which he received so kindly, that for ever after a fair correspondence passed interchangeably between them.

And the passage in the Sermon had as kindly an effect upon the Committee, [Page 118] as his Visit had upon the Bishop. For he found those fierce Gentlemen, after the perusal of his Notes, much more fa­vourable and respective than before. They demanded a Copy of the Charge which he drew up against Mr. Pryn, which being delivered, Mr. Pryn accu­sed him of Libelling and Preaching a­gainst him; for proof of which he pro­duced in Court some of the Doctor's Books, urging many passages out of them; but all concluded nothing. That which was at last most insisted on was a Sermon Preach'd some years before Mr. Pryn's Censure in the Star-Chamber before his Majesty. but the sense of his past dangers before the Committee was in some measure recompenc'd by this days mirth and jollity. For Mr. Pryn resolving effectually to damnifie the Doctor, produced a company of Butchers to bring in Evidence against him about a Sermon formerly Preach'd by him. And after the Testimony of these great Criticks had been mannag'd to the best advantage of Raillery and [Page 119] Mirth, the Criminal was favourably dismissed and never more called before them. 'Tis true, many attempts were made to create him new Disturbances, some being employed to make a severe inquisition into his Life and Manners, which they found too spotless for their spleen and malice. Others engaged his Neighbours at Alresford to draw up Articles against him; which was ac­cordingly done by two of them, and few others of the most inconsiderable Inhabitants; who were prevailed on to make their Marks (for Write they could not) by telling them it was a bu­siness, in which the Town were very much concerned. But when the Articles were produced before the Committee, they appeared so foolish and frivolous, as not to be deemed worthy of consi­deration, and upon that were retur­ned to be amended upon a Melius In­quirendum: and this being done in a more correct and enlarg'd Edition, they were again return'd to the Committee, and a set day was appointed for a [Page 120] Hearing: And that being come, the Complaint was put off sine die, and a Copy of the Articles delivered to the person accused, together with those newly put in against him by Mr. Pryn, collected out of his Printed Books. But the poor Doctor being quite tir'd with Business and Attendance, obtained leave of the Chair-man to retire into the Country, who freely promised to send a private Messenger to him, if there were any occasion for his return. Upon which he removed his Study to Alresford, setting his House for no more than 3 l. a year, with a purpose never more to come back to Westmin­ster, whilst those two incomparable Friends remained in it, viz. the House of Commons, and Bishop of Lincoln. At his coming to Alresford the people were amazed to see him, having been persuaded that they should never more fix eye on him, unless they took a journey to a Goal or a Gallows.

About this time it was that Doctor Hacwel taking advantage of the innu­merable [Page 121] troubles and enemies of this learned man, publish'd a book against him concerning the Sacrifice of the Eu­charist. It was not without some diffi­culty that he obtained one of them to be sent to him in the Country, where he wrote a speedy Answer to it. But Dr. Hackwel's Friends thought fit to call in the Book, so soon as it first came in­to light, and then our Doctor was ea­sily persuaded to suppress his Answer, diverting his Studies to more pleasing and no less necessary subjects, viz. The History of Episcopacy, and the History of Liturgies. The first was Printed pre­sently after it was written, and Presen­ted to the King by Mr. Secretary Ni­cholas, and Published under the name of Theophilus Churchman; but the o­ther, although sent to London, and re­ceived by the Bookseller, was not Prin­ted till some years after.

For now there was more employ­ment found out for the Sword than the Pen, the noise of Bellona and Mars silencing the Laws of God and Men; [Page 122] and Christians conceiving it their duty rath [...]r to spill the Blood of their Coun­try-men for Religion, than to part with one drop out of their own veins, and to plunder the Goods of their Neigh­bours than to endure the spoiling of their own. Sir Will. Waller sent eighty of his Soldiers to be quartered at the Doctors house, with full Commission to strip him naked of all he had: But his fair and affable carriage towards them did so mollifie the Austerity of their natures, that they quite dismis­sed all thoughts of violence and re­venge: So were Esau's bloody resolu­tions quite converted into kindness and respect by the humble deportment as well as noble presents that were made to him by his Brother Iacob. But not­withstanding the Diversion of this storm, the Reverend man was early the next morning brought before Sir William by his Provost-Marshal; by whom he was told that he had received Commands from the Parliament to seize upon him, and send him Prisoner [Page 123] unto Portsmouth. The Doctor had the like privilege with St. Paul, being per­mitted to plead for himself, and by his powerful reasoning did so far prevail upon the General, as to be dismissed back to his house in safety. But pru­dently fore-seeing that this would on­ly be a Reprieve till a further mischief, within a few days he left Hampshire and went to Oxon; where he no sooner ar­rived, but he received his Majesties Commands by the Clerk of his Closet to address himself to Mr. Secretary Nicholas, from whom he was to take directions for some special and impor­tant Service; which was at last signified to Dr. Heylyn under the Kings own hand, viz. to write the Weekly Occur­rences which befel his Majesties Go­vernment and Armies in the unnatural War that was raised against him. The Reverend Man was hugely unwilling to undertake the employment, concei­ving it not only somewhat disagreeable to the Dignity and Profession that he had in the Church, and directly thwar­ting [Page 124] his former Studies and Contem­plations; but that by a faithful dis­charge of his Duty in that Service, he should expose both his Family and him­self to the implacable malice of those persons, whose very mercies were Cru­elty and Blood. But no Arguments or Intercessions could prevail to have him excused from that Employment, at least for some time, till he had made it facile by his own diligence and exam­ple. Neither were dangers or difficul­ties of any moment with him, when the Service of his Prince and Master required his Labours and Assistance. Tacit. in Vit. lul. Agr. Discere à peri­tis, sequi optimos, nihil appetere ob jactationem, nihil ob formi­dinem recusare, simulque anxius & in­tentus agere, is a Character as truly ap­plicable to Dr. Heylyn, as to the brave Roman of whom it was first written. For he desired no employment out of vain-glory, and refused none out of fear, but equally was careful and in­tent in whatever he undertook; and [Page 125] at that time too, when he was denied the poor Deanery of Chichester, for which his Majesty was earnestly impor­tuned in his behalf by Mr. Secretary Ni­cholas. The Weekly Occurrences that were wrote by him, he called by the name of Mercurius Anglicus; which name continued as long as the Cause did for which it was written. And be­sides these weekly Tasks, being influ­enced by the same Royal Commands, he writ divers other Treatises, before he could obtain his Quietus est from that ungrateful Employment, viz. 1. A Relation of the Lord Hopton' s Victory at Bodwin. 2. A View of the Proceedings in the West for Pacification. 3. A Letter to a Gentleman in Leice­stershire about the Treaty. 4. A Re­lation of the Queens Return from Hol­land, and the seizing of Newark. 5. A Relation of the Proceedings of Sir John Gell. 6. The Black Cross, shewing that the Londoners were the cause of the present Rebellion, with some others that were never Printed.

[Page 126] These zealous services produced the very same effect, that he foresaw when he first undertook them. For in the space of six months, he was voted a Delinquent in the House of Commons; this being given for a reason, viz. that he resided and lived at Oxon. Upon which, an Order was sent to the Com­mittee at Portsmouth to Sequester his whole Estate and seize upon all his Goods. And Reading being taken by the Earl of Essex, a free and easie pas­sage was opened for the Execution of those unrighteous Decrees. For in a short space after, his Corn, Cattle and Money were taken by one Captain Watts, and all his Books carried to Portsmouth. Colonel Norton's hand be­ing set to the Warrant of his Sequestra­tion, he twice Petition'd to have some Reparation out of his Estate; but was denied the first time, and put off in a more Courtly manner the last. Before he left Alresford, he took care to hide some of his choicest and most costly Goods, designing the first opportunity [Page 127] to have them conveyed to Oxon. But either by ill luck, or the treachery and baseness of some of his Neighbours, the Cart with all the Goods were ta­ken by part of Nortons Horse, and car­ried to Portsmouth; himself also vio­lently pursued, and by Divine Provi­dence delivered from the snare of those Fowlers, who thirsted after his Blood and lay in wait for his Life. The Cart with all contained in it was carried to Southampton, and delivered unto Nor­ton (Saintship then being the ground of Propriety, as it afterward was of Sove­reignty.) A loss great in it self, but much more so to a poor Divine; and chiefly to be ascribed to a Colonel in the King's Army, who denied to send a Convoy of Horse for the guarding of his Goods, although the Marquess of Newcastle gave Order for it. And these Oppres­sions which he suffered from his Ene­mies were increased by as unjust pro­ceedings of those who ought to have been his Friends. For part of the Royal Army defaced his Parsonage-House at [Page 128] Alresford, making it unhabitable and taking up all the Tithes; for which he never had the least satisfaction, unless it was the Manumission of himself from the troublesome Employment under Mr. Secretary Nicholas, and at his go­ing off, at the request of that worthy Gentleman, he writ a little Book cal­led The Rebels Catechism.

Being thus dismissed from business so disagreeable to his Genius, he found leisure to employ his Contemplative thoughts about subjects more weighty and serious. And having obeyed the Commands of his Superiors, he endea­voured to satisfie the doubts of his Friends; and particularly of one whose thoughts were confusedly perplexed about our Reformation. And to do this, he drew up a Discourse in answer to that common but groundless Ca­lumny of the Papists, who brand the Religion of our Church with the nick­name of that which is Parliamentary. But our Reverend Doctor Demon­strates in that Book how little, or in­deed [Page 129] nothing the Parliament acted in the Reformation. For some years indeed that are past, there have been Parlia­ments that have had a Committee for Religion, which is to have an Aposto­lical care of all the Churches. And our Reverend Doctor observes that this cu­stom was first introduced into the House of Commons, when the Divinity-School in Oxon was made the Seat of their Debates. For the Speaker being placed in or near the Chair in which the Kings Professor of Divinity did usu­ally read his publick Le­ctures and moderate in Observations on the History of the Reign of K. Charles, 34. all publick Disputations, they were put into a conceit, that the deter­mining in all Points and Controversies in Divinity did belong to them. As Vi­bius Rufus having married Tullies Wi­dow, and bought Caesar's Chair, con­ceived that he was then in a way to gain the Eloquence of the one, and the Power of the other. For, after this we find no Parliament without a Com­mittee [Page 130] for Religion, and no Committee for Religion but what did [...]h [...]nk it self sufficiently instructed to mannage▪ the greatest Controversies in Divinity which were brought before them: And with what success to the Religion here by Law Established, we have seen too clearly. ‘—Tractent fabrilia fabri.’ Let things of a spiritual nature in the name of God be debated and determi­ned by Spiritual persons. Doctrinal matters are proper for the cognizance of a Convocation▪ not of a Committee; which does often consist of wise men, but the common Title given to Committee of Affectio [...]s. some of them, does at least prove that those wise men are not always either the best Christians or greatest Clerks.

Neither were these things the only Subjects of the vast mind and contem­plative [...] thoughts of this great man. For toward the latter end of this year (being 1644.) he Presented to his Ma­jesty [Page 131] a Paper containing the Heads of a Discourse writ by him, called, The Stumbling-block of Disobedience remo­ved—in answer to and examination of the two last Sections in Mr. Calvins Institutions, against Sovereign Monar­chy. The Lord Hatton, the Bishop of Sarum, Sir Orlando Bridgman, and Dr. Steward perused the whole Treatise, and the King approving of the Con­tents, commanded the Lord Digby fur­ther to consider the Book, in whose hands it did for a long time rest; nei­ther was it made publick till about ten years after the War was ended.

In the beginning of the year 1645. he left Oxon, and went into Hampshire, settling himself and Family at Winche­ster; Alresford with all the rest of his Preferments being taken from him, and having nothing to subsist upon besides his own Temporal Estate. And yet even now the exuberancy of an honest zeal (that I may use his own words though upon another occasion) carried him rather to the maintenance of his [Page 132] Brethrens and the Churches Cause, than to the preservation of his own peace and particular contentments. And therefore considering unto what a deplorable condition the poor Loyal Clergy were reduced, how they were hungry and thirsty, and their souls rea­dy to faint in them; as also how the Parliament were about to establish those Presbyterian Ministers for term of life in those Livings, out of which himself and many others were ejected, he drew up some Considerations, and presented them to some Members of the House of Commons, to see whether he could move them to any Christian Charity and Compassion. And they are so clear and convincing, that they would have prevailed upon any, but those that were made up all of Guts, but no Bowels. They are these that follow.

1. ‘The Clergy which were sequa­strated in the time of the Long Par­liament, were charged for the most part with no other Crime, than their [Page 133] adhaesion to the late King in the long course of his Troubles; which many of them did in gratitude for Prefer­ments received; others in relation to their services and personal Duties; and all as I conceive out of consci­ence of that Loyalty and Allegiance, in which by their several Oaths and Subscriptions they were bound to him.’

2. ‘Sequestration is in Law no o­ther than a suspension à Beneficio, de­priving a man only of the profits, not of the rights of his Incumbency; nor leaving him in an incapacity in returning to those profits again, upon the taking off of the Sequestration, or Suspension, which in the intend­ment of the Law is reckoned only for a temporary, no perpetual punish­ment.’

3. ‘The persons put into those Be­nefices have been ever since looked upon but as Curates, not as Proprie­taries of those Livings; and in the wisdom of the Parliament were con­sidered [Page 134] but as Tenants at will, or quamdiu benè se gesserint at the best: the power of presenting to those Li­vings upon the death or deprivation of the right Incumbent, being left wholly to the Patron, as by Law it ought; which kept those Ministers (for the most part Presbyterian) in a continual obnoxiousness to the Com­mands and Will of that Parliament, to which they were very useful on all occasions.’

4. ‘The Bill now brought into the House for settling those new Mini­sters for term of life, hath many things which seem worthy of conside­ration, as carrying in it many disad­vantages to parties interessed therein, and something prejudicial to the pub­lick peace: For,’

1. ‘It deprives the right Patron of his lawful power of nominating to those Livings, descended to him from his Ancestors, or purchased by his money; and consequently settled on him in as strong a way, [Page 135] as the established Laws of the Land could confirm the same.’

2. ‘It destroys many a learned, peaceable and Religious man with­out hope of remedy; but serves withal for a great justification of their Innocence, when for want of Crime to proceed upon, and lega­lity in their conviction, the power of the legislative Sword is fain to be made use of to effect the busi­ness.’

3. ‘It subverts those ends for which those men were first put in­to their Livings; who being set­tled in the same for term of life by Act of Parliament, and following the impetuosity of their own spi­rits, will be apt when time and opportunity serves, to let fly all their fury at the present Govern­ment, as they did formerly at the other in the late Kings Reign. And though it be conceiv'd by some, that the Ordinance for ejecting scandalous Ministers will be curb [Page 136] sufficient to hold them in, yet I find no such thing as turbulent and fa­ctious Preachings to be specified a­mongst the scandals which are therein enumerated.’

5. ‘Whereas it is intended that the Minister thus deprived shall have a Fifth part of the Profits of the Li­ving, if he be not otherwise provi­ded of some temporal means suffici­ent to maintain himself and Family, I conceive with all submission to bet­ter Judgments, that the said limitati­on will be occasion of much trouble to the men deprived, if it doth not quite overthrow the benefit intended to them; that being a sufficient means for one man which is not for another, with reference to their Degrees, Fa­milies and ways of Living: whereas to these new-comers-in the profits of the Living will be always certainly sufficient with an Over-plus, if we measure by that Standard wherewith they make others; it being no un­usual thing in some of that Party to [Page 137] tell the sequestred Clergy, when they sued for their Fifths, That it was sufficient for them to be suffered to live. And then assuredly ‘—Populo satis est Fluvius (que) Ceresque.’ It will be accounted a high degree of sufficiency (if not of superfluity ra­ther) that they have wherewithal to buy themselves a morsel of Bread and a cup of cold Water.’

And accordingly as this Reverend Person foretold, so it came to pass. For when the Presbyterian Intruders were settled in the Benefices of the Se­questred Clergy for term of life, al­though the Commissioners for Rejecting of Scandalous Ministers had power to grant a Fifth part, together with the Arrears thereof to the Ejected Clergy, yet the Bill was clogg'd with two such circumstances, as made it unuseful to some and but a little beneficial to the rest. For first it was ordered that no man should receive any benefit by the [Page 138] Bill, who had either 30 l. per ann. in Real, or 500 l. in Personal Estate: By means whereof many who had former­ly 500 l. yearly to maintain their Fa­milies, were tied up to so poor a pit­tance, as would hardly keep their Children from begging in the open Streets. And 2dly. There was such a power given to the Commissioners, that not exceeding the Fifth part, they might give to the poor Sequestred Clergy as much and as little as they pleased, under that pro­portion. And the Exam. Hist. p. 111. Do­ctor instances in one of his certain knowledg, who for an Ar­rear of 12 years out of a Benefice Ren­ted formerly for 250 l, per ann. obtai­ned but 3 l. 6 s. 8 d. (the first Intru­der being then alive and possessed of the Benefice) and no more than 20 Marks per ann. for his future subsi­stence; which is but a Nineteenth part instead of a Fifth.

Not long after which Oppressions, the Intruders themselves were in as [Page 139] imminent danger to be devested of all their maintenance, as the Loyal Cler­gy, who had suffered the utmost extre­mity of Cruelty and Injustice. For Tithes being represented as a Publick Grievance in the Rump-Parliament, the Gentry were in a fair way to be depri­ved of their Impropriations, and the Presbyterians themselves of their Pa­trimony. And although our Reverend Doctor paid Tithes himself, and there­fore had no Obligations to appear in the defence of them for private Ends or Interests, yet for the upholding of the common Christianity and some kind of standing Ministry in the Nation, he endeavoured in a modest and rational way the undeceiving of the people in that particular. For whereas it was ob­jected

1. That the maintenance allowed the Clergy was too great for their Cal­ling; He shewed that never any Clergy in the Church of God hath been, or is maintained with less charge to the Sub­ject, than the Established Clergy of the Church of England.

[Page 140] 2. Whereas it was objected that their Maintenance was made up out of the Tenth part of each mans estate; He demonstrated, That there is no man in the Realm of England, who pays any thing of his own toward the Maintenance of his Parish-Minister, but his Easter-Offerings.

3. Whereas it is suggested, That the changing of this way by the payment of Tithes into Stipends, wou [...]d be more grateful to the Country, and more ease to the Clergy; He proved, That the chan­ging of Tithes into Stipends would bring greater trouble to the Clergy, than is yet considered, and far less profit to the Coun­try, than was then pretended. So zea­lous was this excellent person, not on­ly for his Friends and Fellow-sufferers, viz. the poor oppressed and ejected Clergy; but for his very enemies the Intruders, that had Preach'd the King out of his Life, and himself and Bre­thren out of all their Livelihoods and Preferments. And at that time too his zeal appeared, when he was by a small [Page 141] temporal Estate incapacitated to receive the least benefit by any Act of Mercy that could accrue to him by his labours in that particular: Nay had the pro­ject of removing Hirelings out of the Church (as it was then phrased) taken effect, Doctor Heylyn's Estate would have received considerable improve­ments and advantages. For which he was fain to compound with the Com­mittee-men in Goldsmiths-Hall in the year 1645. But he has left no memo­rial of what he paid to those insatiable Leeches and Oppressors. However he sped well, as the case stood with him. For being (as was before observed) vo­ted a Delinquent, the Parliament mar­ked him out for an Oblation, resol­ving, that whenever they could get Heylyn into their snares, who had been an instrument of so much mischief to them, his Blood should appease their Fury, and expiate his own Guilts. But being at the Siege at Oxon, he shared with the Royallists in the common be­nefit of those Articles, that were made [Page 142] at the surrender of that City; and by that means saved his Life, as well as his Estate.

Anno Dom. 1648. he settled himself and Family at Minster-Lovel in Oxford­shire. And although he had lost his Li­brary (which for choiceness of Authors was inferior to few Clergy-mens in Eng­land) and therefore might well be dee­med unfit to write Books for others, when he was robb'd of his own; yet he would not permit his own private Oeconomicks to swallow up his precious minutes, but endeavoured to benefit his Country, and to divert his mind from the sad complexion of the times, by enlarging his Geography into a Cos­mography; which as it now remains per­fected by him, may be truly averr'd to be a Repository of as much useful and delightful Learning, as any published either in that present, or in preceding Ages. It is true many material Errors were justly charged upon it, when it was a Geography, but his own Apology is more powerful than any can be made [Page 143] in his behalf; Preface to the Cosmography. ‘for being writ in an Age, on which the pride of Youth and Self-opinion might have some predominancies, I thought it freer from mistakes than since I have found it: and those mistakes by run­ning through eight Editions (six of them without my perusal or supervi­sing) so increased and multiplied, that I could no longer call it mine, or look upon it with any tolerable degree of patience.’

If it be said, that as 'tis now com­pleted by him, he has as well run into new Errors, as corrected the old ones; it may be so too. For those humane Abilities are yet to be named, that were in all things governed by an infallible Spirit. And no man that is not so gui­ded, can plead the privilege of not be­ing liable to mistakes. But his own words are the most satisfactory answer to this objection. ‘I must have been a greater Traveller than either the Greek Vlysses, or the English Mande­ville, [Page 144] all Purchase his Pilgrims, Certam. Epist. 369. many of our late Iesuites and Tom Coriot into the bargain, if in describing of the whole world, with all the Kingdoms, Pro­vinces, Seas and Isles thereof, I had not relied more on the Credit of others, than any knowledg of my own. But if any Gentleman, Mer­chant, or other Traveller shall please to let me understand in what those Authors, which I trusted, have mis­informed me, let it be done in jest or earnest, in love or anger, in a fair man­ner or a foul, with respect or dis-re­spect unto me, in what way soever, I shall most thankfully receive the In­structions from him, and give him the honour of the Reformation, when that Book shall come out in another Edition. I will neither kick against those who rub upon such sores as I have about me, nor fling dirt on them who shall take the pains to bestow a brushing on my Coat. I was trained up, when I was a Child, to kiss the [Page 145] Rod, and I can do it, I thank God, now I am a man.’ ‘Cur nescire pudens pravae quam di­scere mallem?’ ‘Rather to be ashamed of mistaking in any thing I have written, than to learn of any body what I was to write, was taken by me both for a Rule and a Resolution in the first put­ting out of my Geography, and I shall be at the very same pass to the very last.’

In the year 1653. he removed to Lacies-Court in Abingdon. For being ‘robb'd of his choicest Companions,’ his Books; he resolved to fix himself as near as possibly he could to Oxford; loss of time, together with the charge and trouble of a Journey, rendring his Visits less frequent to the Bedleian Li­brary, than would well comport with his condition. For al­though he was a Living Library, As Euscapius said of Longinus. a Locomotive [Page 146] Study, a Scribe fully instructed in the Kingdom of God, a Housholder that could bring out of his Treasury things both new and old, yet for all that he resolved to continue a laborious Sear­cher after Wisdom, and gave his Flesh no rest, that he might entertain his mind with the noblest Contemplati­ons: neither would he fix his thoughts upon notional and useless Speculations, but whenever he could by any kind of labour either of Body or Brain be real­ly serviceable to the just Interests of his Prince or Church, he refused no pains or expences, but would undergo (to others) the most unsupportable bur­thens, to restifie his zealous affection unto both. One instance of which is evi­dent in what he contributed to Saint Nicholas Church in Abingdon, the ut­ter demolishing of which was resolved on by the Sacrilegious Schismaticks of those times.

The then Vsurping Powers had by the severest Edicts solemnly interdi­cted the Regular Clergy, the discharge [Page 147] of their publick Ministry in the sacred Offices of Religion: Nay they were forbid the teaching and instructing of Youth in all private houses, though they wanted the necessaries of Humane Life for themselves and Families. In which sad prospect of Affairs, our Di­vine built a private Oratory, where he had frequency of Synaxes; the Liturgy of the Church being daily read by him, and the Holy Eucharist administred as often as opportunity gave leave; many devout and well-affected persons, after the manner of the Primitive Christians when they lived under Heathen per­secutions, resorting to his little Chap­pel, that there they might wrestle with the Almighty for his blessing upon themselves, and upon a divided infa­tuated people. But in a few years, the rage of the Higher Powers abating, the Liturgy of the Church began in some places to be publickly read; and Mr. Huish (then Minister in Abingdon) had a numerous Auditory of Loyal per­sons, who frequented publick Prayers [Page 148] at St. Nicholas; which became so great­ly offensive to the Factious party, that they laboured all they could to have the Church raz'd to its very Foundations: But notwithstanding the Authority which then ruled, God rendred the en­deavours of Dr. Heylyn and some other Royallists successful in the pre [...]ervation of his own house. And because Mr. Huish either out of a principle of pru­dence or fear had for some time whilst those contests continued. desisted from performing the sacred Offices of Reli­gion, therefore our Doctor to animate him unto the performance of his Duty, sent him the following Letter after his return from London, where he had been soliciting in the common Cause of the Church, which was to have been laid even with the ground.

Upon the receipt and reading of this Letter, Mr. Huish betook himself to his wonted duty, reading the Churches Prayers with that frequency, gravity and devotion as became a man of his Reverence and Profession.

And the daily visits which were paid by our Doctor to the place of Gods pub­lick Worship, the better enabled him as well to undergo the severity of Study, as to contend with the hardships of For­tune. And amongst the products of his Studies, the Theologia Veterum or Ex­position of the Apostles Creed does first merit our Commendations. In­deed many other Books were written by him, when the King and Church were in their low and calamitous con­dition; [Page 155] some of which were Historical relating to matters of Fact; some Po­litical, relating to the power of Prin­ces and various Forms of Government; and lastly others Theological; and those either Didactical, tending to the settling and informing of mens understandings; or Practical, that conduced to the a­mending of their manners; or Polemi­cal, that vindicated the Truths of God and Unity of his Church against the Errors, Schisms and Persecutions of its Enemies, whether Papists, Socinians, or Disciplinarians. His Book upon the Creed is a mixture of all these excellent Ingredients; insomuch that whoever would be acquainted with the Sence of the Greek and Latine Fathers upon the Twelve Articles of our Faith, as also with Positive, Polemical and Philo­logical Theology, he will not find either his labour lost, or his time mispended, if he peruse what our learned Doctor has writ upon that Subject.

But neither Learning or Innocency are a sufficient safe-guard against the [Page 156] assaults of mischievous and malicious men; many of whom combined toge­ther to render Dr. Heylyn as infamous in his Name, as they had before made him improsperous in his Estate And to that purpose they used their utmost endeavours to have one of his Books burned (called Respondet Petrus) by an Order from Olivers Council-Table. For Dr. N. Bernard Preacher of Grays-Inn putting out a Book, entituled, The Iudgment of the Lord Primate of Ire­land, &c. our Reverend Doctor being therein accused for violating his Sub­scription and running cross to the pub­lick Doctrine of the Church or Eng­land; as also being taxed with Sophi­stry, Shamelesness, and some other things which he could not well endure either from the Dead, or the Living, he returned an Answer to it, against which, Articles were presently formed and presented to the then Council-Table; and the common Rumor went, that the Book was publickly burnt: A fame (as the Certam Epist. 100. [Page 157] Doctor says) that had little truth in it, though more colour for it, than many other charges which had been laid up­on him. He was in London, when he received the first notice of it; and though he was persuaded by his friends to neglect the matter, as that which would redound to his honour, and knew very well what Sentence had been passed by Tacitus upon the Or­der of Senate, or Roman Consul for burning the Books of Tacit. An. lib. 4. Cremutius Cordus the Historian, Neque aliud externi Reges, aut qui eâdem saevitiâ usi sunt, nisi de­decus sibi atque illis gloriam peperere, i. e. they gained nothing but ignominy to themselves and glory to all those whose Books they burnt; yet our Do­ctor was rather in that particular of Sir Iohn Falstaff's mind, not liking such grinning honour; and therefore rather chose to prevent the Obloquy, than boast in it. To which purpose he ap­plied himself to the Lord Mayor of London and a great Man in the Council [Page 158] of State, and receiving from them a true information of what had passed, he left his Solicitude, being quite freed from all fear and danger.

About this time it was that the King, Church and Church-men were arraign­ed and traduced by many voluminous Writers of the Age; and the Doctor be­ing solicited to answer them by Letters, Messages and several personal Addres­ses, by men of all Orders and Dignities in the Church, and of all Degrees in the Universities, was at last overcome by their Importunities; the irresistible In­treaties of so many Friends having something in them of Commands. And the first Author, whose Mistakes, Fal­sities and Defects he examined, was Mr. Thomas Fuller the Church-Histo­rian, who intermingling his History with some dangerous Positions, which if reduced into practice, would over­throw the Power of the Church, and lay a probable Foundation for Distur­bances in the Civil-State; the Doctor made some Animadversions on him by [Page 159] way of Antidote, that so, if possible, he might be read without danger. An­other was Mr. Sanderson's long History of the Life and Reign of King Charles I. whose errors being of that nature as might mis-guide the Reader in the way of Knowledg and Discourse, our Doctor rectified him with some Advertise­ments, that so he might be read with the greater profit. It would swell these Papers into too great a bulk, if I should give a particular account of the Con­tests that this Reverend man had with Mr. Harington, Mr. Hickman, and Mr. Baxter; the last of which was so very bold as to disgorge himself upon the whole Clergy of Eng­land Epist. Ded. be­fore Cert. Epist. in his Grotian Reli­gion, which caused in our Doctor, (as he tells his Brethren the old Regular Clergy) So great an horror and amazement, that he could not tell whether or no he could give any credit to his Senses; the words sounding loud in his ears and not sinking at first into his heart. Neither Did Mr. Baxter ar­raign [Page 160] the whole Clergy in general, but more particularly directed his Spleen against Dr. Heylyn; whose name he wish'd afterwards he had spared. But it was whilst he was living; he has made more bold with him since he was dead; and that for no other reason (that I can learn) but for exposing the Follies, Falshoods, and uncharitableness of a daring and rash Writer, who never re­turned one word of Answer (besides Railing and Reproaches) unto what our Doctor Published against him.

And having made mention of these Authors, against whom our excellent Doctor appeared in the Lists, it may not perhaps be deemed unacceptable to those Readers who are either un­able to buy, or unwilling to read the Books written against them, to tran­scribe some particular passages which may be a farther testification of the zeal of this great Scholar for the King and Church.

And the first (relating to the King) shall be about the Coronation; it being [Page 161] a piece of new State-Do­ctrine, that the Corona­tion Exam. Histor. 201. of the King should depend upon the consent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament. For in the Form and Manner of the Coronation of King Edward VI. de­scribed in the Catalogue of Honour, set forth by Thomas Mills of Canterbury, Anno Dom. 1610, we find it thus: ‘The King being carried by certain Noble Courtiers in another Chair un­to the four sides of the Stage, was by the Archbishop of Canterbury decla­red to the people standing round a­bout, both by Gods and mans Laws to be the Right and Lawful King of England, France and Ireland, and proclaimed that day to be Crowned, Consecrated and Anointed: unto whom he demanded, Whether they would Obey and Serve, or not? By whom it was again with a loud cry answered, God save the King, and ever live his Majesty.’ The same we have in substance both in fewer words in the [Page 162] Coronation of King Iames; where it is said, ‘The King was shewed to the people, and that they were required to make acknowledgment of their Al­legiance to his Majesty by the Arch­bishop, which they did with Accla­mations.’ But assuredly (says Dr. Heylyn) the difference is exceeding vast between Obeying and Consenting; be­tween the peoples acknowledging their Allegiance, and promising to Obey and Serve their Lawful Sovereign, and gi­ving their Consent to his Coronation, as if it could not be performed without it. This makes the King to be either made or unmade by his people, according to the Maxim of Buchanan, Populo jus est, imperium cui velit deferat: than which passage there is nothing in all his Books more pestilent or seditious.

Neither is another Position any less derogatory to Regal Power, viz. That Parliaments are to be Assistant to the King in the exercise of his Regal Go­vernment. Unto which our excellent Doctor says, ‘That Parliaments or [Page 163] Common-Councils con­sisting of the Prelates, Cert. Epist. 243. Peers and other great men of the Realm were frequently held in the time of the Saxon Kings, and that the Commons were first cal­led to those great Assemblies at the Coronation of K. Henry I. to the end that his Succession to the Crown be­ing approved by the Nobility and People, he might have the better co­lour to exclude his Brother. And as the Parliament was not instituted by King Henry III. so was it not institu­ted by him to become an Assistant to him in the Government, unless it were from some of the Declarations of the Commons in the Long Parlia­ment, in which it is frequently af­firmed, That the Fundamental Go­vernment of this Realm is by King, Lords and Commons; which if so, then what became of the government of this Kingdom under Henry III. when he had no such Assistants joyned with him? Or what became of the Foun­dation [Page 164] in the Intervals of following Parliaments, when there was neither Lords nor Commons on which the Go­vernment could be laid? And there­fore it must be apparently necessary, either that the Parliaments were not instituted by King Henry III. to be his Assistants in the Government; or else that for the greatest space of time since Henry III. the Kingdom hath been under no Government at all for want of such Assistants. And I would fain learn, who should be Judg tou­ching the Fitness or Vnfitness of such Laws and Liberties, by which the People and Nobility are to be grati­fied by their Kings: For if the Kings themselves must judg it, it is not likely that they will part with any of their just Prerogatives, which might make them less obeyed at home, or less feared abroad, but where invincible necessity or violent importunity might force them to it. And then the Laws and Liberties, which were so extorted were either [Page 165] violated or annulled whensoever the Granter was in power to weaken or make void the Grant; for Malus diu­turnitatis Custos est metus. But if the People must be Judges of such Laws and Liberties as were fittest for them, there would be no end of their De­mands, unreasonable in their own nature and in number infinite. For when they meet with a King of the Giving hand, they will press him so to give from one point to another, till he give away Royalty it self; and if they be not satisfied in all their Ask­ings, they will be pleased with none of his former Grants.’

But that which pared the Preroga­tive to the quick, was, that the Re­formation of Religion was the Pro­vince of the People, or that they might do their Duty in the business when the King omitted his; concerning which our excellent Doctor delivers his judg­ment in these clear and convincing words, [ Exam. Hist. 135.] ‘That Idola­try is to be destroyed by all them that [Page 166] have power to do it, is easily granted. But then it must be understood of law­ful Power, and not permitted to the li­berty of unlawful violence. Id possumus quod jure possumus, was the Rule of old, and it hath held good in all attempts for Reformation in the elder times. For when the Fabrick of the Iewish Church was out of order, and the whole Worship of the Lord either de­filed with Superstitions, or intermin­gled with Idolatries, as it was too of­ten; did not Gods Servants tarry and wait for leisure, till those who were Supreme both in Place and Power, were by him prompted and inflamed to a Reformation? How many years had that whole People made an Idol of the Brazen-Serpent and burnt In­cense to it, before it was defaced by Hezekiah? How many more might it have stood longer undefac'd, un­touch'd by any of the common Peo­ple, had not the King given order to demolish it? How many years had the seduced Israelites adored before the [Page 167] Altar at Bethel, before it was hewn down and cut in pieces by the good Iosiah? And yet it cannot be denied but that it was much in the power of the Iews to destroy that Idol, and of the honest and Religious Israelites to break down that Altar, as it ei­ther was or could be in the power of our English Zealots to beat down Su­perstitious Pictures and Images, had they been so minded. Solomon in the Book of Canticles compares the Church to an Army, Acies castrorum ordinata, as the Vulgar hath it; An Army terrible with Banners, as we read it: A powerful Body without doubt, able which way soever it moves to wast and destroy the Coun­try, to burn and sack the Villages through which it passes. And que­stionless many of the Soldiers know­ing their own Power, would be apt to do it, if not restrained by the Au­thority of their Com­manders and the Laws Tacit. Hist. l. 1. of War. Ita se ducum Authoritas, sic [Page 168] gor disciplinae habet, as we find in Tacitus. And if those be not kept as they ought to be, Confusi equites pedi­tesque in exitium ruunt; the whole runs to a swift destruction. Thus it is al­so in the Church with the Camp of God; If there be no subordination in it, if every one might do what he list himself, and make such uses of that power and opportunity as he thinks are put into his hands▪ what a confusion would insue? how speedy a calamity must needs fall upon it? Courage and zeal do never shew more zealously in inferiour powers, than when they are subordinate unto good Directions, from the right hand, i. e. from the Supreme Magistrate, not from the interests and passions of their Fellow-Subjects. It is the Princes Office to Command, and theirs to execute; with which wise Caution the Emperor Otho once re­prest the too great forwardness of his Soldiers, when he found them apt enough to make use of that power [Page 169] in a matter not com­manded by him. Vobis Tacit. Hist. l. 1. arma & animus, mihi Concilium & virtutis vestrae Regimen relinquite, as his words are. He understood their Duty and his own Authority; al­lows them to have power and will, but regulates and restrains them both unto his own Command. So that whether we behold the Church in its own condition, proceeding by the starrant and examples of Holy Scri­pture; or in resemblance to an Ar­my (as compared by Solomon) there will be nothing left to the power of the people either in way of Reforma­mation or Execution, till they be ve­sted and entrusted with some lawful Power derived from him, whom God hath placed in Authority over them. And therefore though Idolatry be to be destroyed, and to be destroyed by all which have Power to do it, yet must all those be furnish'd with a lawful Power, or otherwise stand guilty of as high a Crime, as that [Page 170] which they so zealously endeavour to condemn in others. And if it be urged, That the Sovereign forgetting his Duty, the Subjects should remember theirs; 'tis a lesson which was never taught in the Book of God. For be­side the examples which we have in demolishing the Brazen-Serpent and the Altar of Bethel, not acted by the Power of the People, but by the Command of the Prince, I would fain know where we shall find in the whole course and current of Holy Scriptures, that the common people in and by their own Authority, removed the High Places, and destroyed Ima­ges, or cut down the Groves, those excellent Instruments of Superstition and Idolatry; or that they did at­tempt any such thing till warranted and commissionated by the Supreme Powers? Where shall we find that any of the seventy thousand persons, which had not bowed the knee to Baal, did go about to destroy that Idol? or that Elijah or Elisha (two men as [Page 171] extraordinary for their Calling, as for their Zeal and Courage) did excite them to it? Where shall we find the Primitive Christians, when living un­der the command of Heathenish Em­perors, busied in destroying Idols, or defacing the Temples of those gods, whom the Pagans worshipped, though grown in those times unto those infinite multitudes, that they filled all places of the Empire, Et vestra omnia implevimus, Cities, Ca­stles, Burroughs, your places of As­sembly, Camps, Tribes, Palaces, yea the very Senate and common Forum, as Tertullian pleads. No other Do­ctrine preach'd or heard of, till either the new Gospel of Wickliff, or the new Lights shining from Geneva.’

These, with many more if it were safe to insert them in these Papers, were the Doctrines which this Reve­rend man taught when there was no King in our English Israel. He did not only rescue the actions of his Sove­reigns Life and Reign from those Ca­Calumnies [Page 172] and Mistakes which were obtruded on him by malicious or inob­servant Writers; but he took care that what he writ should be beneficial to Regal Government, and that those his Country-men who had any share of guilt in the unnatural Rebel [...]ion might be induced to a hearty Contrition and Reformation. And this he did too in those days of Libertinism and Danger, when he could expect nothing for his pains, but Death mingled with all the ingredients of Cruelty and Torment. Suffice it to acquaint the Reader that Dr. Bates imparted to his judicious per­usal his Elenchus Motuum, (a secret of that weight and importance that it ought only to be lodg'd in so faithful and loyal a Breast) upon which he made many Considerations, that very much tended to the honor of the King and Church, as well as of that loyal Physician and Historian. And which is not unworthy of remark; in whatever he Writ or Preach'd either before or af­ther the Murther of his Royal Master, [Page 173] he took care in asserting the Preroga­tive and Rights of the Crown, not to intrench the least upon the Liberties and Privileges of the People. For thus he himself acquaints us, [ Cert. Epist. 326.] ‘If any were faulty in this kind, viz. in maintaining that all the Goods of the Subject were at the Kings absolute disposal, let them speak for themselves; neither my Tongue nor Pen shall ever be employed in their behalf: Certain I am, that I am free enough from the Accusation; my nearest kindred be­ing persons of too fair a Fortune to be betrayed by one of their own Blood to a loss of that property, which they have by Law in their Estates. And no less certain am I, that no flattery or time-serving, no preaching up of the Kings Prerogative, nor dero­gating from the property of the Eng­lish Subject, could be found in any of my Sermons before his Majesty, had they been sifted to the very Bran. In confidence whereof, I offered the Committee of the Courts of Iustice (be­fore [Page 174] whom I was called on the Com­plaint of Mr. Pryn) to put into their hands all the Sermons which I had either Preach'd at Court of in West­minster-Abby, to the end they might see how free and innocent I was from broaching any such new Doctrines, as might not be good Parliament-Proof, whensoever they should come to be examined.’

Nor was the courage of our Doctor for the Church, less active and vigorous, than for the King. For whenever its Doctrine, of Discipline; its Ministry, or Government; its Liturgy, or Ceremonies; its Offices, or Revenues were assaulted by Tongue or Pen, its enemies were in a short space of time made acquainted with their Malice or Mistakes. For he encountred the Errors and Heresies, the Schisms and Sacrileges, the Disloy­alties and Rebellions of the Age with no less zeal than St. Paul did the gross Idolatries and Superstitions of the Athenians.

[Page 175] The Doctrines of the Church he de­fended against Papists and Calvinists. What he did against the first will be a sufficient vindication of his sincerity in the Protestant Religion; a thing not only doubted of, but called in question in the Long Parliament; before whom he made a large Protestation touching his soundness in Religion and his averse­ness from Popery. The Form of his Pro­testation I never had communicated to me; but whatever it was, he was then freed by it from all suspicion of that Crimination in the judgment of all so­ber men. He had before set himself right in the opinion of the King and the whole Court in the Sermons which he Preach'd upon the Parable of the Tares. For making the principal points controverted between Vs and the Pa­pists the constant Arguments of his Dis­courses upon that Subject, his Audito­ry were so well satisfied about his inte­grity in Protestantism, that some of the most judicious did not stick to say, That Dr. Heylyn had in his Tare-Ser­mons [Page 176] pulled up Popery by the Root and subverted the Foundations of it: To which it was replied by some bitter spirits (whether with more unchari­tableness or imprudent zeal, is hard to say) That the Archbishop might Print and Dr. Heylyn might Preach what they pleased against Popery, but they should never believe them to be any thing the less Papists for all that. A censure of a very strange nature, and so little [...]a­vouring of Christianity, that it is hard to parallel it by any instance, except it be of the Age we now live in. And so industrious has the Devil, the great Calumniator and Accuser of Holy men, been to propagate this Reproach, that some persons, whose Tongues are their own and will admit of no Lords over them, have visited the very Grave of this Reverend person and like Vultures prey'd upon his body. Amongst whom, the Author of that pestilent Pamphlet, called An Appeal from the Country to the City, lets flie at him in these words, Page 6. Dr. Heylyn [Page 177] has made more Papists by his Books than Christians by his Sermons. And Dr. Heylyn, though dead, does yet speak for himself to the eternal confutation of the Calumny, as well as shame of the Calumniator. The present Dean of St. Pauls has very gene­rously justified the Doctor General Pre­face to an An­swer of seve­ral Treatises. against T. G. who by all means would have brought him over to his Cause and Party in the Controversie between them, about the Idolatry of the Roman Church, quoting a pas­sage out of his fourth Sermon upon the Tares, where he lays to the charge of the Papists the most gross Idolatry, greater than which, was never known among the Gentiles. And indeed the whole Volume of those Sermons is stu­diously contrived against Popery; and put out on purpose in the last times of Confusion, by our Doctor, to obstruct the spreading of that Canker of Chri­stianity. And when he had preach'd only the two first, some of his judici­ous [Page 178] hearers did not stick to de­clare, That Dr. Heylyn had done more in two Sermons for the Suppression of Popery, than ever Dr. Pr. had done in all his life.

But that the Reader may be con­vinc'd about the Doctors sincerity in Protestantism, let it be considered that never any Writer upon the Apostles Creed did more industriously expose and strenuously confute the Errors of the Roman Church, than he does in his Treatise upon that Subject; which was put out also at that time, when he and the exauctorated Clergy (as he calls them) had all the provocations of want and scorn to have forsaken a per­secuted Church and embraced Popery. He disproves their Preface to Theo. Vet. p. 13. Tra­ditions: And as for their Idolatry, Theol. Vet. p. 27, 28. Edit. 1. he speaks in these words, That altho they publickly profess but one Sovereign God, yet the poor Chri­stians in the Roman Church are taught every where to place their confidence in [Page 179] more local Saints, than ever Heathen-Rome did muster of its Topical gods. —And how in a very little time Rome- Christian came to have more Tutelary Saints and Patrons (and those too of each Sex) than ever Heathen-Rome should gods, or goddesses.—Neither is this any studied Calumny, but so clear a Truth, that it was never yet gain-said by their greatest Advocates: so much hath Rome relapsed into her ancient Gentilism, revived again so many of her gods and goddesses, that both Jews and Infidels may have cause to question, whether she doth believe in one God alone, or that he only is the Almighty Father, whom the Creed mentions. Neither does he stick in generals, but particularly proves the Popish Idola­tries in Ib. 72. Worshiping Saints and Angels, and imploying them as Media­tors unto God; in Ib. 152. a­doring the Blessed Virgin, and bestowing those blasphemous Ti­tles of Mater misericordiae, Mater [Page 180] Gratiae, Regina Caeli, &c. in Ib. 187. Worshipping the Cross, and the impudence of those Writers that de­fend it; in Ib. 418, 419, 420. the Invo­cation of Saints, shewing how it first came to be introduced in the Church, together with the unlawfulness and danger of that Doctrine and practice, from Scri­pture, Reason and the Fathers; an­swering the Objections made by School-men and others for it; proving that that Doctrine, together with that of Worshippiug of Images is a Fruit of Gentilism; and shewing the vanity of their distinctions; as also upon what ground the device of Purgatory is ob­truded on us, and how 'tis rejected as well by the whole Greek Church, as by the ancient Fathers. He 130. censures the whole herd of School-men, telling how they have intangled the simplicity of the Christian Faith with­in the labyrinth of curious and in­tricate [Page 181] distinctions, insomuch that it became at last a matter of great wit and judgment to know what was believed in the things of Christ. He 138. exposes those impure Blasphemies that the Pa­pists fix upon the Holy Spirit and Bles­sed Virgin-Mother, unmasking the ob­scenities of the lazy Monks and Friers, who fancied themselves to have had unclean commixtures with her: rela­ting the Bull of Pope L [...]o 10. that gave Tekelius a Dominican Frier authority to absolve any man whatsoever, etiamsi virginem matrem vitiaverit, although he had defloured the Vir­gin-Mother. 152. Perstrin­ging those that would free her from the contagion of all Ve­nial and Original Sin; and assert her Virginity so far, as to extend it to the integrity of her Body as well as purity of her Mind; and 277. condemning Maldonate for not only making Christ, but God the Father inferior [Page 182] to her. He 195. largely disproves the monstrous Paradox of Transubstantiation, which he shews was hammered in the brains of capricious School-men, 269, 270, 294. and that the Sacri­fice of the Mass is a dan­gerous deceit and blas­phemous Fable affabulated to Transub­stantiation by the Popes of Rome; the Rise and absurd consequences of which Doctrine he at large illu­strates. He is content 292. to be accounted a Heretick by the Papists, because he will admit of no more Mediators of Intercession than Christ, who is the Media­tor of Redemption. He 294. confutes the strange Posi­tions of the Trent-Council about the Mass, shewing how absurd it is that a poor Priest should have power to make his Maker; and having made him with the Breath of his Mouth, he should fall down and Worship what himself had made: That having worship'd him as [Page 183] God, he should presume to lay hands up­on him, and Offer him in Sacrifice as soon as Worship'd; that his Oblation once made is efficacious both to Quick and Dead; to the Absent and the Present; and that such as are present at it, may, if they find their stomachs serve, devour their God. He 304. attacks the Papists in the Funda­mental of their Religion, viz. That Christ must have the Pope for his Vice-Roy to supply his place and absence, and to govern and direct his Church in Peace and Unity; and he 384. again re-assumes the Argument and confutes all that Bellarmin and o­thers produce for it. But then the mis­chief is, he tells of those, who would 305. impose up­on the Church as many pe­tite Popes as there are Parishes—by means whereof they make Christs Body more monstrous, than the Monster Hy­dra, not, to have seven Heads only, but seven hundred thousand—He takes [Page 184] 332. Estius to task for ma­king Christ in his Exposi­tion of Mark 13. 32. the Author of Equivocation. He 359. confutes Harding for asserting, that the proof of Christs Deity depended not upon the Holy Scri­ptures, but the Tradition of the Church, and the Authority of some subsequent Councils confirmed by Popes; as if God could not be God, unless the Pope al­lowed it. He vindicates 361, 362. the Greek Church a­gainst the uncharitable­ness of the Roman, and 371, 372. the Authority and Honor of the Scriptures against the Blasphemies that are fixed upon them by the Pa­pists; but then as luck would have it, he speaks of some Reformers, who as­sert that Preaching viva voce is only able to convert sinners, and that the Word sermoniz'd, not written, is alone the Food that nourishes to eternal life; and he proves unanswerably how such [Page 185] men detract more from its perfection and sufficiency than the Papists. He condemns those who call Papists by the name of Catholicks, professing that he never gave that name to them either in Writing or common Speech, as thinking it a greater condemnation to our selves than men are aware of—And that if we once grant them to be Catholicks, we thereby do conclude our selves to be no Christians. De not. Eccles. l. 4. c. 4. Nay he proves out of Bellarmin, how they are delighted with the name of Papists, and that they have no mind to be called Christians; the name in most parts of Italy being grown so despicable, that Fool and Chri­stian are become Synonymous. Since then (says the Doctor) they have no mind to be called Christians, no reason to be called Catholicks, let us call them as they are, by the name of Papists, con­sidering their dependence on the Popes decisions for all points of Faith. But then he tells of another Faction that make as ill an use of the Title Holy, [Page 186] as the Papists do of the name Catho­lick; that are holy in the sense of Co­rah and his Factious Complices, who made all the Congregation holy and all holy alike. He gives also an ex­cellent account of the Presbyterian and Independent platforms, and 386, 387. proves against both of them, that the Churches Government is not Democratical, and against the Pa­pists, that 'tis not Monarchical, but in the judgment of the purest Antiquity Aristocratical. In a word, he 397, 398. shews how both the Eastern and Western Churches opposed the Popes Supremacy, forced Celibacy of Priests, Transubstantiation, Half-Com­munion, Purgatory, Worshiping of Ima­ges, and Auricular Confession: Of which last Doctrine, he at large 457, 458. states the whole busi­ness about it from Bishop Morton, shewing how it ought to be free in regard of Conscience, [Page 187] and possible in regard of Performance. But then withal he asserts the Efficacy and Power of the Sacerdotal Absolu­tion, proving it not only Declarative but Authoritative and Iudicial; as also the 403, 404. Right that every National Church has to decree Rites and Cere­monies for the more orderly officiating in Gods Publick Worship, and the pro­curing of a greater degree of Reverence to the Holy Sacraments.

In the belief of these Doctrines, this great Scholar lived and died: And with what confidence can any one rake in his Grave and asperse his Memory, not only with things which he never opined, but with those which his soul ever abhorr'd? But, if there can be any accession to the degrees of Bliss in the other world, I doubt not but his Re­wards are advanced and grow more massie with the persecutions which his name suffers upon earth. Our Blessed Saviour himself was not out of the reach of malevolent tongues, when his [Page 188] Body was laid in the Grave, Mat. 27. 63. being then called a Deceiver by his Mur­therers. And thrice welcome are those aspersions and mis-constructions that make us conformable to so glorious a pattern. Spiteful and inconsiderate men do ever judg rashly of things and per­sons, taking a great pleasure to assault the Innocence and undermine the Re­putations of those that are more up­right and vertuous than themselves.

But against these things 'tis com­monly said, and as commonly belie­ved, that some persons, and those too of the most illustrious Quality have been perverted from the Protestant Faith to Popery, by reading some of Dr. Heylyn's Books, and particularly his Ecclesia Restaurata, or History of the Reformation. And Dr. Burnet in the first Volume of his History upon the same Subject, has done all he can to confirm the world in the belief of that injurious imputation: For after a short commendation of our Doctors stile and [Page 189] method (it being usual with some men slightly to praise those at first, whom they design to lash more severely after­ward) he presumes to tell his Reader, Dr. Burnet's Preface to the History of the Reformation, Vol. I. That either Doctor Heylyn was very ill informed, or very much led by his Passions; and he being wrought on by most violent prejudices against some that were concerned in that time, deli­vers many things in such a manner and so strangely, that one would think that he had been secretly set on to it by those of the Church of Rome, tho I doubt not he was a sincere Protestant, but violent­ly carried away by some particular con­ceits. In one thing he is not to be excu­sed, That he never vouch'd any Autho­rity for what he writ, which is not to be forgiven any who write of Transactions beyond their own time, and deliver new things not known before. So that upon what ground he wrote a great deal of his Book, we can only conjecture; and many in their ghesses are not apt to be very fa­vourable to him.

[Page 190] This Objection containing many particulars in it, will require as many distinct Answers in the Vindication of the Doctors Honor and Writings, and more especially of his History of the Reformation.

And first, if it be true, that any have embraced the Roman Faith by rea­ding of that Book, we may conclude them very incompetent Judges in mat­ters of Religion, who will be prevailed on to change it upon the perusal of one single History; and especially in the Controversies between VS and the Pa­pists, which do not so very much de­pend upon matters of Fact, or upon an Historical Narration of what occur­rences happened in England, in the Reigns of any of our preceding Prin­ces; but upon Doctrines of Faith, viz. what we are to believe or dis-believe in order to our pleasing of God in this life, and our being eternally blessed with him in the next. Altho Iunius and others have by their reading of Holy Writ found the efficacy of it up­on [Page 191] their hearts, and from profligate Atheists have become Gods faithful Servants; yet the blessed Doctrine of the Bible, has through the depravation of mans Nature, had a quite contrary efficacy upon other persons; being just like wholsom meat which administers health and vigor unto Atheletick and sound Bodies, but infeebles nature and feeds the diseases of those that are sickly and distempered. Let the Hi­story of the Reformation be never so fa­tal to unwary and less intelligent Rea­ders, yet it was writ with an intent to justifie the Reformation, Epist. Ded. and that upon such just and solid Reasons as might sufficiently endear it to all knowing men, as its Author tells his Majesty. Bonae res neminem scandalizant nisi malam mentem, says one of the Antients. Some men have such inveterate Disea­ses, that no Physick can do them good; and some Stomachs are so foul, that Antidotes are turned by them into poi­son. If any one was ever unsetled in [Page 192] Protestantism by reading of Ecclesia Re­staurata, it was only accidental; his perversion being to be ascribed ei­ther to the ignorance or weakness of his Judgment, or to the stubbornness of his Will, or some other evil principle of his Mind. It cannot proceed from any intrinsick evil quality in that or any other Book of Doctor Heylyns, which abound with unanswerable Arguments to establish the Discipline and Doctrine of the Church of England against its professed Enemies of Rome and Geneva. But our Doctors own words will be a sufficient defence of him unto all equal and unprejudic'd Judgments, ‘In the whole carriage of this work, I have as­sumed unto my self the freedom of a just Historian; concealing nothing out of Fear, nor speaking any thing out of Favour; delivering nothing for a Truth without good Authority; but so delivering that Truth, as to witness for me, that I am neither bias­sed by Love or Hatred, nor over­swayed by partiality and corrupt af­fections,’ [Page 193] ‘I know 'tis impossible in a work of this nature to please all par­ties, tho I have made it my endea­vour to dissatisfie none, but those that hate to be reformed; or other­wise are so tenaciously wedded to their own opinion, that neither Rea­son nor Authority can divorce them from it.’ In short, his love to Truth, and veneration to the Church of Eng­land were the only motives that made him undertake to write that History: The one was the Mistris, which he ever serv'd; and the other was the Mother, whose Paps he had always suck'd, And whoever dis-regards, or deviates from either of those, may perhaps be offen­ded with some particular passages in Ecclesia Restaurata.

As for his never vouching Authority f [...]r what he writ, which is not to be for­given him; I hope he has met with a more merciful Judg in another world, than it seems Dr. Burnet is in this. But who is to pardon Dr. B. for accusing Dr. Heylyn of violent prejudices against [Page 194] persons, of writing things so strangely, as if he had been a Factor for the Pa­pists, and yet not specifying one parti­cular Instance, wherein he was thus partial and perfidious. He began the writing of that History in September 1638, communicating his design to Archbishop Laud, from who [...] he re­ceived all imaginable encouragement. And what benefit would any Reader receive to have quoted to him the pa­ges of Manuscripts, Acts of Parliament, Registers of Convocation, old Records and Charters, orders of Council-Table, or other of those rare pieces in the Cottonian Library, which were made use of in that elaborate History. Had D [...]. Heylyn borrowed his materials out of Vulgar or Printed Authors, he ought then to have vouch'd particular Au­thorities for what he writ, but ma­king use of those which few Scholars either could or had perused, it had been the part of a Pedant, not of an Historian, to have been exact and parti­cular in his Quotations. Not to men­tion [Page 195] either Greek or Latine Historians. Does not Dr. B. esteem the Lord Bacon's History of Henry VII. to contain as com­plete and judicious an account of the Affairs of that Princes Reign, as any thing of that nature, that is extant in English Story? But the Margent of that Book is not stust with many more Quotations, than the Doctors Ec­clesia Restaurata. And yet the Lord Ba­con writ of Transactions beyond his own time, and lived as far distant from the Reign of King Henry VII. as Dr. Hey­lyn did from King Henry VIII. who laid the first Foundation of our Reformation. For my own part I cannot with the most diligent search find out any passa­ges in Ecclesia Restaurata, which evert the great Rule that ought to be obser­ved by all Historians, viz. Ne quid fal­se audeant, to commit nothing unto Writing which they know to be false, or cannot justifie to be true. History is the Record of time, by which the Revolutions of Providence are trans­mitted from one Age unto another. And [Page 196] if it can be proved that Dr. Heylyn has either suborned Witnesses, falsified Re­cords, or so wrested Evidence, that posterity cannot make a certain judg­ment of those Transactions, of which he undertook to inform his Country­men, then it must be confessed that he was led by Passion more than Judg­ment, and by violent prejudices more than the substantial evidences of Truth.

And yet if all this were made out, 'tis no more than what may be laid at the door of that Author, Hist. D. Ham. p. 29, 30. who not ma­ny years since writ the History of Duke Hamilton; where are reported the most abominable Scandals, broach'd by the malicious Covenanteers against the Hierarchy of the Scotish Church. And the Historian, without the least con­tradiction or confutation, permits them to pass for infallible Truths, that so Posterity as well as the present preju­diced Age might be leavened with an implacable enmity and hatred against [Page 197] the whole Order of Bishops. And al­tho the Hamiltons were the old inve­terate enemies of the Stuarts; and the Duke, of whom that large History is compiled, was an enemy as treacherous to K. Charles I. as any that ever ap­peared against him in open Arms, drawing the Scots in the English Court to be his Dependents; aliena­ting their Affections from the King his Master. Tho wise men of both Nations thought that the first Tumult at Edin­borough was raised by his Instruments, and the Combustions that ensued were secretly fomented by him: Tho when he was High Commissioner, he drew the King from one Condescention to ano­ther in behalf of the Covenanteers, till he had little else left to give but his Crown and Life: Tho he drew him first to suspend and then to suppress the Liturgy and Canons made for the use of the Scotish Church, and to abrogate the five Articles of Perth, procured with so much difficulty by K. Iames, and confirmed by Parliament: Tho he [Page 198] authorized the Covenant with some few alterations in it, and generally im­posed it on that Kingdom: Tho he yielded to the calling of the Assembly, and was assured by that means, that the Bishops by the Majority of their Ene­mies Voices should be Censured and Excommunicated; that Episcopacy should be abolished, and all the Regu­lar Clergy exposed to Ruine: Tho he got to himself so strong a Party in the Kingdom, that the King stood but for a Party in the Calculation: Tho when he had Command over a considerable part of the Royal Navy in the Frith at Edinburough, he made good that saying of the Scots, That the Son of so good a Mother (being a most rigid Cove­nanter) could do them no hurt, by loiter­ing about on purpose till he heatd that the Treaty of Pacification was begun at Barwick, whither he came in Post­hast, pretending to disturb that busi­ness, when he knew it would be con­cluded before he came thither: Tho he was guilty of the vilest Treachery [Page 199] to the Best of Princes, and the Best of Subjects, viz. Charles I. and the Mar­quess of Montross, who returning out of France, and designing to put him­self into the Kings Service, made his way to Hamilton, who (knowing the gallantry of the man, and fearing a Competitor in his Majesti [...]s Favour) told Montross on the one hand, That the King slighted the Scottish Nation, that he designed to reduce it unto a Province, and that he would no lon­ger continue in the Court were it not for some services that he was engaged to do for his Country: And on the o­ther hand told the King, That Montross was so popular and powerful among the Scots, that he would embroil the Affairs, and endanger the Interest of his Majesty in that Kingdom; which suggestions made the King take little notice of him, and the Martyred Heroe was confirmed in the belief of what Hamilton had secretly whispered to him; which caused him to go to Scot­land, and there to list himself with the [Page 200] Male-contents of that Kingdom, whose concerns he espoused till he saw his own Error, and Hamilton's Treachery: Tho D. Hamilton was the man that prevai­led with the King to pass that Act for continuation of the Parliament during the pleasure of the Two Houses, and boasted how he had got a perpetual Parliament for the English, and would do the like for the Scots too, and con­trary to the wishes of all good men, prevailed with the King to Dissolve that Parliament which was immedi­ately precedent, playing with both hands at once; pulling with one hand back the Commons from all Compli­ance with the King, and thrusting on the King with the other hand to Dis­solve the Parliament: In fine (for the repetition of these things is not very delighting) Tho this D. Hamilton did in the opinion of very many wise men aim at nothing less than the Crown of Scotland, and had so courted the Com­mon Soldiers, raised for the Service of the Swedes, and obliged their Com­manders, [Page 201] that David Ramsey openly began an health to King Iames the Seventh; yet all these with many more particulars are either quite smothered, or so painted over by Dr. Burnet, that the Volume he has writ upon Hamil­ton may rather be called an Apology, or a Panegyrick than a History. But Dr. Heylyn had the courage to acquaint the world with these harsh Truths in the Life of the Archbishop, and in the Observations that he has writ upon Mr. L'Estrange's History of King Charles I. And there was no other way to be re­venged on him, than to traduce his Labours, and blast his Memory, as if he had been secretly set on to write by those of the Church of Rome. A Calum­ny so improbable, that 'tis confuted in the very Preface to Ecclesia Restaurata, Page 6. where he tells how the Owners of the Abby-Lands had all the reason in the world to maintain that Right, which by the known Laws of the Land had been vested in them.—And that the [Page 202] Exchanges, Grants and Sales of the Mo­nasteries and Religious Houses were passed and confirmed by the Kings Let­ters-Patents under the Great Seal of England in due form of Law, which gave unto the Patentees as good a Title as the Law could make them; and that Pope Julius the Second in Queen Maries Reign confirmed all those Lands by his Decree to the present Occupants, of which they stood possessed (justo titulo) by a lawful Title. But the Doctors Ob­servation is verified in himself, viz. That 'Tis the Faction a man joyns with, not the Life or Principles of the man himself that makes him a good or a bad man; And I will add a learned or good Writer. He did not write Books, or Preach Sermons, as anciently Poets did Comedies, of whom Terence tells us,

Thus Englished by Dr. Heylyn.

But this Reverend man was of no crouching temper to popular Factions, or Opinions, And whoever they are that oppose those, will be charged with Railing and Reviling, as well as with Falsities and Mistakes, tho they use the most unaffected propriety of words to represent the conceptions of their minds, in giving an account of things in their proper and due circum­stances. Dr. Heylyn had too much in him of a Gentleman and a Scholar to use any unseemly expressions in his Writings, to render either Persons, Opinions, or Actions odious. If he [Page 204] found them so, he ought so to repre­sent them, or else he would not have acquitted himself like an Historian, i. e. faithful to the just interests of Truth. Had he but employed his Pen to have written one half of those things against the King and Church of England, which he writ for them, he would have been accounted by very many persons (I will not say by Dr. B.) the greatest Scholar, the greatest Protestant, the most faithful Historian, or in their own phrase, the most precious man that ever yet breath'd in this Nation. But he had the good luck to be a Scholar, and better luck to employ his Learn­ing like an honest man and a good Christian, in the defence of a Righte­ous and pious King; of an Apostoli­cal and true Church; of a Venerable and Learned Clergy: And this drew upon him all the odium and malice that two opposite Factions, Papist and Sectary could heap upon him.

Had he writ only against the first, his name had received no more distur­bance [Page 205] from men upon earth, than his Soul does amongst its blessed associates in Heaven. But diving into unbeaten paths, in his Theological Studies, he gives an account of the first entrance of the Calvinian Tenets into this Kingdom, viz. Exam. Hist. 162. ‘How the controversies about Grace, Predestination, &c. had had been long agitated in the Schools between the Dominicans on the one side and the Franciscans on the other: the Dominicans grounding their opini­on on the Authority of S. Austin, Pro­sper, and some others of the follow­ing Writers: The Franciscans on the general current of the ancient Fa­thers, who lived ante mota certami­na Pelagiana, before the rising of the Pelagian Heresies. Which Disputes being after taken up in the Lutheran Churches, the moderate Lutherans (as they call them) followed the Do­ctrine of Melancthon, conformable to the Franciscans in those particulars. The others whom they call Stiff or [Page 206] Rigid Lutherans, of whom Flaccius Illyricus was chief, go in the same way with the Dominicans. The Au­thority of which last opinion, after it had been entertained and publish­ed in the works of Calvin, Observat. on the History of the Reign of K. Charles, 72. for his sake found admittance in the Schools and Pulpits of most of the Reformed Churches. And being controverted pro and con by some of the Confessors in Prison in Qu. Maries days, after her death many of our exiled Di­vines returning from Geneva, Basil, and such other places, where Calvins Dictates were received as celestial Oracles, brought with them his opinions in the points of Predestination, Grace and Perseve­rance: which being dispersed and scattered over all the Church by Cal­vins authority and the diligence of the Presbyterian party (then busie in advancing their Holy Discipline) they came to be received for the on­ly true and orthodox Doctrine, and [Page 207] were so publickly maintained in the Schools of Cambridge, till Dr. Peter Baroe, Professor for the Lady Marga­ret in that University, revived the Melancthonian way in his publick Le­ctures, and by his great Learning and Arguments had drawn many others to the same persuasions.’

From which words it appears what little shew of reason there is to call those Divines Arminians, who are of a different judgment from Mr. Calvin in the points aforesaid. For first, The Arminians are rather a Branch of the Sect of Calvin; to whose Discipline in all particulars they conform them­selves, and to this Doctrines in most, differing from him only in Predestina­tion and the Points subordinate; but managing those differences with a far better temper than their Opposites, as may be seen at large in Mr. Hales's Letters. And secondly, ‘ Arminius’ (as our Doctor Cert. Epist. 22. Tells us) ‘was too much a puisne, of too late standing in the [Page 208] world, to be accounted the first Broacher of those Doctrinal Points, which have such warrant from the Scriptures, and were so generally held by the ancient Fathers both Greek and Latine, till St. Austins time; defended since that time by the Ie­suites and Franciscans in the Church of Rome, by all the Melancthonian Divines among the Lutherans; by Castalio in Geneva it self; by Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper in the time of K. Edward VI; by some of our Confessors in Prison in the days of Qu. Mary: by Bishop Harsnet in the Pulpit; by Dr. Peter Baroe in the Schools in the Reign of Qu. Elizabeth; by Hardem Bergius the first Reformer of the Church and City of Emden; and finally by Anastasius Velvanus, A. D. 1554. and afterward by Henri­cus Antonii, Iohannes Ibrandi, Cle­mens Martini, Cornelius Meinardi, the Ministers generally of the Province of Vtrecht; by Manaus the Divinity Professor of Leyden; by Gellius Suc­canus [Page 209] in the Province of Friezeland, before the name of Iacob van Har­mine was heard of in the world.’

And if it be objected that the whole stream of Protestant Divines, who were famous either for Piety or Learning embraced the Calvinian Doctrines; to this also the Doctor gives a satisfactory answer in many places of his learned Writings. The Reader may please to consider, Cert. Epist. 173. 1. That this being granted to be a truth, we are rather to look upon it as an infelicity which befel the Church, than as an argument that she concurr'd with those Divines in all points of judgment. That which was most aimed at immediately after the Reformation, and for a long time after, in prefer­ring men to the highest dignities of the Church, and chief places in the Uni­versities, was their zeal against Popery, and such a sufficiency of learning as might enable him to defend those Points, on which our separation from the Church of Rome was to be main­tained, [Page 210] and the Queens Interest most preserved. The Popes Supermacy, the Mass, with all the Points and Nicities which depended on it, Iustification by Faith, Marriage of Priests, Purgatory, the Power of the Civil Magistrate, were the Points most agitated: And whoever appeared right in those, and withal declared himself against the corruptions of that Church in point of Manners, was seldom or never looked into for his other Opinions, until the Church began to find the sad conse­quences of it in such a general tenden­cy to Innovation both in Doctrine and Discipline, as could not easily be re­dress'd. 2. In answer to the f [...]re-men­tioned objection, Ib. 153. It is re­corded in St. Marks Gospel, cap. 8. that the blind man whom our Saviour restored to sight at Bethsaida, at the first opening of his eyes saw men as Trees walking, ver. 24. i. e. walking as Trees; quasi dicat homines quos ambulantes video, non homines sed arbores mihi videren­tur, [Page 211] as we read in Maldonate. By which words, the blind man declared (saith he) se qauidem videre aliquid, cum nihil antè videret, imperfectè tamen vi­dere, cum inter homines & arbores di­stinguere non posset. More briefly Esti­us upon the place, Nondum ita clarè & perfectè video, ut discernere possim inter homines & arbores. I discern somewhat, said the poor man, but so imperfectly, that I am not able to distinguish be­tween Trees and Men. Such an imper­fect sight as this the Lord gave many times to those whom he recovered out of the Egyptian darkness, who not being able to discern all Divine Truths at the first opening of the eyes of their understandings, were not to be a Rule and Precedent to those that followed and lived in clearer times. and under a brighter Beam of Illumination than others did.

What grounds were laid down by this excellent person for Unity and Charity in the Worship of God, and in the Doctrine and Government of [Page 212] the Church, may be seen in these words to Mr. Baxter; Cert. Epist. 57. ‘Unity and Charity in the ancient simplicity of Doctrine, Worship, and Government, no man likes better than my self; bring but the same affections with you, and the wide Breach that is between us (in some of the Causes which we manage on either side) will be suddenly clo­sed: but then you must be sure to stand to the word Ancient also, and not keep your self to simplicity on­ly. If Unity and Charity will con­tent you in the ancient Doctrine, in the simplicity thereof without sub­sepuent mixtures of the Church, I know no Doctrine in the Church more pure and Ancient, than that which is publickly held forth by the Church of England in the Book of Articles, the Homilies, and the Ca­techism authorized by Law, of which I may safely affirm as St. Austin does in his Book Ad Marcelinum, His qui contradicit, aut a Christi fide alienus [Page 213] est, aut est Haereticus, i. e. He must either be an In [...]idel or an Heretick who assents not to them, If Vnity and Charity in the simplicity of Wor­ship be the thing you aim at, you must not give every man the liberty of worshiping in what Form he plea­seth, which destroys all Vnity; nor Cursing many times instead of Praying, which destroys all Charity. The ancient and most simple way of Worship in the church of God was by regular Forms prescribed for the publick use of Gods people in the Congregations, and not by unpreme­ditated undigested Prayers, which every man makes unto himself, as his fancy shall lead him. And if set Forms of Worship are to be retained, you will not easily meet with any, which hath more in it of the ancient sim­plicity of the Primitive Times, than the English Liturgy. And if ancient simplicity of Government be the point you drive at, what Government can you find more pure or Ancient than [Page 214] that of Bishops; of which you have this Character in the Petition of the County of Rutland, where it is said to be, That Government which the Apostles left the Church in; that the Three Ages of Martyrs were gover­ned by; that the thirteen Ages since have always gloried in; (by their Suc­cession of Bishops from the Apostles, proving themselves Members of the Catholick and Apostolick Church) that our Laws have established; that so many Kings and Parliaments have protected; into which we were Ba­ptized; as certainly Apostolical as the Lords day; as the distinction of Books were written by such Evange­lists and Apostles, as the Con [...]ecrati­on of the Eucharist by Presbyters, &c. An ample commendation of E­piscopal Government, but such as ex­ceeds not the bounds of Truth or Modesty. Stand to these grounds for keeping Vnity and Charity in the an­cient simplicity of Doctrine, Worship and Government in the Church of [Page 215] God, and you shall see how chear­fully the Regal and Pre [...]atical Par­ty will joyn hands with you, and embrace you with most dear affecti­ons.’ But you tell me, That if I will have men in peace as Brethren, our Union must be Law, or Ceremonies, or indifferent Forms. ‘This is a pretty Speculation, but such as would not pass for practicable in any well-go­verned Commonwealth, unless it be in the old Vtopia, the new Atlantis, or the last discovered Oceana. For how can men possibly live in peace as Bre­thren, where there is no Law to li­mit their desires, or direct their acti­ons? Take away Law, and every man will be a Law unto himself, and do whatsoever seems best in his own eyes without controul: then Lust will be a Law for one; Fellony for another; Perjury shall be held no Crime; nor shall any Treason or Re­bellion receive their punishments; for where there is no Law, there can be no Transgression: and where there is no [Page 216] Transgression, there can be no pu­nishment; punishments being only due for the breach of Laws. Thus is it also in the Worship of God; which by the Hedg of Ceremonies is preser­ved from lying open to all prophane­ness; and by Set-Forms (be they as indifferent as they will) is kept from breaking out into open confusion. St. Paul tells us, that God is the God of Order, not of Confusion in the Churches. If therefore we desire to avoid Confu­sion, let us keep some Order; and if we would keep Order, we must have some Forms; it being impossible that men should live in peace as Brethren in the house of God, where we do not find both. David has told us in the Psalms, that Ierusalem is like a City which is at Vnity with it self. And in Ierusalem there were not on­ly solemn Sacrifices, Set-Forms of Blessing, and some significant Ceremo­nies prescribed by God; but Musi­cal Instruments and Singers, and Lin­nen Vestures for those Singers, and [Page 217] certain Hymns and several Times and Places for them ordained by David. Had every Ward in that City, and every Street in that Ward, and every Family in that Street, and perhaps every Person in that Family used his own way in Worshiping the Lord his God, Ierusalem could not long have kept the name of a City, much less the honor of being that City which was at Vnity in it self—When there­fore the Apostle gives us this good counsel, that we endeavour to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace, he seems to intimate that there can be no Vnity, where there is no Peace; and that Peace cannot be pre­served without some Bond. If you destroy all Ceremonies and subvert all Forms, you must break the Bond; and if the Bond be broken, you must break the Peace; and if you break the Peace, what becomes of the Vni­ty? So that it is but the dream of a dry Summer (as the saying is) to think that without Law, or Forms, [Page 218] or Ceremonies, men may live peace­ably together as becomes Brethren, though they profess one Faith, ac­knowledg one Lord, receive one Ba­ptism, and be Sons of one Father which is in Heaven.’

Having thus surveyed some particu­lars pertaining to the Doctrine and Ce­remonies of the Church, proeced we next to take a short view of some things delivered by this right learned man concerning the Convocation; which in ancient times was ‘part of the Parlia­ment, Exam. Hist 126. there being a Clause in every Letter of Summons by which the Bishops were required to attend in Parliament, that they should warn the Clergy of their re­spective Dioceses, some in their Per­sons, and others by their Procura­tors to attend there also▪ But this has be [...]n so long unpractis' [...], that we find no foot-steps of it since the Par­liaments in the time of King Ri­chard the Second. It is true indeed [Page 219] that in the 8th. year of Henry VI. there passed a Statute, by which it was enacted,’ That all the Clergy which should be called thenceforth to the Convocation by the Kings Writ, to­gether with their Servants and Families, should for ever after fully use and enjoy such liberty and immunity in coming, tarrying and returning, as the Great men and Commonalty of the Realm of Eng­land called or to be called to the Kings Parliament have used, or ought to have or enjoy. ‘Which though it makes the Convocation equal to the Parlia­ment as to the freedom of their Per­sons; yet cannot it from hence be reckoned or reputed for a part there­of.’

And as it is now no part of the Par­liament, so neither has it any necessary dependence upon that Honourable Council and Assembly, Observat. on the History of the Reign of K. Charles, 220. ei­ther in the Calling or Dissolving of it, or in the Confirmation or Autho­rizing of the Acts thereof, but only [Page 220] in the King himself; and not upon the Kings sitting in the Court of Parlia­ment, but in his Palace or Court-Royal where ever it be. And this appears both by the Statute made in the 26th. of Henry VIII. and the constant pra­ctice ever since. Indeed since the 25th. year of Henry VIII. no Convocation is to assemble, but as it is Convocated and Convened by the Kings Writ? for in the Year 1532. the Clergy made their Acknowledgment and Submission in their Convocation to that mighty and great Monarch; which Submission passed into a Statute the very next year following. But this does not hinder, but that their Acts and Constitutions ratified by Royal Assent, are of force to bind the Subject to submit and con­form to them. For before the Statute of Proemunire, and the Act for Sub­mission, Convocations made Canons that were binding, Exam. Hist. 97. altho none other than Synodical Authority did confirm the same. And certainly they must [Page 221] have the same power; when the Kings Authority signified in his Royal As­sent is added to them. They also gave away the money of the Clergy, by whom they were chosen, even as the Commons in Parliament gave the mo­ney of the Cities, Obs. 196. Towns and Countries, for which they served. For in chu­sing the Clerks for Convocation, there is an Instrument drawn up and sealed by the Clergy, in which they bind them­selves to the Arch-Deacons of their several Dioceses upon the pain of for­feiting all their Lands and Goods, Se ratum, gratum & acceptum habere, quic­quid Dicti Procuratores sui dixerint, fe­cerint vel constituerint, i. e. to allow, stand and perform whatsoever their said Clerks shall say, do, or condescend unto on their behalf. Nor is this a spe­culative Authority only and not redu­cible unto practice, but precedented in Queen Elizabeths time. For in the year 1585. the Convocation having gi­ven one Subsidy confirmed by Parlia­ment, [Page 222] and finding that they had not done sufficiently for the Queens occa­sions, did after add a Benevolence or Aid of two shillings in the pound to be levied upon all the Clergy; and to be levied by such Synodical Acts and Con­stitutions, as they digested for that purpose, without having any recourse to the Parliament for it.

But against these things it was ob­jected in the Long Parliament of King Charles I, That the Clergy had no power to make Canons without com­mon consent in Parliament, because in the Saxon times, Laws and Consti­tutions Ecclesiastical had the Confirma­tion of Peers, and sometimes of the peo­ple, unto which great Councils our Parliaments do succeed. Exam. Hist. 237. ‘Which argumeut (says our Reverend Doctor) if it be of force to prove, that the Cler­gy can make no Canons without con­sent of the Peers and People in Par­liament, it must prove also that the Peers and People can make no Sta­tutes [Page 223] without consent of the Clergy in their Convocation. My reason is, because such Councils in time of the Saxons were mixt Assemblies, con­sisting as well of Laicks as Ecclesia­sticks? and the matters there conclu­ded on of a mixt nature also; Laws being passed as commonly in them in order to the good Governance of the Commonwealth, as Canons for the regulating such things as concerned Religion. And these great Councils of the Saxons being divided into two parts in the times ensuing, their Clergy did their work by themselves without any Confirmation of the King or Parliament, till the Submis­sion of the Clergy to King Henry VIII. And if Parliaments did succeed in the place of those great Councils, it was because that anciently the Pro­curators of the Clergy, not the Bi­shops only had their place in Parlia­ment, tho neither Peers nor People voted in the Convocations. Which be­ing so, it is not much to be admired [Page 224] that the Commons repined about the disuse of the general making of Church-Laws, as they did in the be­ginning of the Long Parliament, when they voted’ the proceedings of the Clergy to be prejudicial and destructive to the Fundamental Liberties and Pri­viledges of the Subject. ‘For besides that this repining at the proceedings of any Superiour Court does not make its Acts illegal, there is a new memorable passage in the Parliament of the 51. of Edw. III. which will clear this matter, which in brief is this: The Commons finding them­selves agrieved as well with certain Constitutions made by the Clergy in their Synods, as with some Laws or Ordinances which were lately passed, more to the advantage of the Clergy than the common People, put in a Bill to this effect,’ viz. That no Act or Ordinance should from thenceforth be made or granted on the Petition of the said Clergy without consent of the Com­mons: and that the said Commons should [Page 225] not be bound in times to come by any Constitutions made by the Clergy of this Realm for their own advantage, to which the Commons of this Realm had not gi­ven consent. ‘The reason of which is this,’ and 'tis worth the marking Car eux ne veulent estre obligez anul de vos Estatuz ne ordinances faits sanz leur Assent, i. e. because the Clergy did not think themselves bound (as indeed they were not in those times) by any Statute, Act, or Ordinance made without their Assent in the Court of Parliament. ‘And besides these precedents already mentioned, there is another memo­rable Convocation in the 4th. and 5th. years of Philip and Ma­ry; Introduct. un­to Exam. Hist. in which the Cler­gy taking notice of an Act of Parliament then newly pas­sed, by which the Subjects of the Temporalty, having Lands in the yearly value of five pounds and up­wards, were charged with finding Horse and Armor according to the proportion of their yearly Revenues [Page 226] and Possessions, did by their sole Authority in the Convocation, impose upon themselves and the rest of the Clergy of this Land, the finding of a like number of Horses, Armor and other necessaries for the War, according to their yearly Income, proportion for proportion, and rate for rate, as by that Statute hath been laid on the Temporal Subjects. And this they did by their own sole Au­thority, as was before said; order­ing the same to be levied on all such as were refractory, by Sequestration, Deprivation, Suspension, Excommuni­cation, without relating to any sub­sequent Confirmation by Act of Par­liament, which they conceived they had no need of.’

Nor did the zeal of our learned Doctor here terminate; it was like Aarons Ointment, that descended from his Beard to the lowest Skirts and Frin­ges of his Garments. For first, as for the Bishops, he did not only write for them when their Order flourished, but [Page 227] he defended their Function and Honor when their power was expired. For that Episcopacy might never revive in this Kingdom, its enemies used all pos­sible endeavours to render it odious to all sober and considering Christians. And to do that, 1. The Bishops were made the cause of the Civil War; to which calumny our Doctor answers; ‘Its true, the Covenan­teers called it the Bishops War, and gave out, Observ. on—151. that it was raised only to maintain the Hierarchy; The truth is, Liturgy and Episcopacy were made the occasions, but they were not the causes of the War; Religion being but the Vizard to disguise the busi­ness, which Covetousness, Sacriledg and Rapine had the greatest hand in. But the thing was thus. The King being engaged in a War with Spain, and yet deserted by those men who engaged him in it, was fain to have recourse to such other ways of Assi­stance as were offered to him.’ But [Page 228] what those ways were will be too te­dious to acquaint the Reader with in this place: he may better inform him­self in the Observations on Master L'Estrange his History. 2. Another Engine raised to demolish Episcopacy, was to persuade the People that Bi­shops were an imperious proud sort of men, or as Mr. Baxter (who was resol­ved as well to make up the measure of his own Incivilities as of the Bishops Afflictions) a Turgid persecuting sort of Prelacy; as also that in respect of their Studies, they were no way fit for Go­vernment, or to be Barons in Parlia­ment. Unto which the Doctor answers with an old story of a Nobleman in K. Henry VIII's time, who told Mr. Pace one of the Kings Secretaries, in contempt of Learning, Exam. Hist. [...]46. That it was enough for Noblemens Sons to Wind their Horn, and carry their Hawk fair, and leave Learning to the study of mean men. ‘To whom Mr. Pace replied, Then you and other [Page 229] Noblemen must be content that your Children may wind their Horns and keep their Hawks, whilst the Children of mean men do manage matters of State. And certainly there can be no reason, why men that have been ver­sed in Books, studied in Histories, and thereby made acquainted with the chiefest Occurrences of most States and Kingdoms, should not be thought as fit to manage the Affairs of State, as those who spend their time in Hawking or Hunting, if not in worse Employments. For that a Superin­duction of Holy Orders should prove a Supersedeas to all civil prudence, is such a wild extravagant fancy, as no man of Judgment can allow of.’ And as for the Clergies Pride and Co­vetousness, he thus tells their Accuser: ‘How sad their Conditi­on is, Cert. Epist. 44. and under what impossibilities of giving content unto the people. For if they keep close, and privately, and live any thing below their Fortunes, the [Page 230] People then cry out, O the base sor­didness of the Clergy! But if accord­ing to their means, or in any out­ward lustre; then on the other side, Oh the pride of the Clergy! But tell me (Mr. Baxter) if you can, in what the Turgidness or high swelling pride of the Prelates did appear most vi­sibly. Was it in the bravery of their Apparel, or in the train of their At­tendance, or in their Lordly Port, or lofty looks, or in all, or in none? Admitting the most and worst you can of these particulars, would you have men that shine in a higher Orb, move in a lower Sphere, than that in which God has placed them? Or being rank'd in Order and Degree about you, would you not have them keep that distance which be­longs to their Places: Or because you affect a Parity in the Church, would you have all men brought to the same Level with your self, with­out admitting Sub and Supra in the Scale of Government? If they were [Page 231] your Fathers in God, why did not you look upon them with such re­verence as becomes Children? If your Superiors in the Lord, why did not you yield them that subjection which was due unto them? If fix'd in Place and Power above you by the Laws of the Land only, and no more than so, why did not you give obedience to those Laws under which you lived, and by which you were to be directed? Take heed I beseech you Mr. Baxter, that more Spiritual Pride be not found in that heart of yours, than ever you found worldly and external Pride in any of my Lords the [...]hops; and that you do not trample on them with greater insolence ( Calco platonis Fastum, sed majori Fastu, as you know who said) in these unfortunate days of their Calamity, than ever they expressed toward any in the time of their Glo­ry. Were it my case, as it is yours, I would not for ten thousand worlds depart this life, before I had obtained [Page 232] their pardon, and given satisfaction to the world for these horrible Scan­dals.’ 3. As for those persons that were heartily affected with Episcopacy, and dissatisfied with the extinction of an Order so sacred and venerable, there was this way found out to quiet their di [...]contents, viz. to persuade them that Bishops and Presbyters were of equivo­lent importance, and comprehended under the same name in the Holy Scri­ptures. ‘But grant (says this their Champion) that they be so: Obser. 183. who, that pretends to Logick, can dispute so lamely, as from a Community of names to infer an Identity or Same­ness in the thing so named? Kings are called Gods in Holy Scripture; and God does frequently call himself by the name of King: yet if a man should thence infer, that from this Community of names, there arises an Identity or Sameness between God and the King, he might worthily be condemned for so great a Blasphe­mer. [Page 233] St. Peter calls our Saviour Christ by the name of Bishop, and himself a Presbyter or Priest, 1 Pet 2. 25. or an Elder, 1 Pet. 5. 1. as we unhandsomly read it: yet were it a sorry piece of Lo­gick to conclude from hence, that there is no distinction between an Apostle and an Elder, the Prince of the Apostles, and a simple Presbyter; or between Christ the Supreme Pa­stor of his Church and every ordinary Bishop. Lastly, take it for granted that Bishops have an Identity or Same­ness in Name, Office, Ordination and Qualification with Presbyters, it will not follow convertibly that Presby­ters have the like Identity or Same­ness of Qualification, Ordination, Name and Office, which the Bishop hath. My reason is, because a Bishop being first Regularly and Canonically to be made a Priest before he take the Or­der and Degree of a Bishop, hath in him all the Qualifications, the Ordina­tion, Name and Office which a Presbyter [Page 234] has; and something further super­added, as well in point of Order and Iurisdiction, which every Presbyter hath not: So that altho every Bishop be a Priest, or Presbyter, yet every Presbyter is not a Bishop. To make this clear by an example in the Civil Government. When Sir Robert Cecil, Knight, and principal Secretary of State was made first Earl of Salisbu­ry, and then Lord Treasurer, continu­ing Knight and Secretary as he was before; it might be said that he had an Identity or Sameness in Name, Of­fice, Order and Qualification with Sir Iohn Herbert the other Secretary; yet this could not be said reciprocally of Sir Iohn Herbert, because there was something superadded to Sir Ro­bert Cecil, viz. the Dignity of an Earl and the Office of Lord Treasurer, which the other had not. So true is that of Lactantius, Adeo argumenta ex absurdo petita ineptos habent exi­tus. It is ordinary for Arguments built upon weak grounds to have [Page 235] worse Conclusions.’ And a better In­stance cannot be given of this, than in the Retortion that Mr. Selden made to one in the House of Commons, Ib. 188. who disputed against the Divine Right of Episcopacy, His argument was this. ‘1. That Bishops are Iure Divino is of Question. 2. That Archbishops are not Iure Divino is out of Que­stion. 3. That Ministers are Iure Divino, there is no Question. Now if Bishops which are questioned whe­ther Iure Divino shall Suspend Mi­nisters which are Iure Divino, I leave it to you Mr. Speaker. Which Mr. Selden (whether with greater Wit or Scorn is hard to say) thus retorted on him. 1. That the Convocation is Iure Divino, is a Question. 2. That Parliaments are not Iure Divino, is out of Question. 3. That Religion is Iure Divino, is no Question. Now, Mr. Speaker, that the Convocation which is questioned whether Iure Divino, and Parliaments which out [Page 236] of Question are not Iure Divino, should meddle with Religion, which questionless is Iure Divino, I leave to you Mr. Speaker.’

There are some other Points relating to Episcopacy, which Dr. Heylyn has long time since cleared and determi­ned. And if some of our pretending States-men had considered and read what was written upon those Subjects, their time and pains would have been more profitably spent to the honor and security of this Church and Kingdom, than in raising doubts and scruples, which had long before been so clearly stated and resolved. For, 1. As for Bishops sitting in Parliament to Vote in Causes of Blood and Death, this the Doctor evinced not only in the Tract, entituled, De Iure parita­tis Episcoporum, P. 224. but in his Observations upon Mr. L'Estrange's History, where he says, ‘that altho the ancient Canons’ disable Bishops from Sentencing any man to Death, yet they do not from being A [...] ­sistants [Page 237] in such cases; from taking Ex­aminations, hearing Depositions of Wit­nesses, or giving Counsel in such mat­ters as they saw occasion. The Bishops sitting as Peers in the English Parlia­ment, were never excluded from the Earl of Strafford's Trial, from any such Assistances, as by their Gravity and Learning and other Abilities, they were enabled to give in any dark and difficult business (tho of Blood and Death) which were brought before them. 2. With the like solid reason­ing, the Doctor has evinced the Bishops to be one of the Three Estates. For, not to mention what he says upon this Argument in his Stumbling-Block of Disobedience: That they have their Vote in Parliament as a Third Estate, not in capacity of Temporal Barons (altho they are so, as Mr. Selden evinces, Yitles of Hon. p. 2. cap. 5. and an Act of Parliament, Stat. 25. Edw. III.) will evi­dently appear from these following Reasons, ‘For, first the Clergy in all [Page 238] other Christian Kingdoms of these North-West Parts make the Third Estate; that is to say, in the German Empire, as appears by Thuanus the Historian, lib. 2. In France, as is af­firmed by Paulus Aemilius, lib. 9. In Spain, as testifieth Bodinus de Re­publ. lib. 3. For which also consult the general History of Spain, as in point of practice, lib. 9, 10, 11, 14. In Hungary, as witnesseth Bonfinius, Decl. 2. lib. 1. In Poland, as is verified by Thuanus also, l. 56. In Denmark, as Pontanus tells us in Historia rerum Danicarum, l. 7. The Swedes observing anciently the same Form and Order of Government as was used by the Danes. The like we find in Cambden for the Realm of Scotland, in which anciently the Lords Spiritual, viz. Bishops, Abbots, and Priors made the Third Estate. And certainly it was very strange, if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England, being a great and powerful Body, should move in a lower Sphere in [Page 239] England, than they do elsewhere. But 2dly. Not to stand only upon probable inferences, we find first in History, touching the Reign and Acts of Henry V. That when his Fu­nerals were ended, the Three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble together, and declared his Son King Henry VI. being an Infant of eight Months old to be their Sovereign Lord, as his Heir and Successor. And if the Lords Spiritual did not then make the Third Estate, I would fain know who did? Secondly, The Pe­tition tendred to Richard Duke of Glocester, to accept the Crown, oc­curring in the Parliament Rolls, runs in the name of the Three Estates of the Realm, that is to say, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Com­mons thereof. Thirdly, In the said Parliament of the said Rich. Crowned King, it is said expresly, That at the request and by the consent of the Three Estates of this Realm, that is to say, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, [Page 240] and Commons of this Land Assembled in this present Parliament, and by Au­thority of the same, it be Pronounced, Decreed and Declared, That our Sove­reign Lord the King was and is the ve­ry and undoubted King of this Realm of England, &c. Fourthly, It is acknow­ledged in the Statute of 1. Eliz. c. 3. where the Lords Spiritual and Tempo­ral, and the Commons in that Par­liament Assembled, being said ex­presly and in terminis, to represent the Three Estates of this Realm of England, did recognize the Queens Ma­jesty to be their true, lawful, and un­doubted Sovereign Liege Lady and Queen. Add unto these the Testi­mony of Sir Edward Cooke, tho a pri­vate person, who in his Book of the Iurisdiction of Courts (published by Order of the Long Parliament) c. 1. doth expresly say, That the Parlia­ment consists of the Head and the Body, that the Head is the King, that the Body is the Three Estates, viz. the Lords Spiritual, Temporal, and the [Page 241] Commons. In which words we have not only the Opinion and Testimo­ny of that learned Lawyer, but the Authority of the Long Parliament also, tho against it self.’

I hope the perusal of these things will be no less acceptable to the sober Reader, than the transcribing of them has been unto my self; which I have done to the end as well of informing my Country-men about the Rights of the Crown and Privileges of the Church and Clergy, as to shew that Dr. Heylyn had a zeal according unto knowledg, and was not less zealous for knowledge-sake.

And the Doctor having thus stood up in the defence of Monarchy and Hie­rarchy, both in their prosperous and adverse condition; when the black Cloud was dispelled, and a fair Sun­shine began to dawn upon these harras­sed and oppressed Islands, by the Re­turn of his Sacred Majesty, this excel­lent man having in his mind Tullies Resolution, Defendi Rempub. Adole­scens, [Page 242] non deseram Senex, thought it unbecoming him to desert the Church in any of its pressing needs: and there­fore when the door of Hope began to open, he busied his active and search­ing mind in finding out several expedi­ents for the restoring and securing of its Power and Privileges in future Ages against the attempts of Factious and Sacrilegious men. And the first thing that he engaged in, was to draw up several Papers, and tender them to those Persons in Authrority, who in the days of Anarchy and Oppression, had given the most signal Testimonies of their Affection to the Church. In which Papers he first shewed what Al­terations, Explanations, &c. were made in the Publick Liturgy in the Reigns of King Edward VI. Queen Elizabeth, and King Iames; that so those who were intrusted with so sacred a Deposi­tum, might be the better enabled to proceed in the Alteration and enlarge­ment of it; as they afterward did, and as it now stands by Law Established [Page 243] in this Church. Secondly, Whereas in the first year of King Edward VI. it was enacted that all Arch-Bishops, Bishops, &c. should make their Proces­ses, Writings, and Instruments in the Kings name, and not under their own Names—(which Act was afterward extended unto Ordinations, as appears by the Form of a Testimonial extant in Sanders's Seditious Book, De Schis­mate Anglicano) and whereas the Act was repealed in the last year of Queen Mary, and did stand so repealed all the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, but was by the activity of some, and the inco­gitancy of others revived again in the first year of King Iames, but lay dor­ment all the Reign of that Prince, and during the first ten years of King Charles I. after which it was endeavou­red to be set on foot by some distur­bers of the Publick Peace; upon which, the King having it under the hand of his Judges, that the proceedings of the Arch-Bishops, Bishops, &c. were not contrary to the Laws of the Land, in­serted [Page 244] their Judgment about it in a Proclamation for indemnifying the Bi­shops, and the satisfying of his loving Subjects in that Point; therefore Dr. Heylyn considering that what the Jud­ges did was extrajudicial, and that the Kings Proclamation expired at his Death, solicited the concerns of the Church in this Affair, viz. that the Act so pas [...]ed, as before is said, in the first of King Iames, might be repealed, that so the Bishops might proceed as formerly in the exercise of their Jurisdiction without fear or danger. Thirdly, Whereas in the 16. year of Charles. I. there passed an Act that no Arch-Bishop, Bishop, &c. should minister any Corporal Oath unto any Church-War­den, Sideman, or any other person whatsoever, with many other things whereby the whole Episcopal Jurisdi­ction was subverted (except Canonical Obedience only) and all proceedings in Courts Ecclesiastical in Causes Matri­monial, Testamentory, &c. were wea­kened, and all Episcopal Visitations [Page 245] were made void as to the ordinary Pu­nishments of Heresie, Schism, Non-con­formity, Incest, Adultery and other Crimes of Ecclesiastical Cognizance, therefore Dr. Heylyn stated the Case, and in a Petition drawn up by him, prayed, that for the restoring of the Episcopal Jurisdiction, the Clauses of that Act, and the penalties thereunto annexed, might be wholly abrogated and annulled.

But the most remarkable Effort of his zeal for the Church, after the Kings Restauration, was the Application made by him to the great Minister of State in those days, that there might be a Convocation called with the Parlia­ment. What good effects were produ­ced by his endeavours in that particu­lar, let the Reader judg, when he has perused the following Letter, with which the Reverend Doctor saluted that powerful Statesman.

Having thus surveyed the most im­portant Occurrences of Dr. Heylyn's Life, I doubt not but every judicious and impartial Reader will be convinced at once of his vast Abilities and Ac­quirements in the large Circle of Lear­ning and Sciences, of his immovable Integrity in the Protestant Religion, and of his indefatigable Industry and Service to the just Interests both of the Crown and Mitre. For tho I will not say as St. Paul does of his Son Timothy, that there was no man like-minded, yet no one had more hearty and unbiassed affections, no man did more naturally [Page 235] care for this Church and Kingdom than Dr. Heylyn; and at that time too, when he expected nothing for his pains and industry, but all the miseries and mis­chiefs, which armed Malice and succes­ful usurp'd Tyranny could inflict upon him. Preach indeed he could not in those days of danger and persecution. But he plentifully made up that una­voidable omission by his Writings: through all which there runs such a na­tive plainness and elegancy, as can be parallel'd in very few of the Writers of that Age he lived in. In all his Books his Stile is smooth and masculine, his Sence full and copious, his Words plain and intelligible, his Notions numerous and perspicuous, his Arguments per­tinent, ponderous and convincing. Those Accomplishments which rarely concentred in any Individual, were in Doctor Heylyn, in their eminency and perfection, viz. a solid Judgment, an acute Wit, a rich teeming Fancy, and a memory so prodigiously quick and tenacious, that it was the Store-house [Page 254] of most Arts and Sciences. And which is most wonderful, it was not impaired either by Age or by Afflictions. For many of those learned Volumes that have his learned Name annexed to them, were writ when his Sight failed him. And here I cannot forget that deserved Character, which a right lear­ned man, and now an eminent Prelate of our Church bestowed on him, viz. That Dr. Heylyn never writ any Book, let the Argument be never so mean and trivial, but it was worthy of a Scholars reading. And another very celebrated Professor (now) in Oxon, paying him the respects of a Visit at Abingdon, retur­ned home with the profoundes [...] Admi­ration of his incomparable Abilities, saying, That he never heard any Do­ctor of the Chair deliver his Iudgment more copiously and perspicuously upon any Subject, than our Doctor did upon those various Theological Points, that were proposed to him. Insomuch that what Livie affirmed of Cato, might without any injury to Truth be affirmed of [Page 255] this Reverend person, Natum ad id di­ceres, quodcunque ageret.

And 'tis just matter of wonder, how any Scholar that had so many Sicknes­ses and Avocations from the Muses in his Childhood and Youth, and that was incumbred with the burthen of so many secular businesses in his middle Age, should arrive to such vast know­ledg and improvements. For he was a Critick (and that no vulgar one) both in the Greek and Latine Languages: A polite Humanist, being exactly acquain­ted with the best Poets, Orators and Hi­storians: He was also an excellent Poet; but a more able Judg of it in others, than a practiser of it himself. Philosophy he studied no farther, than as it was subservient to nobler Con­templations. But as for History, Chro­nology, and Geography, they were as fa­miliar to him, as the Transactions of one months business can be to any pri­vate person. And that Divine is yet to be named, whose knowledg did ex­ceed Dr. Heylyn's in the Canon, Civil, [Page 256] Statute, or Common Laws: To the profession of which last if he had be­took himself, few men in the Nation would have exceeded him either in Fame or Estate.

In all things that were either spoke or writ by him, he did loqui cum vulgo, so speak as to be understood by the meanest Hearer, and so write as to be comprehended by the most vulgar Rea­der. Observ. on the Hist.— page 2. ‘It is true indeed (as he himself observes) that when there is ne­cessity of using either Terms of Law, or Logical Notions, or any other words of Art, an Au­thor is then to keep himself to such Terms and Words, as are transmitted to us by the Learned in their several Faculties. But to affect new Notions, and indeed new Nothings, when there is no necessity to invite us to it, is a Vein of writing which the two great Masters of the Greek and Roman Elo­quence had no knowledg of. But many think, that they can never speak [Page 257] elegantly, nor write significantly, ex­cept they do it in a language of their own devising, as if they were asha­med of their Mother-Tongue, and thought it not sufficiently curious to express their fancies. By means where­of more French and Latine words have gained ground upon us since the middle of Queen Elizabeth, than were admitted by our Ancestors (whether we look upon them as the British or Saxon Race) not only since the Norman, but the Roman Con­quest. A folly handsomly derided in an old blunt Epigram, where the spruce Gallant thus bespeaks his Page, or Laquey’

[Page 258] And yet this simplicity and plain­ness of writing is the true cause, why so many were heretofore and are still scandalized at the Doctors Books. But let the Reader attend to him whilst he pleads for himself: Pref. to Theol. Vet. ‘The truth is, I never volunta­rily engaged my self in any of those publick Quarrels, by which the Unity and Order of the Church of England hath been so miserably distracted in these later times. Nor have I lov'd to run before or against Authority; but al­ways took the just Counsels and Commands thereof for my ground and warrant: which when I had re­ceived, I could not think that there was any thing left on my part, but obsequii gloria, the honor of a chear­ful and free obedience. And in this part of my obedience, it was my lot most commonly to be employ'd in the Puritan Controversies; in mana­ging of which, altho I used all equa­nimity and temper which reasonably [Page 259] could be expected (the argument and persons against whom I writ being well considered) yet I did thereby so exasperate that prevailing party, that I became the greatest object of their spleen and fury.’

When the Jewish Libertines could not resist the wisdom, and spirit, and excellence of Elocution with which St. Stephen defended himself and blessed Saviour, Acts 6. 10. we find in the next Chapter, that his enemies deserted all rational arguings, and betook them­selves to acts of the most inhumane violence; first gnashing upon him with their teeth, and then assaulting him with stones. Add the truth is, Dr. Heylyn had few other answers returned to the many learned Volumes written by him, besides vollies of audacious and viru­lent slanders to wound his name, and to hinder easie and credulous persons from perusing of his Books. He tells one, who called him the Primipilus, or chief of the Defenders of Prelacy, that [Page 260] altho he did sometimes put vinegar in his Ink to make it quick and operative, Cert. Epist. 31. as the case did require, yet there was nothing of scurrility or malice in it; nothing that savoured of uncharita­bleness, o [...] of such bitter reproaches, as he was unjustly charged with. When he met with such a Fire-brand as Mr. Burton, it was not to be expected, that he should pour oil upon him to in­crease the flame, and not bring water to quench it, whether foul or clean. And when he met with other unsavory pieces, it was fit that he should rub them with a little salt to keep them sweet. The good Samaritan, when he took care of the wounded passenger, is said to have poured into his wounds both Oil and Wine, i. e. Oil to cherish and refresh it, and Wine to cleanse it; Oleum quo foveatur, vinum quo morde­atur. He had not been a skilfu [...] Chi­rurgeon, if he had done otherwise. And the Doctor being to contend with so many and malicious Adversaries, [Page 261] had been a very unwary writer, had he made no distinction, but accosted them all after one and the same man­ner. The grand Exemplar of Sweetness, Candor and Ingenuity, used the seve­rest invectives against the hypocritical Scribes and Pharisees. Certainly one Plaister is not medicinal to all kind of sores; some of which may be cured with Balm, when others more corrupt aud putrified, do require a Lancing. And thus did this Reverend man deal with the enemies of the King and Church; insomuch that he received thanks from the Ministers of Surrey and Bucks (in the name of themselves and that party) for his fair and respect­ful language to them, both in his Pre­face to his History of the Sabbath and conclusion of the same. To conclude, unless good words may receive pollu­tion by confuting bad principles, and describing bad things, nothing of any rude or uncharitable language can be found in any of the Writings of Dr. Heylyn,

[Page 262] But as all men have not abilities to write Books, so neither to pass sentence on them, when written. And yet what­ever hard censures the Doctors Books have met with in the world, I am per­suaded his most inveterate enemies who will have but so much patience as to peruse impartially this Account given of his Life, will believe that one who had acted, written and suffered so much in the defence of the King and Church, might have met with some Rewards or Respects in some measure suitable to his merits. But God Almigh­ty and wise Providence had otherwise ordered the Event of things; purpo­sing (no doubt) that this excellent per­son, who had for the greatest part of his pilgrimage encountred with the spite and threatnings, oppositions and persecutions of those who had subverted Monarchy in the State, and Order and Decency in the Church, (should (notwithstanding the Kings Re­stauration) have administred to him another Trial of his passive Fortitude; [Page 263] and that was to wrestle with the neg­lects and ingratitude of his Friends. Indeed some Right Reverend Fathers in the Church (amongst whom Bishop Cousins ought not to be passed over in silence) protested not their wonder on­ly, but their grief, that so great a Friend and Sufferer for the Royal Family and Church, should like the wounded men in the Gospel, be passed by both by Priest and Levite, and have no recom­pence for his past Services, besides the pleasure of reflecting on them. But the States-men of those days rank'd the Doctor with the Milites emeriti, the old Cavaliers, of whose Principles there could be no fear, and of whose Services there could be no more need. But not­withstanding all the frowns of For­tune, yet he could say his Nunc Dimit­tis with more sensible joy and chear­fulness, than he was able to do, for many of the precedent years; having the satisfaction to live, (I cannot say to see) till the King was restored to his Throne, and the Church to its Immu­nities [Page 264] and Rights. Yea, let them take all, forasmuch as my Lord the King is come again in peace unto his own House. The Doctor had nothing given him, but what neither Law nor Justice could detain from him; and that was the former Preferments that he had in the Church, from the profits and possession of which he had been kept above se­venteen years. And with those he con­tentedly acquiesced; and not unlike some of the old famous Romans, after they had done all the Services they could for their Country, returned home to their poor Wives, and little Farms, yoking again their Oxen for the Plough, when they had fettered their enemies in Chains. Above all, this excellent Scholar enjoyed the in­ward peace and tranquillity of his own mind; in that he fought a good fight, kept the Faith, finished his course, dis­charged his Duty and Trust, and had been counted worthy to suffer the loss of all things (except his Conscience) for the best of Princes, and the most [Page 265] righteous of Causes in the world. And I pray God grant that an old observati­on which I have somewhere met with­al, may not be verified either as to the concerns of Dr. Heylyn, or any of the old Royallists, viz. It is an ill sign of prosperity to any Kingdom, where such as deserve well, find no other recompence, than the peace of their own Consciences.

But alas! all these unkindnesses and neglects were trivial to the irreparable loss of his eye-sight: of which he found a sensible and gradual decay for many years; and therefore was the better enabled to endure it. But about the year 1654. tenebrescunt videntes per foramina; those that looked out of the windows were darkened, and he was constrained to make use of other mens eyes (but not in the sense as great persons do) to guide him in the Moti­ons of his Body▪ tho not in the Con­templations of his Mind. Like good old Iacob, Gen. 48. 10. his eyes were dim and he could not see: but there was this [Page 266] difference between them, that the Pa­triarchs eyes were grown dim by rea­son of Age, but Dr. Heylyns were dar­ken'd with Study and Industry. As the whole frame of his Body was uni­form, comely and upright, his Stature of a middle size and proportion; so his Eye naturally was strong, sparkling, and vivacious; and as likely to conti­nue useful and serviceable to its Owner, as any mans whatsoever. But by con­stant and indefatigable Study (which for many years he took in the night, being hurried up and down with a suc­cessive crowd of Business in the day) either the Crystalline humor was dried up, or the optick Nerves became perfo­rated and obstructed; by which means the Visive Spirits were stop'd, and an imperfect kind of Cataract was fixed in his eyes, which neither by inward Medicines nor outward Remedies could ever be brought to that maturity and consistence, as to be fit for cutting. Detestabilis est caecitas, si n [...]mo oculos perdiderit, nisi cui eruendi snnt. No [Page 267] punishment would be more dreadful than blindness, if none lost their eyes, but those that had them pulled out by tortures and burning ba­sons. But this Stalius calls blindness so. Sors Letho dirior omni, this heavy affliction was by God laid upon Dr. Heylyn to exercise his Faith, to quicken Devotion, to try his Pati­ence, Tul. Tus. Quaest. lib. 5. and to prepare him for his merciful Re­wards. Animo multis mo­dis variisque delectari licet, etiamsi non adhibeatur Aspectus, Lo­quor autem de docto homine & erudito, cui vivere est cogitare: Sapientis autem cogitatio non fermè ad investigandum ad­hibet oculos advocatos: etenim si nox non adimit vitam beatam, cur dies nocti similis adimat? A man may recreate himself various ways, altho his sight fail, if he be knowing and learned: For a wise man will entertain himself with the noblest Contemplations without the help of his bodily organs; the life of such an one consisting more [Page 268] in Meditation than Action. And if a dark night cannot render our lives mi­serable, why should day-light be able to effect it, which to a blind man is no other than night? And that incompa­rable Author proceeds in presenting his Reader with many instances of per­sons that were highly useful in their Generations after they were deprived of their sight. And Dr. Heylyn, as well as Cnëus Aufidius, having Animum acu­tum, was able to give advice to his Friends, to solve Doubts, to clear and defend Truth, to write Histories, & videre in literis: For when the win­dows were quite darkened, the Candle of the Lord, Ibid. his itellectual lamp, burnt more clear and bright within him. Democritus (as the Orator goes on) luminibus amissis, Alba scil▪ & Atra dis­cernere non poterat: at verò bona, mala; equa, iniqua; honesta, turpia; utilia, inutilia; magna, parva poterat▪ & sine varietate colorum licebat vivere beatè: sine notione rerum non licebat.— [Page 269] Our Reverend Divine, when he had lost his eyes, could not ('tis true) di­scern white from black; but which was a more advantageous Speculation, he could discern good from evil; and just from unjust, and things lovely, and honest and profitable, from those which were impure, unrighteous and incom­modions. And a man may be happy, tho he does not discern variety of Co­lours, but he cannot be so, unless he his senses exercised to discern between good and evil.

Another of the Roman Orators reckons up many advantages of blindness; Quintilian. in Declam. telling us, Caecus non irascitur, non odit, non concupiscit; & cum corpora nostra vigorem de luminibus accipiunt, pereunt cum suis vitia causis, i. e. one that is deprived of sight has no objects to kin­dle his Anger, to precipitate his Re­venge, to inflame his Lips; which must needs languish and decay, when those bodily Members, through which they commonly gain admission into [Page 270] our Souls, are impaired and become useless. And amongst other advantages which the Doctor received from this heavy misfortune, he acquaints Mr. Harington of one: Certam. Epist. 310. ‘For looking on him (as he writes) as a generous and ingenuous Adversa­ry, I should count it no crime to be ambitious of your society and friend­ship, had not my great decay of sight (besides other infirmities growing on me) rendred me more desirous of a private and retired life, than of such an agreeable conversation.’ And so apprehensive was he of his approach­ing End, that he elsewhere tells his Reader, ‘The small remainder of my life will be better spent in looking back upon those errors, which the infirmities of nature and other hu­mane frailties, have made me subject to, that so I may redeem the time, because my former days were evil.’ And I can truly say, that of those short Me­moirs which he left behind him of the [Page 271] eleven first Lustrums of his Life (for they extended no further) he ever and anon intersperses some Religious Sentence or other, relating to those Vicissitudes, with which the Divine Providence was pleased to exercise him, to express the devout affections that he had toward his Maker and Redeemer; taking all occasions, according to the various ac­cidents aud occurrences that happened unto him, to stir up his Soul, either to magnifie the Mercies, or acknowledg the Justice, or adore the Wisdom, or trust in the Power, or rely upon the promises of God. When Sir W. S. one of his Adversaries was surprized with the Advertisements, that were so speedily made upon one of his Books, and twit­ted him with having numerous Helpers; conceiving it impossible, that a Trea­tise so accurately writ should be expo­sed to publick light within so short a space of time; the Doctor replies, ‘Tho I cannot say that I have many H [...]lpers, yet I cannot but confess in [Page 272] all humble Gratitude, that I have one great Helper, which is instar [...]mnium, even the Lord my God: Auxilium meum a Domino, my help cometh even from the Lord which made Heaven and Earth. And I can say with the like humble acknowledgments of Gods mercies to me, as Iacob did, when he was ask'd about the quick dispatch which he made in preparing savoury meat for his aged Father, Voluntas Dei fuit ut tam citò occurreret mihi quod volebam, Gen. 27. 20. It is Gods good­ness and his only, that I am able to do what I do.’

That name is yet to be mentioned, that was ever loaded with more re­proach and infamy than Dr. Heylyn's. And he ever kept silence, unless it was when he was accused of gross errors against any Fundamentals in Religion: For that he looked upon to be a self-conviction; having that advice of St. Hierom frequently in his Writings, but oftener in his thoughts, In suspicione haereseos se nolle quenquem fore patien­tem. [Page 273] But as for private whispers or bold calumnies, which reach'd only to the private concerns of his Name and Repute, they did not in the least move him; having long learned with him in the old Historian (as he once told one of his friends) civili animo la­ceratam existimationem ferre, to bear with an undisturbed mind the greatest calumnies which either the tongues or pens of malicious men could lay upon him. But when ever the concerns of Church or State in general, or his Friends in particular required his hel­ping hand, then like the dumb Son of Craesus, he found a Tongue (and a Pen too) tho no extremity of his own (un­less in the Instance now mentioned) could remove him from his espoused silence.

And as he had learned to contemn calumnies himself; so he endeavoured to fix the same resolution in the poor ejected Clergy; Cert. Epistola. Epist. Ded. thus writing to them, ‘You, my Brethren, who have [Page 274] been so long trained up in the School of patience; the suffering of Re­proaches, whether from theTongue or Pen, from the Press or Pulpit, can­not be taken out as a new Lesson, never learnt before. I know I speak to men, who are not to be put in mind of that which you have learned in Aesop's Fables: In one of the Morals, you are taught to imitate those gene­rous Horses, Qui latrantes caniculos cum contemptu praetereunt, which use to pass by barking Curs with neglect and scorn: Or to be told of that which you once read in the Annals of Tacitus, Tacit. Anal. l. 13. viz. Convitia spreta exo­lescunt, Those contu­melies die soonest, that are least re­garded: or to be remembred of that memorable saying of St. Cyprian, who had suffered as much in this kind, as the most amongst us; but having suf­fered no more from the tongues of his enemies, than Christ our Saviour did before from the hands of Iudas, [Page 275] he thus encouraged himself and others by this golden sentence, Nec nobis turpe esse pati, quae passus est Christus; nec illis gloriam facere, quae fecerit Judas. Which passages, tho very full of use and comfort, how infinitely short are they of that cele­stial consolation, which our Saviour gives us in his Gospel, pronouncing a Blessing upon all those who are perse­cuted and reviled, and against whom all manner of evil is falsly spoken for his name sake; assuring them, that it should be cause of gladness and rejoy­cing to them in this present life, and of great reward in Heaven for the life to come. Let us therefore be­have our selves with such Sobriety and Moderation, such Piety and Christian Candor, that the ignorance of foolish men may be put to silence, and that all those who speak against us as evil-doers, may be convicted of their faults and malicious speaking, before God and man.—Let us en­tertain Fortune bythe day, and pa­tiently [Page 276] submit our selves to the ap­pointments of that heavenly Provi­dence, which powerfully disposeth all things to the good of the Uni­verse. So doing we shall shew our selves the Followers of that Lamb of God, who opened not his mouth be­fore the Shearers; the Scholars of that gracious Master, who when he was reviled, reviled not again, nor used any unbecoming speeches in the midst of his sufferings.’

Nor were these the only instances of Christian Goodness, that were conspicu­ous in this Reverend person. His Cha­rity was more than verbal or persua­sive. For not to enlarge upon those par­ticular Testimonies of his Liberality to private Christians in relieving their Wants, as well as rescuing them from their Errors and evil Principles (of which there might be given consider­able Instances) those publick demon­strations of his Bounty and Generosity in contributing to the necessities of his Prince, not only to his power, but be­yond [Page 277] his power, ought not to be passed over in silence. For first in the year 1639. when King Charles I. began his Journey against the Scots, the English Clergy by means of Arch-Bishop Laud (but first thought on and proposed by Dr. Heylyn) were aiding and assisting to his Majesty in their speedy and li­beral Contributions; and the Doctor for his Parsonage of Alresford gave 50 l. for South-Warnb. 20 Marks; and at that time he was in the First-Fruits for it. He was the very first of of the Clergy that subscribed in Ham­pshire, and his example proved so pow­erful, that in that very County, the sum of what was given by the Clergy amounted to no less than 1348 l. 2 s. 4 d. In the year 1642. when the War was actually begun, he attending up­on his Royal Master at Reading, made a Present to him of Money and Plate, to the value of 100 l. Neither was his liberal hand defective in some other In­stances of Bounty; for An. Dom. 2634. he gave 20 l. toward the repairing of [Page 278] S. Pauls Church. And after the return of King Charles II. tho by the neglect of his Friends he was rendred an object of scorn and triumph to his Enemies, yet he gave in the Royal Benevolence 50 l. for his Parsonage of Alresford, besides his share of 1000 l. as he was Preben­dary of Westminster.

And that which enabled him to do these and many other such Charitable acts, was an honest Providence or Thrift; that being (as one calls it) the Fuel of Magnificence. And certainly our Churches, with other Monuments of Honor, that are in this and other Nations erected to the Worship of God and the benefit of mankind, were no more built by the riotous prodigal Spend-thrift, than by the penurious Mammonist.

Temperance is the common Atten­dant of Frugality: in the exercise of which Virtue, the Doctor was a perfect Christian Philososopher. For in what ever he eat or drank, he confined him­self to simple nourishments, designing [Page 279] only to satisfie natures necessities; but never irritating his Appetite with any artificial Delicacies either of Meat or Drink. And of all the calumnies with which his Reputation was sullied and aspersed, none of his virulent Ene­mies had the confidence ever to charge him either with incontinency or inso­briety. For he never gratified or diver­ted himself in any wanton behaviour or brutish desires. And the only rea­son that induced him so soon to sorsake the Seat of the Muses and enter into the state of Marriage, was to avoid all unchast and impure inclinations, and to be possessed of an habitual cha­stity of mind, as well as of body. To preserve which, he had not only a con­tinual watchfulness over his Appetite, being never seen raised by Drink be­yond his usual chearfulness; but like the holy Apostle he was in weariness and painful­ness, 2 Cor. 11. 27. in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often. His Study was seldom without his compa­ny, [Page 280] except his Meals, or necessary busi­ness, or the Rules of Civility obliged him to take his leave of it. Little or no exercise was allowed by him for his bodily health, except walking in his House or Garden; and then he was digesting and fixing those Notions and Observations in his mind, which he had before read, or caused to be read to him. His Fastings or Abstinencies were not only very frequent, but so long and tedious, Psal. 32. 4. that his bodily moisture was turned into the drought of Summer; and his digestive faculty became so de­bilitated and depraved, that he was very often subject unto Fevers. And perhaps the severity and frequency of his Fastings might be the cause of his little and short Angers, which were quickly raised and as speedily still'd and calmed in him; and were also ren­dred very tolerable unto those on whom they lighted, not only by the shortness fo their continuance, but by the wonderful goodness of his Nature, [Page 281] which express'd it self (as in many other things, so) in an habitual pleasantness and chearfulness of conversation, and a tender compassion to all persons that groaned under the weight of any Trou­ble or Affliction.

The Son of Syrach re­sembles Ecclus. c. 34. 2, 7. him, that regar­deth dreams, to one that catcheth at a shadow, and followeth af­ter the wind, And he gives a reason, For dreams have deceived many, and those have failed that have put their trust in them. But notwithstanding his decrying of Dreams as vain and foolish; yet in the very same Chapter he intimates, Verse 6. that if they be sent from the most High in our Visitation, we may then set our hearts upon them. And such a Dream as this had our Reverend Do­ctor of his approaching End. For on Saturday night before his fatal Sick­ness, he had this Dream, viz. That being in an extraordinary pleasant Place, and admiring the beauty and [Page 282] glory of it, he saw King Charles I. his Martyr'd Master, and heard him spea­king to him in these words, viz. Peter, I will have you buried under your Seat at Church, for you are rarely seen but there, or in your Study. This Dream he related to his Wife the very next morning, telling her it was extraordi­nary and significant, and desired her that his Burial might be exactly ac­cording to it. On the Monday he pur­chased an House in the Almonry, and the same day had the Writings Sealed and the Money paid; and at night told his dear Companion, that he had bought that House on purpose near the Abbey, that she might be near the Church, and serve God after his Copy and Example. And renewing the charge to her, he went to Bed in as good bodi­ly health, as he had done before for many years; but after his first sleep, he found himself taken with a violent Fever, occasioned (as was conceived by his Physician) by eating of a little Tansey at Supper. It seized him, [Page 283] May 1. 1662. and deprived him of his understanding for seven days: the eighth day he died; but for some hours before had the use of his Faculties re­stored to him, telling one of the Vergers of the Church, who came to him; I know it is Church-time with you, and this is As [...]ension-day, I am ascending to the Church triumphant, I go to my God and Saviour, into Ioys Celestial, and to Hal­lelujahs Eternal. He died in his great Climacterical upon Ascension-day 1662. when our Blessed Saviour entred into his Glory, and as a Harbinger went to prepare his place for all his faithful Followers and Disciples.

The Synagogus annexed to Mr. Herbert's Poems.

As for the Off-spring of his Loins, God gave him the blessing of the Reli­gious man in Psalm 128. his Wife be­ing like a fruitful Vine, and his Chil­dren (being in all eleven) as Olive-plants encompassed his Table: nay he saw his Childrens Children, and (which to him was more than all) he saw peace upon Israel; i. e. the Church and State restored, quieted and established after [Page 286] many concussions and confusions, and a total Abolition of their Government.

But the issue of his Brain was far more numerous, than that of his Body; as will appear by the following Cata­logue of Books written by him, viz.

Spurius, a Tragedy MSS. Written An. Dom. 1616.

Theomachia, a Comedy, MSS. 1619.

Geography, twice Printed at Oxon: in Quarto, 1621. 1624. and four times in London; but afterward in 1652. enlarged into a Folio, under the Title of Cosmography.

An Essay call'd Augustus, 1631. in­serted since into his Cosmography.

The History of St. George, London, 1631. Reprinted 1633.

The History of the Sabbath, 1635. Reprinted 1636.

An Answer to the Bishop of Lincolns Letter to the Vicar of Grantham, 1636. Afterward twice Reprinted.

An Answer to Mr. Burtons two Se­ditious Sermons, 1637.

[Page 287] A short Treatise concerning a Form of Prayer to be used according to what is enjoyned in the 55. Canon, MSS. Written at the request of the Bishop of Winchester.

Antidotum Lincolniense, or an An­swer to the Bishop of Lincoln's Book, entituled, Holy-Table, Name and Thing, 1637. Reprinted 1638.

An uniform Book of Articles, fitted for Bishops and Arch-Deacons in their Visitations, 1640.

De Iure partialis Episcoporum, or containing the Peerage of the Bi­shops. Printed in the last Collection of his Works, 1681.

A Reply to Dr. Hackwel, concerning the Sacrifice of the Eucharist MSS. 1641.

A Help to English History, contain­ing a Succession of all the Kings, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Bishops, &c. of England and Wales, Written An. Dom. 1641. under the name of Robert Hall, but now enlarged under the name of Dr. Heylyn.

[Page 288] The History of Episcopacy, London, 1641. And now Reprinted, 1681.

The History of Liturgies, Written 1642. and now Reprinted, 1681.

A Relation of the Lord Hopton's Vi­ctory at Bodmin.

A View of the Proceedings in the West for a Pacification.

A Letter to a Gentleman in Leice­stershire about the Treaty.

A Relation of the Proceedings of Sir Iohn Gell.

A Relation of the Queens return from Holland, and the Siege of Newark.

The +, or Black Cross, shewing that the Londoners were the cause of the Rebellion.

The Rebels Catechism. All these se­ven Printed at Oxon, 1644.

An Answer to the Papists Ground­less Clamor, who nick-name the Reli­gion of the Church of England by th [...] name of a Parliamentary Religion, 1644. and now Reprinted, 1681.

A Relation of the Death and Suffer­ings of William Laud, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, 1644.

[Page 289] The Stumbling-Block of Disobedi­ence removed. Written 1644. Printed 1658. and Reprinted 1681.

An Exposition of the Creed. Folio. London, 1654.

A Survey of France, with an ac­count of the Isles of Guernsey and Ier­sey. London, 1656. Quarto.

Examen Historicum, or a Discovery and Examination of the Mistakes, Fa [...] ­sities and Defects in some modern Hi­stories: in two Books. London, 1659. Octavo.

Certamen Epistolare, or the Letter-Combat managed with Mr. Baxter, Dr. Bernard, Mr. Hickman, and I. H. Esq London, 1658 Octavo.

Historia Quinque-Articularies. Quarto. London, 1660. Reprinted, 1681.

Respondet Petrus, or, An Answer of Peter Heylyn, D. D. to Dr. Bernards Book, entituled, The Iudgment of the late Primate, &c. London, 1658. Quarto.

Observations on Mr. Ham. L'Strange's [Page 290] History, on the Life of King Charles I. London, 1658. Octavo.

Extraneus Vapulans, or a Defence of those Observations. London, 1658. Octavo.

A Short History of King Charles I. from his Cradle to his Grave, 1658.

Thirteen Sermons; some of which are an Exposition of the Parable of the Tares, London, 1659. Reprinted 1661.

The History of the Reformation. London, 1661. Fol.

Cyprianus Anglicus; or the Hi­story of the Life and Death of Arch-Bishop Laud. Folio. London, 1668.

Aërius Redivivus, or the History of the Presbyterians, from the year 1636, to the year 1647. Oxon. 1670. Fol.

His Monument has, since the erecti­on of it, had violence offered it by some rude and irreligious hand; there being ever in the world those ill men, who regard the Names of the Learned, neither whilst they are living, nor [Page 291] when they are dead. It is erected on the North-side of the Abbey in West­minster, over against the Sub-Deans Seat; and the Right Reverend Dr. Earl, then Dean of Westminster, and afterward Bishop of Salisbury, was pleased to honor the memory of his dear Friend with this following Inscri­ption.