THE True Englishman's Choice OF Parliament-Men. IN Answer to a Paper Intituled, THE DANGER OF Mercenary Parliaments.

WITH Short Observations what Persons ought chiefly to be avoided in Elections.

LONDON: Printed for A. Baldwin at the Oxford-Armes in Warwick-Lane. 1698.

THE True Englishman's Choice OF Parliament-Men. In Answer to a Paper Entituled, THE Danger of Mercenary Parliaments.

THAT the well Meaning People of Eng­land may not be imposed on, by the Trea­cherous Disguises of Men of Foriegn Al­legiance, either to the Shadow of a King, or the Idol at Rome; 'twill be requisite to detect that Specious Address to 'em, which, with pretence of cautioning them against Mercenary Parliaments, would make way for such Persons as lost their pre­ferments upon the Revolution, or expect greater by a Change: As if these were more fit to be Trusted than they, who are now possess'd of any Places and Pre­ferments depending upon the Gift and Pleasure of His present Majesty; Page 1. whose Gift and Pleasure must be suppos'd, tho' not nam'd.

What is the Nature of our Parliaments, and the Interest of England in the following choice, I should think not to be well understood by one, who is no better acquainted with the Proprieties of the English Tongue than to suppose, that new Laws are neces­sary among other ends, Pag. 1. And Abrogating such as were found burden­sum and obso­lete. for Abrogating such as were Obsolete, and so fell of themselves; who thinks he's very Rhetorical in talking of the Oppression of those de­vouring Harpies, who would tear of the yet green and flourishing Laurels from King William's Majestick Brows; Page 8. and, to use his own Phrase, whose diligence to support his Party, Does infer their thoughts, that the Majority, &c. Infers his thoughts, that the Majority of Electors are capable of being impos'd upon in such a Gross and Ʋnexampled manner, as to take measures for the preserving their Religion, Lives, Liberties and Estates from them, who have an apparent de­sign to destroy that Government, which by God's wonderful Providence, and Favour to it, has secured those invaluable Blessings, notwithstanding the al­most insuperable Difficulties, from Domestick Divi­sions, the visible effects of the old Popish Plot in the Corruption of the Coin; and the mighty force and artifices of an Enemy, against whom, none but His present Majesty, with an English Parliament and Sol­diers, could have made Head.

When so great a number of the Gentry of this Land were bribed by their Expectations of Rewards for joyning with the Enemy, or not opposing him; that Ninety odd of the House of Commons, and some Men of considerable Estates, refused to enter into a Voluntary Association for Mutual Defence against an impending Invasion; 'twas certainly happy for the [Page 3]Nation, that many were by Places under this Go­vernment oblig'd, not only in Gratitude, but by immediate Interest, to secure to themselves those ad­vantages for which others gaped, and which they expected to gain by Sacrificeing their Religion, and their Country, to a fond Ambition of making up the Train of a Conquering Invader.

Whoever considers impartially, will find, that 'twas as fortunate for England, that numbers had Places and Preferments depending upon the Pleasure of this Government, as it has been, that the Church-Lands were, upon the Dissolution of Religious Houses, falsely so call'd, distributed among the Nobility and Gentry; without which, in all probability, England would before now have Groan'd under a Popish Yoak: The Restitution of which, we may well take to be his desire, who plainly Insinuates, that all Persons, without distinction, who are now possess'd of any Places and Preferments depending on His Majest'y pleasure, Pag. 1. are to be refused upon the Com­petition for Members of the ensuing Parliament. But what Rule inf [...]rs this his thoughts, that all these are Writers Delinquents, I cannot understand, Pag. 2. un­less he will have it to be a Crime to accept of any Reward for pass'd Services to the present Govern­ment, or Engagement to future.

Any Man may judge, whether he has not a strong Affection for the late King James's Reign, Pag. 3. who seems wholly to forget what Encouragement Yet cannot we say, that his mismanagement is to be asc [...]i [...]ed to the corrupti­on of any Parli­ament Sitting in his time. his Parliament gave to those arbitrary proceedings which were to make way for Popery, by their Slavish Silence after his illegal raising of Taxes, tho' the [Page 4]Grant of them had expired: And however, he shews a Manifest dissaffection to this Government, in run­ning a false and malicious parallel between the Par­liaments of King Charles II. of most Pious Memory, and those which have concurred with His present Majesty, in preserving that Constitution, which they in that Debauched Reign Laboured by all means possible to destroy.

While all Englishmen justly abhor those, who re­ceived Places or Pensions to sell their Country; they cannot but look upon advantages under his present Majesty, as so many Ensigns of Honour and Recom­mendations to their Choice; and surely they can­not be forgetful of the bold steps in late Reigns to­wards advancing Popery, by the making Laws to ruine the Dissenters only in the first place; the open Threats and Violence, to deprive Men of that free­dom of Elections, which is an essential part of our Constitution of the main Security for the rest; and that Trayterous Surrender of Charters, which look all choice from the People, and placed in a Popish-Court.

Are these the Men to be prefer'd before those, who have merited Officers, by signalizing them­selves in the War; those particularly, who at the Siege of Namur, raised the English Glory to a grea­ter height under King William, than ever it was be­fore under any of our most Victorious Kings? And to me it seems, that no less praise and retribution is due to them, who in Counsels have Fought and Conquer'd Crafty Leaders, exercised in all the Frauds and Tricks of former Reigns, and have given [Page 5]convincing Proofs, Pag. 3. 'Tis this has chang'd the ve­ry Nature of English Men, and of Valiant, made them Cowards of E­loquent Dumb. Pag. 7. that the Nature of Englishmen is not changed in them, but that their Native valour, and unforced eloquence, have distinguished them in the preservation of England, and thereby Enti­tuled them to his Majesty's favour.

Very few I dare say, will agree with this Gentle­man, that whoever should Vote for any one Person so qualifyed, as much as in him lies makes a Complement of all the Liberties of England, to the insatiable Avarice and Ambition of Statesmen and Court Ministers: Nor can he be thought a Friend to England, who would make opposing the present Court and Ministry, the Characteristic of a true lover of his Country, be­cause 'twas so when the Court was in a Foreign In­terest, and had designs which could not be brought about, but by the subversion of the Constitution; whereas the very being as well as security of this Court, depends upon the Restoring and Supporting the Fundamental Liberties of the Nation; and above all the rest, that of free Elections.

The false Colours in his Comparison are so gross, that there's the less need of exposing those, with which this warm Writer would deface the proceed­ings of the last Parliament, to which it may seem not improper to apply that of our Saviour, for which of their good deeds would he Stone them?

The whole House of Commons he charges with Eat­ing their own Words, Pag. 4. and Countervoting what they had just before resolved on: but the instances are left to imagination. Suppos'd Mercenary Members are said to have Voted their fellow Criminals innocent; but the Persons, and Proofs of their Crimes, are to seek. [Page 6]The not passing a Bill for incapaciating Members of Parliament to bear Offices, is one great aggravati­on; as if either to have an Office, or to be a Parli­ament Man in King William's Reign, were an offence, to be punished by a new Law. While the Vote of an House of Commons, or Bill there, is by him Exalted to an Act of Parliament, their applauding His Ma­jesty's Bounty to a Person, who has eminently ser­ved the Publick, is made a Criminal approbation of the misapplying what had been set apart for the pub­lick Service; tho' 'twill be difficult for him to shew, that the Grant was of any thing so much as intend­ed to be appropriated; and tho' in the intention de­clared, there was an Express Reference to His Ma­jesty's Pleasure, to Reward such as he should judge deserving. And yet if his powerful Art of perver­ting can succeed, the Vote of the House of Commons upon this occasion, shall stand recorded in their own Journals to the never-dying Infamy of that Mercenary Assembly, as he calls them. The Men of Peacea­ble Dispositions and considerable Estates, Pag. 4. who were for a sufficient force to maintain the Peace, and their Estates, against Foreign and Domestick Enemies, are supposed to have turn'd Villains for pay. The Ad­mirals are accused for their commendable Imparti­ality, Ib. Of Honest Men Villains. in confessing, that the Nation could not be defended without Land as well as Sea Forces, knowing from Divine Authority, that the Eye can-cannot say to the Hand, there's no need of you.

This is the substance of the Arguments, Pag. 4. that bare­fac'd and openly avowed Corruption, had infatuated our Prudence, stagger'd our Constancy, Sullied our Re­pulation, [Page 7]and Introduced a Total Defection from all rue English Principles.

Which Imputation will more justly fall upon those Common-Wealths-Men, or other pretended Patri­ots, who, to use some of this Gentlemans Elegancies, From their Infancie had Imbibed no other notions than what conduced to the Publick Safety, whose Principles were further improved and confirmed, by the Advanta­ges of a suitable Conversation; And yet are now become Renegades to King James's Party, as if the Restoring him were the most proper means Con­duceing to the Publick Safety: But surely all that wish well to England, will apprehend Mischief to be at the Bottom, when Herod and Pilat lay aside their old Enmyties.

Nor can the People of England, be unmindful of the fundamental Maxim of Authors, now cryed up by the Jacobites, as well as the Com­mon-Wealths Men, that the Ballance of Power fol­lows the Ballance of Property: And therefore they will be glad to find His Majesty to secure the Ballance to his Side, by disposing the Offices of the Kingdom, to His and the Nations Friends: Their main Trouble in this matter, is to observe the Opposition to the National Interest, to be strengthned and encouraged by them, who with their false Politicks, pretend, that they who are in a Plot against this Government, are to be bought off.

If any one numerous Family can render them­selves so formidable by their Union, as to make it seem His Majesties Interest, to give them the [Page 8]Choice of the most profitable Places; how strong would our present Establishment be, if none were admitted into any Employment, who had not giv­en clear Proof of his Zeal for the Publick; and 'twere evidently known, there could be no Temptation of that kind to disserve it?

But methinks this Gentleman, shews as mean an opinion of the understandings of Englishmen, as he does of His Majesties, while he hopes to wheadle them into a perswasion, that Courts have been the same in all Ages; and His Majesty into a confidence of his Zeal for his Majesties Honour and Service, the plain drift of whose paper is to perswade Men, that the only danger to the Constitution is from them, who are interested in the Preservation of His Majesties Person and Government: Nor does he Scrupple to assert, that this is the last Struggle and effort the People of England have left them for their Properties; as if Property had been notoriously invaded by the King and his Ministers: But in Truth the Struggle which this Person must mean, can be no other, than for a new distribution of Property upon the Change, either of the form of the Government, or of the King: Whose Reign is as much reflected on as King Charles's, which he calls Profligate and Villanous: Pag. 2. Pag. 7. And since he is Positive, that one Session more of the last Parliament, would infallibly have ruin'd our Constitution; 'tis no Question whose Consent would (according to this Suggestion) infallibly have contributed to it's Ruine.

Tho' the Deliverance from King James and Popery, is much more than a Pretence, it cannot but be understood who is included in his Reflective Opinion, Pag. 6. In this Sense, I am of their Opinion that, &c. * That we are not quite delivered from the fear of King James, who must be made the In­strument of our Slavery by those very Persons, who pretend their greatest Merit to consist, in delivering us from him.

But if his opinion were no more dangerous than his reasoning, it would do no great Hurt; 'tis certain many cannot be wrought up by his war­mth to believe, that King James was a meer Bug­bear, while his pretended Title was supported by the Arms of France; Pag. 6. Is it the Fear of King James that makes us content he should Live so near us. because little danger is now apprehended from his living under the Protection of that King; which cannot be extended further than his Person, but by a Violation of that Peace, which all Europe is concerned to maintain.

But he who represents the former use of the just fear of King James, as a vile Art and Practice to Rack the Nation with Taxes, cannot but be thought deservedly to incur the Name of Conspi­rator, which he so freely bestows upon those Members of the last Parliament, who truly me­rited of their Country, by making others sensible of the Danger they were in, while King James had hopes of Landing upon us, with great part of the force of France.

Tho' 'tis evident who have been the Conspi­rators; I must confess the Word Apostate, cannot be applyed with much certainty, till 'tis known from what Principle or Party they are fallen: [Page 10]I should be glad, it 'twere possible, that such a Parliament were chosen, wherein every Member were, as he expresses himself, under no Temptation; and acted by no other Motives, but the real and true interest of his Majesty, and his Dominions.

But can he expect to be thought sincere, in his pretended desire, that their united Interest should thrive, who takes such pains to divide them, and to disable those who have given Proof of their Abilities and Zeal, to serve the King as the Common Parent of their Country?

Against this few can be thought more openly to conspire, than they who are so free in Cal­ling others Conspirators, Pag. 5. These Apostates pretend to va­lue themselves upon that most destructive pro­ject of [...]quer Bil [...] and Apostates; for being eminently instrumental in Supplying the Neces­sities of the Publick, and in effect encreasing the Species of money at a time, when so much could not but lye Dead in the Mint: nothing is more certain, than that this Expedient was very beneficial to the Publick; tho' the exorbitant a­varice of moneyed Men, turn'd it to the preju­dice of many particular Persons.

But this Gentleman must have a great opinion of the Power of his Rhetorick, if he thinks his Invectives against His Majestie's faithfull Subjects and Servants, can Charm the Citizens and Burgesses into a forgetfullness; who were the Men that, before the discovery of the Assassination Plot, advanced so far towards the total Subversion of that Part of the Constitution, which Preserves the Ballance of the Government, by a truely Popular Interest, in that Freedom which Cittes and Boroughs have had, from [Page 11]Ages long since passed, for Chuseing fit Persons of their own Bodies, without Confineing them to the Landed Gentry.

'Tis well kown who were so vain as to make their boasts, that they should keep out the Green-Apron Men: Therefore 'twill be but a just return, for the Green-Apron Men to keep them, from the like Power of Insulting over them: Nor is it to be doubted, but they will, in the most proper Method, express their Gratitude to Mr. Montague, Sir Thomas Littleton, Mr. Clerk, Sir Joseph Tily and others, who, if Reason could have prevailed with Men obstinately bent upon Destroying the Constitution; would have Argued them out of their Pernicious Attempt, for a Form of Government more near an Oligarchy, to bring it by degrees to a French or Turkish Monar­chy.

Since Mankind cannot be thought wholy Disin­terested, and is subject to Temptations of several kinds; the short Question to be Considered upon this Election is.

Who are to be Chosen as most likely to Answer the End, which this Gentleman would be thought to Propose, The true and real Interest of His Majesty and His Dominions; they whose Principles or Ex­pectations Byass them towards the Late King, or other Change of the Establish'd Government; or they whose Value for that Constitution which King William Restored, that Religion which he Rescued, and their own share in the Benefits of His Reign, Incite them to a Vigorous pursuit of the ends, for which they are Chosen by English Pro­testants.

The Choice will be obvious, when Men have due­ly considered who ought to be refused; and I doubt not but these Persons will generally be Rejected with Scorn.

  • 1. They who were for the Common-Wealth of a Regency.
  • 2. Non-Associators,
  • 3. Non-Jurors, or, Late Swearers to this Go­vernment; after the Battle at the Boyn, or the Peace which France, had wrought Hipocritical Con­versions.
  • 4. The Instruments of the Tyrany and Usurpations of former Reigns.
  • 5. Persons justly suspected to have been in the Plot against this Government; or assisting to it, or conniving at it.
  • 6. Such as have lost Places for adhearing to the late King.
  • 7. They who have manifested a desire of getting Places, or otherwise improving their Fortunes, upon the letting in of Popery, or Popish-Powers.
  • 8. They who were for Depriveing the Cities and Boroughs, of the Fundamental Liberty of Chuseing Representatives from among themselves: And for defeating Elections in the Counties, after they had been made; by new contrived Qualifications, of doubtful construction.
FINIS.

ERRATA.

PAge 3 Line 20. Read Majestie's, Ib. l. 22. r. this Writer's d. his, l. 23. d. Writer's. p. 4. l. 9. r. true Englishmen, l. 19. r. and the main, l. 20. r. took, l. 21. r. placed it, l. 24. r. Offices.

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