AS I covet nothing so much as to see the Exorbitant Power of France reduc'd to its ancient bounds; so I am sensible no Nation upon Earth can stop the rapid Course of their Victories but Ours, whose Valour still fills their hearts with no less fear then their late Succes­ses have done with ambition: But I confess the consideration of Ourpresent unhappy differences makes me dread losing the opportunity of rescuing ensla­ved Christendom from their Tyrany, and Our own Glory from the stains of Infamy, contracted b [...] [...]he over-long repose of our Arms. This fear I look upon to be well-grounded, since no less a thing is said to be in agitation then a change in the very Fundamentals of our Government, which like a distemper that seizes the noble Parts, must (after the long struglings and conflicts of the contending parties;) extremely weaken. if not absolutely destroy it, as is evident by the no less impious then doleful examples of all Ages; And if that should once happen, (which God in his Mercy prevent,) who would be able to resist the mighty Force of France? or what could England (which alone, if united, is capable to prevent it,) expect but with the rest of Europe, (and upon harder conditions then any other Nation) be swallow'd up in the Univer­sal Monarchy? To prevent which, since nothing can more effectually con­tribute then a firm and lasting Union among Our selves, which is morally impossible to be attained, if once the ancient and fundamental form of Go­vernment, under which this Nation has (to its Immortal Renown, and its Enemies Terror,) flourished so many Generations, be now abolised. I thought fit in a Soldierly manner, and en Cavalier, to shew you that the just exclusion of His Royal Highness from the Imperial Crown of this Realm, (in case the King should die without Issue) is absolutely impossible; and this I do on no other account, but because I believe it may do my Country good, whose In­terest, as well as Glory, it will be, to have a Prince of Martial Spirit Reign over Us, by whose Valour Our almost withered Lawrels may once more be planted in French-ground, moisten'd and made fat with the Bloud of our implacable Enemies, and nourish'd and rear'd up to that Strength and Vigour they formerly enjoyed by the Courage and Conduct of our Ance­stors.

You know it is the common Theme of the Town-Scriblers, than Mo­narchy is a meer Humane Institution, alterable in Part; or in the Whole, as often as the Governour and Governed shall think it necessary for their com­mon Safety. That the King for the time being is the Supreme Governour, and the whole Aggregate of People the Governed. That these being not otherwise easily to be assembled, are some personally, and the rest by their Represen­tatives in Parliament. That whatever Law or Sanction, the King, with the advice and consent of his People so conven'd does Enact, binds the whole Nation; and that consequently it is in their Power to exclude His R. H. the Succession, or, which is the same thing, to turn the Hereditary Monarchy into an Elective.

This Position, (how injurious soever to a Successor,) is more dangerous to a Prince Regnant, who if weak, easie, or inconsiderate, may, through hope, or fear, be prevail'd upon to yield to his own dethroning, and ex­change his actual Royalty for an Annuity or yearly Pension; whereas the other loses only a possibility of a Crown, with this further advantage, That most Men will think him worthy of wearing it, because not the want of Courage and Magnanimity, but of Interest and Power creates his Misfortune. What­ever then shall be said to shew the impracticableness of this Position here in England, is as much intended to secure the Possession of His most Sacred Majesty, or any other that shall lawfully fill the Throne, as the possibility which His R. H. now has, or any other Heir Apparent may have in after Ages. It is indeed a Royal Cause, and as such to be maintain'd by the Swords and Pens of all good Subjects, of which number I profess my self to be one, and in evidence of my Loyalty say,

1. That since England is de facto a Hereditary Kingdom, and every King for the time being, with the help of his Parliaments entrusted with the Go­vernment of it as such; it follows, that as he cannot alien or subject it to another Crown or Person, because the alienation of a Kingdom is so far from being comprehended in the Government of it, by him (to whom first com­mitted) and his Heirs, that it is directly repugnant and inconsistent with it, so he cannot alter the course and order of Succession, which is a kind of aliena­tion, because it transfers the Title to one who (without such an Act) would have none; and consequently any Monarch attempting the Destru­ction of the very Form and Essence of such a Government, may be thought rather to frustrate in some measure part of the Trust reposed in him, and stray from his Duty, then vitiate his Successors Title to the Kingdom.

2. If both Houses of Parliament should be allowed to have a share in the Government in a co-ordinate manner with the King, then the King and they (having the Supreme Power of Governing a Hereditary Mo­narchy committed to their Charge, and nothing else,) have no autho­rity to alter or destroy it; because a Power to support and maintain a Government, and change and dissolve it, is absolutely inconsistent with it self.

3. This great trust was reposed in them either by God or Man; if by God, then 'tis certain it cannot warrantably be alter'd without his possitive command infallibly known as such; If by Man, we are under the disability until his express Will and Pleasure be made known to us, in a plain, evident and indis­putable way.

God has not yet revealed us his Will or Desire to change our Government, nor are we to look for such extraordinary Injunctions at this time, when the light of the Gospel has sufficiently cleared all the Errors and Doubts that might hinder our Duty; And it is an act of equal Folly and Impiety to attempt an Innovation upon the supposition of being able to know certainly and unquestionably the Will of Man, since that knowledge will (to any that seriously considers the Constitution of this Kingdom) appear absolutely impossible. For if by Man we understand (as we must) the whole Complex of the People, or the Governed, we cannot possibly be satisfied of their being after a full and mature deliberation, desirous of a Change, because we have, or at least will use no other way of knowing their minds, but by their Representatives in Parliament; and these whom we commonly call Represen­tatives are either not so at all; or if they be, do not derive their Power from a third part of the Nation, and consequently cannot impart a knowledge to us, which they themselves never had, or execute an Authority which was never given 'em, according to the old Maxim, nemo dat quod non habet; The reason why they may be thought to be no Representatives at all, is, because if the ultimate and last result of Power, such as is doubtless the disposing of the Crown, be in the King and Parliament only, it cannot rationally be said, That the Parliament is the People which is always to be the party Governed; it being as impossible that they should at one and the same time, and in the same respect, be both Governours and Governed, as it is for me to be Master and Servant, in regard to my self singly and alone. But to wave this, which may possibly be looked upon as a subtilty or strained Notion; I say that the Parliament as now usually Elected, is not at all the Representative of the People; I mean so as to have such an actual or virtual Deputation or Com­mission from every individual person, as may enable them to exercise all the Acts relating to Government, as arbitrarily, and without controll; as if all the People were personally present, and consenting to such Acts. For none have Votes in Elections, but Free-holders of at least forty Shillings a Year, and Citizens and Burgesses, and consequently all Lessees for Years, Grantees of Annuities for Years: Men that live upon the Interest, and Product of their Money: The greatest part of the Clergy, all Soldiers, and Seamen in general, most of the young Nobility and Gentry, who besides their possibilities of Ro­mainders, seldom have any thing for their maintenance but their Parents allowances; And in fine, the whole number of Labourers, Servants, Arti­ficers, and Tradesmen, not residing in, or at least free of Cities and Boroughs, are totally excluded, and consequently no more represented by the Parlia­ment, then the Attorney you authorized to appear for you this Term in a Suit at Westminster, is warranted by the Authority you gave him, to appear likewise for me without my knowledge or privity; And what can be more unequal, not to say unjust, then that a numerous and upon due computation the far greatest part of the Nation, that are Passengers in the great Ship of the Commonwealth, as well as the rest, should be debarred their right of choosing a Master or Pilot, to whose Skill and Care they commit their common safety? Have they not their Liberty, their Property, their Religion; and in a word, the present enjoyments of this, and in some measure the hopes of a future Life to be secured or hazarded by the good or ill Conduct of their Governour? And must this, all this be left to the Arbitrary Power and Dis­cretion of such, as by chance, perhaps more then merit, have acquired the Possession of some Land, or are free of Boroughs and Cities? If a Free­hold of forty Shillings per annum, intitles one to as a great a share of the [Page 4] Legislative Power, as that of five thousand Pound does another, what shew of Reason can there be, why one whose Goods and Chattels amount to ten times the value of such a Free-hold, and has peradventure a Stock of Repu­tation, Honesty and Wisdom as many degrees beyond him, should not be equal­ly concern'd in the Government?

But allowing Free-holders, Citizens and Burgesses, some Mysterious and Sacred Right, exclusively of all others, of delegating the Representatives, and irrevocable Attorneys of the whole Kingdom; yet surely there should be such a proportion and equality between them, as would render this mighty Power vested in them, agreeable to Right Reason, and the very nature of Government; But we see no such thing for the meanest Borough; For Ex­ample, Old Sarum deputes as many men to serve in Parliament, as the greatest County in England, with equal Authority, not only of consulting and deba­ting, but likewise of giving their determinative and decisive Voices in all mat­ters and things whatsoever.

Cornwal which is the two and fiftieth part of the Kingdom, makes above an eleventh part of the House of Commons; and yet London, Southwark. and Westminster, which in the Power of Men and Riches, is judged to be a sixth of the whole Nation, is in the Representative but the sixty fourth part. And this Solecism alone in the very constitution of the Government will make it for ever impossible to have the People Represented in any just and rational manner; unless perhaps such course might be taken, as is practiced in Hol­land, where each Province sends as many Deputies as it pleases, with power of proposing and debating, but not of resolving by the Votes of the Persons, but of the Provinces.

It may be here objected that our present Constitution has appointed no other way for choosing Representatives; and that therefore we ought to ac­quiesce: To this I Answer, that it may very well fall our, that nothing may be a clearer and greater hinderance to our having a true and evident know­ledge of the Peoples Desires and Inclinations by their Representatives, then our very Laws; For example, at present the Oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy, and the Test, are to be taken by all the Members of both Houses of Parlia­ment; But if in this, or any after-age, almost the whole, or the far greater part of the Nation, should become true Presbyterians, who abhor our Royal as much as the Papal Supremacy, or Quakers that indeed scruple all Oaths, or Papists that cannot well be suppos'd willing to renounce the whole substance of their Religion; could the few, (who by taking such Oaths, would then be rendred capable of sitting in Parliament,) be properly accounted the Repre­sentatives of a Nation, that could not otherwise look upon them, then as men wicked, irreligious, and perjured, and consequently more forward to heighten then heal their Miseries; To which end no man can be rationally supposed to depute another? No sure, and therefore when Laws which are made for the People, (and not the People for the Laws) do cross and thwart the Right and Interest of the major part of the Society, they then not being able to effect what they were designed for, become useless, and die.

A further Objection will be, that the constant opinion of all Ages has put it beyond doubt, that the Parliament is the Representative of the People; and that all the Acts they pass, do virtually include the consent and agreement of every individual person in the Kingdom: To this I would very readily [Page 5] agree, provided it would be allowed me on the otherhand, (as appears b [...] all our Law Books,) that Monarchy is Jure naturae, and unalterable without apparent Violence by any Humane Power whatsoever; But if the arrogance or malice of some will carry them so far as to trample upon all the Positive and Fundamental Laws of the Land, and publish daily in Print, to the ma­nifest hazard of the State, that all Forms or kinds of Government, are changable at the Will and Pleasure of the People, into that Species which shall by them be thought the most agreeable, to their Natures and Inclinati­ons; I hope it will not be looked upon as a Crime in me, if following the way they chalked out for me, and waving the common received opinion, I like­wise speculatively pry, into the very Constitution and Frame of Parliaments, thereby to shew the impossibility of altering the Succession, But to clear all Objections as far as possible, I say, That the supposition, of the Parliaments representing the People, is a fiction of Law, well devised by the Wisdom of our Ancestors, for quieting and appeasing the minds of all particular men, who could not have a stronger Motive of Submission, or of not believing themselves injured then their being accounted parties and privy to all Acts of Parliament; But this fiction of Law cannot reach the Actual Legislators, as such, since they cannot be supposed to wrong themselves, though they might those by whom commissioned. The Parliament, then when it alters or repeals Laws, lops off the exuberancies and excrescencies, which by the design or heedlesness of the Managers, grow up in the Government, curbs the Pride, A varice and encroachments of great Persons bounds and limits reciprocally the Princes Prerogative and Subjects Liberty; and in fine lends its healing hand towards the removing any thing that is dangerous or noxious to the Body Politick as first constituted, then, I say, it may well enough for its greater Strength and Authority, be allowed the Representative of the whole Body of the People: But if instead of applying fit remedies for its preservation and continuance, they should go about to annihilate or dissolve it, which must inevitably be atten­ded with violent concussions and universal calamities, it cannot, as I said be­fore, be accounted their Representative; because the consequence of such an Act must immediately influence every individual Member of the Society; and 'tis but reason that the common concernment of the ruine or happiness of all; should be left, not by fiction of Law, but in reality, to be weighed by their own Judgment: For if (as some would have it) the Power of Dominion was originally in the People, and by them transferred on one, few or many of themselves, 'tis evident that as every one was actually aiding by his choice and agreement in erecting such a Dominion, so it's necessary he should by the same means concur to its change and destruction.

If it should be said that our Government was first established not by the Votes of Individuals, but by Representatives in the Nature of Parliaments, as now constituted; I Answer, that it could not be, because of the inequality of the choice, which is certain was not in the beginning; (for until the 8th. year of Henry the 6th. as is plain by the Statute then made, the Electors of Knights of the Shire were not under a necessity of having forty Shillings per annum to expend) or if it was, let our Adversaries prove when and where it first be­gan; if they cannot, but confidently and positively affirm it was so, and we as confidently and positively deny it, then 'tis evident; we being in possession, that the advantage will be of our side, for in equali jure melior est conditio possidentis.

4. Having thus far endeavour'd to prove that the Parliament is not the [Page 6] Representative of the People. I further say, That allowing them to be so, yet 'tis certain they assemble not of themselves, but by the King's Writ, which sets forth the occasion of their being call'd, viz. to advise and con­sult, &c. D [...]arduis & urgentibus negotiis Regni, of the great and pressing Affairs of the Kingdom; Now the Kingdom being Hereditary at the time of issuing forth the Writ, and they summoned to appear and give their advice concerning the good Estate and Defence of it as such, 'tis plain they cannot change, alter or destroy it, no more then a Physician sent for, to remove the Pains and Oppressions of Sickness, can lawfully stab or poyson his Patient, who through rage or folly may yield his assent to his own destruction. 'Tis ridiculous and foolish to think that even the very Country would not with high Indignation resent such an attempt, since they know full well that the Election of Mem­bers to constitute the Body Politick of a Parliament, was never intended to destroy the Head and most essential part of it, I mean the Hereditary King­ship, which abstractedly from this or that man, who may give an ill President, and therefore is not intrusted with an absolute disposal of it, is the very Life and Soul of the Government, and without which it must infallibly crumble into pieces.

5. We all know that a Body Politick, which is the Work and Creature of Man, has many resemblances with the Body Natural, which is the Creature of God; for as this aims always at its ease, happiness and long preceptions of the pleasures of this Life, and consequently dreads and abhors Death or Dissolution which puts an end to all, so the other is constant and unwearied in the pursuit of the like ends to that degree, that by its very constitution and essential form we attribute to it a kind of Immortality, whence comes the known Maxim received into our Laws, That the King never dies, that is, that Kingship, not the Persons to whom it is inherent or annexed for this, or that time, is beyond the reach of Fate and Time that puts and end to all things. This then being so, we cannot rationally conclude that our present Sovereign has Will or Power to destroy himself, that is, Hereditary Kingship, which made him what he is, and is as essential to the Politick Capacity he is in, as Supreme Governour, as the rational Soul is to his natural Capacity, as man. To say or judge otherwise, would be no less, then to put him to break all the sacred ties of Love which bind him so strongly to himself, and suppose him capable to be in some measure his own Executioner, and a Felo de se of Monarchy, then which there can be no greater Indignity offered to the Majesty of a Prince whom we all know to be Just, Merciful and Generous to others; and who therefore must so much the more signally practice those Vertues towards him­self, by how much self-respect exceeds that due to another.

6. And lastly, 'Tis evident by several Statutes, that all Knights' of the Shires, and their Electors are to be Inhabitants and Residents in the respective Counties the day of the Writ, and that likewise the Citizens and Burgesses are to be men resident, dwelling and free in the Cities and Boroughs for which they are to be chosen; And right reason teaches us that none ought by sinister and unjust means to [...] into Authority, if therefore any one be previously disabled ahd uncapable to exercise Power by a positive Law, or openly by deceits, calumnies or corruption thrust himself into the Seat of Justice, 'tis certain all his Proceedings and Sanctions do carry a nullity and insufficiency in themselves, and affect none, besides the Maker, who by endeavouring to exercise a Legislative Power against Law and Reason, makes his violation of them so much the more manifest. This often happens in choosing of Par­liament-men [Page 7] in our days, when those that live in the North are chosen for the South, and men that never saw the Cities or Boroughs before the time of Election made their Representatives, with this further addition of disability, that they gain Votes by Bribes, Treats, and many unlawful Artifices, as by loading their Competitors with the most odious calumny of being Cour­tiers, Pensioners, Papists Atheists, and what not? though they know them to have more love for their Country and their Religion then themselves. I know nothing that can more effectually frustrate the Decrees and Resolves of Law-makers then this, and therefore leave it to impartial and indiffe­rent men to judge whether such a practice, if it should intervene, would not exclude any Society of Men from excluding another from his Right.

Upon the whole matter then the present Monarchy is so founded, that nei­ther the King nor the Parliament can possibly alter the true and essential form of it; and consequently his R. H. cannot be barr'd his Right of Reigning over us, if he survive his Brother, whose Life he values beyond the Crowns and Kingdoms he can leave him, whom God long preserve in Peace and Plenty, and the unfeigned affection of his People.

As for the Examples which are alledged to evince the contrary, and urged so confidently by the Gentleman that is the Author of the Word without Doors they do not at all scare me, for the Question is not whether de facto, but whe­ther without violation of Justice and the Principles of right Reason, our Mo­narchy may be changed? For no man ever doubted but Power, Rebellion and Faction with the concurrence of timorous and easie Princes did often turn things into Tragical Confusions, and unhinge the whole frame of Governments, but far be it from us to ground the lawfulness of our Actions upon so weak a Topick as that of Example, since we know that no Crime can be perpetrated, no Usur­pation introduced, no Violation offer'd even to Heaven it self, but will be all warrantable, if their being subsequent to a like practice of former Ages frees them from Guilt. Rebellion is as ancient as the Creation, it first divided the Court of Heaven, and deprived Lucifer and his Accomplices of their Glory, and then threw Man out of the Garden of Eden, and the state of Innocence into a rough tract of the Earth, and yet rougher anguishes and perplexities of Sin. An obedience to God's Command to encrease and multiply was not long paid, when of the few Inhabitants of the World, one, and he the most harmless too, fell a Sacrifice to his Brothers envy and makers affection. Idolatry (the Jews only excepted) was the common Worship of Mankind, and whatever Species of Christianity was first planted in this Island, 'tis certain that Popery not many Years since was the legal and known Religion universally embrac'd by the People; yet God forbid we should now pretend Rebellion, Murder, Idolatry and Popery to be all lawful because we find ancient times memorable for such impicties. 'Tis no plea in Divinity to alledge the prescription which sin has gain'd upon us, as an excuse.

The alterations successively made in the Jewish Commonwealth are nothing pertinent to the matter for whose proof they were brought, for they were either by a previous command or subsequent approbation of God manifested to his Prophets introduced and continued for their respective portions of time, and when we have such visible dispensations of the divine Will imparted to us, we will then be as active in our Obedience and Submission to God as the Authors of such Pamphlets are in their Malice and Disloyalty to their King; but till then we hope no man will expect that, because God who is the Sove­reign [Page 8] Author of all Governments, and knows the ways and methods that are most suitable to their happiness, has often changed the form he prescribed to the Jews; Therefore we Men, that are possessed with Interest, Passi­on, and Ambition may do the like upon Motives no ways certain or e­vident.

His Example of Don Sancho, who by the approbation of the three Estates took the Crown which was the right of his Nephews, is no less impertinent to his purpose, for he himself allows in the 4th. page of his Pamphlet, that in Spain the next Heir cannot succeed but by the approbation of the Nobility, Bishops and States of the Realm; If so, is not that Kingdom in a manner Elective? and what parity is there between it and ours, where the next Heir is actual King without the Ceremonies of Coronation, or the consent, choice or agreement of any? He is yet more unfortunate in the Case of Hugo Capetus, who by the choice (as he says) of the States of France invaded the Throne, to the preju­dice of Charles Duke of Lorrain the next Heir; For whereas his Position was in the beginning, That any Government was alterable or ammendable by the mutual consent of the Governours and Governed, he now very learnedly proves this, by saying that the States alone did exclude Charles of Lorrain; which surely are not tho absolute Governours, at least without the lawful King at the head of 'em, in any Hereditary Government in the World: If they be, an actual Prince may be depos'd with as much Justice as an Heir can be excluded the Succession, and so (for ought we know) his R. H. be­ing once removed out of their way, the next attempt will be against His Majesty.

His Story of William Rufus and his Brother Henrie's successively enjoying the Crown is to as little purpose as his Foreign Examples; for as it is certain that neither of them had any right whilst Robert Duke of Normandy was living, so their being admitted Kings by the consent of the Realm (that is, I suppose, of a Parliament) gave them no Title at all, by this Gentleman's supposition, who says that in such Cases the Will of the Governours and Go­verned must concur. The same Answer serves to defeat the pretended Legality of all his other examples, and therefore I leave him to bemoan his Ignorance, or plead Drunkenness (for his Discourse was delivered in a Tavern) as an excuse of his impertinencies. And I hope none of us will be so Unchristian or Impolitick as to think, that because by the Treasons and Conspiracies of ambi­tious, disloyal and designing Persons, the Crown was now and then transferred from one Family to another we now must do the like, when the occasions of such innovations are perfectly taken away, not only by the conjunction of the White and Red Roses, but likewise by the meeting of the Bloud Royal of the three Kingdoms in the Person of our present Monarch. To attempt this, were to bring all the evils upon the People to which the unsteddy course of Hu­mane Affairs can possibly subject them; For where a gap is once opened to Ambi­tion and snatchings one from another, the most bloudy Commotions imaginable succeed, in which necessity obliging the parties to the practice of promiscuous Violences, Depredations and Slaughters, the People at last wearied with the Cruelties and Calamities of War, and to purchase quiet at any rate, often give up their Liberty to the Conquerour, and make the publick Desolations of their Country its Grave; so terrible an Example of which we had in the late Troubles, that surely none, but such as are Betrayers of the English Liberty, or destined for Slavery, will venture the like Transgression the second time.

It will be said, that his R. H. has embraced the Papal Religion, which will be as destructive to the Temporal and Eternal Well-fare of the whole Kingdom, in case he should come to the Crown, as it is to his own Soul, and therefore, to prevent so universal a mischeif, it is necessary his par­ticular Interest should be sacrificed to the publick. To this I Answer,

1. No man ever yet gave any particular convincing instance of his being a Papist, besides his not conforming to the Religion now established by Law, or not taking such Oaths as would make him capable of enjoying all the great Offices of the Kingdom, to which his Birth and Merit without them might justly entitle him; But this Non-conformity is agreeable not only to all the Classes and Subdivisions of Protestantism, but to all the other Forms and Modes of Worship in the World, and his unwillingness to swear, proceeds, for ought we know, rather from a belief that all Oaths are unlawful, as not only many of old Christians, our present Quakers, but the most refined and ingeniously learn'd of all Modern Sects the Socinians, maintain, than that he thinks the matter of those the Law now requires to be Damnable or Heretical, and therefore we may as well say that he is a Presbyterian, Independent, or Quaker, or Socinian; or, which is yet worse, a Turk or Jew, as that he is a Papist: and to speak Truth our too much curiosity, and strict scrutiny into this matter, is far less warrantable than his concealing his opinion; for Who art thou that judgest another Man's Serva [...]t? To his own Master he standeth or falleth; yea he shall be holden up, for God is able to make him stand.

Therefore judge nothing before the time, until the Lord come, who both will bring to light the hidden things of Darkness, and will make manifest the Counsels of the hearts.

2. If he be a Papist now, who can tell but the powerful operations of the Holy Spirit may by changing his Sentiments concerning Sacred things remove those jealousles and fears with which we are now so strongly possest, and add to his future happiness the temporal blessings we so much dread to lose? Faith is the Gift of God, and he being most just and merciful, will we hope bestow it where it may have the kindest reception, and bring forth its Fruits in greatest Plenty, that is on a Prince whose natural Endowments and moral Vertues are so eminent as, (if enliven'd by true Faith as we hope they are) to enable him when a King to conquer the Atheism, Irreligion, Debauchery and other swarms of Evils, with which the Age abounds, by his Example, as well as the Enemies of the Crown by his Valour; 'Tis our Duty then to wait the leisure of Providence, and not by a rash, not to say a wicked attempt, endeavour to deprive him of his right, and our selves of the happiness his enjoying the Religion, as well as the Kingdom, of his Ancestors, may possibly secure unto us; nor do I see any satisfactory reason, why he should be so se­verely used, allowing no hopes of his Conversion or Return to the Church of England, for our Religion is sufficiently guarded by several Acts of Parlia­ment, which he can never repeal; And besides, His present Majesty is (thank God) Strong, Active, and Vigorous, and likely enough either to out-live his R. H. or leave him so old and crazy as to want briskness answe­rable to his zeal, to attempt any notable change or innovation in the Go­vernment.

3. Popery in the single Person of the Prince, whatever is said to the contra­ry, [Page 10] is consistent enough with the Welfare of the Subjects, though of ano­ther Perswasion, as appears in Germany, where in many Places the Body of the People are of the Reformed, and the Prince of the Romish Religi­on, without diffidence or fear, or the narrow Spirit of Persecution of ei­their side.

4. By the Principles of the Church of England, no Prince can be depos'd, or forfeit his Right to the Sovereignty, purely upon the score of Religion; and as long as that Church is in being, and the rule and management, next after the King, of all things as well Spiritual as Temporal, is by the Laws of the Land in its hands, and the hands of such as are Members of it, and obedient Chil­dren to the Practice and Discipline of so pious and charitable a Mother, 'tis evident that none else can be proper Judges, or have cognizance of the point now in debate, but they; and therefore his R. H. appeals to them, and is not at all concern'd at what others can do, who doubtless have as great a desire to dethrone the King as to bar the Succession, could it be done with as much security and safety; For as he who intentionally and deliberately would destroy an Infant in the Mothers Womb, by causing an abortion, would never scruple the bringing of him to an untimely end after his coming into the World, did not the Law appoint Death for the Punishment of this, though not of the other. So he, that on the account of Religion, would exclude ano­ther from the possibility he has to a Crown, would make no conscience of discharging an actual Prince, from his Royal Function, upon the same or other motives, were not his possession fenced and guarded by the Law, which makes all such attempts High-Treason, and so exposes him to all the evils attending so great a Crime.

But after all, why so much rancor, hatred and aversion against his R. H: who of all men living is the most passionate Lover of his Country, and under whom, if ever it should be his lot to wear the Imperial Crown, it would un­doubtedly be as happy as under any that swayed the English Scepter since the Conquest; having so many Princley Qualities, though now clouded and kept conceal'd from the eyes of the Nation, by the artifice of his Adversaries, as would fill the hearts of all true English-men with Love and Respect, and those of his Enemies, whether Domestick or Foreign, with Fear and Confu­sion; For he is a Prince of a Noble Presence and affable Behaviour, with a mixture of pleasantness in his Words and Actions, that wins powerfully the affections of all that approach him. His discourses are always pertinent and solid, free from Flourishes and a vain and empty Ostentation of Wit, which sorts better with the levity of mimical Heroes, upon a Theatre, then the true Grandeur of real Princes in a Court.

He is of a most high Spirit, and invincible Courage, of mature Wisdom, and singular Industry and Application to business, wary in Council and quick in Execution; He hates above all things a perpetual fluctuation and unsteddi­ness in the Measures and Politicks of Government, because it makes it a Riddle to it self as vvell as to all other Nations, and forces it to wander and stray from the proposed Ends, having no clue of reason to guide it through so many Labyrinths of Confusions, and therefore is constant and inflexible in his Resolutions, whilst suitable to she true Interest of the Nation, which often created him great and dangerous Enemies, every one hoping in the uncer­tainty and variety of Councils to be able to get the Ministry into his own hands, and therefore looking upon him with an Eye of Envy, as the hinderance and main obstacle of their ambitious purposes.

He is true and firm to his Friends and Servants, whom not chance or for­tune, but parts and merit, with a long and unstain'd reputation of Honesty, places in his Favour; and as his love is not to the Persons, but their Vertues, so his hatred extends only to their Vices, and ends as soon as they begin to give any visible signs of their Repentance; and whatever is said to the con­trary by some of his Enemies, who would scare the rest, and harden them in their wickedness, by putting them into a despair of forgiveness, he is not of a vindicative Spirit, for none ever yet fell otherwise then gently by his means, or smarted any longer under his indignation, then they continued obstinate and wilful in the pursuit of his and the Countries disquiet, as might be proved by a thousand instances too tedious to be here recounted. In short, he is of a Mar­tial and Souldierly Temper, patient of cold, heat, hunger, thirst and all the toyls and fatigues naturally incident to War either by Sea or Land; his Valour is sprightly, but not rash; his Conduct wary and secure, and the events of his Battels and Engagements still Fortunate and Succesful, all which would cer­tainly make the English Nation (for whose Genius Providence has fitted him) readier to shed their Bloud to acquire him new Crowns, then deprive him of those Nature has already entitled him to, after the Death of his Brother, had not the inveterate malice of some restless and Factious Spirits possess'd them with an opinion of his having designed for so many years to involve them in Bloud and Slaughter; the falshood of which will easily appear, to any that consider his actions all along since his and the King's Return from their Exile, to which such Practices as are now a foot drove them.

I. AS it is doubtful whether he renounced the Religion, wherein he was Educated, and embraced Popery more then Socinianism, or any other form of Christianity distinct from the National Worship; so it is certain, that he always adhered to the True Interest of Eng­land: I mean the Glory and Preservation of the Monarchy, which His Royal Father consigned to his Posterity, Sealed with his Blood, shed by Men out-doing in Practice (though not in Principles) the Modern Reformers.

II. He hath made it his Business to free his Majesties Subjects from their Fatal Longings after a Commonwealth, to which the Contagion of the late Times had Enslaved them; And by his Addresses, Sollicitations, and Preferments, with which he was able (when in Power) to Reward such brave Souls as signaliz'd their Loyalty to his Father or Brother in the Disorder of their Affairs; He hath brought that Virtue in fa­shion again, and made more Converts to the Royal Authority, than all the Orthodox Clergy with their Preachings and Arguments, (how Learnedly and Industriously soever handled,) were able to do.

Quis enim Virtutem amplectitur ipsam, Praemia si tollas?—The Truth of this will appear easily to any, that will take the trouble to consider, how notably the Reverence due to Majesty is impair'd, and how Universally the Anti-monarchical Principles are spread with­in these Seven or Eight Years, since upon the misconceiv'd Jealousies of the People, He declin'd the Influence He had upon the State, by his Great Imployments.

[Page 12] III. Through the Power, which his Fidelity and Ability gave him over the King, He hath procured the chiefest Places of Strength in the Nation; And most of the great Trusts, as well Civil and Reli­gious, as Military, to be confer'd upon known Royalists, and sworn Enemies to such, as under the specious pretence of securing our Li­berties, would again involve Us in the same Calamities, from which, Providence hath so lately Deliver'd Us.

IV. He hath been by his Advice and Influence over the great Ministers the Principal Opposer of all the French Agents, who in subservience to Their Interest, were often tampering for promoting of an Arbi­trary Government, and of making the Kings Interest both distinct from, and opposite to that of his People: And this He hath done in Obe­dience to the Fundamental Laws, for which he always testifyed a great Veneration, and to prevent the ill Effects constantly attending such Pernicious Councels: For He well knew from the History of some of his Progenitors, that an Attempt to remove the Antient Bounda­ries and Land-marks of Government, never misses opening a way of Dis­cord and Confusion; Of which, Ambitious Men taking Advantage, by their wheedling Practices, often perswade the People that are Heady, Valiant, and Jealous of their Liberty, to run into Rebellion; which as it generally terminates in the Ruine of the Prince, or Subject, so it often Enslaves both to the Power of a Foreign Enemy; For which Reason He always held the Constitution of the Kingdom as Sacred and Inviolable, in reference to the People, as He now does in regard of his own Right.

V. It was This Active and Vigilant Prince, that (possess'd with Flames of Love towards the City of LONDON, as violent as those that reduc'd it to Ashes,) exposed his Person to a Thousand Dangers, to Rescue it from Destruction. He bufied those Hands (destin'd for Managing of Scepters) in Breaking open Pipes and Conduits for Wa­ter, reach'd Buckets as nimbly as any of the Common People; clear'd the Streets from the Throngs and Crouds, that hindred the carrying away of their Goods, Appointed his Servants and Guards to Conduct them to secure places: And in fine, for several Nights and Days, (without Sleep, or rest from Labour,) was seen in all parts, giving the necessary Orders for preventing the further spreading of the Con­flagration, as if Love (which usually works Miracles,) had Multiply'd him, or rather given him a kind of Ubiquity. And this He did, partly to shew his Gratitude to his Beloved Londoners, whose Minion He was, but chiefly to save the Magazine of the Strength and Trea­sure of the Kingdom from Desolation and Ruine.

[Page 13] VI. Whatever is said of his Inclination to Popery, or the Humour of the French Nation, 'tis Evident, He understands, and pursues the In­terest of England so well, that to check the Torrent of their Victo­ries, by creating them work at home, he forwarded (as much as possibly he could) an Alliance, which Monsieur Rohux, a French Gen­tleman propos'd to His Majesty for the Securing of Foreign Protestants; And it had in all probability come to a very happy Issue, had not Monsieur Rovigny Leiger, Embassador from France at this Court, pre­vented it, by corrupting one Monsieur de Verax, That after the In­surrection in the Vivarets, fled hither, and rid some time in the Guards; who (through Necessity, or Frailty,) made Sale of the whole Secret, (and with It, of the Safety of his Friend, and the Protestant Religion in France,) for Two Hundred Pistols. Upon notice of which Trea­chery, Monsieur Rohux retired into Switzerland, where being Seiz'd by a Party of French Horse, he was convey'd to the Bastile; and af­ter some times Imprisonment, broken upon the Wheel at the place of Execution.

VII. It was against his Will that the first and last Dutch Wars were commenced, yet the resolution being taken, by those, whose Will is a Law, in sheathing, or unsheathing the Sword of the Subjects, he valiantly, and for the Glory of the English Nation, in the First, with many Thousands of their Souldiers and Seamen, sunk a great part of their Fleet, blew up their Admiral, and with him the very Reputation of their Naval Power, thought before Invincible, and by Sacking of Scheveling made proud Amsterdam tremble, for which great Services, as England shall ever be indebted, so the Parliament, then sitting, was pleas'd to vote him 100000 l. as a small acknowledge­ment of his Merit, and their Affections; and London, and all other Places, entertain'd him with Acclamations of Joy. Thus you see the vicissitude of Humane Affairs, and how Fortune, which then ope­ned the Hearts and Cities of the Kingdom, for his Reception, now shuts them, and all the Avenues to the Crown against him, which may serve as an Example to Perkin Warbeck, who never did any thing to recommend him, besides the effect of Chance, his being a Protstant, how little reason he has to rely upon the Affections of a Multitude, that so easily forgets the real worth of their Darling Prince.—Nor did he less deserve the hatred of his Enemy, and love of his Coun­try in the last War, in which, though with the many notable Disad­vantages of the Wind and Tyde, being at Anchor when set upon, and the succeeding Mist, he yet behav'd himself with that Gallantry, as made De Ruiter own us to be Invincible, and more than men, and particularly, that His R. H. exceeded all the Admirals in Christen­dom, as much by his Bravery, as he did by his Birth. having, in [Page 14] the heat of the Engagement, (when Re-fitting, would lose the Benefit of his Orders, and Action,) changed Ships oftener than Great Generals at Land, have done their Horses.

VIII. It was this Zealous Prince, for the Honour and Safety (of England, that advised the forming of the Triple League, which was the wisest Conjunction, and most for the Glory of the King's Reign, and the Preservation of His Dominions, that ever he entred into. And this he did, not only to curb France, whose Power he saw was already over-grown, but to save all the weaker Parts of Christendom from the Attempts of the stronger; For he knew that while that League con­tinued firm, the King of Sweden, and the States of Holland, would have construed all Designs upon us in England. as done against those of the same Interest with themselves, and in favour of whose Security, they had entred into that Alliance.

IX. He was so great a Stranger to the breaking of the Triple League, and seizing the Dutch Smyrna Fleet, that Sir Edward Sprag, who was known to be his Creature, was not thought fit to be entrusted with the Secret, which occasion'd the Miscarriage of the Design, and the Eternal Glory of his Highness.

X. He hath not only mantained Correspondence with Foreign Princes, by His Majesties approbation, for securing the well-fare of the Nation, but likewise endeavour'd to draw them into an Alliance with us, to oppose the French particularly, or any other Foreign Enemy, that by Counsel, or Action, would endeavour the overthrow of our Legal Government. And besides many evidences of this, which are needless to mention at present, the secret Counsel, which, by His Majesties Consent, he gave to our several Ambassadors abroad, and are yet to be seen, together with the many Letters he wrote to the same purpose, do uncontrollably demonstrate it.

XI. It was He, that when the late Expedition into Flanders, was thought really Designed against the French, put all his Equipage into a readiness, and vow'd to retrieve the Reputation of England, by Death, or Conquest. But a Great Man, then at the Helm, (now for his many Villanies confin'd to the Hold,) thought fit by his Advice to make a Mock-General, for a Mock-Army, not daring to put such a great Indignity upon any, that had Sense to understand, or Courage to revenge it, which occasion'd that Imposition of Peace, under which all the States of Christendom do, more or less, feel the heavy pressures [Page 15] of the French Insolence, whereas, had not that Mercenary Lord put a stop to the Parliaments Proceedings, and the Duke's Resolutions, Eu­rope had in a few years been restored to its Tranquility.

XII. He was so far from consenting to, or co-operating in any part of the Popish Plot, that Oats and Bedlow, (the two Poles on which the whole Frame of it has its motion and circumgyration) did solemnly clear him, as appears by their several Depositions, and the Journals of both Houses of Parliament.

XIII. It was the Duke, who, when Father Bedingfield brought him the Treasonable Letters concerning the PLOT, immediately shew'd them to the King, that so the Conspirators and their Papers might be seiz'd, and the Truth sifted to the Bottom.

XIV. It is he, who this Summer, at Windsor, facilitated the Treaty of Alliance, made between This and The Crown of Spain, for the Com­mon Security of both Nations, against all Enemies whatsoever, and to the unspeakable Advantage of our Merchants in that Country, and all other parts of the Spanish Dominions.

XV. The incredible Expences of the Crown having drain'd His Maje­sties Exchequer, to that degree, that he wanted Money for defraying the Vast Charges, of Maintaining and Defending Tangier, his R. H. rather then so Imporrant a Place, for the Trade of the Streights, should fall into the hands of the Moors, and, perhaps, by them be deliver'd up to worse Enemies, generously disburs'd a very considerable Sum of Money, for its Preservation; and by that Action shewed how sollicitous he is about the Well-fare of England, even at the very time, when it contrives his Destruction, which is an infallible Evi­dence of his being in his Nature and Principles very averse from Ani­mosity and Revenge. To which his Enemies have reported him so addicted, that in the opinion of many, he is accounted irreconcilable; whereas he is so much of a contrary temper, that as he equals Caesar in his Greatness of Mind, and firmness of Resolution; so he out-does him in the particular Character of Remembring all things but Injuries. Christianity has made him so unalterable in this Point; that as Thou­sands of Examples do manifest his Sincerity in it, so his common and constant saying, viz. that as he never forgets good turns, so he can easily forgive bad ones, is an invincible proof of his Inclination. He needs no Cicero to plead the Cause of the Guilty, or heap upon him extra­vagant Praises for his Mercy to his Enemies in Distress; His own [Page 16] Genius leads him to the practice of that Gallantry, without the Inter­cession or Flattery of others. Marcus Marcellus was not with more readiness and affection received into Caesars Favours, than all Adver­saries may be into his, upon quitting those Crimes, for which he is now Vogu'd inexorable; And, were it his Fortune to have the full knowledge of this particular Virtue spread as far as the Effects have reach'd, I am confident it would be impossible for the Malice of a few, to impose upon others, so, as to make them continue their violent Actions against him, and think that their Security, (which is really their Hazard) instead of Repenting, to go on to greater Ills upon so groundless and malicious a supposition.

Lastly, as he believes that none deserves to have Obedience paid to him, when a King, that is Unruly and Refractory to his Princes Com­mand when a Subject, so he is submissive to His Majesties Pleasure, even beyond the Prescript of Law, having now the third time, with the manifest hazard of his Person, besides the difficulties and incon­veniencies of travelling, quitted his Native Country, upon the first notice of his Commands.

Thus you see what a Prince England is weary of, and that as a weak and diseas'd Stomack, nauseates even the best Restorative, so our Nation in the Confusions and Distractions the fear of losing its Liberty has put it into, dreads none so much as him, who of all men li­ving, if a King, would be the most able and willing to Defend them. But I hope Scotland understands his Merit, and its own Interest better, and will secure him that Ancient Throne, whose Splendor is much abated, since that Kingdom is, by the Absence of their Kings, in a manner become a Province; if he fills it once with an exclusion from ours, it will soon regain its first Lustre, and your name will be as glorious, as ours will be detestable to Posterity: But however, as I would not have the happy Union of the two Kingdoms dissolv'd, so I hope that either our Repentance will recal him, or that, Alexander like, his own victorious Sword, will in time cut this Gordian Knot of the Succession, and Establish him in his Right: To which, as I doubt not but you will be assisting, so you need not question the help of all Loyal men here, and particularly of