A discourse concerning the original of the povvder-plot together with a relation of the conspiracies against Queen Elizabeth and the persecutions of the Protestants in France to the death of Henry the fourth : collected out of Thuanus, Davila, Perefix, and several other authors of the Roman communion, as also reflections upon Bellarmine's notes of the church, &c.

A Diſcourſe concerning the Original of the Powder Plot.

Sect. 1. ALthough ſeveral Relations of this Conſpiracy have been long ſince written and publiſhed in Engliſh, both by ſeveral writers of the Hiſtory of thoſe times and others who have inſerted the ſame among other Hiſtorical Relations, as Stow in his Annals, pag. 874. Speed in his Hiſtory of Great Britain, l. 10. ſ. 31. — The Appendix to the Book of Martyrs Fuller in his Church Hiſtory, Biſhop Carleton in his Hiſtorical Collection of Deliverances, and of late by Mr. Foulis in his Hiſtory of Popiſh Treaſons, lib. 10. cap. 2. And alſo alone, as King James his Diſcourſe of the manner of the Diſcovery of the Powder Treaſon, Printed in quarto, 1605. but without his name to it, and ſince in his works 1616. pag. 223. and the Proceedings againſt the late Traitors, Printed in quarto, 1606. (whereof neither is more than what the title doth import, and the latter inlarged with long Speeches, which poſſibly may ſeem tedious to the Reader, and it may be ſome others; (yet becauſe many (as well for the rare and admirable contrivance and diſcovery of the Plot, as becauſe we are all obliged to the Annual Commemoration of it) may be deſirous to read ſome Relation of it, who yet may not be willing to purchaſe thoſe larger works, and thoſe Relations of it which have been Printed alone, being now long ſince out of Print and therefore rarely to be met with: It was thought convenient to publiſh this Tranſlation out of Thuanus, rather than to reprint any of the other; and that for theſe Reaſons: 1. Becauſe it ſeems to be more compleate than moſt or any one of the other Relations, which have yet been Printed in Engliſh, whether alone or incidentally in larger works. 2. But eſpecially, in reſpect of the Great Authority of the Author, a perſon, not only of great Quality and Place in his Country, Privy Counſellor to the King of France and Preſident of the Supreme Senate of that Kingdom, but of known and confeſſed Candor, Impartiality, Faithfulneſs and Exactneſs, as an Hiſtorian. And being one who lived and dyed a Catholick in the Communion of the Church of Rome, his Authority hath in that reſpect ſome advantage above any of the other Relations, which have been written by any of the Reformed party: which of it ſelf may be ſufficient to reſute the Impudence and vanity of all ſuch as would have had the world believe that it was the contrivance either of the This bloudy deſign, found in the hands of the malefactors, was notwithſtanding father'd upon the Puritans (as Nero did the burning of Rome upon the Chriſtians) by ſome impudent and cunning Jeſuits — Which, ſome years after, I had opportunity at Bruges in Flanders, to make Weſton, and old Jeſuit, active in the Powder plot, ingenuouſly to confeſs, Wilſon, ibid. Puritans, (V. Speed Sect. 48. Wilſons Hiſtory of King James, pag. 32. Foulis pag. 690.) or of Cecil the then Secretary, to draw thoſe unhappy Gentlemen into it. (V. Foulis, pag. 694. The Papiſts Apol. anſwered pag. 31-33. edit. 1667.) the contrary whereof may eaſily be perceived in the ſeries of this Relation. And indeed the firſt of theſe projects was extinguiſhed almoſt with the plot; and the other hath been long ſince ſufficiently diſproved, and the plot it ſelf confeſſed by ſome, and defended, magnified, and gloried in by others of that party, and now ſcarce denyed by any to have been of their own contrivance; ſo that more need not now be ſaid as to that particular, though the following conſiderations, if need were, might be made uſe of in that reſpect.

2. This deſign of Blowing up the Prince and People together, hath been commonly taken to have been the contrivance of Catesby, and of no ancienter Original than their deſpair of foreign aſſiſtance, upon their laſt negotiation with Spain. Of that mind ſeems our Hiſtorian here to have been. So alſo Speed, Sect. 33, 37. Proceed. E 4. pag. 3. And the truth is, there is ſcarce to be found in print any direct and expreſs proof of other author and contriver or more ancient original of it, though poſſibly we may ere long ſee it further proved to have been deſigned in the Queens days againſt her, but upon further conſideration of her age, not likely, according to the courſe of nature, to live long, deferred till the coming in of King James. In the mean time it may be remembred what is often ſeen in Judicatories and Tryals of Cauſes both Civil and Criminal, that thoſe things and works of darkneſs which are carried on and managed with ſo much ſecrecy and caution, that no direct proof can be made againſt them, are notwithſtanding often diſcovered and brought to light by a heedful and circumſpect obſervation and comparing of circumſtances: inſomuch, that the evidence of the truth, which is by this means made out, is not ſeldom more ſatisfactory to all preſent, than the direct and expreſs proof and teſtimonies of witneſſes, which many times prove falſe, even then when they ſeem to be moſt full and punctual. And therefore to prove this contrivance proceeded from other heads than Catesby's alone and was of longer ſtanding than hath been commonly thought, what is yet wanting in direct proofs, may in ſome meaſure be made up by the conſideration of the following Circumſtances.

3. And firſt, it may be noted that though Catesby be the firſt of all theſe Conſpirators taken in this plot that did propoſe it to the reſt, for ought appears by what was diſcover'd at their examination and tryals, yet doth it not thence follow but it might have been before propoſed to him (being the moſt active of them) by ſome other: nor doth it any way appear that it was of his own only deviſing, as to omit other reaſons is manifeſt from their attempt who would have fathered it upon Cecil, as a trick to enſnare thoſe gentlemen; for otherwiſe there would have been no ground or colour for that pretenſe.

4. It may 2. be remembred that this was not the firſt time that this means, by blowing up by Gunpowder, hath been propoſed by confederates of that party for the deſtruction and murther of our Princes. For it had been long before propoſed by one Moody to be laid under Queen Elizabeth's bed and ſecretly fired. (Camden, Anno 1587. principio.) So that this may ſeem to have been but a further improvement of a former project.

5. But 3. to come nearer to this preſent buſineſs, There is a paſſage of the Jeſuite Del Rio, 6. Diſquiſ. Magic. cap. 1. edit. Lovan. 1600. which, with the concurrence of other circumſtances, makes it very ſuſpitious that he was privy to the Contrivance, if not the Author of it; and which though publiſhed in Print ſome years before the diſcovery of this plot, hath ſcarce been taken notice of, as to this purpoſe, till of late. And this it is,

Sect. 2. Pag. 154 This Section, ſaith he, I add by reaſon of the ſimplicity of ſome Confeſſors, and the raſhneſs and malice of ſome Judges, &c. Then he firſt gives us this note, that the Seal of Confeſſion hath the ſame force in all crimes even the moſt enormous; as in the crime of Treaſon, and then makes a diſtinction between offences committed, and offences to be committed, and as to offences committed, he ſays it is the opinion of ſome, which ſeems to be the common opinion of the Canoniſts, that the prieſt may reveal the offence already committed, which he hath learn'd, not in the Sacrament of Penance, but without it, under a promiſe of ſecrecy, and of the ſeal of Confeſſion; yea that he ought to reveal it before the Judge if he be produced for a witneſs. This opinion, Pag. 155 ſaith he, is rejected by others — but I think both probable, but the latter more ſafe. Then, as to offences to be committed, when a perſon will not abſtain or amend himſelf but reſolves to accompliſh the crime, there hath been ſome Juriſts, ſaith he, that have thought, that they may be revealed by the Confeſſor. This is a dangerous opinion, and withdraws men from Confeſſion; and therefore he concludes that, the common contrary opinion is altogether to be followed, That it is not lawful to detect, not even Treaſon againſt the ſtate. In order to a further proof of this Concluſion, he tells us what limitations they of this opinion do put upon it, this among the reſt, If the penitent have partners accomplices, and he indeed is penitent and promiſes amendment, but he diſcovers that yet there is danger ſtill, leſt while he deſiſts, the miſchief be committed by his accomplices: For then they think that, to prevent the future damage, the Prieſt may reveal the offence which is to be committed, although the penitent conſent not. And, as to this limitation, he ſays it depends upon this Queſtion, Pag. 156 Whether a Prieſt may at any time make uſe of the diſcovery, which he hath made from Confeſſion, ſo much as for government and the averting of imminent evils? which he illuſtrates with this Inſtance, A Malefactor [Maleficus] confeſses that himſelf or ſome other hath put Powder or ſomething elſe under ſuch an entry (or groundſel,) and except it be taken away the houſe will be burnt, the Prince deſtroyed, and as many as go into or out of the City will come to great miſchief or hazard; and then for ſome reaſons reſolves for the Negative, (contrary to the common ſenſe and opinion of almoſt all the Doctors, as he there acknowledgeth,) whereof this is one, viz. becauſe Pope Clement VIII. by his decree had commanded the Superiors of the Regulars to be moſt diligently cautious that they ſhould not make uſe of that knowledge of ſins, which they had by confeſſion for exterior government: which ſhews ſaith he, that the Pope doth moſt approve that opinion, which will have Confeſſors ſo to carry themſelves, as if they had heard nothing at all in confeſſion. At length from this Doctrine he draws theſe Conſequences. The 1. to this purpoſe, If one Malefactor confeſſing, among the circumſtances of his ſin, diſcover his partner (in it,) and the other alſo preſently comes and confeſſes, but conceals that ſin wherein he was partner with the other, the Confeſſor may not uſe this knowledge to examine him concerning that ſin (which his partner hath confeſſed.) The 2. is, That a Prieſt may not, no, not for fear of death threatned him, reveal this crime to any one; and that in that caſe he may ſay that he knows not, nor hath heard any thing of ſuch ſin; becauſe in truth he doth not know, nor hath heard it, as (he is) a man, or as a member of the Commonwealth, (but as a Prieſt.) Yea, he might ſay that he hath not heard it in Confeſſion, or that the accuſed perſon hath not confeſſed this to him, if he do but the while think in his mind, (viz. ſo, that I may reveal it;) and all theſe he may confirm upon Oath. Nor may the Prieſt be compelled to reveal it by any one, no not by the Pope, much leſs by any other. This paſſage hath ſo many ſuſpicious circumſtances both in it and concurring with it, as all together may be equivalent to a full and direct proof of what is ſaid, that Del Rio was privy to the conrivuance of this horrible Powder Plot, if not himſelf the Contriver of it.

6. For 1. if we conſider the Nature of the Inſtance, nothing could have been better fitted to expreſs this plot of blowing up the Prince and People together, more agreeing in all particulars; by burning a houſe, not firing a City; deſtroying Prince and People, King and Parliament, not the Prince alone, or alſo with his family and houſhold only; by powder, not by poiſon, aſſaſination, or open rebellion; by laying it under a houſe, not under a bed as Moody propoſed: and all this in ſo unuſual and extraordinary a caſe, when inſtances enow and miſchievous enough might have been given of more ordinary and uſual deſigns, and when he had other Doctors who write concerning the ſame queſtion under his conſideration, who muſt needs have put other inſtances into his mind, had not this been ſtudied by him, and here made uſe of upon deſign. If any of thoſe Doctors whom he there cites give any ſuch inſtance, he may reaſonably be abſolved from all ſuſpicion which otherwiſe will lie very heavy upon him. But it may be thought that perhaps he did this in conformity to the ſubject which he handles, Magick; and therefore makes his inſtance of a Witch or Magitian, and of Powders, and placed under a groundſel or entry. But firſt, were there not many other inſtances of notorious wickedneſſes more uſual or frequently done or reported to be done by ſuch Artiſts? And ſecondly, was ever any ſuch thing done or pretended or reported to have been done by Art Magick? We may therefore reaſonably ſuſpect that this inſtance was not deviſed meerly for conformity to his ſubject of Magick; but rather propoſed under that notion and thoſe terms for a blind a little to diſguiſe and hide the deſign from ſuch, as having no thoughts of ſuch enterpriſes, might eaſily be diverted from any ſupition of it, while yet it might be plain enough to ſuch minds, as were ſufficiently diſpoſed to practiſe ſuch projects.

7. And 2. if we conſider the Caſe, wherein this Inſtance is given, viz. Of Concealing Confeſſions; his Reſolution of it, and that contrary to the common ſenſe and opinion of almoſt all the Doctors, as he confeſſeth; And laſtly his Confirmation of his reſolution by the Authority of the then preſent Pope, and directing the practice of it by equivocation, this may direct us to his End and Deſign in divulging both this Inſtance, and in this very caſe, his Doctrine and Reſolution, & that confirmed by the Popes Authority, for concealing Confeſſions, viz. By the one to inſinuate and intimate the Contrivance; and by the other to encourage and promote the Practiſe and Execution of it, by confirming the Confeſſors in Concealing Confeſſions, and encouraging the others to the more ſecurity of not being diſcovered. To which end and purpoſe alſo was probably the Treatiſe of Equivocation which was found in Treſhoms lodging, V. Foulis, pag. 700. then very ſeaſonably written and deſigned, which was ſeen and allowed by Garnet, (v. Proceedings I.) And this with Del Rio ſo mutually conſpiring in a tendency and ſubſerviency to the ſame end, do confirm the conjecture of the deſign of both. And it ſeems very conſonant to the ſubtile practiſes of the Jeſuites, rather in this ſly, ſecret manner, underhand to inſinuate this project, than directly and expreſly to have propoſed it: ſo that it had been no great wonder if it had been longer, before it had been apprehended and put in execution; and it is not improbable that Garnet, V. Foulis, pag. 695, 696. Abbot. Antilogia, cap. 11. who had been ingaged in former Conſpiracies and held correſpondence in Flanders, might long before have knowledge of it, though he would ſeem to have received his firſt knowledge of it, by Creſwel from Catesby.

8. Again 3. if with the form and compoſure of this inſtance, we ſhall compare the myſterious and aenigmatical form and compoſure of ſome other things relating to this conſpiracy, which are now plain enough to be underſtood, the plain explication of thoſe will teach us how to unriddle the myſtery of this, and direct us how to expound it. Such was that form of Prayer, which was taught to ſome of their party, ſome time before the intended execution of this Plot, for the proſperity of their Labours and downfal of Hereſie, in theſe words, alluding to the working in the Mine and blowing up of the Houſe: Proſper, Lord, their pains that labour in thy cauſe day and night: Let Hereſie vaniſh like ſmoak: Let the memory of it periſh with a crack, like the ruine and fall of a broken houſe, (Foulis, pag. 698.) And that very Letter which was the occaſion of the happy diſcovery and prevention of that horrible deſign, in theſe words: Though there be no appearance of any ſtir, yet, I ſay, they ſhall receive a terrible blow this Parliament, and yet they ſhall not ſee who hurts them. This Counſel is not to be contemned, becauſe it may do you good, and can do you no harm; for the danger is paſt as ſoon as you have burn'd this Letter. To theſe may be added that rumour caſt abroad of another Petition which ſhould be in no danger of being denied, here mentioned by Thuanus, pag. 1. And though in its firſt conception, this project was doubtleſs known but to few, yet when once reſolved on, as the time of its execution drew nearer, the more frequent were theſe and ſuch like Indications and Symptoms of it. So Parſons Rector of the Engliſh Colledge at Rome, orders the Students to Pray for the Intention of their Father Rector; the meaning whereof when the diſcovery of the Plot had unriddled to them, the horridneſs of it made divers of them deſert the Colledge. (Foulis, pag. 692.) So the Jeſuites at Lisbon a little before this exploit ſhould have been acted in England, are at ſome expenſe of Powder, on a Feſtival day, to experiment the force of it; (Foulis, page 693.) And other Inſtances of this nature may be obſerved.

9. Here 4. The Time when this notable Inſtance was publiſhed, though ſo long before the diſcovery of the Plot, may be very conſiderable, and perhaps afford us greater evidence, than if it had not been publiſhed till ſome years after it was. A time when the Pope and his ſworn V. Review of the Counc. of Trent. l. 5. c. 7. ſervants the Jeſuites were as ſtudious in their Machimations & Contrivances, and active in their exploits, as well againſt all of the Reformed Religion in general, as the Queen and State of England in particular, as ever. And 1. for this Pope (Clem. VIII. who was elected 30. Jan. 1592, and died 2 Mar. 1604/5.) It was contemporary with the holy league inſtituted by him againſt the Proteſtants, wherein almoſt all Popiſh Princes, except the King of France and the Great Duke of Tuſcany were ingaged, as we are told by Fr. Brouard the Popes Secretary, M S. for the promotion whereof he much indeavoured a Peace between the Emperour and the Tutk, and often complained that the war had been continued full forty years againſt the Turk, in which time the Church of Rome might with leſs coſt have recovered her Authority in Europe. 2. Contemporary with his Bulls (Cambden 1600 pag. 769.) to encourage and promote the Iriſh Rebellion. (V. Foulis, lib. 9. cap. 3.) Foulis, p. 693. 3. Contemporary with thoſe Bulls, the one to the Catholick Nobility, Gentry and Laity, Speed, ſect. 4. Foulis, p. 693. the other to the Arch-prieſt and the reſt of the Engliſh Clergy, Not to admit or receive, after the death of Queen Elizabeth, when ever ſhe ſhould happen to depart this life, any for King, how near ſoever in blood, except they were ſuch who ſhould not only tolerate the Catholick Faith, but withal endeavour and ſtudy to promote it, and, after the manner of their anceſtors, undertake upon Oath to perform it. (Proceedings Q. 3.) And theſe are the Bulls which have been long ſince deemed the foundation of this Conſpiracy (Tortura Torti, pag. 279. Foulis, pag. 693.) And this is the Pope who had formerly [ſc. Note, the ſame year that Parſons came from Spain to Rome. Font. pag. 686. 1597] exhorted the French and Spaniard to unite, invade England and divide it between them. (Foul. pag. 677. ex D'Oſſat. Let. 87.) who had he lived but ſome few moneths longer, might have been as ready with his Breves to ſecond the ſucceſs of this Conſpiracy as was his Succeſſor Paul V. with V. Andrews Reſp. ad Bellar. cap. 5. p. 113. Foul. p. 692. his. 5. Nor were they only the heads of the Pope and Grandees at Rome and other places, who were buſie and active at that time in contriving projects and conſpiracies for the ſubverſion and ruine of our Government and Religion, but of perſons alſo of meaner quality, and they not only the Popiſh Incendiaries of our own Nation, but forreiners alſo of the Romiſh Faction. Thus we may obſerve Campanella's book de Monarchia Hiſpanica exactly contemporary with this of Del Rio, as the Preface to the Engliſh Edition doth demonſtrate, viz. that it was written between the years 1599 & 1600. In this book he ſhews in part, what Preparations may be made before hand; that ſo ſoon as ever Queen Elizabeth (who is now very old) is dead, they may be immediately put into Execution. Theſe, ſaith he, and the like Preparations may be made, &c. But what are theſe? Why, in general 1. Cauſing Diviſions and Diſſentions among themſelves, and continually keeping up the ſame. 2. Sowing the ſeeds of a continual war betwixt England and Scotland. 3. Rouzing up and encouraging to action the Spirits of the Engliſh Catholicks. 4. Dealing with the chief of the Iriſh Nobility, to new model Ireland, as ſoon as they hear of the Queen's death. For the accompliſhing of all which he hath ſeveral ſubſervient means, Chap. 25. But for the like what they may be, is leſt to the Readers judgement to conceive. Only it may be noted that he who would not ſcruple to cauſe and keep up Diſſ • ntions, to ſow the ſeeds of a continual war, to excite Rebellions among us, would hardly have ſcrupled at ſuch a project, as by one blow would have put us quite out of our pain. It would be too long to note all the Projects of private men to this purpoſe, which were on foot at that time: but this of Campanella for the promotion of the Intereſt and deſigns of the King of Spain is the more pertinent and obſervable, becauſe our conſpirators had their Negotiations with him, their Leger there, and built their greateſt hopes upon his aſſiſtance at the ſame time.

10. But there is an other particular, as to this circumſtance of Time, very conſiderable, which is intimated to us in thoſe words of Campanella. For as we may eaſily perceive many heads at work at this time, many projects on foot contemporary in the contrivance; ſo do they all agree in the Time deſigned for Execution. So Campanella's Preparations, ſo ſoon as ever Queen Elizabeth is dead, are immediately to be put in Execution. So Pope Clements Bulls had reſpect to the ſame time, Quandocun que contingeret miſeram illam foeminam ex hac vita excedere. (Proceed. Q. 4.) And the Reaſon of all this is very apparent. Pag. 158 For now the King of Scots, as Campanella obſerves, hovers, as it were, at this time over England, not only by reaſon of his neighborhood to it, but alſo becauſe of his Right of Succeſſion. — And therefore the time now draweth on, that after the death of the ſaid Queen Elizabeth, who is now very old, the Kingdom of England muſt fall into the hands of their Antient and Continual Rivals, the Scots: a thing very grievous no doubt, both to Rome, Spain and Flanders; and therefore no wonder if all beat their brains to prevent ſo great a miſchief. For whereas England alone, Pag. 158 notwithſtanding in a manner continually at wars with their ancient and continual Rivals, Pag. 155 appeared both againſt the Catholick King in the Low Countries, and againſt the moſt Chriſtian King in France, aſſiſting the Hereticks both with her Counſels and Forces, what will Great Britain do, when not only the occaſion of thoſe wars ſhall ceaſe, but both Nations be united under one and the ſame King? No queſtion but the forethoughts of this ſet wiſer heads on work than Catesbys, or any other of thoſe unhappy Gentlemen, who are vainly pretended to have been trapan'd by Cecil; and ſomething no doubt was reſolved upon, the time drawing on, and the Queen very old. And this might be the reaſon of their long expectation, that change of State, would change Religion, alſo (Speed ſect. 37.) And if we conſider the Principles and practiſes of theſe men, and what before had been attempted againſt the late Queen, not only by open Hoſtility, as becomes Kings and States where they have juſt cauſe, but alſo by baſe ſecret conſpiracies and treacheries againſt her perſon, inſtigated and ſomented, as well by other Princes and by their Embaſſadors, even whilſt Legers here (as Mendoza and Labeſpineus,) as by the Pope, we can hardly think any thing ſo baſe or barbarous that they were not like to attempt upon this occaſion. And if we again conſider, how all their former endeavours, whether more juſtifyable before men, as by open hoſtility, or more baſe and unworthy, not only by promoting rebellions, but alſo by poiſon & aſſaſination, had hither to been ineffectual and defeated, we may not unreaſonably think that they might at laſt arrive at ſome ſuch project as this, as their laſt refuge and moſt effectual and infallible means to accompliſh at laſt their ſo long ſtudied deſigns. And laſtly that it really was ſo, the punctual obſervance both of Campanella's preparations, by indeavouring to alienate affections and raiſe jealouſies between the Engliſh and Scots, and other differences and diſſentions among us and ſtirring up the ſpirits of the Engliſh Catholicks, &c. which were practiſed immediately upon the Queens death and the Kings coming to the Crown of England (and have ever ſince been proſecuted) too long here to be related, and alſo of Del Rio's Inſtance, and Doctrine of Concealing Confeſſions, and that by Equivocation even in examination upon Oath, ſo well fitted to this purpoſe, and as well and exactly followed and proſecuted, may reaſonably incline us to believe. This circumſtance of the time deſigned for the Execution of this Plot is alſo viſible in Catesby's Reaſonings (ſee the Hiſt. pag. 4.5.) which he might well learn from the ſame Tutors from whom he learnt the project of the Plot it ſelf; for if to take off King James alone, unleſs alſo the Prince, the Duke, and moreover the Peers and whole Parliament, would not ſerve their turn, much leſs would it have ſerved, to have taken off Queen Elizabeth (now ready to die of her ſelf) though with her Parliament, while the King, together with the addition of another Nation to this, was ready to ſucceed her.

11. And thus we ſee the buſineſs is very plain as to the time ſo long before reſolved on in all their Councels both at Rome and Spain. It now remains to conſider how the attempt in point of Time did anſwer this reſolution. The Queen deceaſed the 24 of March. 1602. the next day was King James proclaimed, who came to Barwick 6. April, and to Lond. 7. May following, Anno 1603. and was Crowned July after. The Parliament began 19. March following and continued till 7. July 1604. Then was prorogued till 7. Feb. and then again till 5. Octob. 1605. and then at laſt till the fatal day 5. Novemb. following, when this unhappy Plot was happily diſcovered: From whence we again run it counter to its Original, thus: 11. Decemb. 1604, was the Mine begun; Fawkes Confeſ. and in May preceding, did the Conſpirators actually engage in the deſign under an Oath of Secrecy. Proceedings R. 4. The Lent before Catesby imparted the deſign to Thomas Winter, Winters Confeſ. and in September before that (which was Anno 1603.) to Proceedings R. 2. Percy; which was before the Parliament began: and that being the time deſigned, it is a very fair evidence to our purpoſe, that find it on foot at that very time, which was by all thoſe Councels ſo long before deſigned: and before this we cannot reaſonably think that it ſhould have been imparted to many even of the moſt truſty of their party, by the firſt contrivers of it, who notwithſtanding might long before have reſolved upon it, and did all the while, ſecretly and as behind the curtain, ſteer and manage the motions of thoſe who were to be imployed in it. But before we follow the trace further, if any one ſhould here make this queſtion Why they had not prepared their mine againſt the firſt ſitting of the Parliament? though we might well content our ſelves with this anſwer, that it may be ſufficient in all reaſon to ſatisfie us and them too, that we have this evidence, that the project was then on foot, and that many accidents might unexpectedly intervene, which might though unknown to us, move them for ſome time to defer their preparations, as, even after it was begun, Thuanus tells us, that the work was often intermitted and often repeated, and we find that by ſuch an accident as the Scotch Lords ſitting at Percy's houſe, Winters Confeſ. it was for ſome time deferred; yet to leave no ſcruple or pretence for it, we can tell them the true reaſon, viz. that being a thing ſo horrid and inhumane in it ſelf, and alſo V. Winters Confeſ. [candalous to their Religion, it was thought fit that firſt more gentle means ſhould be uſed, as a Treaty of Peace by the King of Spain, and Petition by the Papiſts at home, whereunto they were incouraged by ſome great hopes they had conceived, but upon very uncertain grounds, of a Toleration. But when the King of Spain, being well-pleaſed for his own part with the proceedings of the Treatie, fell off from his former promiſes of aſſiſtance, and their Petition was rejected at home, they preſently conclude that a deſperate diſeaſe muſt have a deſperate remedy, and in order thereunto, V. Winters Confeſ. Catesby begins to broach the project, which againſt this time had been kept ſecret in ſtore, and imparts it to ſome of his moſt truſty confidents; who thereupon might probably think that it was of his contrivance, as others from thence have ſince thought it to have been; and that the rather, becauſe in all their dealings preceding this, even to the firſt intimation of it by Del Rio, nothing viſible did appear as to thoſe conſpirators in particular, but only Negotiations with Spain and Flanders for forrein aſſiſtances, and an invaſion; which wiſer heads upon the conſideration of the former ill ſucceſſes of ſuch attempts could not think of it ſelf ſufficient; and therefore we may more reaſonably believe that they who ſecretly and underhand managed the buſineſs, ſo ordered theſe Negotiations as well for a blind to conceal the main deſign, as for a neceſſary means to ſecond it, when it had once taken effect. But beſides theſe Negotiations abroad, we find other matters at home in agitation, by perſons of the ſame party, to wit the Jeſuites in general. For Watſon and Clark, two Prieſts who were apprehended July 1603. before the King was crowned, for another plot of a lower rate and more ordinary nature, in their Confeſſions upon their apprehenſion, affirmed that there was ſome treaſon intended by the Jeſuites, as appeared to them, by their proviſions of Money, Arms and Ammunition, diſſwading the Catholicks from acceptance of the King at his firſt coming, (but withal) wiſhing them not to ſtir, but keep themſelves quiet, till they heard from them. (Proceed. K. 3.) Of this, Caſaubon, who had peruſed their Confeſſions, writeth thus to Fronto Duraeus in his Epiſile dated 7 Novem. July 1611. pag. 188. This is the firſt Conſpiracy againſt the King which after his arrival in England came to light; but that there were others alſo at the ſame time in agitation, both the ſame Watſon and Clark gave us notice, and thoſe things which from thence have enſued, have proved. They ſaid, and often and conſtantly affirmed, that when they communicated their counſels to the Jeſuites then living in England, and deſired them that they would be partakers with them of ſo noble an enterpriſe, they received this anſwer, that the Jeſuites could not joyn with them; foraſmuch Ut qui ſuam quo que ipſi parilem telam orſi, memorabilem in aevum texturam pararent, tempore opportuno exitum habituram. as they had a buſineſs of their own in hand which ſhould be famous to all ages, and which in due time would take effect. And theſe confeſſions and affirmations of theſe Prieſts, the truth whereof might be further cleared, were it either neceſſary or not too long to undertake it; bring us to that very point of time deſigned for execution in all theſe projects contemporary with Del Rio's Inſtance, and ſufficiently ſhew us that ſome firſt motions towards the execution of this plot were then on foot, though the more plain and downright preparations, were for ſome ſuch reaſons as aboveſaid for ſome time deferred, and ſometimes, it may be, adjourned for want of fit opportunity. And therefore, ſince Del Rio's inſtance is contemporary with theſe projects, and this enterpriſe of the Powder Plot with the time deſigned in them for execution, we may very reaſonably think that he gave an inſtance of that which was then as certainly deſigned as it was now punctually practiſed, ſaving only that little diſtorting of it to the ſubject of his book which does but make it the more ſuſpicious.

12. And that we may ſee that there is no circumſtance but doth, not only well agree with this conjecture, but ſome way or other help to confirm it, we may alſo take notice of the Place, where this book of Del Rio's was written and firſt Printed, viz. Lovane, in Flanders; where theſe Conſpirators had Father Baldwin, a Jeſuite, Leger, and others of their confederates, as Sir William Stanly and Owen, Reſident; whither they had often recourſe, and from whence they expected their moſt preſent help after the blow ſhould be given. So that it was not hard for them to meet with ſome intimation among their frequent conſultations about theſe matters there, in Flanders, of ſome ſuch notable and moſt effectual project, not only by means of this book there publiſhed, but even from the Author himſelf, or the Approbators of it their correſpondents. And of Catesby in particular, upon whom this contrivance is father'd, that he held correſpondence there, is plain enough; ſo likewiſe of Garnet, who was afterward had in that eſteem at Lovane, that it was once publickly prayed there, — Sanctae Henrice, Ora pro nobis (Foul. l. 10. c. 10. ſub fin)

13. Now if from the conſideration of the book, we proceed further to the conſideration of the Author, we ſhall find all circumſtances ſtill concur to the confirmation of the Conjecture. 1. One of the Society of the Jeſuites, into which he was admitted, Ann. 1580, and who about the time of publiſhing this book became the Popes ſworn Servant, quatuor jam votis ſolemnibus obſtrictus, being obliged not only by thoſe three vows, Common to all the Religious Orders, but moreover by that fourth peculiar to that Society, of ſpecial obedience to the Pope. 2. Of that height of zeal againſt Hereticks, that at the very mention or leaſt remembrance of them in common diſcourſe, he would change colour and his ſtomach riſe againſt them. 3. Before he entred into the Society, he had been one of the chief Senate of Brabant, then Chanceller of Brabant, and had the management of the Kings Exchequer. (Phil. Alegambe in Biblioth.) 4. And being firſt well qualified by theſe employments, and then ſufficiently inſtructed in the Jeſuites Society, he at length became a Politician, and had his projects and deviſes for an Innovation to be made both in Church and State throughout the whole Romane Empire, which the Jeſuites earneſtly endeavoured to put in practiſe; the ſumm whereof, as they are related from his own mouth by William Freake of the Practice of the Jeſuites, pag. 58. were, to raiſe ſuch diviſions and differences among the Princes of the Empire, by working upon their contrariety of opinions in matters of Religion, &c. that they may waſt and weaken themſelves one againſt another, that their ſtrength and power may be broken, or at leaſt weakened, and become utterly unable to withſtand a common foe, when he ſhall come upon them. Where he ſets down more particularly how differences may be raiſed between ſuch and ſuch particular Princes. Laſtly, his Opinion and Judgment of this Gunpowder Plot, may in ſome ſort be underſtood by his eſteem of Garnet, whom he Delr' vind. Arcop. cap. 27. pag. 104. compared with S. Dionyſius Areopagita. He died at Lovane 19. Octob. 1608. not full three years after the diſcovery of this Plot.

14. If from the Author of this Inſtance we come to the Actors of this Plot, and the Authorizers and Abettors of it, we ſhall find all circumſtances ſtill to agree very well. 1. They were all either of the ſame Society with this Author, v. Tortur. Torti, p. 280. Jeſuitas Conſultores & Conſentientes, & R. Abbot. Antitogiae, cap. 9.10, 11. Jeſuites or their Jeſuited Diſciples▪ ſuch to whom the Jeſuites were Confeſſors, and had the Conduct of their Conſciences; ſuch who were by them reſolved in point of Conſcience in all things concerning this Plot; received the Sacrament upon their Oath of Secreſie from them; and by them were abſolved after the Plot defeated. Nor do we find any in Holy Orders, (except the Pope himſelf) to have had any hand in it or particular knowledge of it, but ſuch as were of this Society of the Jeſuites. For the Secular Prieſts, though two of them, in purſuance of the Popes Bulls, immediately upon the coming in of the King, were ingaged in a Conſpiracy of their own (if not trapan'd by the Jeſuites, V. Stowe & Fuller, Anno 1603. Sect. 14.) againſt him, but of a lower and more ordinary nature; and by the Actions of the Jeſuites perceived ſomething in general, that the Jeſuites had then ſome notable Plot in agitation: yet we may reaſonably believe, that they were utterly unacquainted with the Kind and Particulars of this ſo high and refined a project, above the pitch of their imaginations to conceive; not onely from what hath been already ſaid out of their Confeſſions, but alſo by reaſon of the differences and diſſentions, which were then and have ſince continued between the Jeſuites and them. (V. Declarat. Motuum. Edit. 1601. & Watſons Quodlibets, Edit. 1602.)

15. 2. Nor were they two or three Jeſuites only in a corner, and they of the lower rank, or of mean or ordinary authority, but ſuch as were of greateſt reputation place and Authority among them, who were concerned in this buſineſs: as, beſides Oſw. Teſmond alias Greenwel, who with Rob • rt Winter was by Garnet, Catesby and Treſham, Anno 1601. ſent into Spain, with Letters commendatory to F. Creſwel, to Negotiate the then intended Spaniſh Expedition; beſides Gerrard, and Hammond and Hall; beſides V. Wilſon Hiſt. of King James. F. Weſton who, heretofore Anno 1595. at Wisbich caſtle, by his contention for a Superiority over the other Prieſts as well as Jeſuites, began the differences which have ſince continued between them; and in his book de Triplici hominis Officio, Printed Anno 1602. foretold of many calamities, ſtorms and dangers that were like to enſue upon the Queens death, (as did alſo the Author of The Ward-word Printed at Lovane 1599. ſaid to be Parſons) as was obſerved and noted Anſwer to the Supplication, chap 4. Edit. Lond. 1 •• 4. in Print before this Plot was detected; beſides all theſe and many more no doubt, not yet diſcovered, the Superiour of the whole Order of Engliſh Jeſuites, even their Provincial himſelf here in England, F. Hen. Garnet, who had been eighteen years here in England, and a promoter of former conſpiracies, and held correſpondence with divers other of prime note and authority in forrein parts: as, with F. Creſwel in Spain, who being many years Vice-praefectus Anglicanae Miſſionis, Sub provincial and Leger there, did great matters, and by the Authority which he had with the two Philips 11 & 111. Kings of Spain, obtain'd many things of them for the good of the Catholick cauſe in England, as we read in Alegambe, and about a month or ſix weeks About the time that • anham was ſent by Garnet to the Pope. before this Plot ſhould have been effected, went from Villadolit to Rome, to be created a Cardinal, ſaith L. Owen, but more probably upon ſome other negotiation concerning this great buſineſs then in hand: (L. O. of the Engl. Col. in forrein parts, pag. 74. Lond. 1626. quar.) alſo with F. Baldwin in the Low-countries, of like place and Authority there ever ſince the year 1590. at which time Del Rio read Divinity at Doway, as he did afterward at other places in thoſe parts, as Leige and Lovane, who being ſo famous as he was in thoſe parts, and ſo great a zealot againſt hereticks, it is not to be doubted that he had frequent converſe with F. Baldwin and divers others of the Engliſh Fugitives of the better quality: Laſtly, at Rome with the Engliſh Aſſiſtant there F. Parſons, whom we may conclude to have had particular knowledge of this deſign, not only from what he wrote concerning the Journey or Pilgrimage to S. Winefreds-well, & the myſtical prayer which he ordered his Students to uſe, to ſay nothing of the many projects which his working brain continually deviſed, and his furious zeal as earneſtly urged and proſecuted, or of his Letter wherein he wrote (Anno 1600) that he had then been ten years dealing in ſuch matters; but we are moreover given to underſtand ſo much from ſome of his own Religion, though not of his Order, and that he was highly acceſſory to it, both before and after the diſcovery, as might be proved by great and manifeſt inſtances. (The Jeſuites Reaſons unreaſonable, Doubt 1.) But for his Correſpondence at Rome, we need do no more but firſt remember who Garnet was, viz. Provincial of the Engliſh Jeſuites, and then reflect upon the continual weekly or octiduan Intelligences, which the Provincials from all parts conſtantly tranſmit, concerning all matters of moment, to their ſeveral reſpective Aſſiſtants at Rome, who immediately impart the ſame to the F. General of the whole Society, always Reſident there, and he or they, as the matter requires or deſerves, to the Pope: (of which the Diſcourſe of the Jeſuites Politicks, written under Paul v. Printed in the Myſt. of Jeſuit. part 2. and other Writers give us an account) and then we cannot doubt of his correſpondence there, not only with the Engliſh Aſſiſtant Parſons, but alſo, at leaſt by means of the Aſſiſtant, with the F. General Claudius Aquaviva, and with the Pope himſelf, and that in this very particular, being a matter of ſo great moment; which doth more particularly appear by the Bulls prepared to be ſent over hither, as ſoon as the plot had taken effect, and other inſtances not neceſſary here to be inſiſted on. So that if we conſider the Perſons and their Correſpondences and Intelligences, it will not be hard to conceive how eaſily this Plot, whereſoever or by whomſoever invented, might be communicated, if by Del Rio, to our Incendians here; if by any of them, to him; if at Rome, both to him and to them, or, for the more ſecret conveyance of the notice of it, from thence, by him, to them. Which is not unlikely that it was, and that it was the contrivance of F. Parſons, who at that time. Anno 1600, had been ten years dealing in ſuch matters, and ſtudying and promoting projects againſt his Country, as we may perceive by his aforeſaid letter then written.

16. Laſtly, if from the Actors we come to conſider their Actions and Management of the whole buſineſs, we ſhall find a wonderful agreement, from firſt to laſt, in all the Circumſtances, not one croſſing or thwarting our conjecture, not one ſailing, not one that doth not afford ſome matter or ground to confirm it. For 1. If we conſider the whole Section of Del Rio, and with it compare the Actions and carriage of the Conſpirators, in all, there is ſo punctual an agreement, that without further proof, it ſeems to own and bewray its parent, being as like him, as if (according to our proverb) it was ſpat out of his mouth; at leaſt to diſcover that it was nearly related to him. Thus with his Inſtance agree the undertakings of the Conſpirators; with his Dectrine of not revealing things diſcovered in Confeſſion, though the moſt hainous Treaſons and moſt pernitious to the State, the Practice of their Confeſſors; with his means for concealing the ſame by Equivocation, and Confirmation thereof by Oath or moſt ſolemn proteſtations, their punctual, ſtrict and reſolute uſe and obſervance thereof. All which is ſo plain and manifeſt from what is before recited out of that Section, and obſerved in it, and from the following Hiſtory, and the Proceedings againſt the Traytors, that nothing more need be alledged to prove it, as nothing can be ſaid with any colour of probability to diſprove it.

17. And therefore 2. We may alſo, as to their Actions, take notice of the great C • re and Caution and Secrecy, together with their Jugling indirect Practiſes, wherewith they managed their buſineſs; and that in theſe two reſpects: 2. in general for the better ſecuring of their deſign and undertakings from diſcovery. And this appears in divers Inſtances, as 1. In Th. Winters Dealing, firſt with Sir William Stanly, to whom, though a good friend to the Catholick Cauſe, he poſitively affirmed that there was no reſolution to ſet any project a foot in England; as he tells us in his Confeſſion: then with Fawkes, to whom though ſent for by him to act in this tragedy, he imparted only a reſolution of a practiſe in general againſt his Majeſty for relief of the Catholick Cauſe, as appears by both their Confeſſions. 2. In that the buſineſs was very ſparingly communicated, at firſt but to few, and afterwards to more as the intended time of Execution drew on, and under an Oath of Secrecy, in the moſt ſolemn manner confirmed, by receiving the Sacrament upon it. And Garnet himſelf often religiouſly proteſted to them both by word and writing that he would never betray them, in his Letter dated on Palm-Sunday (Tortura Torti, pag. 286.) which implyes that he was often thereunto urged by them. 3. In that reaſon which Catesby alledged, when he deſired leave to acquaint ſome others with the buſineſs: for many, ſaid he, may be content that I ſhould know, who would not therefore that all the company ſhould be acquainted with their names, as it is in Winters Confeſſion; and it is not unlikely that he learnt this, reaſon by experience at the ſame time and from the ſame perſon, as he did the contrivance it ſelf; which might poſſibly, for the more ſecrecy, be thus conveyed to him, through divers intermediate hands, from the firſt Author or Authors of it.

18. And 2. more eſpecially, for ſecuring the reputation of the Society, in caſe the Plot ſhould be detected: and this appears in the Actions and indirect Practiſes both of the Jeſuites, and of the other Conſpirators. Hence it was that Garnet the Provincial, being of greateſt Authority, and therefore likely to bring moſt Diſcredit and greateſt Odium upon the Society, if ſuch a man as he ſhould be diſcovered to have any hand in ſo foul and infamous a matter, at firſt would not be known even to Catesby himſelf, the principal viſible actor in the Plot, or to any other, but of his own Order, that he was made privy to it. And after the Diſcovery of the Plot, how ſollicitous was he, and concern'd for the whole Society! At at, actum eſt de Societate; which he feared would ſuffer for it, as being conſcious they well deſerved. Then upon his Examination and Tryal, how ready and dexterous was he with his Equivocations, and deſperately impious in ſtiff Denyals, upon his Soul, and with deteſtable Execrations, of thoſe very things which were after ſo manifeſtly proved againſt him, that he could not longer deny them! And for the other Conſpirators: 1. They taxed none in Holy Orders, which many looked upon, ſays Thuanus, as purpoſely avoided, becauſe they were bound by Oath not to do it. And certainly, Garnet, when he ſo often engaged not to betray them, would not be leſs careful for the Society, to oblige them not to diſcover any of it. 2. Nor did they only carefully abſtain from accuſing, but moſt deſperately indeavoured by all means, even the worſt of means, by lyes and falſe proteſtations to excuſe them. Such were Digbys Proteſtations, whereupon the Earl of Salisbury obſerved, what faith was to be given to theſe mens proteſtations, who ſought to excuſe all Jeſuits how foul ſoever, out of an opinion that it is meritorious ſo to do, at ſuch time as they had no hope of themſelves, and to clear them of thoſe practiſes which they themſelves have now confeſſed ex proprio ore. Such was alſo that lamentable attempt of Treſham upon his death-bed to excuſe Garnet, wherein he was diſproved, by the Confeſſions both of Mrs Vaux, Garnets intimite, and of Garnet himſelf. To theſe may be added, Their Deſign to have father'd the enterpriſe upon the Puritans; and ſince, Their impudent groundleſs Imputation of the Original of it to Cecil: which makes the relation of that deſign more credible; and that again makes this imputation more apparently void of Credit.

19. Now of theſe Obſervations of their Secrecy and Practiſe we may reaſonably make this Ʋſe: 1. To manifeſt the validity and Sufficiency of theſe and ſuch like Arguments and Proofs, from Circumſtances and by way of Inducement, in this caſe. For where ſuch Works of Darkneſs, as to the main ſubſtance of them are plainly and ſully proved, and as plainly and evidently proved to have been managed with ſo much Secrecy and Practiſe, we cannot reaſonably expect greater Proof and Evidence of any Circumſtance belonging to them, than ſo plain a concurrence and agreement of all other Circumſtances with it. 2. To manifeſt the Inſufficiency of what ever ſhould be urged from their Confeſſions againſt us. For ſince they did not only ſtifly deny plain truths, but alſo muſt impudently affirm manifeſt falſhoods, eſpecially where it was thought neceſſary for excuſing any of the Society, what ever ſhall be alledged from their ſpeeches for that purpoſe, may reaſonably be ſuſpected to have been fained and deviſed for that end, and deſerves no credit at all. 3. To Anſwer the Objection that might be made, and Correct the Miſtake that hath been committed, concerning the firſt Author and Original of the Plot, as if it was at firſt of Catesby's Contrivance, and not till their Deſpair of Aſſiſtance from Spain, upon their laſt Negotiation there.

20. To which it might be Anſwered, from their Practiſe to excuſe their Complices eſpecially the Jeſuits, that they attributed the Contrivance to Catesby, becauſe he being dead could accuſe no other, and aſſigned That Time, as being a good probable Occaſion of it. But 2. It may be Anſwered, perhaps more ſatisfactorily and fully, From their Secrecy, and from Catesby's own words, that ſome might be willing to be known to him, who would not be known to the reſt to be privy; and the rather becauſe this was an old policy formerly practiſed in order to the Spaniſh Invaſion, which was after attempted in 88. when many were ſo cunningly engaged that they knew not of, and ſo were not able to accuſe any, but the perſon that ingaged them, (as Sir Francis Bacon in his Obſervations upon the Libel publiſhed 1592. and in his Collection of the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth, ſhews from a Letter of one of their Principal Heads, which was intercepted;) and not only practiſed before, but alſo repeated immediatly after this Plot, when Five had ſeverally undertaken the Earl of Salisbury's death, and vowed the performance of it; and yet it was ſo ordered that none of thoſe Five knew who the other Four were, for the better preventing the diſcovery of the reſt, if any one by attempting and not performing ſhould be apprehended; from hence it may well be anſwered: That it is very probable, that Winter and Fawkes, from whoſe Confeſſions this miſtake hath ariſen, and the Objection may be made, and moſt of the other Conſpirators, did indeed know of no other Author of the Contrivance, but Catesby. And yet it may very well be, that He received it from others the firſt Contrivers of it, either immediately or mediately, either the full Project expreſly, with the Reaſons mentioned by Thuanus, under ſome Oath of Secrecy or Engagement not to diſcover from whom he received it, or at leaſt ſome ſuch Hints and Intimations of it, as were ſufficient to ſet on work a mind ſo active and well diſpoſed to improve the ſame to the utmoſt; and without any ſuch engagement, he might be apt enough to take the Invention upon himſelf; not only out of Devotion to the Society, whoſe reputation he might thereby the better ſecure in caſe it ſhould miſcarry; but even out of an Ambition to be reputed the Author of ſo Glorious an Enterpriſe. And that He ſhould be intruſted with ſo Great a Secret, and the Chief viſible Management of it, rather than any of the reſt, was very likely, 1. Becauſe he and his Family had been addicted and devoted to the Jeſuits from their very firſt coming into England; and were harbourers of Campian, who with his Comrade Parſons (the two firſt and principal who were deſigned and employed for that Service) came into England Anno 1580. where he was apprehended 22. July in the year next enſuing; as we are informed by Sanders 3. de Schiſmate Anglicano. From which time it is not unlikely that he held correſpondence with F. Parſons, who ſoon after returned to Rome, and continued there Rector of the Engliſh Colledge, till ſome years after the diſcovery of this plot, he was ſhamefully turned out of Rome by Mounſieur Bethunes the French Embaſſadour, and Order from the King of France, being diſcovered to plot a new treaſon againſt his Majeſty, to introduce the Duke of Parma; as we are told by a Romaniſt. But 2. this was not all why Catesby was preferred before the reſt in this ſervice: for in this reſpect Treſham might perhaps have claimed that honor, as well as he, as we may ſee in Sanders; but Catesby had another more ſpecial qualification, as being more Cautious and Cunning, as we may obſerve in Thuanus.

21. But becauſe ſo plauſible a Pretenſe, for the Occaſion of theſe deſperate reſolutions at that time, as the King of Spain's then deſerting of the Conſpirators upon his Treaty of Peace with England, may ſeem to have ſome weight in it; though it muſt be noted, that this ſeemes rather to have been the Conjecture of the Hiſtorians and others, than that any ſuch thing was expreſly alledged by the Conſpirators, for ought appears in the Printed Confeſſions of Fawkes and Winter; yet that we may leave no ſcruple, and make it further appear that we have not only the concurrence of all Circumſtances to confirm our belief of the truth of what hath been ſaid, but have alſo ſufficient matter and ground for Anſwer to all Objections, we ſhall return ſuch Anſwer, though touch'd before, as may both ſufficiently ſolve this doubt, and be of ſome uſe to other purpoſe. And therefore it muſt be remembred, 1. That all the neighbouring Popiſh Princes, eſpecially France, Spain, and the Archdukes of Auſtria, toward the latter end of the Queens Reign, were not a little concerned upon Fear of what Conſequence the Ʋnion of the three Kingdoms, (viz. of Scotland with England and Ireland) might prove in time; as is not only apparent in it ſelf, but intimated to us by the Papiſts themſelves in their Supplication to King James before the diſcovery of this plot; and thereupon bent all their Conſultations, and uſed all Means to prevent or hinder it, as well after the Kings coming in, as before, and even by their Embaſſadours here, did not only tamper with ſome of the Prime Miniſters of State to corrupt them, but alſo practiſed to raiſe ſtirs and Rebellions: Of the French, Cambden tells us that the French Embaſſadour ſtudied to move Commotions, ne duo diviſa Britanniae Regna, Angliae & Scotiae, in unum coaleſcerent; and others inform us of his tampering with ſome of the Prime Stateſmen here. And of Count Arembergh, Embaſſadour Extraordinary for the Archdukes, we find him reported to have been an agent in the Treaſon of Watſon and Clark, and not only ſo, but that He and they were the Contrivers of it, and that He drew into it the Lord Cobham, and, by his means, his brother Brook, Parham, the Lord Grey of Wilſon, and at length Raleigh alſo was brought in.

22. And 2. we muſt take notice that there was certainty a deeper myſtery in the Counſels of Spain, than meerly an Invaſion intended. For long before this, The King of Spain (as Sir Fr. Bacon in his Report of the Treaſon of Loper, well obſerves) having found by the Enterpriſe of 88 the Difficulty of an Invaſion of England, layed aſide the Proſecution of his Attempts againſt this Realm by Open Forces, and by all means projected to trouble the waters here by Practiſe, firſt to move ſome Innovation in Scotland, then, he ſollicited a Subject within this Realm, (being a Perſon of great Nobility) to riſe in Arms, and Levy war againſt her Majeſty. [Perhaps he means the Earl of Darby, whom Richard Hesket endeavoured to perſwade to aſſume the Title of King, deriving his Right from his great Grandmother Mary daughter of Hen. VII. and made him large promiſes of Aids and Money from the Spaniard, threatning him with ſudden deſtruction if he did not do it, and conceal the buſineſs. Cambd. Anno 1593.] Laſtly, either of himſelf, or his Counſellers and Miniſters uſing his name, deſcended to a courſe Againſt all Honour, all Society and Humanity; Odious to God and Man; Deteſted by the Heathens themſelves; to take away the life of her Majeſty, by Violence or Poiſon. A matter which might be proved to be, not only againſt all Chriſtianity, and Religion, but againſt Nature, The Law of Nations, The Honour of Arms, The Civil Law, The Rules of Morality and Policy; Finally, the moſt Condemned, Barbarous and Ferine Act that can be imagined, &c. What then would he have ſaid, and what muſt we think of this ſo far tranſcendent Inhumane and Antichriſtian Powder Plot! But he goes on: Certain it is, that even about this preſent time, there have been ſuborned, and ſent into this Realm, divers perſons, ſome Engliſh, ſome Iriſh, corrupted by Money, and Promiſes; and Reſolved and Conjured by Prieſts in Confeſſion, to have executed that moſt wretched and horrible Fact. Of which number certain have been taken; and ſome have ſuffered, [as Patrick Cullen, an Iriſh Fencer; and afterward Ri. Williams and Edmond York, for whoſe encouragement and reward an Aſſignation of forty thouſand Crowns, under the hand of Stephano Ibarra, the Kings Secretary at Bruxels was depoſited with Holt a Jeſuit, who kiſſing the Conſecrated Hoſt, ſwore that the money ſhould be paid as ſoon as the murther was committed, and engaged them two by Oath upon the Holy Sacrament to perform it. Camd. Anno 1594, 1595.] And ſome are ſpared, becauſe they have with great ſorrow confeſſed theſe attempts, and detected their ſuborners; [there were alſo deſigned at the ſame time for this purpoſe, as the others confeſſed, Foulis l. 7. c. 7. one Tipping, Edmund Garret an Enſign, with a Wallon, and a Burgundian, and one Young, and perhaps ſome of them might be taken and ſpared.] But ſays Sir Francis, Among the number of theſe execrable undertakers, there was none ſo much built and relyed upon, by the Great Ones of the other ſide, as was the Phyſician Lopez; And then he proceeds in the particular relation, how one Manuel Andrada, who had revolted from his own King of Portugal Don Antonio to the King of Spain, having before won Doctor Lopez ſworn Phyſician of her Majeſties Houſehold to the King of Spains ſervice, coming freſhly out of Spain, treated with Lopez touching the empoyſoning of the Queen, which he undertook for fifty thouſand Crowns, but ſtaying the execution, till by Letters from Spain he ſhould have Aſſurance of the payment of the Money, thoſe Letters, the one from the Count de Fuentes and the other from the Secretary Juara, which were delivered to the meſſenger by the Count's own hand, being happily intercepted, the Practiſe was diſcovered, and the Great Service, whereof ſhould ariſe a Ʋniverſal Benefit to the whole world, as the Letters expreſſed it, very opportunely diſappointed, and Lopez with Em. Louys and Ferrera de Gama, whereof the one managed the buſineſs abroad, and the other reſided here to give correſpondence, were apprehended and arraigned; who upon theſe Letters and their own confeſſion being found guilty, were condemned, and about three months after executed at Tiburne, as Camden tells us. The like practiſe we find again ſome few years after repeated in Spain, whence by Walpole the Jeſuit, ſome time Rector or at leaſt of great authority at Villadolit where, as I take it, the Spaniſh Court was at that time kept, Edw. Squire was ſent over to poyſon the Queen, under pretenſe of redeeming Spaniſh Captives, being by that Jeſuit encouraged upon the ſcore of merit, with promiſes of Eternal Salvation, and his bleſſing. Camb. Ann. 1598. out the ſame Providence ſtill preſerved her.

23. And to theſe pitiful and baſe unworthy Arts, did the Grave Spaniſh Counſels and high vaunts at laſt deſcend; and this was a fair Introduction to the Contrivance of this Maſter-piece and laſt refuge of the Powder-plot, which, from what hath been ſaid before, we have great reaſon to believe did ſhortly after ſucceed. Now if theſe things be confidered, and therewith the State and Condition of England and Spain at that time, which we may find well compared to our hand by Sir Francis Bacon in his conſiderations touching a war with Spain, it muſt needs be a very weak and childiſh thing for any man to imagine that Spain ſhould have been ſo inconſiderate as to have had any thought of Invading England at that time, notwithſtanding any combination of whatſoever party ready to receive him here, of Papiſts and diſcontented perſons, (whereof he had made greater preparations againſt the Northern Rebellion and 88.) did he not build upon ſome ſuch myſtery of the Powder Plot. And indeed, if we well examine the Preparations then made or deſigned both abroad and at home, we ſhall find them rather proportionable to ſecond ſome ſuch feat as this, when the King and the Nobility and a great part of the Gentry were deſtroyed, and the whole Kingdom under ſo great a conſternation and confuſion as muſt there upon unavoidably have enſued, than otherwiſe to have atchieved any conqueſt of this Nation. And if this was ſo that all did depend upon ſome ſuch ſecret machination, it was very agreeable to the Counſels and Practiſes of the Spaniards, (who, as Sir Fr. Bacon obſerves, are great Waiters upon Time, and ground their Plots deep) 1. By theſe means, to As they had before done in order to the Invaſion of 88 by rumours, and Printed Books. hold up the minds of the Papiſts, and keep them in continual readineſs till the Queens death, at which time all the Popiſh Conſultations, for ſundry years before, aimed, as hath been ſufficiently manifeſted; and then after her death to enter into and go on with a Treaty of Peace (as they did in 88. till the noiſe of the Cannon gave notice of the Invaſion, and as Don Jo. of Auſtria had before done) and by that means provide for themſelves, in caſe the other project failed; and in the mean time underhand to infinuate that contrivance, to them who were apt enough of themſelves to put it in execution; but yet in appearance ſo to deſert them, as if it ſhould be diſcovered, they might not appear to have been in the leaſt privy to it. In the month of Sept. Thn. l. 129. came the Spaniſh Embaſſador, and in the ſame moneth was Proceed. R. 2. Percy by Catesby acquainted with the Plot. It was rumour'd, as our hiſtorians tell us, that the King of Spain was a fomen • er of the Plot; but for his Miniſters, they could not be unacquainted with our Author Del Rio, a famous Jeſuite who had once been in In Supremum Brabantiae Senatum cooptatus eſt. Sed probitate & doctrina ſuffragantibus altius evectus, Palatinis & militibus jus dicere, mox etiam Brabantiae pro Cancellario eſſe, Regiumque Fiſcum curare juſſus eſt. Alegamb. Lipſius Anno 1578 inſcribes an Epiſtle to him at Lovain, Mart. Ant. Delrio Conſiliario Regio. Honourable Civil employments under that King, a member of the Supreme Senate of Brabant, Judge of the Marſhals Court, Advocate of the Kings Exchequer, Chancellor of Brabant, and Counſellor of State, and afterwards entred into the Society at Pinira in Spain, and if they were otherwiſe ignorant of it, might from him have learn't the contrivance, who himſelf might poſſibly have ſeen a little experiment or Emblem of it in Stiria whither he went about the year 1600. when the Proteſtant Miniſters were caſt out by the Decree of the Archduke through the inſtigation of the Jeſuites, and among other Outrages, a Church, wherein were the Monuments of a Noble Proteſtant Familie the Hofmans, and the dead carkaſes and bones blown up, not caſually, but with Gun-powder, for that purpoſe put under it; As Thuanus reports, Anno 1600. l. 124.

24. But to conclude this Subject; If we look into the Beginning, Progreſs and Succeſſion of all thoſe Tragical Attempts, which upon the ſcore, or at leaſt under the Pretenſe of Reſtoring the Catholick Religion in England, have been made or promoted, during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth of Bleſſed Memory, againſt Her and Her Kingdoms, we ſhall find in all from firſt to laſt ſuch a Combination of Counſels and Mutual Aſſiſtances between the Biſhops of Rome and the King of Spain with his Netherlands, as will very much confirm what hath been ſaid, and may reaſonably perſwade us to believe that the ſame was alſo continued in this. It would be too long to make a particular relation of all; but yet it may not be amiſs, briefly to take notice of the principal of them; not ſo much to confirm what hath been ſaid, which needs it not, as to obſerve the true Principles, from which all have proceeded, and what uſe and benefit we may make of the whole diſcourſe: and in this reſpect it matters not much who were contrivers of that Powder Plot, ſince it is out of queſtion that it proceeded from the ſame principles with the reſt.

25. Paulus IV. who was Pope when Queen Elizabeth began her Reign, not living out a year after, did not at all moleſt her. Nor did his Succeſſor Pius IV. whether being diverted by other buſineſs of nearer concern at home, in the Intrigues of the Councel of Trent, or by the means of Ferdinand the Emperor then in hopes to marry his ſon to her; but Pius v. who ſucceeded him, was no ſooner ſettled in that See, but he began to practiſe to unſettle her from her Throne; and to that end (as we are informed by Catena who was Secretary to his Nephew, Cardinal Alexandrino, and wrote his life) he imployed one Robert Bidolph, Hier. Catena in vita Pii v. a Gentleman of Florence, reſiding here under pretenſe of Merchandiſe, to engage a party againſt the Queen; which he ſo effectually did, not only among the Papiſts, but Proteſtants alſo, that the Duke of Norfolk was drawn into the Conſpiracy, by promiſe of marriage with the Queen of Scots; and in the mean time he perſwaded the Spaniard to aſſiſt the Conſpirators; Thuanus l. 46. Sanders 7. de viſib. Monarch. and at laſt to promote the buſineſs, ſent over Doctor Nic. Morton to certain of the principal Engliſh Papiſts, to denounce the Queen an Heretick, and therefore faln from all Power and Dominion, and by them to be accounted as a Heathen and a Publican, and they diſobliged from her Laws and commands. Hereupon, (Chapinus Vitellius being firſt come over, under pretenſe of compoſing differences about Trade, to obſerve the ſucceſs of the enſuing Rebellion, and to head the Spainards forces which were to be ſent out of the Low-Countries) the Earls of Northumberland and Weſtmerland with 600. Horſe and 4000. foot, riſe in actual Rebellion, De Schiſmate Angl. and Declare for the Reſtitution of the Roman Religion; but the reſt of the Catholicks, ſays Sanders, becauſe Sentence of Excommunication by the Pope was not publickly Denounced againſt the Queen, nor did they ſeem abſolved from her Obedience, not joyning with them, they were eaſily by the Queens forces chaſed into Scotland; where afterward Northumberland was taken, and brought back into England, and at York, by a Glorious Martyrdom, ſays he, happily ended his days. And in this Rebellion, for the King of Spain, beſides Vitellius and La Mot the Governour of Dunkirk, who came over in a common Sailers habit to found our Havens, Bacon Obſerv. the Duke of Alva his Lieutenant in the Low-Countries, and Don Guerres d'Eſpees his Lieger Ambaſſadour here, were diſcovered to be the Chief Inſtruments and Practiſers. Camd. Anno 1569. This Beginning was immediately ſeconded by Leonard Dacres, but with like ſucceſs.

26. But the Duke of Norfolk, and Bidolph, and others being a little before the Inſurrection ſecured upon ſome ſuſpitions, and ſo prevented from appearing in the Rebellion, the bottom of the buſineſs was ſtill undiſcovered, they not long after releaſed, and the Conſpiracy ſtill carried on. And the Pope, to prevent that failure for the future, which had been committed the year before, and to give more ſatiſfaction and encouragement to all good Catholicks to joyn in Rebellion againſt the Queen, in the entrance of the next year, ſends out his Sentence of Anathema againſt her. Wherein he firſt ſets out his own Title and Authority, Sanders 3. De Schiſ. Angl. pag. 368. in theſe words: He that reigneth on High, to whom is given all Power in Heaven and Earth, hath committed the One, Holy, Catholick and Apoſtolick Church, out of which there is no Salvation, to One Alone on Earth, to wit, to the Prince of the Apoſtles, Peter, and to Peters Succeſſor, the Biſhop of Rome, to be governed in Plenitude of Power, &c. Next he acquaints us with his own great care and endeavours for the diſcharge of this great truſt; then draws up a particular charge of ſeveral crimes and miſdemeanors againſt Elizabeth pretended Queen of England, whom he calls the Servant or Slave of wickedneſs, Flagitiorum Serva. And therefore, ſaith he, Supported with his Authority, who was pleaſed to place Ʋs, though unable for ſo great a burthen, in this Supreme Throne of Juſtice, out of the Plenitude of Our Apoſtolical Power, We do Declare the aforeſaid Elizabeth (being) a Heretick and Favourer of Hereticks, and her Adherents in the matters aforeſaid, to have incurred the Sentence of Anathema, and to be cut off from the unity of Chriſt's Body; and Her to be Deprived of her pretended Right to the Kingdom aforeſaid, and of All Dominion, Dignity and Priviledge whatſoever; and alſo the Nobles, Subjects and People of the ſaid Kingdoms and All others who have in any ſort Sworn unto her, to be for ever Abſolved from the ſame Oath, and from All manner of Duty of Dominion, Fidelity, and Obedience; As we do by Authority of theſe preſents Abſolve Them, and Deprive the ſame Elizabeth of her •• tended Right to the Kingdom, and of all other things aboveſai • 〈◊〉 we Command and Interdict All and Every the Noblemen, Subjects, People and others aforeſaid, that they Preſume not to Obey Her, or her Monitions, Mandates and Laws. Thoſe who ſhall do otherwiſe we Innodate in the like Sentence of Anathema. This was ſent over, and toward the end of May affixed upon the Biſhop of London's Palace Gates; and Copies of it to be diſperſed through out England, ſent to Bidolph; Catena. who, having by the Popes Order diſtributed 150000. Crowns (Aurea) among the Confederates, and all things here being again made ready againſt the Queen, is ſent to acquaint the Pope with their preparations; which he approving preſently ſends him to the King of Spain; promiſing that, if need be, himſelf will go to their Aſſiſtance, and will pawn All the Goods of the Apoſtolick See, the Chalices, Crucifixes, and Sacred Veſtments. Hereupon the Spaniard preſently gives expreſs Command that Vitellius with an Army ſhall Invade England; and the Pope prepares his money in the Low-Countries. But it pleaſed God that a meſſenger coming over with Letters to the Queen of Scots, the Spaniſh Ambaſſadour, Norfolk and others, being intercepted, the whole buſineſs is diſcovered, Norfolk and others committed, and all their Preparations and Hopes diſappointed. Which, ſays Catena, the Pope took ſadly, and the Spaniard condoled, who ſaid before Cardinal Alexandrino the Popes Nephew, (not long before ſent to him from the Pope) that no Conſpiracy was ever more adviſedly undertaken, nor with greater unanimity and conſtancy concealed. Which in ſo long time was revealed by none of the confederates: and that the forces might eaſily have been tranſported from the Low-Countries in the ſpace of twenty four hours, which might have ſupriſed the Queen and the City of London, reſtored Religion, and ſetled the Queen of Scots in her Throne: eſpecially, when as Th. Stucley an Engliſh fugitive had taken upon him at the ſame time, with 3000. Spaniſh Souldiers, to reduce all Ireland to the Obedience of Spain, and with one or two ſcouting Ships, to fire the Engliſh Navy. The Duke of Norfolk was brought to his Tryal the 16. of January following, and Condemned; and the 2. of June after beheaded. The Pope in the mean time, the firſt of May, being called to his tryal and to give an account for theſe things before a far other Supreme Throne of Juſtice, than what he pretended himſelf here placed in.

27. Before we leave this Pope Pius v. we may take notice of two notable horrid exploits, about his time practiſed in our neighbour Countries; The firſt in Scotland, the murther of the Lord Darby, King James his father, in the firſt year of his Papacy, and the houſe wherein he was murthered at the ſame time blown up with Gun-powder; in relation to which Thuanus tells us: Ad haec Pontificis, &, ut paſſim jactabatur, Caroli Lotaringi Cardinalis Literis incitabantur; nam cum per eum a Pontifice petiiſſent pecuniam ad inſtaurandam majorum religionem, reſponſum fuerat, fruſtra ipſos conari, niſi ſublatis iis, per quos ſtabat ne res exitum ſortiretur. &c. lib. 40. ad finem Anni 1566. The other in France, that barbarous Maſſacre at Paris, which though not executed till near two moneths after this Popes death, yet it is obſervable that Cicarella notes in his life: Ad Regem Galliarum, ejuſque Miniſtros optima miſit documenta, ad eoſdem Hereticos Regno illo exturbandos: and what theſe documenta were, we may the better gueſs, if we take notice of the temper and employments of this man; a moſt ſevere, auſtere man, who had with ſo much rigor exerciſed the buſineſs of the Inquiſition wherein he was imployed, as made many dread his ſeverity when he was choſen Pope. And the ſame Authour notes his irreconciliabile in Hereticos odium, though he looks upon it as matter of Commendation. But how exceeding mad he was againſt them, condemning and burning, even for familiarity with Sectaries or thoſe that were ſuſpected ſuch, may be ſeen at large in the Noble Author de Thou. lib. 39. pr. And in both theſe exploits is obſervable, the Care that was taken to caſt the Odium of the fact upon others. But to return to our own ſtory,

28. After the death of this man, the thirteenth of the ſame moneth was Gregory XIII. choſen Pope. And although with their late diſappointment, their party alſo in England was much broken and diſabled for the future, the chief heads being taken off, yet was it not long before this Pope was alſo engaged in the ſame Combination. Which was firſt begun between him and Don John of Auſtria, baſe brother to the King of Spain, and by him about that time appointed Governour of the Low-Countries, and in purſuance thereof, the Pope wrote to the King of Spain. But Don John's Exploits were prevented by his own death before ever he could put them in practice. Yet the like Conſultations were ſoon reſumed by the Pope and the King himſelf; 〈◊〉 lib. 65. Camd. hoc An. and now England and Ireland both are to be invaded together, and Th. Stucley, whom the Pope had honoured with the Title of Marqueſs, Earl, Viſcount and Baron of ſeveral eminent places in Ireland, is to command the forces thither, the Pope providing men, and the Spainard money. But this ſtorm was blown over into Africa, where Stucley and part of his men were ſlain. However the next year is ſent into Ireland, from Spain, James Fitz-Morice with ſome Companies of Souldiers, Thu. lib. 68. and with them from the Pope Nic. Sanders, our Author above mentioned, with Authority Legatine and a conſecrated Banner: and to them the years after San Joſeph with ſeven-hundred Italian and Spaniſh Souldiers, Thu. lib. 70. and arms for five thouſand more to arm the Iriſh, and ſome ſtore of money; theſe being but Bacons Obſervations. the forerunners of a greater Power, which by treaty between the King of Spain and the Pope ſhould have followed; and the Pope to animate the Iriſh, ſends them his Breve, with Apoſtolical Benediction, wherein reciting that he had of late years by his Letters exhorted them to the Recovery of their Liberty, 〈◊〉 Hiſt. Catnol. Hibern. and Defence of it againſt the Hereticks &c. and that they might more cheerfully do it, had granted to all ſuch as ſhould be any ways aſſiſting therein, a Plenary Pardon and Forgiveneſs of All their Sins; he now grants to all ſuch, whom he alſo exhorts, requires and urges in the Lord to indeavour to help againſt the ſaid hereticks, the ſame Plenary Indulgence and Remiſſion of their Sins, which thoſe who fight againſt the Turk do obtain. And to this expedition the Pope promiſed a Crucias and 1000000. Aurea. But all theſe with their Iriſh Confederates, the Earl of Deſmond, his brothers and their party, were very happily defeated by the Queens forces, at the very inſtant when divers ſhips upon the Sea were bringing them more forces and aſſiſtance; and the Popes Legate, Sanders, died miſerably of hunger, and, as ſome ſay, mad upon the ill ſucceſs of the Rebellion.

29. About this time the Seminaries began to ſwarm; and becauſe the Bull of Pius v. Sanders p. 372. Camd. p. 180. and not yet ſufficiently produced its intended and expected effect even with a great part of the Papiſts themſelves, who ſeeing the neighbour Popiſh Princes and Provinces, not to abſtein from their uſual commerce with the Queen, continued ſtill in their Obedience to her, and were offended at the Bull as a miſchievous ſnare to them: therefore for their ſatisfaction it is Decreed at Rome, Thu. lib. 74. Camd. an. 1580. that the Bull doth always Oblige Elizabeth and the Hereticks, but not the Catholicks rebus ſic ſtantibus, but only then, when they ſhould be able publickly to put it in execution. And that it might in due time be effectually Executed, Miſſions are made into England to Prepare a Party to adhere to the Spaniard at his coming to invade us. Bacon Obſerv. Collect. & Conſid. And the better to conceal and diſguiſe the Practice and make the Queen and her Councel the more ſecure, it is Reſolved not to have any Head of the party here. But the Emiſſaries coming dayly over in various Diſguiſed Habits, deal particularly, Camd. ſine Ann. 1580. and ſo more effectually, with the people in their ſecret Confeſſions, Abſolving them particularly in private from Obedience and Fidelity to the Queen, Camd. p. 315.348. as the Bull of Pius v. had done in publick, but only in general: and ſeverally Engaging them in that ſecret manner, as hath been before mentioned, ſo as none could be privy to others engagements. And theſe Doctrines were every where inculcated: Camb. fin. An. 1581. Thu. l. 74. That Princes not profeſſing the Roman Religion, are fallen from their Title and Royal Authority. 2. That Princes Excommunicate, are not to be Obeyed, but thrown out of their Kingdoms (and that it is a meritorious work to do it.) 3. That the Clergy are exempt from the Juriſdiction of Secular Princes, and are not bound by their Laws. 4. That the Pope of Rome hath the Chief and Full Power and Authority over All, throughout the whole world, even in Civil matters. 5. That the Magiſtrates of England are not Lawful Magiſtrates, and therefore not to be accounted Magiſtrates at all. 6. That what ever, ſince the Bull of Pius v. was publiſhed (which ſome hold to have been dictated by the Holy Ghoſt) hath by the Queens Authority been acted in England, is by the Law of God and Man to be reputed altogether void and null. Theſe Doctrines thus ſecretly inſtilled into mens minds in private, were ſeconded with ſeveral pernitious Books in print, againſt the Queen, and Princes Excommonicate. And as well to deter the reſt from Obedience, and move them to Expectation of Change, and Reconciliation to the Church of Rome, as to encourage their own party, Camd. an. 1580 l. 318. they not only by Rumours, but alſo by printed Books gave out, that the Pope and King of Spain had conſpired to ſubdue England and take it for a prey. Gollect. of the Churches. This is true, ſays Sir Fr. Bacon, and witneſſed by the Confeſſions of many, that almoſt all the Prieſts, which were ſent into this Kingdom from that year 1581. to the year 1588. (at what time the Deſign of the Pope and Spain was put in Execution) had in their Inſtructions, beſides other parts of their Function, to diſtil and inſinuate into the People theſe Particulars; It was impoſſible things ſhould continue at this ſtay; They ſhould ſee ere long a great change in this State; That the Pope and Catholick Princes, were careful for the Engliſh, if they would not be wanting to themſelves. Which are almoſt the very words of Sanders mentioning the conſiderations upon which theſe Seminaries were at firſt founded. But notwithſtanding this, Cam •• . an. 81. T •• lib 74. Bac. Collect. we are not to think that All the Prieſts which were ſent over, were acquainted with the Arcana and Secrets of the Diſign, but only the Superiours and ſome of the beſt qualified for the buſineſs, who managed and ſteered the actions of the reſt, according to their private Inſtructions.

30. Hereupon, ſays Riſhton, who publiſhed and inlarged Sanders his book, ſpeaking of theſe Miſſions, ſoon after enſued a great change of minds, and wonderful encreaſe of Religion. Which, that we may know it by its Fruits, preſently appeared in ſeveral deſperate attempts and Reſolutions to Kill the Queen. Firſt, by Somervil, who being taken and condemned with Hall a Prieſt and others whom he confeſſed, was three days after found ſtrangled in the priſon, for fear, probably, leaſt he ſhould have diſcovered others. Then, to paſs by the practiſe of Bern. Mendoza the Spaniſh Ambaſſadour Lieger here with Throgmorton, and Martins book, by William Parry Doctor of Law, encouraged thereunto by Ben. Palmius a Jeſuite, Thn. lib. 79. Ragazonius the Popes Nuncio in France, Cardinal Como, and the Pope himſelf, who ſends him his Benediction, Plenary Indulgence and Remiſſion of all his Sins, and aſſures him, that beſides his Merit which he ſhall have in Heaven, his Holineſs will remain his debtor, to acknowledge his deſert in the beſt manner he can: and after all this very much excited to it by Dr. Allens Book, which, ſaith he, teacheth, that Princes Excommunicate for hereſie are to be deprived of their Kingdoms and Lives. All which Parry confeſſed, produced the Letter from the Pope written by Cardinal Como, and was executed in March 1584, and the Pope ſoon after, in April, was called to account in another world. Immediately before this in Thuanus precedes the relation of the murther of the Prince of Aurang 10. Jul. by Bal. Gerard confirmed in his reſolution by a Jeſuite at Treves, promiſing him if he dyed for it, he ſhould be happy and be put in the number of Martyrs, and alſo encouraged to it by a Franciſcan at Tourney, and three other Jeſuites at Treves.

31. To Gregory ſucceeded, as well in his practiſes, as in that See, Sixtus v. choſen Pope the twenty fourth of the ſame moneth of April, and about this time John Savage, into whoſe head the Doctrines that it is meritorious to Kill Excommunicated Princes, and Martyrdom to die for ſo doing, being by the Giffords and Hodgeſon prieſts throughly inculcated, made a vow to kill the Queen. And ſoon after the ſame reſolution is taken up by Antony Babington, a proper young gentleman of a good family, upon the ſame principles in like manner inculcated, and ſomewhat enforced with other hopes if he eſcaped the danger, by Ballard a Jeſuite, who incited him to it, as not only Juſt and Holy in it ſelf, but moreover Honourable and Profitable to him, if he ſhould overcome the difficulty. For what could be more Juſt and Holy, than with the hazard of his Life to vindicate his Countrey, and the Cauſe of Religion, without which Life it ſelf ought to be nothing eſteemed of. Elizabeth was now long ſince, by the Lawful Succeſſor of Peter, caſt out of the Communion of the Church: from that time ſhe doth not reign in England, but, by a uſurped Power contrary to the Laws, exerciſe a cruel Tyranny againſt the true Worſhippers of God. Whoever ſhould kill her, doth no more than he that ſhould ſlay a profane Heathen or ſome damned accurſed creature: he ſhould be free from all ſin either againſt God or Man; yea would merit a Crown of Glory: and if he ſurvived the enterpriſe, ſhould doubtleſs obtain a great reward: under the notion of Reward not obſcurely inſinuating his marriage with the Queen of Scots. Thus is this Jeſuites diſcourſe with him repreſented by the Excellent Thuanus, who there informs us that this buſineſs was tranſacted with the Spaniſh Ambaſſadour Mendoza, and was to have been ſeconded by a forrein Army, and Paget a gentleman of a Noble family ſent into Spain about it. And at laſt all things being agreed on both at home and abroad, the day appointed for the perpetrating the buſineſs is S. Bartholomews day, memorable for the Pariſian Maſſacre fourteen years ſince, and for that reaſon purpoſely made choice of. But before the day came, the buſineſs being detected, Ballard and Babington, and ſeveral other of the Conſpirators were apprehended, whereof ſome had ſworn to be the Executioners of the Queens murther, and among them Savage now again ſwore it, and others were to be of the party, which the while was to reſcue the Queen of Scots; and upon their own Confeſſions and Letters intercepted, were Convicted, Condemned and Executed. And in this Conſpiracy was a project of making an Aſſociation under pretenſe of fear of the Puritans. Theſe were executed but the twentieth of September and in January following was the French Ambaſsadour l' Aubaſpinaeus, a man wholly devoted to the Guiſian Faction, and Lieger here, projecting the ſame buſineſs; Camb. an. 1.87 and to that purpoſe treated with William Stafford, a Gentleman of a Noble Family, to kill the Queen, at firſt more covertly, but afterward more openly by his Secretary, who promiſed him great Honours, a huge ſumm of Money, great Favour with the Pope, the Duke of Guiſe and all the Catholicks. Stafford refuſed it himſelf, but commended to him one Moody; and in Conſultation how to do it, Moody propoſes to lay a bag of Gunpowder under the Queens Bed-chamber, and ſecretly give fire to it. But this being diſcovered by Stafford, the Secretary thinking to be gone into France was intercepted, and upon his examination confeſſed the whole matter.

32. Hitherto had the Actors and Abettors of moſt of theſe Conſpiracies, to put the better Colour upon their unjuſtifiable attempts, beſides the Cauſe of Religion, pretended alſo the Title of the Queen of Scots to the Crown of England, Camb. an. 1586 who having been diſcovered to be privy to moſt of the former, and found guilty of that of Babington, was therefore condemned; and now this being found to have been deſigned upon the ſame pretenſe, Queen Elizabeth, by great importunity of the Parliament, who had confirmed the Sentence, was prevailed with to ſign a Warrant for the Execution, whereupon ſhe was beheaded the eighth of February following. And here we muſt not omit a Notable Artifice of the Jeſuites, who being at laſt out of hope of Reſtoring their Religion by Her or Her Son, Camb. an. 86 began to ſet up a feigned Title for the King of Spain, and imployed one of their Society into England (as is diſcovered by Paſquier a French Writer) to draw off the Gentry from Her to the Spaniard, and to thruſt her headlong into thoſe dangerous Counſels which brought Her to Her end: and at the ſame time, leaſt the Guiſes her kindred ſhould give her any aſſiſtance, ſtirring Them up to new enterpriſes againſt the King of Navarre and Conde. And agreeable hereunto was the diſcovery of that for which ſhe was condemned, viz. by Gilbert Gifford a Prieſt then ſent over into England, to immind Savage of his Vow, and to be the Letter-carrier between the Queen of Scots and the Confederates, who preſently goes and offers his Service to the Secretary Walſingham to diſcover them; (and that forſooth out of Love to his Prince and Countrey, although he had not long before been one of thoſe who provoked Savage to his vow to kill her,) and accordingly he firſt conveyes them to Walſingham; by whom they are opened, tranſcribed and carefully ſealed up again and returned to Gifford, who then conveys them to the Queen of Scots, Babington or who ever elſe they are directed to; which is ſo plain a proſecution of the ſame deſign, that it is a wonder that Camden ſhould be ſo much at a loſs to find out the myſtery of this undertaking of the Prieſt. More might be obſerved to manifeſt this Juggle, if it were neceſſary to the preſent buſineſs.

33. The Deſign of the Pope and Spaniard to Invade England had been now long ſince perceived here, not ſo much by printed books, which were deſigned only to work upon the vulgar and their own party, as by the ſecret Letters of Morton and others which were intercepted, and Chringhtow the Scotch Jeſuit's papers, miraculouſly, as himſelf acknowledged, when by him torn and thrown into the Sea, blown back into the Ship wherein he was taken. But now their preparations being in good forwardneſs as well for the aſſault from abroad by their Navy and Army, as for their reception and admiſſion here by their party prepared by their Agents the Emiſſaries, the better to diſguiſe the buſineſs and to make the Queen and her Counſel the more ſecure, Camb. an. 1586 they not only publiſh a Book, wherein the Papiſts in England are admoniſhed not to attempt any thing againſt their Prince, but to fight only with the weapons of Chriſtians, Tears, Spiritual Arguments, Sedulous Prayers, Watchings, Faſting, Thu. lib. 89. Canrd. an. 1588 but alſo a Treaty of Peace is earneſtly ſollicited by the Duke of Parma with Authority from the King of Spain, which though not ſoon yielded to by the Queen, who ſuſpected ſome fraud or deceitful deſign in it, yet being at laſt obtained, is kept on foot till the engagement of both fleets break it off in the famous year of 88. At which time all the preparations being fully compleated for execution, the Pope, who had before promiſed the aſſiſtance of his Treaſure, begins firſt to thunder out his Bull: Which, with a book written by Doctor Allen, is printed at Antwerp in Engliſh in great numbers to be ſent over into England; in which book, for the greater terrour of the people, are particularly related their vaſt preparations, which were ſo great, that the Spaniards themſelves being in admiration of them, named it the Invincible Armado; and the Nobility, Gentry and people of England and Ireland are exhorted to joyn themſelves with the Spaniſh Forces under the conduct of the Dake of Parma for the Execution of the Popes Sentence againſt Elizabeth. With this Bull is Dr. Allen, (being, extraordinarily Thu. l. • . out of the time allowed by the Canons even of this Pope, made Cardinal of purpoſe for this exploit) ſent into Flanders, to be ready, Thu. l. 89. upon the Spaniards Landing, Some ſuch Officer we may ſuppoſe was intruſted with the three Breves, which were in like manner ſeur to be in readineſs to be ſent over and publiſhed in the Popes name in three principal places of this Kingdom, as ſoon as the Powder-plot was diſcharged and had done its execution, as Biſhop Andrews reports from the Spontaneous confeſſion of a Jeſuit at the time of his writing, who was then here in priſon. Reſponſ. ad Apol. Bellarm. cap. 5. pag. 113. to paſs over into England, as the Popes Legate cum plena poteſtate, and here to publiſh the Bull, In which Bull the Pope, by the power, which he ſaith is, from God, by the Lawful ſucceſſion of the Catholick Church, deſeended to him over All perſons, for ſeveral cauſes there in ſpecified, and more fully expreſſed in the Bulls of Pius v. and Gregory XIII. doth again proſcribe the Queen; Takes away all her Royal Dignity, Titles and Rights to the Kingdoms of England and Ireland; Declaring her Illegitimate and a Uſurper of thoſe Kingdoms; Abſolving her Subjects from their Oath of Faith and Obedience to her; Threatens All of what condition ſoever, under danger of the wrath of God, not to aſſiſt her in any wiſe after notice of this Mandate, but to imploy all their power to bring her to Condigne puniſhment; Commands All Inhabitants of thoſe Kingdoms diligently to execute theſe Mandates, and as ſoon as they have certain notice of the Spaniards coming, to joyn all their forces with them, and in all things be obedient to Parma, the King of Spain's General; and laſtly, Propoſing Ample Reward to thoſe who ſhall lay hands upon the proſcribed Woman and deliver her to the Catholick party to be puniſhed, in concluſion, out of the Treaſury of the Church committed to his Truſt and Diſpenſation, he draws out his treaſure, and Grants a Full Pardon of All their Sins to All thoſe who ſhould engage in this expedition. This Thuanus relates more at large, and preſently adds: It was agreed in ſecret that King Philip ſhould hold the Kingdom, when reduced to the Obedience of the Church, of the Pope in Fee as of the Holy See, according to the Articles of the contract by Ina, Henry 2. and King John made and renewed, with the Title of Defender of the Faith. And to reduce it to this Obedience, theſe were the forrein Preparations which were made according to Thuanus his Account: A Navy of 150. Of vaſt burden, ſays Cicarella, beſides an infinite number of ſmall ſhips; In vita Sixti v. Ships extraordinarily well furniſhed; and in it of Mariners and Seamen 8000. Gally-ſlaves, a great number, 2080. ſays Camden, of Souldiers 20000. beſides Gentlemen and Voluntiers; for ſcarce was there any family of note in Spain, which had not ſon, or brother or couſin in that fleet; Braſs Guns 1600. Iron Guns 1050. Of Powder, Bullet, Lead, Match, Muskets, Pikes, Spears and ſuch like weapons, with other inſtruments and engines, great abundance, as alſo of Horſes and Mules, and Proviſions for ſix moneths. And that nothing might be wanting as to matters of Religion, they brought along with them the Vicar General of the Sacred Office, as they call it, that is the Inquiſition, and with him of Capucines, Jeſuites and Mendicants, above 100. And beſides all theſe, were prepared in Flanders and thoſe parts, by the Duke of Parma, of Flat-bottomed Boats for tranſportation of men and Horſe and other neceſſaries 288. of Veſſels for Bridges fitted with all things neceſſary, 800. and of Armed men 20900. 50000 Veterane Souldiers ſays Sir Fr. Bacon. But all theſe preparations and forces were not greater, than was the Spaniards expectation and confidence of an aſſured Victory and Abſolute Conqueſt of this Kingdom; and that not only in reſpect of the ſtrength and greatneſs of their Forces, though ſo great that in admiration of this Navy, they named it, as hath been ſaid, The Invincible Armado: and ſo was it called in a Spaniſh oſtentation throughout Europe, and hath indeed been thought the greateſt Navy that till that time ever ſwam upon the Sea; though not for number, yet for Bulk and Building of the Ships, with the Furniture of great Ordnance and Proviſions. But that which very much heightened their Confidence, was the ſuppoſed Goodneſs of their Cauſe, and preſumption of the Divine aſſiſtance accordingly favouring them in it, and thereby ſignally ratifying the Sentence of Chriſts Vicar, this being aſſigned as an Apoſtolical Miſſion againſt the Incorrigible and Excommunicate Hereticks to reduce them to the Obedience of the Catholick Church (of Rome,) and to execute his Holines's Sentence of Excommunication againſt that accurſed Anathematized woman; (though this, that we may note it by the way, was properly and anciently reputed, the Office only of Satan and his Angels and Miniſters, and never taken out of their hands till Pope Gregory VII. after above a thouſand years exerciſe of it, by the Plenitude of his Power, took upon him to diſpoſe, as it ſeems, of the Kingdom of Darkneſs, as well as of the Empires and Kingdoms of the Earth.) But the Judgement of Heaven was contrary to their expectations; and as the Scripture tells us The Curſe Cauſeleſs ſhall not come, ſo it pleaſed God to turn their curſe into a Bleſſing. For with this Monſtrous Navy, though the Spaniards perſwaded themſelves, that the Engliſh terrified with the ſight of it, would not dare to aſſail it, but only ſailing at a diſtance, obſerve their Courſe, and the while give Parma an opportunity, without difficulty, Thu. p. 253. to waft over his Forces and pour them in upon London, yet did the Engliſh, though, through the abuſe of that fraudulent Treaty, and ſome reports of the Spaniards not coming out that year at the inſtant purpoſely caſt abroad, not altogether ready and prepared, couragiouſly engage; and in few days, having taken and ſent home two of their great ſhips, ſo diſtreſſed this Great Navy, that they were forced to fly; and having chaſed them toward the North until, for want of Powder, they were forced to give them over, returned home with the loſs not of an hundred men, and but of one Ship; while theſe Executioners of the Popes Anathema, according to the Curſe in the Scriptures, Camd. p. 533. came out againſt us one way, and fled before us ſeven ways, being driven about all Britain, by Scotland, the Orcades, Ireland, grievouſly afflicted with Tempeſts, Shipwracks, and all kind of Miſeries, and very much curtailed; Thu. p. 255. and at laſt Reſolving in Councel, that, for as much as the Heavens and the Sea being their Enemies, their condition was now ſuch as by no Humane Strength, Virtue or Counſel, could be reſtored, every one ſhould return into Spain which way he could, and all meet at a place appointed: they accordingly held their Courſe for Spain, and many by Tempeſts and other misfortunes being loſt by the way, the reſt returned with Ignominy and Diſgrace: having loſt as the Spaniards write, ſaith Thuanus, 32. Ships, 10000. Men, and 1000. more carried Captive into England; but as the Engliſh and Dutch write, above 80. Ships, and as ſome of their own ſay, the greateſt part of that ſo Glorious Fleet: which had been the preparations of five whole years at the leaſt, Cicarti. in vita Sixti v. (ſays Bacon) through Spain Italy, Sicily, Flanders, their moſt expert Commanders and Veteran Souldiers, Camd. pag. 513. 516. being ſent for even out of America, and had coſt, before ever they ſet out to ſea, not ſo little as 12000000 aurea (centies vicies centena millia aureorum) as appeared by their books of account, as the Spaniſh Ambaſſadour informed the French King in the hearing of Thuanus.

34. Notwithſtanding this defeat of his Military Forces, after ſo great preparations, and that with ſo great expenſe of his Treaſure, yet it ſeems the King of Spain was ſo well pleaſed with the proceedings of his Agents the Emiſſaries here, that he thought good to erect another Colledge for them the next year, and, that they might not be far from his Court, at Villadolit. Which in ſhort time, about two years after, ſent out a Miſsion into England, the Emiſſaries coming over in the Diſguiſed Habits of Seamen, Merchants, Thu. l. 100. Souldiers, &c. In the mean time Sixtus v. dyed about 27. Aug. 1590. in ſo great hatred of the people, for his intolerable Exactions & New Impoſitions, that there was preſently in the vacancy a concourſe of the people to throw down the Statue which in his life time was erected for him in the Capitol. Cicarel. in vita ejas. At his Election, the Cardinals in the Conclave were all firſt ſworn, that whoever of them ſhould be choſen Pope, among other things for the Benefit of (their) Religion, the Dignity of the Holy See, and the Splendour of the Sacred Colledge (of Cardinals,) ſhould to the beſt of his Power, Engage the Catholick Princes to fight againſt the Turk, Hereticks and Schiſmaticks. And how well this man being choſen proſecuted the deſign of his Oath, may be underſtood in part by what hath been ſaid already, and may be further ſeen in his dealings with our Neighbours in France. Whereof an inſtance or two by the way, and a word or two of his quality and manners, will not be much beſide our purpoſe. He had his Original, as himſelf uſed to glory, from an Illuſtrious Houſe; for, for want of Covering, it was in all parts illuſtrated by the Sun-beams; being born of poor parents in a pittiful Cottage. But his good qualities were muſt conſpicuous after his Election to the Papacy, being a moſt Imperious, Proud, Ambitious, Vain-glorious, Gluttonous, Covetous, Unjuſt, Revengeful, Inhumane, and raſhly ſevere man, the contraries whereof, by a ſpecial faculty of Diſſimulation, he had before ſimulated, as he is deſcribed by Thuanus and Cicarella in his life. He began the exerciſe of his Authority with a raſh and unjuſt condemnation of a young man of Florence to be hanged, Thu. l. 83. Cicarel. in vita. for only refuſing in his Maſters houſe to deliver an Aſs to the Popes Officers, which was not his in whoſe name they demanded it, but the young mans maſter's, all men pittying the hard caſe of the poor fellow. Nor was this dealing uſed only with men of inferiour quality; for by his command the Cardinal Saluiato at Bononia, having ſummoned Count John Pepulus, a man of prime Nobility and of no leſs Piety and Probity, for entertaining certain Gentlemen who were exiles, in ſome places, out of the Popes Territories, which were anciently granted to him by the Emperor, when he pleaded a Preſcription of the Emperors Priviledge, cauſed him in the night to be pulled out of his own houſe, and, having a Prieſt ready to confeſs him, preſently to be ſtrangled. And that we may ſee how well he could uſe both ſwords, in the beginning alſo of his Papacy, he ſent out his Excommunication againſt the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde; after a glorious Preface concerning the Authority given to Peter and his Succeſſors, far above all the Powers of Earthly Kings and Princes, which never ſwerves from right judgment, Declaring them to be Sectaries, and publick and manifeſt Favourers and Defenders of Sectaries; guilty of high treaſon againſt the Divine Majeſty, and Enemies of the Catholick Faith; to be faln from all Right of Dignity; and them and their Succeſſors to be unworthy to ſucceed in any principality, particularly in the Kingdom of France: Abſolving their Subjects from their Oath of Fidelity; and laſtly Exhorting the King of France to be mindful of his Oath at his Coronation, and to Extirpate all the ſeeds of the Sectaries. And we may ſuppoſe that he was true to his Oath and the Intereſt of his See, when he deceived the expectations of the Leaguers in France and their aſſiſtants the Spaniard, leaſt, as Cicarella notes, if the King of France and his party ſhould have been overcome by the Aſſiſtance of Spain, the Spaniard might take the advantage of it to enlarge his own Dominions too much, Thu. l. 96. which might have proved dangerous to the Holy See. But he made them amends for it afterward, though without any expenſe of his Treaſure, for he ſent out his Excommunication againſt the King of France himſelf, although a man of an irreconcilable hatred againſt the Proteſtants, and who had been a promoter of the Pariſian Maſſacre, unleſs within ten days he ſhould ſet at liberty the Cardinal Bourbon, whom the Rebels deſired to make head of their party. This was publiſhed in May, and the 1. of Auguſt after, was the King murthered by James Clement a Jacobin, who was thus reſolved in the Caſe by the F. Edm. Burgoin, who was afterwards excuted for it, drawn in pieces by four horſes, his quarters burned, & his aſhes ſcattered in the wind. Danita, l. 10. p. 857. Prior of his Covent, that if he undertook it, not out of hatred or deſire of private revenge, but inflamed with the love of God, for Religion and the good of his Country, he might not only do it with a ſafe Conſcience, but ſhould merit much before God, and without doubt if he ſhould die in the act, his ſoul would aſcend to the Quires of the Bleſſed; and as ſome ſay he was likewiſe encouraged by F. Commelet and other Jeſuites. This fact of Clement was highly extolled in France both in Sermons and Printed books: and the Leaguers had that opinion of his Martyrdom (for he was preſently killed in the place, and afterward pulled to pieces and his body burned) that they came to the place, and ſcraped up the very duſt and earth whereon any of his blood lighted as Sacred Relicks, and put it into a Veſſel in which they came, intending to carry it to Paris, and there erect a Monument of his Martyrdom ad adorationem; but by a vehement wind, which ſuddenly aroſe, both veſſel and paſſengers were all drowned, not one eſcaping, and the relicks caſt away. Nor was the fact leſs extolled at Rome, even by the Pope himſelf, in a Premeditated Speech in the Conſiſtory, wherein he not only preferred that wicked wretch before Eleazar and Judith, but moſt impiouſly and blaſphemouſly compared his fact, for the greatneſs and admirableneſs of it, to the Myſtery of the Incarnation and Reſurrection of our Lord and Saviour. The King had cauſed the Duke of Guiſe, who was head of the Rebels, to be ſlain; and this was one main matter, which incenſed the Pope againſt him. Thu. l. 94. For the Pope had agreed with Guiſe in ſecret, to marry his Niece to the Prince of Jonvil, Guiſe his ſon and heir, and to depoſe the King, thruſt him into a Monaſtery, and compel him by the Popes authority to renounce his right to the Kingdom, and to ſet up Guiſe the father, King in his place. But how zealous and jealous he was for the Dignity and Authority of the Holy See, is worth our further notice, in an inſtance related by a good Catholick, the learned Civil Lawyer William Barclay, in his book De Poteſtate Papae dedicated to Pope Clement VIII. None of all the writers of the Popes part, ſaith he, hath either more dilig • ntly collected, or more ingeniouſly propoſed, or more ſmartly and ſubtilely concluded their reaſons and arguments for the Popes Authority than the Eminent Divine Bellarmine, who although he attributed as much as with honeſty he could, and indeed more than he ought to have done, to the Authority of the Pope in Temporals, yet could he not ſatisfie the Ambition of that moſt Imperious man Sixtus v. who affirmed that he held a Supreme Power, over All Kings and Princes of the whole Earth and all People and Nations, delivered to him, not by humane, but Divine Inſtitution. In ſo much, that he was very near, by his Papal Cenſure, to have aboliſhed, to the great detriment of the Church, all the works of that Doctor, which at this day oppoſe hereſie with very great ſucceſs, as the Fathers of that Order of which Bellarmine was, have ſeriouſly told me, cap. 13. But enough of Sixtus; By whom, for example, we may gueſs, by theſe fruits, what likelyhood there is, that he and ſuch as he whereof there hath been no ſmall number Popes, ſince the tenth Age eſpecially (that Seculum Infelix, when with a great Eclipſe of Learning, the Popes of Rome, as even Bellarmine noteth, degenerated from the Piety of the Ancients) were partakers of, and directed by that Holy Spirit, which God giveth to them that obey him, to conduct them in all truth, or rather the Spirit of the world, the Spirit that worketh in the children of diſobedience, whoſe works they have done.

35. The three next ſucceeding Popes, Ʋrban 7. Gregory 14. and Innocent 9. did not all of them live out half three years from the death of this; and therefore we cannot expect to hear of any attempts or deſign of theirs againſt this Kingdom. But after Clement VIII. who was elected Pope 3. Feb. 1591/2. was ſettled in his ſeat, the like practiſes ſoon began again, wherein thoſe agents whom we have mentioned before, Hesket, Lopez and, Complices his Cullen, York and Williams (who confeſſed ſome others) and Squire, were imployed to raiſe rebellion, poiſon or aſſaſſinate the Queen; Lopez by the King of Spain's Miniſters of State, not without the privity and conſent of himſelf; all the reſt incited and encouraged by the Jeſuites, who for the like practiſes at the ſame time againſt the moſt Chriſtian King, though then become Catholick too, Thu. l. 111. were exterminated out of all France, and a Pyramid erected for their perpetual Infamy. But from all theſe God ſtill preſerved her, the Emiſſaries being diſcovered, taken and Executed. Nor did he only preſerve her from their attempts, but ſhortly after bleſſed her with happy ſucceſſes in an Expedition againſt the Spaniards then preparing again to Invade England; Bacon Obſerv. wherein the King of Spains Navy of 50. tall Ships, beſides twenty Gallies to attend them, were beaten and put to flight, and in the end all, but two which were taken by the Engliſh, burned, only the twenty Gallies, by the benefit of the Shallows, eſcaping: the town of Cadiz, manned with 4000. foot and 400. horſe, taken ſack'd and burnt but great Clemency uſed toward the inhabitants: Camd. an. 1596 and at laſt the Engliſh returning home with honour and great ſpoils, beſides the two Gallions, and about 100. great braſs Guns and great ſtore of ammunition and proviſions of war taken in the town, and with very ſmall loſs, and but of one perſon of quality: the Spaniards having loſt in all firſt and laſt, 13. of their beſt men of war, and 44. other Ships of great burden, and in Ships, great guns and military proviſions, by the eſtimate of the moſt knowing perſons above 3000000 ducates. And when the King of Spain not long after, that he might repair this loſs, in a heat had from all parts gathered together all the Ships he could, and manned even the ſtrangers Ships which were in the Ports of Spain, and ſet out this Navy to Land upon the Coaſts either of England or Ireland, the Heavens fought for her, and ſo favoured her, that by a horrid tempeſt which aroſe, moſt of thoſe Ships were either ſunk by the waves, or broken againſt the rocks, in ſo much that ſhe ſooner heard of the deſtruction of her enemies, than of their ſetting out to Sea to aſſault her. The year enſuing, great preparations were made on both ſides, but the Heavens not favoring any further proceedings of this kind, both the Fleets were ſo diſperſed by ſtorms, that neither came within ſight of the other. And now the King of Spain became well inclined to a peace with England, which, though propoſed by the French, he lived not to ſee brought to effect, for he died the 13. of Sept. after.

36. But the death of the King of Spain did not diſſolve the Combination, no more than the deaths of ſo many ſeveral Popes before had done. For it ſtill ſurvived in his ſon Phil. 111. with Clement VIII. Only ſo many former attempts having proved altogether unſucceſsful againſt England, there was now with the perſons ſome change alſo of their Counſels; and all their Conſultations againſt England, were afterward ſo directed as to depend for their execution upon the death of the Queen. Yet in Ireland there ſeemed ſome hopes that ſomething might be effected at preſent, by aſſiſting the Robels there; and therefore for their encouragement and aſſiſtance, the King of Spain by his Agent Don Martin de la Cerda, ſends them money and Ammunition; and the Pope, by Mathew de Oviedo, whom he deſigned Archbiſhop of Dublin, Promiſes of Indulgence, with a Phaenix plume to Tir-Oen their General; and the year after, he ſends them his Indulgence it ſelf, to this effect, That whereas of long time, being led on by the Exhortations of his Predeceſſors and himſelf and of the Apoſtolick See, for the recovery and defence of their Liberty againſt the Hereticks, they had with Ʋnited minds and Forces, given aid and aſſiſtance, firſt to James Fitz-Girald, and laſtly to Hugh Onel Earl of Tyron Captain General of the Catholick Army in Ireland, who with their Souldiers had in proceſs of time performed many brave atchievements, fighting manfully againſt the enemy, and for the future are ready to perform the like; that they may all the more cheerfully do it, and aſſiſt againſt the ſaid Hereticks, being willing after the example of his Predeceſſors to vouchſafe them ſome Spiritual Graces and Favours, he favourably grants to all and every one who ſhall joyn with the ſaid Hugh and his Army aſſerting and fighting for the Catholick Faith, or any way aid or aſſiſt them, if they be truly penitent and have confeſſed, and if it may be, received the Sacrament, a Plenary Pardon and Remiſſion of All their Sins; the ſame which uſed to be granted by the Popes of Rome to thoſe who go to war againſt the Turks. (18. April 1600. Camd. p. 750. Foul. p. 651.) And the next year again for their further encouragement, he ſends a particular letter to Tyrone, wherein he Commends their Devotion, in engaging in a Holy League, and their valour and atcheivements; Exhorts them to continue unanimous in the ſame mind; and Promiſes to write effectually to his Sons, the Catholick Kings and Princes, to give all manner of Aſſiſtance to them and their cauſe; and tells him, he thinks to ſend them a peculiar Nuncio, who may be helpful to them in all things as occaſion ſhall ſerve. (20. Jan. 1601. Foul. p. 655.) The King of Spain likewiſe ſends his Aſſiſtance; a great fleet, who landed at King-Sale 20. Sept. under the conduct of Don John d'Aquila; who ſets out a Declaration, ſhewing the King of Spain's pretenſe in the war, which, he ſaith, is with the Apoſtolick Authority to be adminiſtred by him; that they perſwade not any to deny due Obedience (according to the word of God) to their Prince, but that all know, that for many years ſince, Elizabeth was deprived of her Kingdom, and All her Subjects Abſolved from their Fidelity, by the Pope; unto whom he that reigneth in the Heavens, the King of Kings, hath committed All Power, that he ſhould Root up, Deſtroy, Plant and Build, in ſuch ſort, that he may puniſh temporal Kings (if it ſhould be good for the Spiritual Building) even to their Depoſing; which thing hath been done in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland by many Popes, viz. by Pope Pius v. Gregory XIII. and now by Clement VIII. as is well known, whoſe Bulls are extant: that the Pope and the King of Spain have reſolved to ſend Souldiers, Silver, Gold, and Arms with a moſt liberal hand: that the Pope Chriſts Vicar on Earth, doth command them (the Papiſts in Ireland) to take Arms for the defenſe of their Faith, &c. (Camd. p. 829. Foul. 658.) And not long after more Supplies were ſent from Spain under Alonſo de Ocampo. Thu. l. 125. Cam. an. 1601. & 1602. But it pleaſed God to make the Queen ſtill Victorious over All; and part of them, with the Iriſh Rebels, being beaten and routed in the Field, the reſt are brought to articles, upon which they Surrender All, and are ſent home, when more forces were coming from Spain to their recruit. The next year moſt of the other Rebels being defeated and ſubdued, laſt of all Mac Eggan, the Popes Vicar Apoſtolick, with a party of the Rebels, which he himſelf led, with his Sword drawn in one hand, and his Breviary and Beads in the other, was ſlain by the Queens forces and the Rebels routed in January 1602/3;. and ſo the whole Kingdom, Tyrone alſo ſubmitting to mercy, totally ſubdued. (Camd. an. 1603. Foul. p. 664.)

37. And now this Bleſſed Queen, having by an Admirable Providence of Almighty God, been Preſerved from All theſe both Secret Conſpiracies, and Open Invaſions, through a long Reign of four and forty years compleat, and made victorious over All her Enemies, as well abroad as at home: Out-lived her great and bitter enemy Phil. 11. King of Spain, who himſelf lived to be ſenſible of the Divine Judgment of the Iniquity of his Actions againſt her, and to deſire a Peace with her, though he lived not to enjoy it: Out-lived four Kings of France, eight Popes, and the greateſt part of the ninth: and maugre all the Powers of Hell, the Malice and Wicked Machinations of Men of moſt turbulent and Anti-chriſtian Spirits, Defended that Purity of Religion, which, even at the very beginning of Her Reign, ſhe had, with Mature Deliberation, and a Generous and moſt Chriſtian Courage and Reſolution, notwithſtanding all Difficulties and Dangers which on every ſide threatened her undertakings, eſtabliſhed, was by the ſame at laſt brought to her Grave in Peace, in a Good Old Age. Her very Enemies admiring, as well her Worth and Excellence, as her Glory and Felicity; (ſee the one extolled by Sixtus v. Thu. l. 82. p. 48. and the other by An. Ateſtina, l. 129. and both more largly deſcribed by the Noble and Ingenuous Thuanus l. 129. and Sir Francis Bacon in his Collection of her Felicities) while her Neighbours, who wickedly and barbarouſly perſecuted the Profeſſors of that Reformed Religion, for their Religion ſake, which ſhe with great and Chriſtian Moderation towards the adverſaries of it, happily eſtabliſhed and defended, either lived not out half their days, or died violent deaths, and were murthered by their own Subjects of the ſame Religion with themſelves, or were otherwiſe unhappy in their attempts in that Eminently Remarkable manner, as is ſo far from being impertinent to our ſubject and deſign briefly to note, that it would be a great fault and unworthy neglect not to do it. Certainly who ever ſhall impartially, and without prejudice conſider the Hiſtory of this bleſſed and happy Queen, and with it compare the Hiſtory of the Times both precedent and ſubſequent to her reign, and eſpecially of her neighbours in France durng her own times, muſt needs acknowledge, not only an Admirable Providence over Her, in both Preſerving and Bleſſing her in all her Affairs, but a Special Diſtinguiſhing Providence, thus favouring her, and at the ſame time in a very remarkable manner diſ • favouring, Croſſing, Blaſting and Severely Puniſhing and Revenging the diſferent and contrary Courſes and Practiſes of her Neighbours and others.

38. We might here remember the Story of Don Sebaſtian King of Portugal, who in the heat of his youth and devotion to the See of Rome, had tendered his ſervice to the Pope, and engaged in an Expedition againſt England and Ireland; but having raiſed a great Army and prepared a great Fleet, was by the King of Foſſe prevailed with to aſſiſt him in the recovery of his Kingdom in Mauritania. Where, with Stukely, (who commanded the Italian Forces raiſed by the Pope and King of Spain, for the ſervice againſt Ireland) whom he perſwaded to go with him firſt to the African war, he was ſlain, dyed without iſſue, and left his Kingdom a prey to the Spaniard; whereby not only the preſent ſtorm which threatned the Queen was blown over, but the Spaniard alſo for divers years diverted, by his wars with Portugal from moleſting the Queen in that manner, which otherwiſe 'tis likely he would have done, and from ſome ſuch Invaſion as, though then intended, was not actually undertaken till ten years after. We might here alſo remember Don John of Auſtria, in the heat of his eager deſigns upon England, cut off by the Plague, in the flower of his age; Thuan. if his heart was not broken, as was thought, Raleigh. by the diſappointment of his ambitious deſigns, after he had fouly, by the Popes Diſpenſation, falſified his Oath taken to obſerve the Treaty made with the States General. And we might here likewiſe take notice, not only of what ſome may think obſervable in the Death of the King of Spain, Thu. l. 120. if not devoured, yet in a great meaſure waſted and conſumed by Lyce bred in his own body, which in ſo great quantities iſſued out of four ſeveral tumours in his breaſt, as that it was as much as two men, by turns, could do, to wipe them off from him with napkins and cloathes: but of that which others may think more remarkable in his Life, which is, that having twice moſt ſolemnly Sworn to the States General of the Low-Countries (over which he held only a kind of Seigniory) to Maintain their Ancient Rights, Raleigh. Priviledges and Cuſtomes, which they had enjoyed under their thirty and five Earls before him; and afterwards obtained from the Pope a Diſpenſation of his Oathes (which Diſpenſation, ſays Sir Walter Rawleigh, was the true cauſe of the war and Blood-ſhed ſince) when he ſought contrary to his Oathes and all Right and Juſtice, not only by new deviſed and intolerable Impoſitions, to tread their National and Fundamental Laws, Priviledges and Ancient Rights under his feet, and both by Arts, (dividing their Nobility,) and by Force, to enſlave their Perſons and Eſtates, and make himſelf Abſolute; but moreover by introducing among them, the Exerciſe of the Spaniſh Inquiſition, to Tyrannize alſo over their Conſciences: and in purſuance hereof had committed many barbarous Murders and Maſſacres among them; by the Juſt Providence of God, he was thrown out of all, and thoſe Rights and Priviledges, which he ſought to aboliſh, and that Religion which he ſought to oppreſs, were by that people retained and enjoyed with greater freedom and liberty than ever; ſo that in concluſion the recompenſe of that oppreſſion and cruelty which he exerciſed upon them, was the loſs of thoſe Countries, which, ſays Raleigh, for beauty, gave place to none, and for revenue, did equal his Weſt-Indies, beſides the loſs of an hundred millions of money, and of the lives of above four hundred thouſand Chriſtians, by him caſt away in his endeavours to enſlave them. If beſides this we reflect upon his many and various attempts againſt the Queen of England, Thu. l. 120. ſome of them with ſo great ſtudy and vaſt expenſe of his Treaſure; his unhappy Wars in aid of the Rebels in France, which his ambitious hopes had no leſs devoured, than they had England; all of them unſucceſsful and remarkably blaſted, and himſelf at laſt ſo weary of them, that he was glad to deſire peace with both; his fruitleſs waſting of 5594. Myriads of Gold, as himſelf confeſſed, without any other profit, than the acqueſt of Portugal, which he thought might be as eaſily loſt as his hopes of the Kingdom of France had ſuddenly vaniſhed, and however was ſufficiently ballanced with his loſs in Africa and elſewhere; the death of his eldeſt ſon, by his own command, as the leſuite 9. Ration. Temp. 12. Petavius ſaith expreſly, and the leſs of all his other ſons, ſave only Phil. 111. who ſucceeded him, and was the only ſon of all his four wives, who ſurvived him; If we ſeriouſly, I ſay, reflect upon all theſe, we may look upon the prolongation of his life, in reſpect of himſelf, but as a continuance of trouble and miſery to him; and in reſpect of this bleſſed Queen, to have been deſigned by God, for an Exerciſe of her Faith and Virtue, and a neceſſary means, to render his Favour and never failing Providence over her, the more Manifeſt, Conſpicuous and Exemplary to encourage others to Fidelity to him, and Reſignation to his moſt Wiſe, Powerful and Gracious Providence. But though theſe things do well deſerve our notice, yet that which I call a Diſtinguiſhing Providence, is yet more admirable and remarkable in her nearer neighbours in France.

39. When Queen Elizabeth began her Reign in England, Henry 11. was King of France. His Father Francis 1. who, in the beginning of his Reign, which was about the time of Luthers firſt appearing againſt Indulgences, had unhappily entred into a league with the Pope (Leo x.) which in the judgment of many, ſays Thuanus, brought deſtruction upon his affairs and family; though in many things unhappy throughout his whole Reign, yet certainly was he in nothing more unhappy, than in the guilt of ſo much innocent blood, as was ſhed in the barbarous and horrid murders and ſlaughters which were made upon the Proteſtants of Merindol and Cabriers, condemned meerly for their Religion, Thu. l. 6. by a moſt rigid and ſevere Sentence of the Parliament of Provence, after which he never enjoyed himſelf, ſays Raleigh, nor indeed his life long after his approbation of that Execution, wherein their towns and villages, to the number of two and twenty, were burned, and themſelves, without diſtinction of age or ſex, moſt barbarouſly murthered. But being touched with remorſe of Conſcience, and repenting of it, upon his death bed he charged his Son, that the injuries done to that people ſhould be enquired into, and their murtherers, who in the cruelty of their execution had exceeded the ſeverity of the Sentence, to be duly puniſhed: threatening him with Gods judgments, Thu. l. 3. Davil. p. 14. if he neglected it. And among other Admonitions which he then gave him, this was one, to beware of the Ambition of the Guiſes, whom, he foreſaw, if admitted to the adminiſtration of the Kingdom, would reduce both his Children, and the People of France, to great miſeries. But Henry 11. no ſooner came to his Fathers throne, but he preſently began to practiſe the contrary to his directions, Davila p. 15.19 diſplacing thoſe that before had any part in the government, and ſubſtituting in their room the ſame men whom his Father had diſcharged, and Guiſe with the firſt, and at length the three brothers of Guiſe got into their hands all the principal governments, and chief dignities of the Kingdom, together with the ſuper-intendancy of all affairs, both Martial and Civil; the Conſequence of which did afterwards make good the truth of his fathers prediction. Nor did he much better perform his fathers charge, in doing Juſtice upon the bloody offenders; Thu. l. 6. for though he gave the cauſe a long hearing, yet did not the iſſue of the judgment anſwer the great expectations, which the ſo many horrid crimes whereof they were accuſed did raiſe in mens minds: one only of the offenders, for want of friends at Court, being executed; but the principal actors of that wickedneſs, reſtored to their former dignity and places; ſo that inſtead of that Juſtice, which, if duly executed upon the offenders, might poſſibly have averted or mitigated the Divine vengeance, which hath ſince proſecuted his fathers guilt in his poſterity, he not only by neglect thereof, but alſo by his own continuance of the like cruelties, and for the ſame cauſe of Religion, appropriated his fathers guilt to himſelf, and with the addition of his own, tranſmitted the ſame to his poſterity, with the Divine Vengeance further provoked attending it. He began his Perſecutions of the Proteſtants in the firſt year of his reign, and continued the ſame to the laſt days of his life, with that reſolution, that no ſollicitation of neighbour Princes, his allies, could mitigate his fury. He uſed his uttermoſt endeavour, ſays Davila, p. 40. to extirpate the roots of thoſe ſeeds in their firſt growth; and therefore with Inexorable Severity reſolved, that All who were found convict of this imputation, ſhould ſuffer death without mercy. And although Many of the Counſellors in Every Parliament, either Favouring the ſame Opinions, or Abhorring the Continual Effuſion of blood, made uſe of all their skill, to preſerve as many as they could from the Severity of his Execution; notwithſtanding the Kings Vigilance and Conſtancy was ſuch, chiefly by the Incitements of the Cardinal of Lorain, (one of the Guiſes) that he had reduced things to ſuch a point as would in the end, though with the Effuſion of much blood, have expelled all the peccant humours (he means the Proteſtants) out of the bowels of the Kingdom, if the accident which followed, had not interrupted the courſe of his reſolution. That which he calls an accident, was the violent, and, in reſpect of the courſe of nature, untimely, but, in reſpect of Gods Providence, moſt ſeaſonable, death, of that cruel King, in the height of his Reſolutions of Inexorable Severity againſt the Proteſtants, by the hands of that ſame man, whom he had but few days before imployed to apprehend and impriſon ſome of the chief Senators, for no other cauſe but their Religion, and their free delivering of their Sentence, according to the Laws, in Parliament, concerning the cauſe of the Proteſtants; and at the ſame that Queen Elizabeth was with Her Senators Conſulting and Reſolved to Eſtabliſh that Religion, which he perſecuted: which ſhe happily by Gods Bleſſing effected, and procured a Bleſſing upon her ſelf and her Kingdom, while he furiouſly fighting againſt God, was in a Ludicrous fight, running at Tilt, by a Splinter of a broken lance, which found entrance at his eye though his head and body were clad in armour, cut off from further proſecuting his reſolutions, in the midſt of his years, and in the midſt of his publick Solemnities of the Nuptials of his eldeſt daughter to the King of Spain, which whom he had concluded to make a war againſt the Proteſtants, and of his only Siſter to the Duke of Savoy, in the view of the Baſtile, where thoſe Senators were kept in Priſon, and within two or three days, if not leſs, after one of the chief of them was declared heritick, and delivered over to the Secular Power; Leaving behind him a Curſe upon his poſterity, and Miſery and Confuſion to his Kingdom, principally cauſed and promoted by thoſe very inſtruments, whoſe Counſels and Inſtigations he had followed in his wicked and bloody practiſes.

40. He left four ſons, all in a manner children; the eldeſt Francis 11. who ſucceeded him, under the age of ſixteen; who by reaſon of his youth, Lib. 1. or rather, as ſays Davila, his natural incapacity, requiring, if not a direct Regent, yet a prudent, aſſiduous Governour, till his natural weakneſs was overcome by maturity of years, the Ancient Cuſtoms of the Kingdom called to that Charge the Princes of the Blood, among which for nearneſs and reputation it belonged to the Prince of Conde, and the King of Navarre. But Katherine of Medicis the Kings mother, and Francis Duke of Guiſe, with Charles his brother Cardinal of Lorain, uncles to Mary Queen of Scots, whom the King in the life-time of his father had married, ſeverally aſpiring to the Government; to which neither had right by the Laws of the Kingdom; and therefore deſpairing by their own power and intereſt, to obtain and retain it alone, they reſolved to unite their ſeveral intereſts and powers, and to ſhare it among them; and they quickly obtained, ſhe by her intereſt in the King her Son, and they by the means of their Niece, his Queen, that to the Duke was committed the Care of the Militia; Davil. l. • . the Civil affairs to the Cardinal; and to the Queen-mother the Superintendance of all: the Princes of the blood and others of the prime Nobility being excluded not only from the Government, but alſo, by arts and affronts removed or repulſed from the Court it ſelf. The Guiſes, having thus intruded into the Authority aforeſaid, continued the ſame Reſolutions of Severity, againſt thoſe of the Reformed Religion, which they had infuſed, or at leaſt fomented and agitated in the former King; which they inſtantly put in execution. And the ſame moneth that this King came to the Crown, his Order is ſent out for the tryal of the Senators impriſoned by his father. Whereof one, Anne du Boury, was afterward, for his Religion, executed; but the reſt not being convicted were only degraded. While theſe were brought to their Tryal, by the command of the Cardinal, Severe Inquiſition is made at Paris, Thu. l. 22. into all ſuſpected of that Religion; and many both Men and Women are taken and clapt into Priſon; and many, to avoid the danger, forced to fly; many leaving their infants and little children behind them, who filled the ſtreets with the noiſe of their lamentable crys: their goods taken out of their houſes were publickly ſold, and their empty houſes proſcribed: and to increaſe the Odium of the people againſt them, the ſame Calumnies, which were heretofore caſt upon the Primitive Chriſtians, of promiſcuous copulation in their Nocturnal Meetings the lights being put out, were now renued againſt theſe, and baſe people produced by the Cardinal to prove it, who though upon tryal convicted of fraud and falſhood, were yet ſuffered to go unpuniſhed. The City being thus diligently ſearched, the ſame Courſe is immediately taken in the Suburbes, at S. Germans, and preſently after in the reſt of the Cities of France, eſpecially at Poictiers, Tholouſe, Aix, and throughout the whole Province of Narbon. Shortly after command is given to the Court, to proceed ſeverely againſt thoſe who were ſuſpected, and with all diligence to attend to the tryal of them, without intermiſſion. Whereupon the Priſons were all ſoon emptied, ſome being condemned to death, others baniſhed, and the reſt puniſhed with other mulcts and penalties. Nor did all this ſatiate the fury of theſe cruel & mercileſs men: for dreading the very mention of an Aſſembly of the Eſtates, which might correct the Exorbitances of their Uſurped Power, they accuſed all thoſe as Rebellious and Seditious, who deſired it: and when they perceived the Proteſtants, who were now very numerous notwithſtanding all the cruelties uſed againſt them, to concur in the ſame deſire, new Arts and Snares were deviſed to apprehend them; wherein alſo others who were not of their Religion, were often unawares ſurpriſed. For every where, at Paris eſpecially, were erected Images of Saints, in the Streets & by-ways, with lighted Candles ſet up to them in the day time, and a deal of Superſtitious Worſhip; and boxes ſet by them, into which, they who paſſed by were preſſed to caſt in money for providing of the Lights, and ſuch as refuſed to do it, or neglected to give reverence to the Images, were ſuſpected, and inſtantly aſſaulted by the Rabble: and happy was he, that in ſuch caſe could eſcape with his life, though immediately thruſt into priſon. All this was done the ſame year that Francis came to the Crown. And although in the entrance of the next year, about 12. Thu. l. 24. Mart. leſt the Proteſtants exaſperated by all theſe Cruelties, ſhould be provoked to joyn with them, who at that time held a Conſultation againſt the Guiſes, to remove them and the Queen-mother from the Government, this ſeverity by the mediation of Colinius the Admiral and Olinier the Chancellour, was by a publick Edict, for the preſent in part remitted; Yet no ſooner was the danger of that Confederacy over by the defeat of the Enterpriſe at Amboiſe, but the Edict was recalled, and new reſolutions concluded for the utter ruine and extirpation of the Proteſtants: and that upon this further occaſion, and by the means following. The Guiſes nothing doubting but that the late attempt at Amboiſe, to ſurpriſe and remove them from the Government, was ſecretly excited and managed by the Princes of the blood, to whom the right, during the Kings inability, did belong; and that the Proteſtants, thus provoked by ſuch unjuſt perſecutions, would favour the right of the Princes; reſolved to cut off both: But conſidering that it would be difficult and hazardous, by open Force to get the Princes into their power, Davil. l. 2. they reſolved to eſſay to accompliſh that by Art; and therefore firſt by all means to conceal and diſſemble their ſuſpicion of them: and to that purpoſe, endeavoured to have the late buſineſs at Amboiſe imputed to the Proteſtants, and to attribute all to Diverſity of Religions; which might alſo ſerve them to a further purpoſe, viz. to render their own cauſe and proceedings more plauſible to the people, and the others more odious; and to urge this yet further, they endeavoured to poſſeſs the King with great apprehenſions of the danger of his own perſon from that party, and the people with an opinion that that attempt was deſigned againſt the King himſelf; which was ſo groſs a Calumnie, that Davila himſelf, though otherwiſe partial enough againſt the Proteſtants, thought it not fit to be credited; and at laſt, having uſed all their Arts to beget a confidence in the Princes that they had no deſigns againſt them, to accompliſh their deſigns, they cauſe an Aſſembly of the Eſtates, whereat the Princes by their place were to attend, to be appointed at Orleans. Where againſt the Proteſtants in general, Thu. l. 26. they preſently proceed more openly; and having obtained an Edict that all ſhould exhibit a profeſſion of their Faith, according to a Form, 18. years before preſcribed by the S • rbon Doctors, and that they who refuſed, ſhould be puniſhed with loſs of life and Goods: ſuch were ſent out throughout the whole Kingdom, who ſhould apprehend all that were ſuſpected to be of the Reformed Religion, with command to pull down the Houſes and Caſtles of thoſe who made any reſiſtance. And the Princes, being at length with much Art and difficulty, wrought upon to come to the Aſſembly, though contrary to the perſwaſion of their friends, are inſtantly upon their arrival ſecured; Navar under a kind of Guard, but Conde cloſe priſoner. Having thus gotten them into their hands, they without much difficulty reſolve to circumvent Conde with Accuſations of Rebellion, and put him to death under colour of Law. But for Navar, they were not a little doubtful what to do with him, and at laſt conclude to murder him ſecretly. But when all theſe deſigns againſt both the Proteſtants in general, and theſe Princes in particular, were brought to the very point of execution, and the Tragedy already begun, It pleaſed God, by the ſame means, whereby he had decreed to proſecute his judgments and vengeance againſt this perſecuting Houſe of Valois, to deliver thoſe who were deſigned for ſlaughter; and by the ſeaſonable intervention of the otherwiſe untimely death of this young King, before he had accompliſhed the age of eighteen, to confound and diſappoint all the ſubtile machinations, of theſe ambitious unchriſtian perſecutors. As the force and violence of thunder, ſays Davila, uſeth in a moment to overthrow and ruine thoſe buildings which are built with great care and long labour; ſo his unexpected death, deſtroying in an inſtant thoſe Counſels, which with ſo much art and diſſimulation were brought to maturity and concluded, left the ſtate of things (already in the way (although by Violent and Rigorous Means, yet) to a certain and ſecure end) in the height of all diſcord, and more than ever they were formerly, troubled, wavering and abandoned. Thus he, but we may rather obſerve the unſucceſsfulneſs of ſuch violent and Rigorous Courſes, though for the attaining of never ſo good and lawful ends, and that not ſo much of their own nature, as by the ſpecial Providence of God, who doth frequently ſuffer wicked and proud conceited men, confident of their own wit or ſtrength, to proceed in their wicked policies and the exerciſe of their malitious practiſes, till they be at the very point to receive their expected fruits of all, and then by ſome little occurrence to fruſtrate and blaſt all their hopes, and make them ſo much more miſerable by their diſappointment, by how much they thought themſelves nearer and ſurer of the enjoyment. Such were the Popes and Spaniards diſappoinment mentioned before Sect. 26. pag. 32. and that of 88. Sect. 33. and others. Whereas Queen Elizabeths moderate proceedings, but in a better cauſe, were all along bleſſed with happy ſucceſs.

41. To this young King, thus cut off in his youth, and leaving no iſſue behind him, (though ſome) years married to a beautiful young Lady, ſucceeded his brother Charles the nineth, a Childe of about Eleven years of Age; who, by reaſon of his Minority, ority, being incapable to exerciſe the Government, by Agreement between the Queen mother (now ſufficiently weary of the Ambition and Inſolencies of the Guiſes, and ſuſpitious of their deſigns) and the King of Navarre firſt Prince of the blood (though the Guiſes uſed all their Arts to renue the former differences between them) She is made Regent, and He Preſident of the Provinces; Thu. l. 26. Dav. l. 2. and a Decree is made by the King, with the counſel and advice of the Queen Regent, Navarre, the reſt of the Princes of the blood and others, Privy Counſellors, whereby the Supreme Regimen of all is committed to Her. Hereupon the Guiſes being accuſtomed to govern, and not able to conform their minds to their preſent condition, ſought all manner of opportunities, whereby they might again raiſe themſelves to their former greatneſs. And whereas at the inſtance of Navarre, with the conſent of the Regent and the Councel (many diſliking the effuſion of ſo much blood for no other fault than profeſſion of the Reformed Religion) a Decree of Councel paſſed 28. Jan. for the Releaſe of all Priſoners committed only for matters of Religion, and to ſtop all Inquiſition appointed for that cauſe, to prohibit diſputations in matters of Religion, and particular perſons from reviling one another with the names of Heretick & Papiſt, & commanding all to live together in Peace, &c. this ſerved them, to diſſemble the true cauſe of their grief; and therefore they made ſhew of being moved and offended only at the tacit toleration permitted the Calviniſts; covering in this manner (ſays Davila) with a pious pretence under the vail of Religion, the intereſts of private paſſion. And having, by the arts and ſubtilty of Diana late Miſtreſs to Hen. 2. gained to their party An Momorancy Conſtable of France, (who, being at that time in the ſame danger with them and others of being called to refund the large donations which they had obtained of the two laſt Kings, and beſides had been very active in the former perſecutions againſt the Proteſtants, was with the leſs difficulty wrought upon, eſpecially in the abſence of his ſon, a ſober and prudent perſon, who diſſwaded him all he could) they enter into a league for the preſervation of the Catholick Religion, and mutual defence of their ſeveral Eſtates. And when the Proteſtants, Thu. l. 28. after ſome other Edicts and Decrees, partly indulging ſome kind of liberty to them, and partly reſtraining it, were permitted a publick Diſputation at Poiſey, (which was firſt propoſed by the Cardinal of Lorain, and as was thought, to hinder the Convention of a National Synod, which he knew would be little pleaſing to the Pope, but was much deſired in France by the moſt ſober and pious of both ſides, who were ſtudious of the peace and good of the Church) there was preſently a V. Thu. in l. 36. a Conſpiracy between Guiſe and the King of Spain, qua nulla audacior in regno memoratur, which alſo was in agitation at this time, though not diſcovered till after Guiſe his death, an. 1564 ſecret conſultation held by the Grandees of the Popiſh Faction of France with them of Spain, King Philip being wonderfully moved at the news of that Conference: and Arturius Deſiderius, incited by the Sorbon Doctors, and as was believed by many, not without the privity of the Cardinal of Lorain, haſtens to King Philip with a Supplication and Private Inſtructions, Complaining of the increaſe of the Proteſtants, the remiſneſs of the King and his Counſellors in reſtraining them; and imploring his Aid; and committing to his Patronage the Honour, Lives, Fortunes and Eſtates of the French Nobility; with which he was intercepted in his journey at Orleans. Not long after, this Theſis, among others, is ſet up to be diſputed publickly, That the Pope, as the ſole Vicar of Chriſt, and Monarch of the Church, hath All Chriſtian Princes ſubject to his Spiritual and Secular Power; and that he may turn out of their Kingdoms thoſe that are rebellious to his Commands. Wherewith the King being acquainted, his Delegates were ſent to complain of it to the Parliament; which ordered the Sorbon Doctors to deprecate the offence, and to recant this errour brought in About the year 1300. by Pope Boniface 8. and ſince his death generally condemned. The Guiſes in the mean time dreading a National Synod ſo much deſired, as fearing that the Proteſtants would prevail in it, ſpared no endeavours to keep it off. To which end alſo, Philip of Spain ſollicited by the Pope, ſends over his Ambaſſadour, who with threats added to his intreaties daily importunes the Queen R. to Severities againſt the Sectaries. But becauſe the Guiſes thought that Navarre would be a main obſtacle to theſe endeavours to keep off the Synod, they reſolve with the Spaniſh Ambaſſador and the Popes Legate (who was admitted in France, but held ſtrictly to the conditions by the Laws appointed) to ſet upon him, a man though otherwiſe of parts, yet through indulgence to pleaſures and eaſe, grown facile and eaſie, to draw him to their party. To which end, having firſt corrupted ſome of his confidents, they firſt propoſe to him, to divorce his Queen for her hereſie, and marry their niece the Queen of Scots, with whom he ſhould have alſo the Kingdom of England, of which the Pope was about to deprive Elizabeth for her hereſie. But when this, by reaſon of his love to his Queen, a woman of great worth, and by whom he enjoyed a good eſtate (though they promiſed him the continuance of this by the Popes Authority notwithſtanding the divorce,) and to his children he had by her, would not take with him; they propoſe that the King of Spain, for ſatiſfaction for his Kingdom of Navarre (which the Spaniard unjuſtly held from him,) ſhould give him the Iſle of Sardinia, which though a pitiful thing, they very much magnified, and promiſed the aſſiſtance of Spains Treaſures and Forces if he would deſert the Lutherans, whom by the means of his Queen he was brought to favour, and take upon him the Patronage of the Catholicks in France. By which abuſe (for it proved no other) they prevailed upon him, and ſo made up the Triumvirate, of Navarre, the Duke of Guiſe, and Momorancy the Conſtable, and layd the foundation of that Civil war, which ſhortly after enſued, and in the compaſs of about a year after put an end to his hopes and life alſo; Thu. l. 33. when being wounded he became ſenſible of his abuſe, and declared that if he recovered, he would embrace the Proteſtant Confeſſion of Augsburg, and live and die in it. About the ſame time or not long after, the Queen Regent and the Councel, upon the complaint of the Proteſtants of that little liberty, Thu. l. 28. which was permitted them by former Edicts, being abridged by or under pretence of the Late Edict of Italy, which they ſaid was ſurreptitiouſly obtained by a fraud in numbering the Votes, reſolve upon another Aſſembly at S. Germans, where was made that famous and much Celebrated Edict of January, Thu. l. 29. whereby the Proteſtants are permitted to aſſemble at Sermons ſo it be out of any City; and the Magiſtrates commanded not to moleſt, but protect and defend them from all injury; and the Proteſtants that they ſhould hold no Synod or Conſiſtories, unleſs the Magiſtrate firſt called was preſent, their Paſtors ſhould engage to obſerve the Edict, to teach the people the pure word of God, and nothing contrary to the Nicene Councel, the Creed, and the books of the Old and New Teſtament, and that both ſides ſhould abſtain from all reproachful words, ſpeeches and books againſt one another: and when the Senate interceded againſt the promulgation of the Edict, a mandate was ſent out to them to promulgate it without further delay, which being again and again reiterated, they at laſt obeyed. The Guiſes, the Conſtable and others of their party, in the mean time leaving the Court, contrive to hinder the Execution of it, and oppoſe the Hugonot Faction, as they call it, not doubting, (but having, by the Arts aforeſaid gotten Navarre to their party) to obtain their deſires. And firſt they endeavour to inſinuate into the Lutheran Princes of Germany, and if poſſible to engage them againſt the Proteſtants of France (who in a point or two, wherein Luther and Calvin differed, incline rather to Calvins opinion) or at leaſt to render them more ſlack in affording them their aſſiſtance. Then after a three days ſecret conſultation with the Duke of Witenberg to this purpoſe at Zabern, to which they had invited him, and an out ragious violence committed in the way by the Duke of Guiſe his company upon an Aſſembly of the Proteſtants at Vaſſy, met to hear a Sermon, whereof ſixty men and women, were by them ſlain, and above two hundred more wounded, the Duke with a great retinue ſpeedily repairs to Paris, in an inſolent manner, without any reſpect to the King by the way, and contrary to the Queens expreſs will and pleaſure; and not contented to go the nearer way by S. Martins, he goes about with his attendants, being accompanied by the Conſtable, the Duke of Aumale his brother, and the Mareſhal of S. Andre, and enters by S. Denis gate (by which the Kings of France in Royal State are uſed to make their entrance to that Metropolis of the Kingdom,) being met by divers of the Magiſtrates of the City, with the acclamations of the Rabble, in ſuch ſort as is uſed by the people to their Kings. Hereupon the Queen after divers other inſolencies of this party, fearing that under pretext of aſſerting the Catholick Religion, they would uſurp the Supreme Power of the Kingdom, and get into their hands the King, her ſelf, and other Children, She commends all, Dav. l. 3. Thu. l. 29. and the whole Kingdom to the Care of the Prince of Conde the next Prince of the blood, and earneſtly and frequently importunes his aſſiſtance, to ſtop the proceeding of the Confederates. But they, who upon longer Conſultation had made ſufficient preparation for what they intended, eaſily prevented him: and having exaſperated the people with feigned rumours from all the Provinces of the Kingdom, of pretended injuries done to the Catholicks by the Proteſtants (an Artifice wherein the Cardinal of Lorain's greateſt skill conſiſted,) the Duke draws out a party, and at Fountain-bleau ſeiſeth upon the King, whom with the Queen and Her other Children, they carry by force to Paris, the King weeping to ſee himſelf his mother and brothers carried as it were into Captivity. The Queen the ſame day they were ſeiſed, renued her importunity to Conde, deſiring him not to abate his courage or neglect his care for the preſervation of the Crown, or ſuffer their enemies to arrogate to themſelves the abſolute Power in the Government. The Confederates on the other ſide being come to Paris with the young King and the Queen (having in the morning, by a party led by the Conſtable, fired one of the places without the Gates where the Proteſtants aſſembled to Prayers and Sermons, and in the afternoon another, whereby alſo the neighbour buildings were conſumed, and permitted licence to the Rabble to abuſe and injure thoſe they ſuſpected for their Religion) held frequent Conſultations how beſt to Order their affairs for their own advantage. In which Counſels the Duke of Guiſe openly declared that he thought it moſt expedient to proceed to a War with the Hugonots, ſo to extinguiſh the fire, before it burſt out into a conſuming flame, and to take away the root of that growing evil. Thus was the firſt Civil War begun, the Confederates pretending the Authority of the King and Queen Regent, whom they had by force gotten into their power; and the Prince alledging the expreſs Authority of the Regent, and that the Orders ſent out in the Kings Name againſt him, were by the Confederates obtained by force and dures. This I have related the more largely, becauſe hitherto the Proteſtants had been onely paſſive, that, ſince now they had engaged in Action, as many of them did in this ſervice of the Prince, it may the better appear upon what grounds they did Act; which was not upon pretenſe of Religion, though no doubt that was a great motive to them, but for defence of the Laws, and for the Liberty of their Prince and Lawful Governour, and againſt thoſe who did aſpire not to the Regency onely, but to the Crown and Kingdom it ſelf, by a long train of policies and violent Cruelties. But this War was rather ſharp than long, which, beſides the ſlaughter of eight thouſand men in one battel at Dreux, beſides great bloodſhed and miſchief in many other places, was in ſhort time the deſtruction of two of the principal Authors of it, Navarre and He was ſhot returning from the Camp to his Quarters by Poltret, who being taken, upon his examination ſaid he was imployed by Colinius and exhorted to it by Beza; but being brought to the rack he utterly denyed it, and concerning Beza perſevered in his denyal to the laſt; but concerning Colinius, being brought to execution, and with the terrour of his approaching execution being beſides himſelf, he one while affirmed and another while denyed it. Colinius and Beza, calling God to witneſs, utterly denyed it, and Colinius wrote to the Queen, that before his execution, the buſineſs might be further examined; but he was in few days after executed. Thuanus, lib. 34. But was it really ſo, Who employed and exhorted Parry, not againſt a Commander of an Army, but againſt his Prince? who Lopez? who ſo many more againſt Queen Elizab • th? who James Clement to murther Henry the third of France? who Jo. Chaſtel to murther Henry the fourth? To mention no more. Guiſe being both ſlain; and the Conſtable the only ſurviving Triumvir being taken Priſoner, thereupon an Accomodation followed without difficulty, upon theſe Conditions among others; That all free Lords, not holding of any but the Crown, might within their Juriſdictions freely exerciſe the Reformed Religion; that the other Feudataries might do the ſame in their own houſes, for their own families, provided they lived not in So Davila, but Thuanus, lib. 35. modo ne in pagis aut municipiis habitent, quae majori juriſdictioni, regia excepta, ſubſunt. any City or Town [where the Courts reſided]. That in every Province certain Cities ſhould be appointed, in the Fauxburg whereof the Proteſtants might Aſſemble at their Devotion. That in all other Cities and Towns, every one ſhould live free in his Conſcience without trouble or moleſtation. That all ſhould have full Pardon for all Delinquences committed during, or by occaſion of the War; declaring all to be done to a good end, without any offence to the Royal Majeſty, and all be reſtored to their places, &c. And theſe and the reſt were ratified in Counſel by an Edict of Pacification under the Kings own hand and Seal, verified in Parliament and Proclaimed by ſound of Trumpet, in March 1562/3. which had they been honeſtly and juſtly obſerved, might by Gods bleſſing, have been a means of much peace and happineſs to that Kingdom; but we find the contrary as to the Obſervance, and therefore no wonder if the contrary alſo to ſo hopeful and happy conſequence and iſſue of it. For no ſooner was this War concluded upon this Edict of Pacification, ratified with all the formalities and ſolemnities uſed for the eſtabliſhing and confirming of Laws in France, but the Edict began preſently to be violated, the Proteſtants in divers places, b • th diſturbed in their Religious Aſſemblies, which this and other Laws allowed them to hold, and injured in their Civil Rights, and in divers manners frequently and grievouſly oppreſſed, and that not onely by concourſes and aſſaults of the vulgar and Rabble, who, having no pretence of Authority, were many times with like force repulſed by the others, Thu. l. 35, 36, 37, 39. but even by the Preſidents of the Provinces and other Magiſtrates, whoſe duty it was to have ſeen the Laws juſtly obſerved, but did the quite contrary, and that not only by connivance at the exorbitances of the vulgar, but alſo by their own actual iniquity, Thu. l. 37. and (that no part or kind of injuſtice might be wanting) both by force and violence, and alſo by fraud, by breach of faith, by ſubornation of witneſſes, Thu. l. 39. by falſe calumniations. By which means and ſuch like arts, together with the mediation of their potent friends at Court, the paſſionate young King being before prejudiced by the Arts of the Guiſian faction, eſpecially the Cardinal of Lorain, and further incenſed by the Legate of Spain, the Pope and Savoy, who, notwithſtanding the late Edict, urged him to baniſh and otherwiſe puniſh the Proteſtants, and revoke the Liberty granted by it to them, they eaſily obtained that the Complaints of the Proteſtants, which were dayly brought to the King, were anteverted, and either totally rejected or cluded, and the perſons employed to exhibit the ſame ordinarily ſo diſcountenanced and diſcouraged, that they were forced to return without any effect, if not impriſoned, and for the greateſt violences and enormities, even murther it ſelf (by which as ſome write not ſo few as three thouſand had periſhed ſince the Edict of pacification) could obtain no remedy or redreſs. And of all this many plain and notable examples and proofs might be produced out of our Noble Excellent Hiſtorian, Lib. 35, 36, 37, 39. were it not too long to do it. We might inſtance in that notable practice of the Biſhop of Pamiers, which gave the firſt occaſion of that very tumult, which that ſmooth Italian Davila mentions, and while he exaggerates the actions of the Proteſtants in it, with no little partiality conceals the firſt and true occaſion of it; but perhaps being a Courtier, he relates it and other ſuch paſſages, as they were then, by the Artifices and means above mentioned, repreſented at the Court. Nor was the Royal Authority abus'd to concur in this Iniquity and Injuſtice only by connivence and permiſſion of theſe things thus done by the Kings Miniſters and Officers in fraud and violation of the Agreement of Peace and the Edict made in Confirmation of it, but alſo to give further occaſion and countenance to it by divers fraudulent and eluſory Interpretations of the Edict. By which means, whiles it ſeems, it was thought too groſs plainly and directly to revoke it, they did notwithſtanding indirectly elude its effect and the benefit expected by it: in ſuch ſort, that had the Proteſtants been of thoſe pernitious principles, that their adverſaries indeed were, and endeavoured to repreſent them to be, the moſt ſubtile and malitious enemies of that Kingdom could not have deviſed and promoted a more effectual means and method of its confuſion and ruine. And the truth is this was it, which the principal Authors and Fomenters of thoſe courſes, the Guiſes at home and the Spaniards abroad, aimed at, and by theſe means in concluſion to make themſelves Maſter of it. Which though at that time not ſo viſible to every one, yet was afterwards very apparent. The Pope alſo, becauſe France ſtood too much upon their Liberties and Priviledges, being a well wiſher to their deſigns, eſpecially of Guiſe, though not ſo much of Spain, as not deſiring ſo potent a Neighbour. But all theſe oppreſſions and Injuries though they provoked ſome little tumults of the vulgar, yet were they not ſufficient to produce and neceſſitate another Civil War, which not only the Spaniard deſired, as well for his own ſecurity to divert a War from himſelf, as in order to his further deſigns, but alſo the Cardinal of Lorain, his Nephews now growing up, though his brother the Duke was ſlain; and therefore beſides theſe, other means were thought on to do that at leaſt, if they ſhould fail to make way for their ends, by taking off thoſe who moſt ſtood in their way. And to this purpoſe, beſides ſome leſſer Confederacies for an irreconcilable war againſt the Proteſtants, there was a Conſpiracy, which was begun indeed by the Duke of Guiſe in his life time, but renued again and carried on by the ſame faction, with the King of Spain, for the cutting off of thoſe of the Nobility who favored the Proteſtant doctrine, and particularly for ſurpriſing the Queen of Navarre and her Children, (the next heirs to the Crown of France after the familie of Valois,) who were all children and in their power already) and clapping them into the Spaniſh Inquiſition. But this being diſcovered by the Queen of Spain in receit to her mother the Queen mother of France, who eaſily perceived what was aimed at, and by others to the Queen of Navarre, and ſo prevented; the Legates of Spain, the Pope and Savoy were by the means of the Cardinal of Lorain, ſent to perſwade the King to admit the Councel of Trent in France, and to that end to invite him to a Conſultation of the Catholick Princes at Nancie in Lorain, to enter into a Holy League for the extirpation of the Hereticks, but the Queen mother neither liking the admiſſion of the Councel, nor to engage ſo openly againſt the Proteſtants, the Legates were under ſome other pretenſes diſmiſſed. Wherefore the next year, the King being declared out of his Minority, and with his Mother making a progreſs through all parts of the Kingdom, an Enterview between them and the Queen of Spain accompanied with the Duke of Alva is ſo ordered that a more ſecret Conſultation is held at Bayonne for the extirpation of the hereticks, Jan. 1565. Davila. l. 3. Thu. l. 37. and a Holy League made between the two Crowns for mutual aſſiſtance to that end, and at laſt it is concluded according to the opinion of Alva, which he ſaid was the judgement of King Philip, to cut off the chief heads of the Proteſtants and then in imitation of the 30. May. 1282 When the French were all at an inſtant without diſtinction of age or • e • cruelly ſlaughtered; as were the Dan • s here in England 282. years before that. Sicilian Veſpers to ſlaughter all the Proteſtants to the laſt man: and becauſe the intended Aſſembly at Moulins was already talked on, that it would be beſt to make a ſlaughter of the Nobility aſſembling there from all parts, and upon a ſign given to exterminate the reſt through out France. This Thuanus relates from Jo. Bapt. Hadrianus, who he ſaith wrote his hiſtory with very great fidelity and prudence, and, as is very likely, extracted many things from the Commentaries of the Duke of Tuſcany [Father to the Queen Mother:] But, as he further relates, either becauſe they did not all meet there, or that for ſome other cauſe it ſeemed unſeaſonable, that buſineſs was deferred to another time, and was ſeven years after, as was then continued, put in execution at Paris at a more convenient place and occaſion. But from this time the Prince of Conde and the Colinies being admoniſhed, by their friends at Court of theſe bloody Counſels, and thereupon ſuſpitious of the Court deſigns, were more cautious and wary. Yet was Colinius at the Aſſembly at Moulins in January following, Thu. l. 39. and there by ſolemn Oath purged himſelf of the death of the Duke of Guiſe; and poſſibly might then make ſome further diſcovery into theſe ſecret counſels; which, if as is ſaid, they were at firſt deſigned to be put in execution there, ſeem by the ſucceeding Hiſtory to have been deferred for want of ſufficient Forces ready, and of fit inſtruments. For afterward, by the advice of Alva, Thu. l. 4 • . 6000 Swiſſers were hired, and levies of Souldiers made in Champain and Picardy, under pretence of guarding the Frontiers againſt Alva. But this pretence quickly vaniſhed by Alva's withdrawing from thoſe parts, (as it was afterwards more fully detected of fraud and colluſion, by his ſending them Forces in the War ſoon after following): nevertheleſs the Swiſſers were ſtill retained.

43. Whereupon, Thu. l. 42. all very well knowing that there was a better accord between the Courts of France and Spain, eſpecially ſince the enterview at Bayonne, than that there needed any ſuch Guards, the Prince of Conde, Colinius, Andelot his Brother, and the reſt of the Proteſtant Nobility and Gentry, began to be very ſenſible of their near approaching danger of ruine; and, after a long patience under Slaughters, Baniſhments, Calumnies, loſs of their Eſtates and Fortunes, to conſult together what courſe might be taken for the ſafety and preſervation not only of their eſtates and liberties, but of the lives of themſelves, and their wives and children. They had ſeen and felt the Edicts made on their behalf, partly eluded by the interpretations of new Edicts and Proſcripts, partly violated by the malice and iniquity of Judges and Preſidents of the Provinces: injuries and miſchiefs every where done to them, and even the murthers of no ſmall number connived at, and permitted to go unpuniſhed. And beſides all this, they had certain intelligence of thoſe ſecret conſultations held for their deſtruction, and of other ſecret counſels held by Ambaſſadors with the Pope, who fomented the hatred of thoſe two Kings againſt them, and, beſides the ſpeeches and threats frequently given out that they were not like long to enjoy their Aſſemblies, they ſaw plainly that thoſe preparations, which (after the Cities which they inhabited were diſmantled, and Forts therein built, and Garriſons put into them) were at firſt made under ſuch pretext as was no way probable, and now continued without any at all, were deſigned againſt them; and were alſo informed thereof by intelligence from their friends, Sures, p. 768. and by letters intercepted from Rome and Spain. Notwithſtanding after a conſultation or two, it was reſolved by common conſent of all, to uſe all mild and gentle means; and therefore, ſince now there remained no further pretence to retain them, the Prince of Conde, by his friends, deſires that, ſince Alva is now retired into Belgium, the Swiſſers may be diſmiſſed. But when inſtead of being diſmiſſed, or retained only to guard the Frontiers, they found them daily march on nearer to the heart of the Kingdom, and had further notice from the Court of their deſigns, they at laſt aſſemble in great confuſion; and though every one ſaw the danger which hanged over their heads, and was now ready to involve them all, yet great queſtion there was how it ſhould be prevented: To complain, they by experience knew what effect of that might be expected: to Arm, though in ſo great occaſion of neceſſity and extremity, they eaſily foreſaw many inconveniences attending that. [They only unhappily not foreſaw the proper remedy by their great Maſter preſcribed in ſuch caſe, to fly, though it had been to the greater humanity of the uncivilized Indians: whereby they might perhaps better have conſulted their own ſafety, and alſo have promoted his ſervice in the propagation of his Truth and Goſpel.] But to Arm, beſides the miſchiefs of a Civil War, they thought that could not be without many calumnies and ſlanders caſt upon them by their adverſaries, as if they were the Authors of it, and undertook it againſt the King, to whom they did not ſo much as impute their former injuries and oppreſſions, or preſent dangers, but only to their adverſaries, who having at firſt by force gotten the King into their power, abuſed his immaturity and authority to ruine and deſtroy them: and although they ſhould take up Arms only againſt them, and meerly for the neceſſary defence of the lives and fortunes of themſelves, their wives, and children, and for the preſervation of the Kingdom, yet ſhould they not eſcape that imputation: and therefore they unanimouſly agreed rather being innocent, after the example of their anceſtors, to bear what injuries ſhould be done them, than to offer any to thoſe who were indeed nocent; leſt by an ill defence of a good cauſe they ſhould deſert that Equity or Juſtice which had hitherto ſtood on their part: till by the diſcourſe of Andelot, a perſon of great authority among the Peers, and beſides of known probity and virtue, they were perſwaded, that after ſo often breach of Faith by their adverſaries, there was no further truſt to be given to them; and for the calumnies and ſlanders which ſhould be caſt upon them, the iſſue of their ſo neceſſary undertakings, if it pleaſed God to bleſs them in ſo juſt a cauſe, would ſufficiently clear them. Upon which they changed their reſolutions, and agreed to take up Arms for their own defence; which accordingly they did, to the no little joy of the Cardinal of Lorain, that the buſineſs was brought to the neceſſity of a War, which, Cardinali Lotaringus rem ad belli neceſſitatem deductam gaudens, ſays Thuanus; and a little before ſpeaking of him. Turbas conſiliis ſuis opportunas exiſtimans. after ſeveral ineffectual treaties for an accommodation, ſhortly enſued. And theſe were the true cauſes and occaſions of the ſecond Civil War; which after many Noblemen and Gentlemen of both ſides ſlain at the Battel of St. Denis, and among them the Conſtable, (the laſt of the Triumvirate, and a principal Author of the late oppreſſions, at leaſt by protecting the actors in them from Juſtice) and ſome other acts of Hoſtility was about ſix moneths after it began, by a fraudulent peace rather intermitted than concluded: for about ſix moneths after it broke out again, upon the like cauſes and occaſions.

44. In the mean time, that we may note it by the way, Philip King of Spain, a principal promoter and inventer of thoſe oppreſſions and troubles to his neighbours, eſcaped not a remarkable judgment of God upon him: for at this ſame time, Thu. l. 43. his eldeſt, and then only ſon, Prince Charles, deſigned to kill him; or at leaſt he thought ſo; or however ſuſpecting that he favoured the Proteſtants in the Low-Countreys, or for ſome other reaſon, pretended ſo; and therefore cauſed him to be taken out of his bed in the night, and committed to cuſtody. Whereupon the young Prince falling diſtracted, and often attempting to kill himſelf, he was, at laſt, by Philip his Fathers own command, having firſt conſulted with the Inquiſition, poyſoned. Few months after, his Queen, whom he had employed in thoſe bloudy conſultations at the enterview at Bayonne, died great with child, and not without ſuſpition of poiſon by his own means, being, as was thought, jealous and ſuſpitious of her too much familiarity with his own ſon, whom he had not long before thus murthered. And in her, who was the eldeſt daughter of Hen. 2. of France, married at the time of his death, as hath been ſaid, and in this late conſultation in France proſecuting his cruelties, and ſo by her own act contracting a participation of his guilt, we may take notice of the divine vengeance purſuing his poſterity. Nor was this divine vengeance upon King Philip thus remarkable only in thoſe his domeſtick troubles, but alſo in the Civil Commotions both in the Low-Countreys, which by his bloudy conſultations with the Inquiſition (the juſt judgment of God giving him up to be infatuated by them and the Jeſuites) and the the cruelties of Alva, the ſame inſtrument whom he had employed to raiſe thoſe troubles in France, and now made Governor of the Low-Countreys, produced there; when he thought all things ſo ſafe and ſecure, as that he might be at leiſure to aſſiſt in the troubles which he had raiſed in France: and beſides theſe (which as they at preſent afflicted him, ſo afterward produced his loſs of a great part of thoſe Countreys) in thoſe Commotions even in Spain it ſelf, Thu. l. 43. by the Moors in Granada, which for two years during thoſe wars which he had cauſed in France, made him feel the ſmart at home of ſuch commotions and troubles as he had procured to others abroad. And by theſe means, as on the one ſide his pernitious counſels were juſtly puniſhed, ſo on the other was he diverted from proſecuting the ſame, by ſending thoſe Forces againſt the Proteſtants in France, which otherwiſe he had undoubtedly done. Thu. l. 58. And to theſe might be added his loſs of Goletta in Africa, (an. 1574.) and with it the Kingdom of Tunis, (which concerned him in point of ſafety and ſecurity for navigation, as well as of reputation,) but that ſome few years intervene.

45. But to return to France, the War, after ſix months intermiſſion, upon the like cauſes and occaſions, breaking out again, like diſeaſes upon a relapſe, was both more violent, and of longer continuance. Yet the counſels of the Queen-mother prevailing, who according to the genius and mode of her Country, ſought all along rather by her Italian arts and ſurprizes to compaſs her ends, than by the hazard of a Civil War, which Spain and the Guiſes moſt deſired, as beſt accommodate to their deſigns, Thu. l. 47. it was within the compaſs of two years brought to concluſion, upon ſuch conditions granted to the Proteſtants, as were ſo much more fair and reaſonable, by how much with greater fraud and deep deſign to enſnare them, they were granted; and yet ſo qualified and limited, as not to give cauſe of ſuſpition by too great indulgence. And now the King was grown up to a capacity of deriving upon himſelf his Fathers guilt, and the guilt of all thoſe murthers and cruelties acted indeed under his authority, but yet in his minority, by his own actual and voluntary management of affairs for the future; whereunto he was in no mean degree diſpoſed both by his natural temper and diſpoſition, and by his education: by nature beyond meaſure cholerick, ſays Davila, and yet had from his Mother derived ſo great a ſhare of the Italian genius of deep and ſubtil diſſimulation, as did moſt notably qualifie him for the moſt effectual execution of malice and revenge. Nor was his Education leſs accommodate thereunto, having from his childhood been inured to the effuſion of his peoples blood; for which purpoſe, as was ſaid, it was that he and his brothers, while yet children, were by the Duke of Guiſe cauſed to be ſpectators of the ſlaughters at Amboiſe, Thu. l. 24. where the River was covered with the dead bodies, and the ſtreets with the bloud of thoſe who by precipitate condemnations without due proceſs of Law, were executed and ſlaughtered, and the whole Town turned into a kind of grove of Gallowſes and Gibbets, with people hanged on them: he was arrived to the age of twenty years and upwards in the midſt of Tumults, Oppreſſions, and Civil Wars; had imbibed as great a a prejudice againſt the Proteſtants, as all the arts and calumnies of the Cardinal of Lorain and that Faction could infuſe into him; and that incenſed by the fouleſt miſ-repreſentations of the late actions of the Proteſtants that could be deviſed, and by his Mother was inſtructed in all the Italian arts of Government and Policy; Thu. l. 50. Optimis a matre ad bene recte que regnandum monitis inſtructus, ſays he of himſelf. Being thus qualified for it, he now of himſelf undertakes the execution of the concluſions at Bayonne; and reſolving to proſecute the ſame, not after the Guiſian and Spaniſh methods by the continuance of the Civil War, but by the more ſubtil and ſafe Italian method of his Mother, his firſt buſineſs is to beget in the Proteſtants an opinion and hope, Thu. l. 47.50. that ſince he was now grown up to take the reins of Government into his own hands, they might henceforth expect to find more reaſonable and moderate uſage under his Government, than they had received from them who had abuſed his tender years to injure and oppreſs them; and to raiſe in them a confidence and aſſurance of his favourable diſpoſition towards them. And therefore, having granted them as fair conditions of Peace, Thu. l. 50.51. as without danger of ſuſpition of his too great favour he could, he ſpeedily takes order for the effectual reſtraining and repreſſing of the injuries and oppreſſions which were preſently after the peace concluded begun again againſt the Proteſtants, and gives them leave to call and hold Synods: (by which means, had he dealt ſincerely, and proceeded ſoberly and ſteadily therein, he might certainly much better have ſecured the peace and happineſs of his Kingdoms to himſelf and his ſucceſſors, than he did by thoſe contrary, crafty, and violent courſes which he followed) with the chief of the Proteſtant Princes and Nobility he deals more particularly. He had even at the treaty of Peace cauſed ſome ſpeeches to be given out, Thu. l. 47: as if upon the concluſion of that Peace at home, he intended a War in the Low-Countreys againſt the Spaniard, which could not but have been for the benefit and advantage of the Proteſtants there: And ſhortly after upon another occaſion cauſes the like ſpeeches to be repeated again, Thu. l. 50. and a motion by the by to be made in ſecret of a Marriage between the Lady Margaret his Siſter and Henry Prince of Navar. Of both which there is again a propoſition made by ſome Proteſtant Gentlemen ſent by the King to Navar and Colinius for that purpoſe, and to aſſure them of the Kings extraordinary good will towards them, and to invite them to come to Court, which the King alſo by letters and other ſpecial meſſengers earneſtly ſollicited. And to create a further confidence and aſſurance in them and the reſt of the Proteſtant Nobility of his ſincerity, Thu. l. 50.51. he cauſes an overture of a Marriage to be made to Queen. Elizabeth of England, between her and his brother the Duke of Anjou, and moreover enters into a League with her, and at the ſame time alſo with the Proteſtant Princes of Germany againſt the Spaniard. And having by theſe arts at laſt prevailed with Navar and Colinius to come to Court; with the Prince he proceeds in the treaty of Marriage; and Colinius is received with all the expreſſions of favour and kindneſs imaginable: he conſults with him how to carry on the Belgick War, gives him leave to raiſe what Forces he will in the frontiers in order to it; and in ſo great favour is Colinius received at Court by the King, his Mother, and Brothers, that the Guiſes forſooth are ſo offended at it, as thereupon to leave the Court. In ſum, ſuch were the arts and deep diſſimulation which were uſed, as effectually deceived this prudent perſon, and a great part of the Nobility; and ſuch was the King's care of ſecrecy, and to whom his deſigns were imparted, that as ſoon as he perceived that Ligneroles (who yet was his brother the Duke of Anjou's confident) was but acquainted with the deſign, he preſently cauſed him to be murthered. The management of this firſt buſineſs having ſucceeded according to the King's mind, the next thing to be conſidered, is the manner how to accompliſh the deſign. Thu. l. 5 •• . And of this he holds a conſultation with the Queen his Mother, his brother Henry Duke of Anjou, (who was afterward Henry 3.) the Cardinal of Lorain, Claud his Brother Duke of Aumale, Henry the young Duke of Guiſe, and Ren. Birage Vice Chancellor, and ſom others. Thu. l. 51. Da. p. 361. This done away, goes the Cardinal to Rome, to treat with the Pope about theſe ſecret Counſels; and to manage the preſent affairs with more ſecrecy, he goes ſeemingly as diſcontented at the Court of France. At laſt the Marriage concluded, and the Pope's diſpenſation obtained, the time of ſolemnity is appointed; whereunto, beſides the principal Nobility of the Proteſtant Religion in France, Imbd. an. 572. from England is invited the Earl of Leiceſter and the Lord Burleigh, and out of Germany the Prince Elector Palatine's Sons, that if it were poſſible they might at once cut off all the heads of the Proteſtant Religion. For now in concluſion is put in execution that horrible Maſſacre, which for the matter was as long ſince as the enterview at Bayonne reſolved on, though for the manner and method of execution not till of late fully concluded. Da. p. 363. Thu. l. 51. And firſt they begin with the Queen of Navar, who being a woman and a Queen, they thought fitteſt to take her away by poiſon, and that ſo prepared and adminiſtred by the perfume of a pair of gloves, as to work only upon her brain, and put her into a fevor, and therefore her body being diſſected in open view, but her head under colour of reſpect untouched, it was divulged, that by the teſtimony of skilful Phyſitians ſhe died of a fevor, as Davila relates the ſtory. The next to be made ſure of in particular was that brave perſon Colinius, a man who, though through neceſſity ingaged in them, yet detected, out of an innate hatred of ſuch broils, the late Civil Wars even to his own ruine and deſtruction at laſt, as Thuanus upon ſeveral occaſions often notes, and as real a well-wiſher of his King and Countreys good as any Subject in France, as appeared more fully in ſome inſtances diſcovered after his death. But the King and Queen-mother by the arts of the Guiſian Faction being prepoſſeſſed of a contrary opinion of him, after all their fraudulent expreſſions of favour to him, cauſed him to be ſhot by a retainer of the Guiſian Family, • a. p. 367. Thu. l. 52. to ſecure themſelves from the imputation of ſo odious a fact; but being thereby only maimed, not killed out-right, they preſently according to their former diſſimulations, repair to his lodgings to viſit him, and with great ſhew of ſorrow for the accident, appoint him Phyſitians and Chirurgeons, and a guard for his defence, and order a ſtrict ſearch for the apprehenſion of the aſſaſine. This done upon the eve of St. Bartholomew being Sunday, Da. p. 3 • 1, 372. the Duke of Guiſe by order from the King, having about twilight given direction to the Provoſt des Marchand (the chief head of the people of Paris) to provide 2000 armed men, with every one a white ſleeve on their left arm, and white croſſes in their hats, to be ready upon notice inſtantly to execute the Kings commands, and that the Sheriffs of the ſeveral Wards ſhould alſo be ready, and cauſe lights, upon the ringing of the bell of the Palace-clock, to be ſet up in every window; himſelf at the hour prefixed, with the Duke of Aumale, and Monſieur d'Angouleſme the King's baſtard-Brother, and other Commanders and Souldiers to the number of 300, went to the Admiral Colinius his houſe, and having forcibly entred the Court-gate kept by a few of the King of Navar's Halbardiers and the ſervants of the houſe, who were all killed without mercy, they likewiſe kill the Admiral himſelf, (and threw his body out of the window), Felinius his ſon-in-law, with other perſons of quality, and all the reſt that had relation to him. This done, Monſieur d'O, Colonel of the King's Guards calls out the principal Proteſtants that were in the Louvre one by one, who being come into the Court, were all killed by the Souldiers, that ſtood in two long ranks with their arms ready for that purpoſe: there died divers Noblemen and perſons of great quality, and others to the number of 200. At the ſame time the bell gave the ſign, and thoſe who were prepared for the deed, having received order what to do, fell a killing the Proteſtants throughout all the lodgings and houſes where they were diſperſed, and made an infinite ſlaughter of them without any diſtinction of age, ſex or condition, and of many of the Papiſts among the reſt. And thoſe who fled were purſued by the Duke of Guiſe with a great many horſe and foot, and being overtaken, ſome without ſhooes, ſome without ſaddles, ſome without bridles, but all more or leſs unprovided, were ſcattered and cut off. There were killed in the City that day and the next above 10000, whereof above 500 were Barons, Knights and Gentlemen, who had held the chiefeſt employments in the War, and were now purpoſely met together from all parts to honor the King of Navar's Marriage. Thu. l. 52. A ſad time it was; what through the noiſe and clatter of thoſe who every where ran to killing and carrying away of their prey, and the doleful groans and ſad cryes of thoſe who were ſlain and murthered without mercy, young and old, rich and poor, men and women, women great with child, and others with their little children ſucking at their breaſts, and in the dead time of the night plucked out of their beds and houſes; what with the horrid ſpectacle of dead bodies thrown out of the windows, and trod about the ſtreets, and the channels running down with ſtreams of bloud into the River. And yet ſo little moved were the Court Ladies with all this, that without either fear or ſhame, in an impudent manner they beheld and ſtood gazing upon the naked bodies of the Noblemen and Gentlemen which lay on heaps before the Court. The day after the Admirals death, Da. 3 •• . the Duke of Anjou with the Regiment of the Guards went through all the City and Suburbs, cauſing thoſe houſes to be broken open that made any reſiſtance; but all the Proteſtants were either already dead, or elſe being terrified, had put white croſſes in their hats, (the general mark of the Papiſts) endeavouring by that means, and by hiding themſelves to ſave their lives; but being pointed at in the ſtreets by any one, or diſcovered any other way, they were without mercy torn in pieces by the people, and caſt into the River. The day before this terrible execution, the King diſpatched Poſts into divers parts of the Kingdom, commanding the Governors of Cities and Provinces to do the like. And the ſame night at Meaux, and the days enſuing at Orleans, Rouen, Bourges, Angiers, Tholouze, and many other places, but above all at Lyons, there was a moſt bloudy ſlaughter of the Proteſtants, without any reſpect of age, ſex, or quality of perſons. Moſt ſad and lamentable ſtories, ſays Davila, might be here related; for this cruelty was proſecuted in ſo many ſeveral places, with ſuch variety of accidents, againſt people of all conditions, as it was credibly reported that there were ſlain above forty thouſand Proteſtants in few days. The King himſelf, as In vita Greg. 13. Cicarela relates, told the Pope's Nuncio that ſeventy thouſand and more were ſlain. Some days after the King diſpatched his Grand Provoſt with all diligence to ſeize upon Colinius his Wife and Children; but his eldeſt Son, with the widow-Lady his Mother-in-law, and others being already fled ſecretly to Geneva, the younger children both male and female were condemned to death in their tender years. About two days after the Maſſacre was finiſhed at Paris, a Jubilee was there appointed, and a publick Thankſgiving kept by the King, the whole Court, and a great confluence of the people, for the buſineſs ſo happily managed according to their wiſh and deſire. Thu. l. 52.53. In memory whereof St. Bartholomew's day was by a decree of the Parliament of Paris appointed to be obſerved as an Anniverſary Thankſgiving-day.

46. Thu. l. 51.53. This horrible act of moſt barbarous and inhumane cruelty is highly extolled by the Italian Writers, as a good and laudable deed, and the politick contrivance of it as moſt worthy the ſubtil wit of a magnanimous Prince. And certain it is, that the news of its being effected was received at Rome with triumphant joy by the new Pope and his Cardinals, but how far his predeceſſors were concerned in the contrivance and promotion of it, in regard of the great ſecrecy wherewith all was managed, would be very difficult fully to diſcover, as to all the particulars and circumſtances, yet that they had a great hand in it, Thu. l. 36. Da. p. 189. is evident enough in many paſſages of the ſtory. For when after the firſt Civil War, the King, inſtructed by the Queen-Mother, had diſmiſſed the Ambaſſadors ſent in the joynt names of the King of Spain, the Pope and the Duke of Savoy, with thanks to their Maſters for their wholſom counſel, and proffers of Forces and Aid, to expel and extirpate Hereſy out of his Dominions; aſſuring them that he would live according to the rites of the Church of Rome, and take care that all his people do the like, and that he had concluded the peace to that end, to expel his enemies out of his Kingdom; and promiſing by Miniſters of his own to acquaint the Pope and other Princes particularly with his reſolutions; they reſolved under pretence of a Progreſs, among other things, Da p. 190. to come to a Parly with the Duke of Savoy in Dolphine, with the Pope's Miniſters at Avignon, and with the King of Spain or the Queen his Wife upon the Confines of Guienna, that ſo they might communicate their Counſels to them without the hazard of truſting French-men, who either through dependence or kindred, might be moved to reveal them to the Proteſtants. And having ſufficiently informed and fully ſatisfied Savoy with their intentions and way, Da. p. 194. deſigned to free themſelves without noiſe or danger from the trouble of the Proteſtants; at Avignon they confer with Ludovico Antinori one of the Pope's truſty Miniſters, and a Florentine, being according to the Queens deſire come thither, and give that Anſwer to the Pope's Embaſſy which they would not truſt to the Ambaſſadors, concerning their purpoſe to extirpate Calviniſm by ſecret ſtratagems, without the danger or tumult of new wars. And here no doubt was ſome matters of no ſmall moment tranſacted, Thu. 36. for the King having gone by Arles and Aix as far as Marſeilles, returned again to Avignon immediately under the Pope's Juriſdiction. But what-ever they were in particular, ſo well it ſeems was the Pope pleaſed with the means and method reſolved upon for the extirpation of Calviniſm, Da. p. 194. that in order thereunto he conſented that the Publication of the Council of Trent in France ſhould be deferred till ſuch time as they had brought their deſigns to maturity. And probably for the ſame purpoſe, by the mediation of the King and Queen-Mother, deſiſted from his Excommunication of the Queen of Navar, which by his Monitory he had threatned againſt her. And at his inſtance was the next year held that Conſultation at Bayonne before mentioned, Thu. l. 37. p. 74. at which he deſired that the King of Spain himſelf ſhould have been preſent, to whom it is not to be doubted but he ſent his advice concerning what was there to be reſolved. But this Pope dying ſoon after, his ſucceſſor Pius 5. being as yet unacquainted with the myſtery of them, began preſently to be offended with the proceedings in France, Da p. 210. till he was better informed of all thoſe reaſons which Ludovico Antenori had repreſented to his predeceſſor, with which he remained fully content and ſatisfied, ſays Davila. The Queen alſo acquainted him with her Counſels, Thu. l. 53. not only by Cardinal Sancta Crux, four years before they were executed at Paris, by him deſiring the Pope's confirmation, but alſo by letters under her own hand, as Capilupus teſtifies, who ſaith that he had ſeen the very letters themſelves. Nor was he only privy to theſe Counſels of the King and Queen-Mother, but likewiſe communicated his counſel and advice in the ſame buſineſs to them. He ſent to the King of France and his Miniſters moſt excellent inſtructions for the rooting out of thoſe Hereticks out of that Kingdom, ſays Cicarella, Cicarel. in vita Pii, 5. but tells us not what they were, yet that is not hard to gueſs at from the conſideration of his nature and actions, (as hath been mentioned before) as well diſpoſed to promote cruel and bloudy deſigns as could be. And when thoſe Civil Wars, which for the ſpace of three years interrupted the courſe of thoſe Italian policies and ſtratagems, broke out, he ordered them alſo the aſſiſtance of his Forces. But when the War was concluded, and the King with his Mother and Cabinet-Council, had reſolved to make a Marriage between the young Prince of Navar, being now grown up, and the King's Siſter, to be the train to draw the Proteſtant party into that ſnare which had been ſo long before deviſed, the Pope not yet acquainted with this circumſtance, (for though the thing which was to be done had been long reſolved on, yet the method and manner how to bring it about, was often altered, as accidents and occaſions did intervene) when he heard of the treaty of the Marriage, but had not notice of the myſtery of it, and moreover heard of the preparations for a War againſt Spain, he began to be ſuſpitious that the King had forgotten his former kindneſs and excellent inſtructions, and therefore ordered his Nephew Cardinal Alexandrino in his return from Spain, to debate the buſineſs with him. Whereupon the King aſſured him that he did all this to obey the inſtructions of P. Pius. But P. Pius lived not to receive this ſatisfaction, Catena in vita Pii, 5. or not long after, not to ſee that joyful day which his ſucceſſor Greg. 13. did, and kept with great joy and ſolemnity for the wiſhed ſucceſs of theſe Counſels. For the promoting whereof, being perſwaded by the Cardinal of Lorain, Da. p. 361: Anſwer to Philanax p. 100. (and told that this Marriage was intended as a trap to deſtroy the Prince of Navar and his Proteſtant party) he preſently gave his diſpenſation for the celebrating of it, and encouraged the deſign: which was as much as he could do at preſent, things being already ripe for execution. Thu. l. 53. But having received an account of the Maſſacre by letters from his Legate at Paris, he read his Letters in the Conſiſtory of Cardinals, where preſently it was decreed that they ſhould all go directly thence to St. Marks, and there ſolemnly give thanks to Almighty God for ſo great a bleſſing conferred upon the Roman See and the Chriſtian world; In Minervae aede. and that the Monday following a publick Thanksgiving ſhould be celebrated in the Church of Minerva, and that the Pope and Cardinals ſhould be at it; and thereupon a Jubilee ſhould be publiſhed throughout all the whole Chriſtian World, and among other cauſes thereof expreſſed, this was the firſt, To give thanks to God for the deſtruction in France of the enemies of the Truth, and of the the Church. In Hadriani mole. Toward the evening the Guns were fired at St. Angelo, Bonefires every where made, and nothing omitted of thoſe things which uſed to be done upon the greateſt victories for the Church of Rome. Two daies after there was a Proceſſion to St. Lewis, with very great reſort of the Nobility and people; the Biſhops and Cardinals going before; then the Switzers; then the Embaſſadors of Kings and Princes; then under a Canopy the Pope himſelf, a Deacon Cardinal on either ſide him, and the Emperors Ambaſſador bearing up his train, and a troop of Knights and Gentlemen following. Being come to the Church, which was adorned with more than ordinary magnificence, Maſs was ſaid by the Cardinal of Lorain, (who for the incredible joy which he conceived for the ſo much deſired news, had ordered a thouſand Aureos. Franks to be given to the Meſſenger, who was a Gentleman ſent by his Brother the Duke of Aumale). Upon the Church-doors was ſet an Inſcription, in which the Cardinal of Lorain, in the name of the King of France, did congratulate the Pope and the Colledge of Cardinals the moſt wonderful effects and incredible iſſue of their Counſels and Aſſiſtances. This done, Cardinal Ʋrſin is appointed to go Legate into France, who ſpeedily took his journey, Thu. l. 54. and being come as far as Lions, (where, next to Paris, was the moſt bloudy ſlaughter) he began to extol with many commendations, the Faith of the Citizens; and publickly praiſed Boidon, a moſt vile, wicked fellow, who afterward came to a death worthy of his wicked life, being executed at Clermont, but now was the ring-leader and principal promoter of the barbarous and horrid ſlaughters and murthers committed at Lions; and upon him he alſo, Etiam ei poteſtatis plenitudine gratiae beneſicium impertinit. out of the plenitude of his (legatine) power conferred ſome of the Pope's favours and graces. And although by the King's Miniſters (who were now much otherwiſe affected with the ſenſe of the barbarous ſlaughters of their Country-men, than was the Pope and his Miniſters) he was admoniſhed to be very ſober and ſparing in his ſpeech of the Maſſacre, yet could he not hold, but everywhere, both in private conference and in publick, to commend the King's prudence and magnanimity in that buſineſs: and ſo full was he of it, that being come to Paris, and endeavouring to perſwade the King to the admiſſion of the Council of Trent in France, he urged it with this as a moſt weighty argument, That the memo • y of the late fact, which is to be commended to all ages, as conducing to the glory of God, and the dignity of the holy Roman Church, might be as it were ſealed by the approbation of the holy Synod. For ſo would it be manifeſt to all, who now are, or hereafter ſhall be, that the King conſented to the deſtruction of ſo many lives, not out of hatred or revenge, or ſenſe of any private injury of his own, but out of an ardent deſire to propagate the glory of God. That what could not be expected whilſt the faction of the Proteſtants ſtood, now they being taken away, the Catholick Apoſtolick Roman Religion, which by the Synod of Trent is cleared and defended from the venome of the Sectaries, might be eſtabliſh • d beyond controverſie, and without exception, through all the Provinces of the French Dominion. But the King had no mind to admit the Council, much leſs to make that an occaſion to perpetuate the memory of that fact which he was already contriving how to excuſe, And therefore was the Legate diſmiſſed without any effect as to that particular, to the Pope's no great ſatisfaction; yet he ſolaced himſelf with atchievement of the Maſſacre, which, becauſe it had happened in the beginning of his Papacy, he reckoned a moſt proſperous omen, Thu. l. 5 • . Seres p. 794. and among his greateſt felicities. And to increaſe his comfort, the head of Colinius was ſent him to Rome for a preſent.

47. Thu. l. 54. But alas, in France, all men generally, and the King himſelf had already far other thoughts of that Tragedy; and the Legate found a far other face of things there at his coming, than he expected, and had left at Rome: for the King now more ſenſible of the foulneſs and odiouſneſs of the fact, when done, (as is uſual in ſuch caſes, the heinouſneſs of ſin ſeldom appearing to wicked minds till actually committed) was in great perplexity whether to own it or not, and how to excuſe it. And therefore it was long debated at Court, whether to admit the Legate at all, or by ſome handſome excuſes to put him off without audience, though out of reſpect to the Pope, and to the perſon of the Legate, thought well affected to the intereſt of France, it was at laſt permitted, but not without ſuch caution and admonition to him as hath been mentioned. For this unhappy King had no ſooner accompliſhed theſe deep deſigns, from which he promiſed himſelf ſo great ſecurity, content and happineſs, but he found himſelf ſurprized and involved in inextricable difficulties, perplexity and miſery. And beſides the daily ſecret horrors of his mind and conſcience, Thu. l. 57. which appeared in their nocturnal effects and productions, diſturbing and interrupting his ſleep with direful and frightful dreams, which drove him to the uſe of Saul's remedy, 1 Sam. 16. by Muſick to refreſh and quiet his diſturbed ſpirits, that anxiety which aroſe in his mind after the fact committed, from his fears and doubts of what might be the ill conſequence of it, was now no leſs than his hopes had been before of that happineſs and tranquility which he had promiſed himſelf that he ſhould obtain by it. For though he had before promiſed himſelf great ſecurity by the deſtruction of the heads, and ſlaughter of ſo great a party of the Proteſtants, yet having done the deed, that deſperation into which he apprehended his perfidious cruelty had driven thoſe who remained, and by the articles of the laſt agreement of Peace held Rochel and other ſtrong places in their poſſeſſion, rendred them not a little formidable to him, and perplexed his mind with doubts and fears of new troubles from ſo juſt and great provocation. Theſe cares of what might be the conſequence of this action at home, Thu. l. 53. were increaſed and aggravated by his apprehenſion of what effects ſo barbarous an act (which is repor • ed to have filled with ſtupor and amazement, the Great Turk himſelf at the hearing of it) might produce in his neighbours abroad, leſt they thereby might be moved out of commiſeration to ſend their aid and relief to his ſo injuriouſly oppreſſed ſubjects. Wherefore all ways and means were ſtudied and deviſed to give ſome ſatisfaction to the Proteſtants at home by treaties and favourable Edicts, (though his former often and foul breaches of his Faith made this very difficult) and to excuſe the foulneſs of the late fact both to them and to the Princes and States abroad. Thu. l. 52. It had been conſidered before-hand, out of that ſenſe and pre-apprehenſion they had of the wickedneſs and foulneſs of the deſign, how to caſt the imputation of it upon the Guiſes, who alſo out of the ſame ſenſe and pre-apprehenſion endeavoured all they could to avoid the odium of it. And being done, the King immediately, whether affrighted and terrified, ſays Thuanus, with the atrocity of the fact, or fearing the odium of it, diſpatched his Letters to the Preſidents of the Provinces, to lay all the blame upon the Guiſes, alledging that it was done without his privity or conſent; that they, fearing that the friends and relations of Colinius would revenge the injury done to him upon them, had raiſed the tumult, which he was not able to repreſs in time; with a great deal to this purpoſe. And to the ſame purpoſe were Letters written by the Queen, and ſent not only through France, but alſo to the Helvetians, and diſperſed through England, and in divers parts of Germany. But as it uſually happens upon the perpetration of ſuch horrid crimes and wickedneſs, that the authors of them diſtracted with the horrors of their guilty conſcience, when they find no ſatisfaction or aſſurance of ſecurity in any courſe they take to conceal or palliate their crime, continually deviſe and attempt new ways and means, and by their often change and inconſtancy to any, promote that diſcovery which they ſeek to evade; ſo it happened in this caſe. For as theſe Letters were diſproved by his expreſs commands, which, as Davila relates, he had but few daies before ſent out; ſo doth he now again in few days after contract the ſame, and in full Senate declares that all was done by his own will and command; and orders ſo much to be entred of record in the publick acts of the Curt. Cica • el. in vita G ••• . 13. Thu. l. 53. And though to the Pope and Spaniard he owned that he did it upon the ſcore of Religion, yet knowing that with others, this would not ſo much excuſe as aggravate and increaſe the odium of it, ſome other cauſe was to be deviſed and pretended. And therefore firſt to extenuate the fact, 〈◊〉 . l. 54. he pretends that his commands extended only to the cutting off of Colinius and his Confederates, which thing being once undertaken, the tumult at Paris proceeded further than he intended, or was able, ſo ſoon as he deſired, to reſtrain; and that other Cities taking example from thence, did the like without his licenſe, and to his great grief and trouble: and then for the cauſe pretends a Conſpiracy againſt himſelf, his Mother and Brothers, and Navar himſelf, and to make Conde King, and afterwards to kill him alſo, and ſet up Colinius. And though the cauſes pretended againſt Colinius, in the judgment of the moſt prudent men, who were not at all addicted to the Proteſtant party, ſays Thuanus, had not ſo much colour of truth as will perſwade even children to believe them, much leſs any ſufficient proof; yet to put ſome colour upon the buſineſs, a Trial was ordered to be had in form of Law; and two days after a Jubil • e (as hath been ſaid) was appointed, and an Edict publiſhed, wherein the King declares, that what had happened was done by his expreſs command, but not out of hatred to the (Proteſtant) Religion, or to derogate from the Edicts of Pacification, which he ſtill deſired ſhould be inviolably and religiouſly obſerved; but to prevent the Conſpiracy of Colinius and his Confederates, &c. and Letters to like purpoſe were ſent to the Preſidents of the Provinces, declaring, as was pretended, the TRUE cauſes of the tumult, and commanding them to treat the Proteſtants in all friendly manner, Thu. l. 53. &c. And that nothing might be wanting, ſays Thuanus, to the height of madneſs, that they might ſeem to glory and triumph in ſo deteſtable an enterpriſe, in emulation of the ancient Emperors, Medals were coyned with the Inſcriptions, VIRTUS IN REBELLEIS & PIETAS EXCITAVIT JUSTITIAM. Divers other ſuch like arts were uſed to put a face upon the buſineſs, and make it look like a happy prevention of ſome terrible Conſpiracy. But what was the moſt deteſtable of all, by the accumulating of ſin upon ſin, as is uſual in ſuch caſes, was the groſs abuſe of Juſtice it ſelf, whereby the Courts of Juſtice were drawn into the participation of the guilt, by an horrible and abominable Sentence, not only againſt Colinius who was dead, but his children who were alive; and alſo againſt Monſieur de Briquemaut, who had fled to the Engliſh Ambaſſadors; and Arnald Cavagnes Maſter of Requeſts, who had hid himſelf hard-by with a friend, who admoniſhed him of the danger, but were both taken and impriſ • ned in the Palace, and the ſame day that Sentence was given againſt Colinius, were condemned to death, which Cavagnes ſuffered with admirable conſtancy, reciting Prayers out of the Pſalms by heart, in Latin, for three hours together, with his eyes ſteadily fixed towards Heaven: but his companion at firſt, affrighted with his approaching death, made an unworthy offer for the redemption of his life, to diſcover a means how to ſurprize Rochel; yet afterwards, when the King refuſed that condition, but offered him another, which was, that he ſhould acknowledg himſelf guilty of the crimes objected to him, and confeſs before the people that there was a Conſpiracy entred into by Colinius againſt the King, he refuſed that, and choſe rather to ſuffer death, which accordingly he did with Cavagnes. While theſe & ſuch like arts were uſed to excuſe and diſguiſe the buſineſs at home; to do it abroad, beſides the Queens Letters above-mentioned, were ſeveral Ambaſſadors employed in Helvetia, Germany, England, Poland, and other foreign Countries, where they either reſided before, or were ſent on purpoſe for this ſervice, and Learned men ſuborned and perſwaded to do it by printed Books. But all theſe, not having any certain ground of truth, as a common foundation for all to build upon, while each alledged, not what he did know or believe to be true, but what his own genius dictated as moſt plauſible and likely to put ſome colour upon the buſineſs: ſome extenuating the fact as to the King's acting in it; and others on the contrary juſtifying the ſame; ſome excuſing it only by way of recrimination for things done in the late Wars; and others inſiſting upon the pretended conſpiracy of Colinius; were not only confuted by others, who alſo in print anſwered their writings and ſpeeches, but of themſelves betrayed and detected the vanity of their ſeveral pretences and allegations, by their inconſiſtency and diſagreement one with another. The Learned Lawyer Fr. Baldwin was hereunto ſollicited, but was more ingenuous than to be retained in the patronage of ſo foul a cauſe: and yet among thoſe who undertook this office, beſides the Mercenaries, were ſome perſons otherwiſe of honour and repute, who, becauſe what was done could not be undone, partly to conſult the credit of their King and Countrey, partly to accommodate the preſent ſtate of affairs, endeavoured either by feigned praiſes, or officious excuſes, to cover and palliate that fact which in their hearts they detected. And ſome were therein ſo far tranſported, and over-ſhot themſelves, out of zeal for the honour and good of their Countrey, that our ingenuous author deplores their actings in it, eſpecially as to that foul buſineſs of the Trial and Sentence above-mentioned. But generally the French Courtiers, who were more ingenuous than to proſtitute their reputation by aſſerting that pitiful pretence of the conſpiracy, yet uſed all their art to repreſent the caſe, as a ſudden accidental thing, and not ſo long before contrived as the Italians and Spaniards relate.

48. It is very uſual and even natural to men, eſpecially to the more conſidering minds, when any thing rare and extraordinary doth occur, not to reſt ſatisfied with the bare contemplation of the thing, but alſo to reflect back, and enquire into the cauſes of it. And therefore ſince Thuanus relates that the more prudent of thoſe, Lib. 53. who, being no way addicted to the Proteſtant party, with good and honeſt meaning ſought how to excuſe this execrable fact, yet in their heart deteſting the ſame, did alſo ſeriouſly conſider the cauſes of it, their ſenſe and judgment in that reſpect may likewiſe deſerve our obſervation. They ſaw apparently that ſo infamous and pernitious counſels could not proceed but from minds ſo ſtrangely infatuated and blinded, and did ſeem to argue a ſpecial judgment of God upon them. And of that, the cauſes to which it might be reaſonably attributed were very obvious and eaſy to be diſcovered. For ſuch was the profaneneſs, debauchery and wickedneſs, which prevailing in the King, (through his evil Education by his Mother and thoſe Tutors to whom ſhe committed him) and in the Court, were by the evil example thereof derived to the City, and thence to the Countrey-Towns and Villages, and ſo diffuſed through the whole Kingdom, as could not but provoke the Holy Majeſty of God to ſend down his judgments upon them. This is the ſum of their judgment, only he gives more particular inſtances in the ſins of common Swearing, Adultery and Fornication, to which others add many more, and tell us in general, that then never was there any more vicious or more corrupted Court. And indeed, thoſe were ſuch cauſes, as, being ſo obvious and notorious, no ſerious Chriſtian believing, and inſtructed in the Sacred Scriptures, but would readily aſſign in the caſe. Rom. 1 • For thus doth St. Paul inform the Romans, of ſuch as hold the truth in unrighteouſneſs, (and our Romaniſts might do well to be admoniſhed by it) that becauſe when they knew God, they glorified him not as God. their fooliſh heart was darkened, and he gave them up to the luſts of their own hearts, to vile affections, and to a reprobate mind, to do thoſe things which are not convenient, being filled with all Injuſtice, Fornication, Murder, Deceit, breach of Faith, &c. What-ever be the profeſſion which ſuch men make of Religion, moſt certain it is, that there is either great error and corruption in their Religion, or little ſincerity and life in their profeſſion, or laſtly, ſuch impotence in the profeſſors, that the prevalence of their ſenſual affections doth eaſily over-power and faſcinate their reaſon; which argues their deſertion by that Sacred Spirit which infuſes light and life, and heat and power into humane ſouls, as they are diſpoſed to receive it, no leſs than doth the Sun communicate its kind influences to the corporal and animal nature. And as this doth maturate and ſweeten crude and ſour fruits, and confirm and ſtrengthen the tender plants; ſo doth that, where it is indeed heartily embraced, admirably diſpoſe mens minds to ſweetneſs and tranq • ility in themſelves, to ſweetneſs and devotion to God, to ſweetneſs, kindneſs and benignity to men; and makes theſe diſpoſitions ſtrong and powerful in them. Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is power: it informs the mind and underſtanding, it reforms the will and affections, and transforms the whole man into its own likeneſs. Theſe are the fruits of the Spirit by which we are to judge of the tree. This is that whereby all true Chriſtians have a real and internal, not meerly external or political, communion and union with their Head Chriſt Jeſus, and through him with the fountain, from whom, by him, it is derived to all his true members; (of his fulneſs we all receive), and one with another, they are all partakers of the ſame Spirit, (a nearer alliance than that of bloud) and are filled with a tender affection to all the children of the ſame Father, and love to all the creatures of their great Lord, and for his ſake even to their enemies, to thoſe that perſecute and injure them; pitying their blindneſs and madneſs, and deſiring their converſion, not deſtruction. But no ſooner or further is any man deſerted by this bleſſed Spirit, or devoid of his ſweet influences, but he preſently becomes ſo much the more obnoxious to all the malevolent aſpects of wicked ſpirits, and is impregnated and • illed with the poiſon of their infections, which excites and exalgitates to exorbitancy his ſenſual affections, dementates his underſtanding, and continually foments and promotes the aſſimulation and likeneſs of their own nature in him, cheriſhing and fructifying the roots which are in him, of Pride, Ambition, Envy, Malice, Revenge, Perfidiouſneſs, and all manner of luſts and wickedneſs, according to his particular diſpoſition. And becauſe there is ſo ſtrong and powerful a propenſity to Religion rooted and fixed in the very nature of man, as is very difficult, if not impoſſible utterly to extirpate or depreſs this in ſuch a perſon, is by the ſubtil operation of theſe agents, either, if more languid and remiſs, diverted, by exciting him to an eager proſecution of his other more ſtrong inclinations; or, if more intenſe and active, perverted either into ſuperſtition, or ſome other conceived heroick acts of a partial Religion, conſiſting and concurring with the ſatisfaction of his other inclinations: whence ordinarily proceeds much of that heat and zeal which we frequently ſee in men for their ſeveral parties, for the ſhells and out-ſides of Religion; for opinions and notions, no more neceſſary to be known and determined to make men compleat Chriſtians, than the ſpeculations of Philoſophers; and often for pernitious and deſtructive principles, eſpecially in the Romaniſts; and inconſiderate endeavours, by fraud and injuſtice, ſedition or oppreſſion, and violent perſecutions, and ſuch like moſt unchriſtian actions, for the advancement of the cauſe which they eſpouſe; whereby they encourage themſelves with ſecret hopes to expiate their licentiouſneſs and indulgence to their own inclinations in other matters, and eaſily perſwade themſelves that ſo long as they are ſuch good Catholicks, or well affected to the truth and the cauſe of God and his Church, that all muſt needs be well with them. And hence proceeded this not only unchriſtian, but barbarous and inhumane, perfidious, bloudy action of Charles 9. Hence the ſuſpition of his Brother and Succeſſors Henr. 3. Hence all the licentiouſneſs and wickedneſs which we ſee every where in the World. And to all this is no ſmall occaſion given by the complying Conduct, Commutations of Penances, and other practices of the Jeſuites and other Romaniſts. But the ſame Apoſtle informs us of another cauſe near of kin to this, and no leſs effectual to the provocation of this judgment of obduration of mens minds, which is very likely to have had no little influence in this caſe: and that is the reſiſting, rejaction, or not receiving and embracing of the Truth when offered: which he mentions in a paſſage, which, if I be not much miſtaken, concerns the defection of the Church of Rome, and hath been ſo underſtood by the Chriſtians in all ages, (though ſomewhat obſcurely and imperfectly, as is uſual in the interpretations of prophetick writings before they be fulfilled), as well agrees with the conjecture. Becauſe they receive not the love of the Truth, ſaith he, For this cauſe God ſhall ſend them ſtrong deluſions. 1 Theſ. 2. And this 'tis very likely had no ſmall influence in this caſe. For if out of the Roman Religion we take all that which the Proteſtants receive and profeſs, which the Romaniſts muſt needs confeſs to be truly Catholick, the greateſt part of the reſt hath been either introduced, or ſo new modelled and accommodated to the ſecular intereſt and advantage of the See of Rome within this 600 years laſt paſt, as hath not only given occaſion to moſt of the troubles and miſchiefs in Europe ever ſince, but very much injured, diſhonoured and prejudiced Chriſtianity it ſelf. And when it pleaſed God by his providence, both long ſince, and again of latter days, to raiſe up a people in the Confines of France, who retaining that which of all ſides is confeſſed to be truly Catholick, rejected thoſe novel corruptions and abuſes, (though perhaps with them ſome things which might be tolerated), and thereby gave ſo fair occaſion to the French upon further conſideration, and with more mature deliberation to reform the ſame, (as Queen Eliz. did here), that a great part of the moſt ſober and pious of the French Nation, even Biſhops and Cardinals, being thereupon ſenſible of the need of it, did earneſtly deſire and ſollicit the convention of a National Synod to that purpoſe; the French Kings were unhappily ſo far wrought upon by the arts of Rome, as not only ungratefully to reject that benefit offered by the Divine Providence, but at laſt to perſecute thoſe who were made the occaſions of it. And this ſeems to have been ſo manifeſt a cauſe of the troubles, miſchiefs and adverſities, which by the providence of God have befallen that Nation and their Princes ſince the beginning of that Century, that it is ſtrange (but that the height of contentions then on foot might perhaps hinder it) that neither thoſe prudent conſidering men did take notice of it in this caſe, nor yet our judicious and can did Author, who relates their judgment, and had himſelf obſerved almoſt as much in Lewis 12. If it be fit, ſays he, for a mortal man to ſpeak his opinion concerning the eternal Counſels of God, • . v. 1. I ſhould ſay that there was no other cauſe why that moſt excellent Prince, in ſo many reſpects commendable and worthy of a better fortune, ſhould meet with ſo many conflicts with adverſities, than that he had contracted ſo near alliance with Pope Alexander 6. and cheriſhed the cruelties, luſts, perfidiouſneſs, and fortunes of that impure Father (the Pope) and of his Son (Caeſar Borgia) a man drowned in all kind of wickedneſs: and then relating the King's calling of a Synod, upon his provocations by the next Pope Julius 2. (undoubtedly ſo ordered for the ſame purpoſe by the Divine Providence) firſt at Lions, and then at Piſa for the reformation of the Church, and his medals coined with this Inſcription, PERDAM BABYLONIS NOMEN, and how after all this he renounced the Council at Piſa through the importunities of his wife, and ſubſcribed to the Lateran Council to gratifie the next Pope Leo 10. and adding that in the judgment of many he had done more adviſedly if he had perſevered in his purpoſe of reforming the Church, he concludes; Theſe therefore were the cauſes both of the declination of our Empire, and of the adverſe fortune of Lewis: who after all his other misfortunes died without iſſue male, which he much deſired to ſucceed him. And in this King is very obſervable, that as there was in him no want of magnanimity, humane prudence, or care for himſelf, the glory of his Kingdom, and proſperity of his affairs, to which his misfortunes could be imputed, which makes the judgment of God therein the more apparent; ſo neither could any vice or other fault be noted in him, which might be aſſigned as a cauſe of that judgment, but what is here mentioned, the neglect of that duty whereunto he was ſo fairly led, and whereof he was ſo far convinced, as that he began to put it in execution. In the time of his ſucceſſor Francis 1. all things ſeemed to conſpire in giving occaſion every where to the Reformation of the Church, what through the Pope's differences with ſeveral Princes, which produced the abolition and abrogation of the Papal Authority for ſome time in Spain, and afterward in England; what through that abominable impoſture of Indulgences and other their groſs wickedneſs and abuſes, which provoked Martin Luther and other learned men to ſearch into, and detect their myſtery of iniquity, and diſcover many groſs errors and abuſes crept into the Church, whereupon enſued the Reformation happily begun and promoted by many Proteſtant Princes and Cities in Germany, and other parts. But Francis not only neglected the occaſion, and rejected and made himſelf unworthy of the common benefit of it, but moreover contracted that He married his Son Henr. 2. to Katharine of Medices daughter to Lawrence D. of Urbin, who was Nephew to Leo 10. and Couſin to Clem. 7. alliance with the Popes, and at laſt began thoſe V. 3. Sect. 39. pag. 56. perſecutions, the unhappy conſequence of both which we are now relating. [Nor was the King of Spain much more happy in his perſecutions of the Proteſtants in the Low-Countries, the conſequence whereof was the loſs of the beſt part of them: and all he got by the Inquiſition in Spain, was but the excluſion of light and truth from his people, and his own ſlavery to the ſtrong deluſions and infatuations of the Jeſuites, who precipitated him into divers diſhonourable, unſuccesful, and to his own affairs pernitious undertakings.]

49. But to return to the effects and conſequences of that bloudy act, whereof what hath yet been related, was but the firſt fruits of thoſe Counſels from which ſo much happineſs, tranquility and glory were ſo long expected, inſtead whereof was reaped only horror, ſhame and anxiety, whereunto ſucceeded a plentiful harveſt of other real troubles. For the King and that Faction which prevailed at Court, after ſo many former breaches of publick Faith, by this ſo inhumane cruelty and foul breach of Faith, ſo much the greater, by how much the greater arts and deep diſſimulation had been uſed before to raiſe a truſt & confidence of their ſincerity, had now driven thoſe of the Proteſtants who remained alive to that diſtruſt and jealouſie (the uſual fruits of perfidiouſneſs) of what-ever Letters, Promiſes, Edicts, or other means could be deviſed to ſatisfy them, that nothing could give them any aſſurance of their lives and ſafety, but retaining thoſe places which by the laſt agreement of Peace were left in their poſſeſſion for their ſecurity, (and were now, had the agreement been performed, Thu. l. 53, to have been delivered) to ſtand upon their defence. And though many of them not only doubting of their ſtrength, but making ſcruple of the juſtice of the cauſe, now ſince not only the Princes of the blood, to whom the adminiſtration of the Kingdom did belong, were abſent, but moreover the King himſelf was grown a man, did diſpute againſt it, and from both thoſe grounds urged all the arguments they could: yet againſt the firſt of theſe, the horror of theſe ſlaughters, which they had ſo lately ſeen, and did foreſee, prevailed, and deſpair made the moſt timerous couragious. And this alſo made the anſwer which was returned by others to the latter, more ſatisfactory to the reſt; that to take up Arms for their juſt defence, not to offer violence to any, but only to repel the injury, and ſave themſelves from ſlaughter, was neither by the Laws of God or man unlawful; that it ought not to be reputed a war againſt the King, but a juſt defence againſt their enemies who abuſed the King's authority to deſtroy them, who if ſo powerful as to have proceeded ſo far in the late tumult beyond his conſent or privity, or prevalent with him as to work his aſſent to ſo unjuſt and foul an action, they had the more reaſon to ſecure themſelves againſt their power and treachery, till juſtice ſhould be done upon them; nor ought they to doubt, but in ſo juſt a cauſe upon their ſerious repentance, truſt in God, and humble ſupplications to him, he would graciouſly pity their miſery, and provide ſome unexpected means for their relief. And therefore ſeeing La Charite was ſurprized at the time of the maſſacre, and the ſame was attempted againſt Montabon, Da. p. 377. and being further warned by what was lately done at Caſtrum in Albigenſi agro. Caſtres, which after great promiſes of ſafety by the King, was notwithſtanding permitted to be plundered, and layed waſte by the ſlaughters and rapines of Creuſeta, Rochel, having for ſome daies kept a ſolemn faſt, with divers other places prepare for their defence. And at laſt when arts failed, eſpecially after the maſſacre at Burdeaux, in the midſt of their treaties, the King's Forces were ſent to aſſault them. And theſe (ſays Thuanus, after a more particular relation of them) were the beginnings of the Fourth Civil War in France the more memorable, becauſe from ſo ſmall beginnings, beyond the hope and expectation even of thoſe who through neceſſity rather than upon counſel and deſign did manage it, when, ſo many Commanders being ſlain, the Nobility who remained diſperſed abroad, and the people in all places aſtoniſhed, all was thought ſubdued, within the compaſs of a year, without the foreign aid of any Prince, and money every where after ſo great plunders failing them, it reſtored the affairs of the Proteſtants to good condition again. And yet this was only a defenſive War on their part, and, as he ſays, of neceſſity, wherein thoſe poor people ſought only for their lives and ſafety, and not to neglect the King's commands, were willing to keep their meetings at Sermons only ſecretly in the night, and not openly in the day-time, which yet could not be denied them without manifeſt injuſtice and breach of publick Faith. But ſuch were their apprehenſions of the perfidiouſneſs and cruelty of their enemies, and reſolutions thereupon, that they choſe rather to ſuffer all the miſeries and neceſſities that humane nature is able to bear, than again to truſt to the mercy or promiſes of them whom they had ſo often found perfidious, and moreover at laſt ſo barbarouſly inhumane and cruel. And therefore at Samerre it is almoſt incredible what they ſuffered. Thu. l. 55. Having ſpent their ſtores, they killed and eat their Aſſes, Mules, Horſes, Dogs, and all other living creatures they could meet with; and when that alſo was ſpent, they deviſed ways to make Hydes, Skins, Parchment, Bridle-rains, and what-ever was made of leather, edible; and Bran, Straw, Nutſhels, the Horns and Hoofs of Beaſts, even dugg out of the dunghils, and the very dung of Horſes, and ſuch things as ſcarce any other creatures will feed on; inſomuch, that whereas in eight moneths ſiege they had not loſt 100 ſlain, in forty days above 500 died of hunger, Thu. l. 56. and 200 more were famiſhed almoſt to death. Rochel indeed was not driven to that extremity, partly having made better proviſions for themſelves, partly by an extraordinary ſupply, little leſs than miraculous; for all the time of the ſiege, the tides, it being a Sea Town, left the poor people ſuch plenty of a kind of ſhell-fiſh, as very well ſupplied them with food; which, when the ſiege was ended, preſently vaniſhed, and were not ſeen in ſuch plenty much longer. Yet did they teſtify as great abhorrence of the perfidiouſneſs and cruelty of their enemies, by their incredible courage and activity, even of their women in the repulſe of ſeveral fierce aſſaults, and alſo in ſallies: and in concluſion, the aſſailants ſeeking rather occaſions how to raiſe the ſiege with credit, Thu. l. 56. than having any hope to obtain the City by force, they came to this agreement for themſelves, Montabon and Niſmes, Da. p. 392. confirmed by an Edict, That free profeſſion of their Religion ſhould be permitted them, according to the Edicts made in behalf of the Proteſtants; their priviledges confirmed; no Garriſon impoſed on them; only the King ſhould appoint them a Governor, and they ſhould be governed by the Laws and Cuſtoms which they had uſed even ſince they became Subjects to the Crown of France, &c. Some time after Samere obtained by agreement to enjoy the benefit of the Pacification made with Rochel, but paying 40000 l. for the ſaving of their Movables. And this end (ſays our Author) had this fourth Civil War after the tumult at Paris, when the Courtiers thought all ſubdued by that ſlaughter, begun and finiſhed in the aſſaulting of certain Cities, and eſpecially in the ſiege of that one City of Rochel, which for ſo many months did moſt ſtifly, beyond the opinion of all men, ſuſtain, and at laſt break the ſtrength and force of the whole Kingdom raiſed againſt it, beſides Aumale, Tular, Coſſens, Goa his Brother, and other, 40000 Souldiers (the very number ſaid by Davila to have been ſlain in the maſſacre) being ſlain, and dead of ſickneſs, and among theſe 60 chief Ordinum Ductores. Commanders (and as ſome ſay, moſt of the actors of that tragedy) beſides a vaſt deal of mony and military proviſions ſpent, and at laſt things being reduced to thoſe ſtreights, that the King contrary to what bad before been falſly perſwaded him, thought himſelf a greater gainer by that Peace, than by the Pariſian ſlaughter. Such were the effects whether of the Italian Policy, or the Ro • iſh Doctrine of not keeping Faith with Hereticks.

50. He had no ſooner ended this War, T •• . l. 57. but he began to be grievouſly afflicted with that fatal diſeaſe which in few months after put an end to his life, not without ſuſpition of poiſon by his Mother and Brother Anjou, and beſides in the mean time, by her arts, and the influences of the Guiſes upon her, was preſently involved in a fit of Civil War. And this not only againſt the Proteſtants, whom having ſufficient cauſe from former experience to beware of the perfidiouſneſs and cruelty of their enemies, after other new occaſions of ſuſpition, ſhe forced again to provide for their ſecurity, and ſtand upon their defence, by a perfidious attempt to ſurprize Rochel by her emiſſaries, who had corrupted ſome in the City to betray it to the Forces, which for that purpoſe they had drawn near it; but alſo againſt a conſiderable party of the Catholicks, (as they call them) whom, while ſhe thought it neceſſary for the continuance of her power and authority in the government, to keep up, and foment factions among the chief Nobility, ſhe, by over-doing what ſhe deſigned, forced, for their own ſafety and ſecurity, to joyn their complaints and forces with the Proteſtants. Whereby (conſidering the diviſion of that party) ſhe in ſome ſort repaired the loſs which the Proteſtant party had ſuſtained by the maſſacres; the Providence of God undoubtedly thus ordering it to manifeſt the vanity of their former hopes of peace and tranquility by ſuch wicked courſes for the deſtruction of the Proteſtants, and to puniſh by their mutual diſſentions among themſelves, their former unanimity in perſecuting them. The chief of this party were the ſons of the old Conſtable Momorancy, (in his time an active perſecutor of the Proteſtants) the Viſcount de Turenne, and others, whom the Queen, favouring the contrary faction of the Guiſes, continually by divers calumnies incenſing and exaſperating the King againſt them, and by other ſtratagems which they diſcovered, drove into deſpair of ſafety by any other means; which no doubt was not a little increaſed by the experience which they had ſeen of her perfidiouſneſs and cruelty in the caſe of the Proteſtants, all men being ſuſpitious of thoſe whom they have obſerved falſe and perfidious to others. And to theſe Alancon the King's younger Brother, upon the ſame occaſions, beſides ſome other cauſes of diſcontent, joyned himſelf as head. Beſides thoſe of the Nobility, there were two other ſubſidiary Factions in the Court. Thu. l. 59. pr. The one of thoſe, who deſirous by any means to retain the Religion of their Anceſtors, and careleſs for any amendment or reformation of it, did eaſily ſuffer themſelves, in favour of them who took up Arms under pretence of defending it, to be drawn in either by fraudulent interpretations to elude, or plainly and altogether to violate the Faith given to the Proteſtants. The other of thoſe who would not depart from the religion of their anceſtors, but yet deſired many things in it, in tract of time, through covetouſneſs and groſs ignorance, brought in to the diſhonour of God, and offence of many, to be corrected; and therefore being more favourable to the Proteſtants, held that things ought to be tranſacted in a friendly manner with them, that the Faith publickly given them ſhould be faithfully kept, and that by any means peace, without which the buſineſs of reformation could not proceed, ſhould be ſetled. The firſt favoured the Guiſes, who ſought all occaſions of War, the latter the Momorances, who perſwaded Peace. Of this laſt opinion were thoſe famous men Michael Hoſpitalius Chancellor of France, Paulus Foxius, Many others were of the ſame mind, as Jo. Monlue Biſhop of Valence, and Car. Marillac Arch-Biſhop of Vienna. Thu. l. 25. Chriſtophorus Thuanus, Chriſtophorus Menilius, though they never engaged in Arms on either ſide. And this was the party which were called Politicks, a name, ſaith our Author, by the ſeditious attributed to them who were ſtudious for the good of the King and peace of the Kingdom, (li. 52.) and male contents. But that faction which deſired ſtirs alwaies prevailing in the Court, hence it came to paſs, that ſo many Edicts (of Pacification) were made one upon another, and as often violated, the War being ſo often renewed, and with the ſame levity where-with it was begun, laid down again. Whereof the King by this time became ſenſible, Thu. l. 57. and obſerved, but when it was too late, that that unhappy maſſacre had, contrary to what was expected, diſſolved the bonds of peace and publick ſecurity. And therefore with indignation perceiving that the Counſellors of it had more reſpect to the ſatisfaction of their own private hatred and ambition, than to the publick Faith and quiet (of the Kingdom) without which he could never keep up his Royal Majeſty, being not a little incenſed againſt them, he reſolved from that time to remove them from the Council, and to ſend away from him his mother her ſelf, under a more honourable colour of viſiting her ſon Anjou in Poland, (whom he had newly, almoſt by force, thruſt out of France, having, to be rid of him, procured him to be choſen King there). And believing that the Civil Wars in France were raiſed not ſo much for the cauſe of Religion as through the factions of that Kingdom, & that the chief leaders of them were the Guiſes and the Momorances, he reſolved, without any regard of the Law, or the juſtice of either cauſe, to deſtroy both theſe potent Families, being no leſs exaſperated againſt Guiſe than Momorancy, and therefore had often thoughts of taking him out of the way. But in the midſt of theſe troubles without, in his Kingdom, and others within, in his mind and body, after very grievous and long pains, ſo that long before his death he felt himſelf dying, he ended his life every way miſerable, by that ſickneſs which few thought natural, Pau • i naturalem ei rebantur, memores quae ſummus diſſimuland • artifex prae impatientia interminatus & matri & frotri • ſſet, ne que ignari quam non ſponte nonus Rex Galliam relinqueret, p. 441. in octav. and again, p. 493. Mortut corpus a Chirurgis & medicis apertum; in quo livores ex cauſa incognita reperti, conceptam multorum opinionem auxerunt potius quam minuerunt. l. 57. but rather procured by his own Mother and Brother Anjou, as our Author doth ſufficiently intimate, and was further remarkable by the effuſion of his own bloud, who had ſo perfidiouſly and barbarouſly ſhed the bloud of ſo many of his ſubjects. Davila ſaith he began ſome months before to ſpit bloud; others that he died of a Bloudy-flux, and that much bloud iſſued out of all the paſſages of his body; and that he happened to fall down, and wallowed in his own bloud. And whereas Davila ſays that he ended his life with grave and pious diſcourſes, others ſay that he ended it with imprecations and curſings, and that his laſt words were meer blaſphemies. Whereof, which is moſt credible, the reader conſidering his natural temper, life and actions, may eaſily judge. He died under five and twenty years of age, without iſſue male to ſucceed him, leaving only a daughter by his Queen, with whom he had been above four years married, and a baſtard-ſon. And theſe were the fruits which he reaped of his bloudy and perſidious counſels and practices.

51. Nor did his next Brother Anjou, called Henr. 3. reap any better fruits of his counſels and actions in the maſſacre and other enterprizes againſt the Proteſtants; who in great haſte, Thu. l. 58. upon notice of his Brother's death, ſhamefully ſtealing from his Kingdom of Poland, in his return to France was well admoniſhed by the Emperor Maximilian, that at the beginning of his Reign, and firſt entrance into France, he ſhould ſettle peace among his ſubjects: and the ſame counſel was often repeated to him by the Duke of Venice in the name of the Senate. Yet he was no ſooner arrived in France, but by the counſel of his Mother and the Guiſian and Italian faction, (the ſame Cabal which contrived the maſſacre) he reſolved the contrary, till finding it a work too hard by open force to deſtroy the remaining part of the Proteſtants, being moreover ſtrengthened by the aſſociation of the Politicks with them, there was at laſt a Peace concluded upon ſuch terms, as, Thu. l. 62. Davila. l. 6. had they been granted in ſincerity, and juſtly performed, might have produced much happineſs to that Kingdom. For, beſides what related to the particular concerns of Alancon, D'Anvil, and others of the Politicks and male-contents, to the Proteſtants was granted full liberty of Conſcience, and free exerciſe of their Religion, without exception of times or places, &c. and Towns for their ſecurity till the Articles ſhould be fully and perfectly performed. And theſe Articles were concluded by the Queen-Mother her ſelf in perſon, and confirmed by a publick Edict with all the ſolemnity that could be, the King himſelf being preſent in Parliament, ſitting in his Throne of Juſtice. But theſe Articles, ſays Davila, as ſoon as they were known to thoſe of the Catholick party, exaſperated moſt of their minds in ſuch manner, that they not only murmured freely againſt the King himſelf and the Queen-Mother, but many were diſpoſed to riſe, and would have taken Arms to diſturb the unjuſtneſs [as they call it] of that Peace, which was generally [by them] eſteemed ſhameful, and not fit to be kept, if within a-while they had not manifeſtly underſtood, that the King and Queen, purpoſely to recover and draw home the Duke of Alancon, had conſented to conditions in words, which they were reſolved not to obſerve in deeds. For, (as he preſently adds) having exactly performed all things promiſed to the Duke of Alancon, none of the other Articles were obſerved either to the Proteſtants in general, or to the King of Navar and Prince of Conde in particular: but the King permitting, and tacitly conſenting to it, the Aſſemblies of the Proteſtants were every where violently diſturbed, &c. And the Guiſes, who were not ſlack in laying hold of any opportunity to augment their own greatneſs, and to ſecure the ſtate of that Religion, which was ſo ſtreightly linked to their intereſts, began upon the conjuncture of ſo great an occaſion, ſecretly to make a league of the Catholicks, in all the Provinces of the Kingdom, under colour of oppoſing the progreſs and eſtabliſhment of hereſy, which by the Articles of the Peace was ſo fully authorized and eſtabliſhed. And this was the Faith of a Catholick Prince, whoſe Conſcience was directed by the religious Jeſuites, and ſo great a votary, that though a King, Thu. l. 61: Busbeq. epiſt. 20. he would often make one of the Flagellantes, and was believed would have changed his Kingdom for a Cell, though Guiſe had never attempted to force him to it: this the obedience and loyalty of his Catholick Subjects. But this was nothing to what followed; for his was but the beginning of that Holy League, which may juſtly put to ſilence all clamours, and anſwer all calumnies againſt the Proteſtants in France, upon occaſion of any miſcarriages of theirs under ſo long and grievous oppreſſions and unjuſt perſecutions; and was the pattern and precedent which was followed by that faction here, which the Romiſh Emiſſaries and Agents partly raiſed, and partly ruled, or ſecretly influenced to promote their own deſigns, as may be perceived by comparing ſuch evidences and teſtimonies as are to be met with of their myſterious practices in their works of darkneſs, with their Principles laid down to undermine this Church and State, extant in printed Books. Lib. 6. p. 449. Lib. 8. c. 2. p. 496. Thu. l. 63. The form of the League may be ſeen in Engliſh at large in Davila and Fonlis, to this effect: The Covenant of the Princes, Lords and Gentlemen of the Catholick Religion, for the entire reſtitution of the Law of God, and preſervation of his holy worſhip, according to the form and rites of the holy Church of Rome, abjuring and renouncing all errors contrary to it. 2. For the preſervation of King Henr. 3. and his Succeſſors, in the State, Honour, Splendor, Authority, Duty, Service and Obedience due to them, &c. 3. For the reſtitutton of their ancient rites, liberties and priviledges to the Provinces of the Kingdom, &c. In caſe there be any oppoſition againſt this aforeſaid, or any of the Covenanters, their friends or dependants be moleſted or queſtioned for this cauſe, by whomſoever it be, all that enter into this Covenant ſhall be bound to imploy their lives and fortunes to take vengeance upon them, either by way of juſtice or force, without any exception of perſons what-ever. They who depart from this Covenant ſhall be puniſhed both in body and goods. All ſhall likewiſe ſwear to yield ready obedience and faithful ſervice unto that Head which ſhall be deputed, and to give all help, counſel and aſſiſtance, as well for the maintenance of this League, as for the ruine of all that ſhall oppoſe it, without exception of perſons; and thoſe that fail ſhall be puniſhed by the authority of the Head, &c. All the Catholicks of the ſeveral Cities, Towns and Villages ſhall be ſecretly advertiſed by the particular Governors to enter into this League, and concur in providing Men, Arms, and other neceſſaries, &c. Into this League, (framed with ſo much art, Davila, p. 451. that making a ſhew to obey and maintain the King, it took from him all his obedience and authority to confer it upon the head of their Union, as Davila notes,) when many were engaged in France, they began ſecretly to treat at Rome for Protection, and in Spain for men and money; nor did they find in either place any averſneſs to their deſires. Da. p. 461. V. Thu. l. 63. And though they thought it unfit to diſpute openly whether the States were ſuperior to the King or no, yet while theſe things were acted in ſecret without his knowledge or conſent, they ſought cunningly (by a kind of cheat) to take away his prerogative, and (with his conſent) to ſettle it in a certain number, who ſhould have power to conclude and determine all buſineſs without contradiction or appeal; and to that end At the Aſsembly of the States at 〈◊〉 (which conſiſted moſt of ſuch who had ſubſcribed to 〈◊〉 the Catholick L • ague.) petition the King, that for the diſpatch of all buſineſs with ſpeed and general ſatisfaction, he would be pleaſed to elect a number of Judges not ſuſpected by the States, who, together with twelve of the Deputies, might hear ſuch motions as from time to time ſhould be propoſed by every Order, and conclude and reſolve upon them, with this condition, that what-ever was joyntly determined by the Judges and Deputies together, ſhould have the form and vigour of a Law, without being ſubject to be altered or revoked; which had been in effect to unking him, and leave him little more than the title. But the King not ignorant of the importance of that demand, Thu. l. 63. became ſenſible of their deſigns, and of his own danger, which more manifeſtly appeared in certain ſecret inſtructions to Nic. David, with which he was ſent to the Pope concerning the depoſing of the King, and thruſting him into a Monaſtery, and ſetting up Guiſe in his place, &c. which being taken with David in his journey, and publiſhed by the Proteſtants, were not believed at firſt, till the ſame being alſo ſent to the King of Spain, the French Ambaſſador there happened to get a copy of them, and ſent them to his Maſter, as Thuanus relates from his own mouth. The King therefore returns them a wary anſwer, ſuch as though not altogether denying their demand, yet gave them no great ſatisfaction. But though they failed in this attempt to unking the King with his own conſent, yet they reſolved, though without, or contrary to his conſent, not only to moderate the laſt articles of Peace, but to break them utterly, and again with more force than ever to begin the War againſt the Proteſtants, whereby they brought the King to this neceſſity, that he muſt either plainly and openly break his faith given to the Proteſtants, (which he had done before only by connivance) or engage with them in a more dangerous War againſt the Leaguers. And divers diſſwaded him from breach of his Faith, among the reſt William Lantgrave of Heſſe, Thu. l. 63. beſides the reaſon he gave him in mind of that late and memorable example of Ladiſlaus 4. King of Hungary, who having ſworn a Truce with the great Turk Amurath 2. being perſwaded by the Pope and Cardinals, out of a vain hope that they could abſolve him from the obligation of it, perfidiouſly broke it. Whereupon in the firſt encounter (the Turk lifting up his eyes to Heaven, and calling to Chriſt to behold and puniſh the perfidious dealing where with his followers had diſhonoured him) he was himſelf ſlain with 30000 of his men: on the other ſide the French Theologiſts did openly both in Sermons and printed Books contend that the Prince is not obliged to keep Faith with the Hereticks, alledging to that purpoſe the Decree of the Council of Conſtance, and therefore War is to be undertaken to extirpate them. And by the advice of the Biſhop of Lymoges and Morvillier (ſometime Biſhop of Orleans) the King determined, ſince he could not by open reſiſtance hinder the deſigns and progreſs of the League, (which already had taken too deep root) to make himſelf Head and Protector of it, and draw that authority to himſelf, which he ſaw they endeavoured to ſettle upon the Head of the League, both within and without the Kingdom; which accordingly he did, cauſing it to be read, publiſhed, and ſworn in open aſſembly, and with high proteſtations declared that he would ſpend his laſt breath to reduce all his people to a unity in Religion, and an entire obedience to the Roman Church: which done, he without much difficulty prevailed with Navar and the Proteſtants to yield to ſome reſtraints of the publick exerciſe of their Religion. And thus by a new Edict of Pacification, were things in For in the midſt of peace nothing but the perſecution of hereſie was daily threatened. Da. p. 479. ſome ſort quieted for ſome time.

52. But after the death of Alancon the King's youngeſt Brother, who died without iſſue, and not without ſuſpition of poiſon, in the flower of his age, being about thirty, (wherein we may take notice, by the way, of the Divine Vengeance by degrees extirpating that Family, which ſo wickedly ſought the extirpation of the Proteſtants) the King having no iſſue, nor like to have any, Busbeq. ep. 5. (notwithſtanding all his viſits and ſupplications at the Monuments of Saints and Religious places) whereby the Crown was likely to deſcend to the King of Navar, a Proteſtant Prince, who was next heir to it, the Leaguers preſently begin new troubles, Thu. l. 80. the Preachers from the Pulpits fill their hearers minds with fears and jealouſies, meetings are every where held, Souldiers ſecretly liſted, and Officers appointed, and the more to enrage the people, Thu. l. 81. while the Preachers fill their ears with the noiſe of approaching dangers, dreadful and horrid repreſentations of moſt terrible perſecutions which the Catholicks are ſaid to ſuffer in England, are preſented to their view, both in printed Books, and alſo in Cuts and Pictures which are ſet up in publick places, and perſons appointed to relate the ſad ſtories of them, and tell the people that thus it will be alſo in France, if the King of Navar be admitted to the Kingdom; and therefore to ſecure themſelves of a Catholick King, they reſolve to ſet up the Cardinal Bourbon for head of the League at preſent, and to ſucceed the King in caſe he ſhould die without iſſue. And the better to ſtrengthen themſelves they renew their League with the Spaniard, Da. p. 526. and having ſuddenly raiſed a conſiderable Army, contrary to the King's expreſs prohibition by his Edict, Da. p. 535. they begin to make themſelves Maſters of many Cities and Fortreſſes, ſome by ſecret practices, ſome by open force of Arms, Da. p. 550. driving out the King's Governors and Officers, and in ſhort time, through the fury of the people, and great converſe of the Clergy in favour of the League, became ſo formidable to the King, that he was forced to a new agreement with them againſt the Proteſtants, Da. p. 557. to baniſh their Preachers, confiſcate their eſtates, and with all ſpeed denounce a War againſt them, wherein ſuch men ſhould be made Commanders, as the League ſhould confide in, and a great deal more, partly againſt the Proteſtants, and partly to ſtrengthen their own party. Da. p. 598. This agreement was made by the King only to comply with his preſent neceſſity, and not with any intention to perform it. For being now out of hope of iſſue himſelf, he reſolved to further Navar's right, and to unite himſelf with him, as his lawful Succeſſor, and make him partaker in matters of Government, to which end he held ſecret correſpondence with him. Da. p. 600. But the Leaguers force him to go on with the War; and upon the ſcore of his treaty with Navar raiſe great clamors and calumnies againſt him, that the cauſe of Religion is betrayed, the Proteſtants openly favoured, the courſe of the War interrupted, and that the King ſhews openly that his mind is averſe to the Catholick party, and that he deſires by all means to cheriſh and maintain hereſy. Da. p. 606. And now the minds of the people are more than ever inflamed againſt his perſon and proceedings, which were publickly inveighed againſt in the Pulpits, and particularly ſlandered in private meetings, Thu. l. 86. but eſpecially by the Prieſts at the ſecret confeſſions of the people, whom they refuſed to abſolve, unleſs they would enter into the League; and for the more ſecret carrying on of the buſineſs, intruſted in this new Doctrine, that as well the Penitent, who ſhall reveal what he hears from his Confeſſor, as the Confeſſor who reveals what the Penitent confeſſeth, doth incur the guilt of mortal ſin. From calumnies and ſlanders they proceed to conſpiracies and actions. And at Paris they ſet up a new Council of ſixteen, Da. p. 606. Thu. l. 86. which hold their ſecret meetings, firſt at the Colledg of Forlet, commonly called the cradle of the League, afterwards at the Colledge of the Dominicans, and at the Jeſuites Colledge they plot to ſurprize Boulogne, and there to admit the Spaniſh Fleet prepared againſt England. Da. p. 609. Thu. l. 86. They alſo conſult about taking the King himſelf, as he returned from the Boys de Vincernes with a ſmall guard. And both theſe enterprizes being diſcovered to the King, failing, Thu. l. 87. they ſet up a ſeditious Preacher to inveigh againſt the King and his Counſellors, and not doubting but thereupon the King would ſend to apprehend him, they determine upon that occaſion to ſtir up the people, and thereupon take up arms and deſtroy both him and thoſe about him, who were faithful to him. Which in part proceeded, and perhaps had been accompliſhed, if the King had not timely recalled thoſe he had employed: whereupon he was adviſed to depart from Paris, which he did; but not long after returning thither, he is preſented with a Petition, which at a Conſultation at Nancy (where it was concluded that Guiſe and the other confederate Lord, Da. p. 668. Thu. l. 90. ſhould not enter to oppoſe the King at the very firſt) was ſo contrived, that if he granted it, their deſires would be effected without noiſe or trouble; and if he refuſed, he ſhould thereby give them occaſion and opportunity to make uſe of arms, and to acquire that by force, which he would not conſent to of his own accord. And though the King did not ſo much refuſe, as by excuſes delay to anſwer it, the Preachers labour to caſt all the odium they can upon him, inveigh againſt him as favouring the hereticks, and on the other ſide highly extol and magnify the Catholick Princes, ſo they called the Guiſians. And Guiſe his coming to the City is by frequent Letters much importuned; which though, according to the former concluſion, he at preſent deferred, yet were ſome experienced Souldiers ſent to them, he not being willing to truſt to the City Commanders alone. And now reckoning their ſtrength 20000 men, there is a new Conſpiracy to fall upon the Louvre, and killing the guard, and all about him whom they ſuſpect, to ſeize upon the King. But this was alſo diſcovered, and the Council of ſixteen, who thought there might be ſome hazard in that, reſolve upon a more ſafe courſe, to ſeize upon him when he ſhould be in proceſſion, as he was wont, in the habit of a Penitent among the whipping Friars, and ſhut him up in a Monaſtery with a ſtrong Guard; and in the mean time a report ſhould be ſpread abroad, as if the King was taken away by the Proteſtants, at which the people ſhould take up arms and fall upon the Politicks, and thoſe they ſuſpected. And this being alſo diſcovered, the King conſults how to ſecure himſelf againſt the Conſpirators. In the mean time the Duke of Guiſe unexpectedly comes to Paris contrary to the King's command. And while the King ſeeks to ſtrengthen himſelf, and preventing the Leaguers to ſecure the moſt important places of the City, the Pariſians are raiſed at the ringing of the Bells, make Barricadoes croſs the ſtreets, come up to the Louvre, and begin to aſſault it. Whereupon the Queen-Mother goes to Guiſe in her Sedan, being denied paſſage in her Coach, and confers with him, but brings back nothing but complaints, and exorbitant demands. But the ſiege preſſing much on the one ſide, when it was feared they would likewiſe beſiege it on the other, the Queen mother going again to Guiſe, and having notice by the way that 15000 men were preparing to encloſe the Louvre on the other ſide, holds him in a long treaty, while the King with 26 Gentlemen ſteals ſecretly away to Chartres, to the no ſmall grief of Guiſe and the Leaguers who had loſt ſo fair an opportunity. Whereupon they ſecure and ſtrengthen Paris, lay ſiege to the Boys de Vincernes, which yielded without reſiſtance, as did alſo St. Cloud, Lagny, Charranton, with all the other neighbouring Towns. The King being again reduced to his former ſtraits of accepting the aſſiſtance of the Proteſtants, or yielding to ſuch terms as the Leaguers would pleaſe to give him, after long conſultation at length reſolved to uſe the ſame means againſt Guiſe, which he remembred had been uſed in the reign of his Brother Charles againſt the Admiral Coligny and his Adherents, and to that end feigned to conſent to the opinion of thoſe who perſwaded him to unite himſelf to the Duke of Guiſe. And having upon a treaty concluded a Peace upon almoſt the ſame conditions which were contained in the Petition framed at Nancy, Thu. l. 91. he receives Guiſe much after the ſame manner that his Brother did Coligny, with great expreſſions of honour, cauſes the Edict of the Union to be preſently publiſhed, the War againſt the Proteſtants proclaimed, for the proſecution whereof, according to the Articles of the Peace, two ſeveral Armies were appointed. Guiſes atchievements were highly magnified by the Leaguers in France, and no leſs by the Pope at Rome, who ſent to him and to the Cardinal Bourbon his Congratulatory Letters, full of high praiſes, which were preſently publiſhed in print, and diſperſed abroad. Wherein he commends their piety and zeal in promoting the buſineſs of Religion, comparing Guiſe to the Holy Maccabees, the defenders of the people of Iſrael, ſo highly extolled in the Sacred Scriptures, and exhorting him to continue ſuccesfully and gloriouſly to fight for the advancement of the Church, and the total extirpation of the Proteſtants, acquaints him with his own unceſſant prayers for the Divine aſſiſtance to him, adding that nothing could be more ſeaſonable for the preſent occaſion, than that he ſhould have his Legate in France, by whoſe means and authority their endeavours might be promoted for the good of the Kingdom, and of the Catholick Religion. And if any thing more be neceſſary to be done by him, he deſires to be certified of it, who ſhall never be wanting to their cauſe. Guiſe and the Leaguers being not a little animated by theſe things, Thu. l. 93. the Aſſembly of the States at Blois, which was called upon this late agreement, and were moſt of the faction of the League, eſpecially the Order of the Clergy, which did in a manner wholly incline to that ſide, with great heat pronounce the King of Nivar for his crime of hereſy unworthy of the ſucceſſion of the Kingdom: which being decreed by the Clergy, and upon their ſignification and admonition univerſally ſubſcribed by the other two orders, holding it a great fault in the cauſe of Religion to diſſent from the Eccleſiaſticks, the Arch-Biſhop of Ambrun, with twelve of each Order, repair to the King, and deſire that by his authority, and a publick Edict, the Decree may be confirmed. But the King utterly averſe from it, though he would not plainly deny it, yet put it off as well as he could; but ſuch was the obſtinacy of the States, that he was forced at laſt to anſwer that he agreed to the general vote, and would think of cauſing the Decree to be framed. Guiſe alſo with all his might urged the receiving of the Council of Trent, whereunto, though the King conſented, yet was it rejected with great contradiction, not only by the Nobility, but by a great many of the Clergy. This was urged by him partly as a powerful engine againſt the Proteſtants, partly further to oblige the Pope, if it ſucceeded, and to raiſe a prejudice in him againſt the King, if it ſucceeded not by his default. And to ingratiate himſelf the more with the people, he moves for eaſe of grievances by impoſitions and taxes, though a thing inconſiſtent with the proſecution of the War againſt the hereticks. But the King finding now a convenient opportunity to execute his deſign, acquaints ſome of his confidents with it, and having ordered all things ſo as to avoid the ſuſpition of Guiſe, much after the manner heretofore uſed againſt Colinius, he commands him to be ſlain, which was accordingly The manner of his death, ſee in the notes upon the hiſtory of the Maſſacre. Sect. 17. done; and the Cardinal his Brother being with many Lords and adherents of that Faction, at the ſame time committed to cuſtody, was about two daies after by the King's command in like manner ſlain. Thus do thoſe who had wickedly conſpired the barbarous ſlaughter of ſo many innocent Proteſtants, now, by the juſt judgment and vengeance of God upon them, mutually conſpire one anothers deſtruction. And that City which was then ſo forward in executing the wicked counſels and commands of ſavage and perfidious men, is now as forward in executing the juſt judgments of the righteous God upon one of the chief Authors of them; and they who before had been the inſtruments of his cruelty, are now made the inſtruments of his puniſhment.

53. Thu. l. 93. Da. l. 10. Upon the news of theſe things ſpread abroad, the Leaguers are all in an an uproar, and at Paris, having held a Council where nothing almoſt was heard but reproaches againſt the King, and cries for revenge, the Duke of Aumale is called out of a Monaſtery to be their Governor; the Preachers from their Pulpits thunder out the praiſes of the Duke of Guiſe his Martyrdom, and deteſtations of that ſlaughter moſt cruelly committed by the King; in ſuch manner, that not only the minds of the baſer people, but alſo of the moſt noted Citizens were won by their perſwaſions, and inflamed with an infinite deſire to take revenge; Thu. l. 94: Da. p. 762. Foul. c. 5. p. 530. and the Council of ſixteen cauſe a writing to be preſented to the famous Colledg of Divines called the Sorbon, in the name of the Provoſt and Eſchevins of the City, containing theſe two Queſtions. 1. Whether they ſhould not be free from their Oath of Fidelity and Obedience to Henry the third. And, 2. Whether they might not with ſafe Conſcience, arm, unite, collect and contribute money for the defence and conſervation of the Roman Catholick Religion in this Kingdom, againſt the wicked counſels and endeavours of the King aforeſaid, and all other his adherents whomſoever, and againſt his breach of publick Faith at Blois, &c. Whereunto upon mature deliberation at an aſſembly of ſeventy Maſters of that Faculty, and ſolemn reſolution, it was anſwered 〈◊〉 refragante, 1. That the people of this Kingdom are free, and at liberty from their Oath of Fidelity and Obedience to King Henry aforeſaid. 2. That the ſame people lawfully, and with ſafe conſcience Dav. p. 763. that the King had forfeited his right to the Crown, and that his Subjects not only might, but ought to caſt off their obedience, &c. may arm, unite collect and contribute money for the defence and conſervation of the Catholick, Apoſtolick and Roman Religion, againſt the wicked counſels and endeavours of the aforeſaid King and whomſoever adhering to him, ſince he hath violated the publick Faith to the prejudice of the Catholick Religion, and of the Edict of the holy Ʋnion, and of the natural liberty of the aſſembly of the three Eſtates of this Kingdom. Moreover, they think fit that this Decree or concluſion be ſent to the Pope, that he may by the authority of the holy See approve and confirm it, and afford his help and aſſiſtance. Fonl. p. 533. And accordingly a Letter is drawn up, and ſent by the Pariſians in the name of themſelves, and the reſt of the Catholicks in France, wherein they repreſent to him the zeal of the people, all good men being ready to lay down their lives rather than ſuffer that Tyranny; and more than 10000 of the Pariſians filling the ſtreets with cries to Heaven for vengeance againſt the Tyrant; others whipping the ſtatue of the Tyrant, breaking it to pieces, and throwing it into the fire. Da. p. 763. And indeed after this Declaration (to uſe Davila's words) the people as it were looſened from the bonds of obedience, and having broken the rein of modeſty, ran violently to the breaking down of the King's Arms and Statues where ever they found them, and began furiouſly to ſeek out all thoſe whom they accounted dependants of his party, by them called Navarriſts and Politicks; which forced many quiet men to leave their houſes to ſave their lives, which others were fain to compound for with money, V. Thu. p. 397. and others unfortunately loſt: All Churches eccho'd with voices of the Preachers, who aggravated the particide committed by Hence Charles Steward here. Henry Valois, no longer called King of France, but the Heretick, Tyrant, and perſecuter of the holy Church; and all places were full of Libels both in verſe and proſe, which contained and amplified the ſame things ſeveral ways. And the Council of ſixteen, having prepared the Preachers to be ready, in caſe any tumult ſhould ariſe, to appeaſe the people, cauſe all the Counſellors of Parliament and Officers who adhered to the King, to be impriſoned in the Baſtille, as enemies to the publick good. This done, they aſſemble a kind of Rump Parliament, which ſubſtituting others in the place of thoſe they had ſecluded, make a publick Declaration for the depoſing of the King, and a new Decree and Engagement of holy Ʋnion for defence of the Catholick Religion, the ſafety of Paris, and other united Cities, to oppoſe thoſe who, having violated the publick Faith, had taken away the lives of the Catholick Princes, to take juſt revenge for their marther, and to defend the liberty and dignity of the States of France againſt all perſons whoever, without exception, &c. And this was propoſed to be ſworn to by all: whereupon there was preſently a general engagement throughout the whole Kingdom, and for a Head of the Ʋnion they make choice of the D. of Mayenne Brother to the late D. of Guiſe, who at the requeſt of the Leaguers comes to Paris, where a Council of the Ʋnion conſiſting of 40 of the chief Leaguers, whoſe Orders all are to obey upon pain of death, being inſtituted, he is by the Parliament declared Lieutenant-General of the State and Crown of France, and ſolemnly ſworn to defend the Roman Catholick Apoſtolick Religion, the Royal State, the Authority of the Supreme Courts, the priviledges of the Church, and of the Nobility, the Laws and Cuſtoms of the Kingdom, &c. In the mean time to heighten and inflame the odium of the people againſt the King, nothing is omitted either in the Pulpit, or out of it, by ſlanders, calumnies, and falſe reports. And while among other deviſes they endeavour to repreſent him as a worſhipper of Satyrs, and a Magitian, they exerciſe a kind of magick or witchcraft againſt him deviſing religious execrations, and inſtituting ſtrange ſuperſtitious rites, women and maids clad only in ſuch fine linen that their bodies might be ſeen through it, and ſome carrying burning tapers in their hands, they ſang over certain myſterious rithms with diſſonant and confuſed tones and voices, and then ſuddenly extinguiſhed their torches, as if they hoped or wiſhed that the King's life ſhould be thereby, or in like manner alſo extinguiſhed; and a great deal ſuch ſtuff too long to be here related. By theſe means were the people every where incenſed and enraged againſt the King; but eſpecially by the new Doctrines of the Preachers and Confeſſions were the minds of men generally ſo perverted, that they made it almoſt a ſport to break Faith with him, and betray their truſt, and many thought it their duty; ſo that the Cities daily revolted from his obedience. Thu. l. 94. ſin. At Bourdeaux the J ſuites for a conſpiracy and tumult raiſed there, were by the Preſident of the Province expelled the City, to prevent the like for the future. And when from thence they repaired for refuge to Agen and Veſuna Paetrocariorum. Veſuna, thoſe Cities thereupon preſently rebelled. But the greateſt fury and rage of the people was at Tholouſe, ſtirred up, as was believed, by theſe new Theologiſts. While the Leaguers are thus buſy both at home and abroad, Thu. l. 95. pr • Thu. l. 94. the King is not idle, but treats with his Neighbour Princes and States for men and money, and to mitigate the fury of his own people, with great importunity and ſubmiſſion, ſolicits for abſolution for killing the Cardinal, from the Pope, who was highly enraged againſt him, for that ſacrilegious act as he pretended, but probably more for killing the Duke, if that be true which the State of Venice, and the Dukes of Tuſcany and Mantua certified the King that the Pope and the Duke had agreed in ſecret to marry the Pope's Niece to Prince Jonvil the Duke's Son, and to depoſe the King, thruſt him into a Monaſtery, and make the Duke King in his place. His Ambaſſador going about this affair to Rome, was by the way admoniſhed by the Duke of Tuſcany, that the King ſhould do well to truſt more to his own forces and ſtrength at home, than to the Pope's favour; for if things ſucceedeed well with him in the beginning of thoſe commotions in France, he ſhould have friends enough at Rome, and among them the Pope himſelf; but if otherwiſe, he ſhould find them his bitter enemies. And ſo it proved, for when this proud and inſolent Pope, to gratifie his own pride and ambition, and magnify his authority in the opinion of the people, had drawn on the King and his Miniſters to do all acts of ſubmiſſion and baſe proſtration to him, as far as he could, he turned him off at laſt without any abſolution, and not not long after began to proceed to Excommunication againſt him. Wherefore the King, when he could obtain no favour from the Pope, Thu. l. 95. treats more openly with the King of Navar, and concludes an agreement with him, to the no little joy of all ſober men, who thought there was no ſuch way for ſetling that Kingdom, as by this reconciliation of the King of France with Navar, the firſt Prince of the Bloud, the next Heir of the Crown, and an excellent General and Commander. Had he done this at firſt rather than ſo baſely and foully broak his Faith, he had certainly by God's bleſting (which he might then with more reaſon have expected) prevented the growth of this faction of the League to this height, and moſt of this trouble to himſelf and his Kingdoms. But this now afforded new matter for the Preachers, and Writers to exaſperate the minds of the people withal. And the Pulpits ring, and the Preſſes ſweat with virulent Sermons and Books againſt the two Kings. Among thoſe who beſtirred themſelves in this kind, were Father Comolet the Jeſuit, Genebrard, Fr. Feu-ardentius, and Bucherus famous for his Book de Juſta Henrici 3 Abdicatione, and many others mentioned by our Author. And in their Sermons, beſides thoſe ways of moving the people by ſtirring up their paſſions of fear and hatred, they had another part to act, which was to encourage them to action by moving their hopes and expectations, and this was done by acquainting them with the victories and happy progreſs, and proſperous ſucceſs of their Armies and friends abroad, amplifying the ſame as much as might be. And what-ever news came, whether good or bad, the Preachers were generally the publiſhers of it; if good, to magnify, and ſet it out to the beſt advantage; if bad, to repreſent it to the people as occaſion ſerved, partly comforting and encouraging them under the misfortune, and partly ſtirring them up to more forwardneſs, and greater aſſiſtance to the War. So that theſe matters were the general and ordinary ſubject of their Sermons. And beſides theſe good ſervices which they performed ſeverally, the famous Colledge of Sorbon it ſelf, by a publick Decree order that the Kings name, and the Prayers for him be put out of the Canon of the Maſs, and inſtead thereof, other Prayers for the Catholick Princes be inſerted, and that thoſe who ſhall ſay Maſs otherwiſe than by this Decree is appointed, ſhall be held for excommunicate, &c. And not to be wanting to the encouragement of his devoted Sons in ſo meritorious undertakings, their good Father the Pope ſends out his Monitory againſt the King, whereby he is excommunicate, unleſs within ten days he will do the Leaguers the kindneſs to ſet at liberty the Cardinal of Bourbon, whom they, having already agreed to the depoſing of him, may ſet up for their King; and moreover make his ſubmiſſion within the term of 60 days from the publication of the Monitory, which was poſted up in Rome the 23 of May, Da. p. 811. and within a few days after publiſhed at Meaux ten leagues from Paris. Theſe dealings of the Pope with the King ſeemed ſo hard and unreaſonable to the Princes of Italy, that they adviſed the King no longer to treat with him as a ſuppliant, Thu. p. 430. but to deal with him according to his own rough nature, and preſently to ſeize upon Avignon and the County of Venieſſine. Da. p. 811. But the King was not a little grieved at it, and ſaid, That he thought it very hard that he who had ever fought and laboured for Religion ſhould be raſhly excommunicated becauſe he would nor ſuffer his own throat to be cut by the arms of his Rebel-ſubjects; and that thoſe who had Charles V. anno, 1527. ſacked Rome, and kept the Pope himſelf priſoner, had never been excommunicated: to which the King of Navar, who was preſent, anſwered; but they were victorious, Sir. Let your Majeſty endeavour to conquer, and be aſſured the cenſures ſhall be revoked; but if we be overcome, we ſhall all die condemned hereticks. Whereunto the King aſſented, and all the by ſtanders did the like; and upon that hope order was given that the Army ſhould march; and the Kings affairs began to proceed very proſperouſly againſt the Leaguers. For having firſt by ſupplies coming in from the King of Navar put a ſtop to the D. of Mayenne's progreſs at Tours, and about the ſame time given a great defeat to the D. of Aumale by the aſſiſtance of La Noue (one of the chief Commanders of the Proteſtants) taken Gergeau, Thu. l. 96. Piviers, Chartres, Eſtampes, Poiſſy, Montereau, Pontoiſe, and all ſuch places and paſſages of the Rivers which were fit to ſtrengthen the City of Paris, or furniſh it with victuals, he forthwith with an Army of 42000 fighting men laies cloſe ſiege to the City it ſelf, himſelf on the one ſide, and the King of Navar on the other; whereby the Pariſians were ſo ſtraitned and dejected, Da. p. 814. (though the Preachers uſed all their arts in their Pulpits to animate them, and the Prieſts and Friers themſelves took up arms, putting themſelves generally upon Military Duty), that there was no man but thought that within a few days the King would be Maſter of it. But in the midſt of this ſucceſs, and height of his hopes, a zealous young Frier Da p. 816, 819. Thu. l. 96. Jaques Clement, ſtirred up by the Sermons which he heard daily againſt Henry Valois, the Tyrant and Perſecutor of the Faith, reſolved in conſcience, as hath been mentioned before, & exhorted thereunto by the Prior, (one of the chief Counſellors of the League) and other Fathers of his Convent, (in all likelihood, It being unlikely that the chief men of the Union, and particularly the Prior, a truſty Counſellor of the Grand-Council of it, ſhould not have confered about the fact with the Princes, and with their privity exhorted, and with effectual motives ſpurred on the ſimplicity of the Frier. Da. p. 819. v. Thu. l. 96. Serres. p. 879. not without the privity of the Catholick Princes), affirming to him that if he lived, he ſhould be made a Cardinal; and if he died for freeing the City, and killing the Perſecutor of the Faith he ſhould without doubt be Canonized for Saint, by an expected ſtab, put an end to his hopes and his life together, within Duobus poſt mentibus & al quot diebus, quam Pontifex hanc Sententiam excommunicationis tulerat. Cicarel. p. 446. few days after the aforeſaid term of 60 days, prefixed by the Pope, (who had foretold his unfortunate end) was expired, to the great joy of the Leaguers and the Pope, as hath been related before, (Sect. 34.) this account of the French Story not being then intended. The Da. p. 857. Thu. l. 98. Prior of the Convent was Father Edmond Bourgoin, who being afterward taken at Paris, and convicted by witneſs to have publickly (in the Pulpit) for ſeveral days together praiſed this murder in ſtudied ſpeeches, and to have counſelled and inſtigated the murderer, comparing him alſo in his Sermons, after the fact, to Judith, and the dead King to Holofernes, and the City delivered to Bethulia; he was by judgment of the Parliament of Tours ſentenced to be drawn in pieces by four horſes, his quarters burned, and his aſhes ſcattered in the wind: which ſentence was afterward ſeverely executed. Not long after at Vendoſme was taken, Da. p. 861. Thu. l. 97. and likewiſe condemned to death, Father Robert Cheſſe a Cordelier (or Franciſcan Frier), who had there publickly praiſed the King's murderer, and with his Sermons ſtirred up the common people.

54. This end had Henry 3. when he had ſcarce lived out half his days, and in him thus dying without iſſue, (after 14 years Marriage, many viſits to Saints, and the uſe of hallowed ſhirts and ſmocks for obtaining of iſſue), the whole life of Valois, his Baſtard brother alſo, the Duke of Angoleſme not eſcaping a violent death ſome years before by a ſtab. Thu. l. 85. In this King, beſides the hereditary guilt of his Anceſtors deſcended upon him, there are two things eſpecially obſervable in his own actions, whereby he involved himſelf in the participation of the common guilt of his Family, and aggravated the load of it upon his own head: the one during the Reign of his Brother, in the Maſſacre, wherein he was both a Counſellor and an Actor; the other after he came to the Crown himſelf, in his breach of publick Faith with the Proteſtants. Of both which we may obſerve a very correſpondent and exemplary judgment and puniſhment. His ſickneſs of a Da. p. 777. Thu. l. 94. Bloudy-flux for ſome time before he was ſtabbed, his death without iſſue, and ere he had lived out half his days, may perhaps have reſpect to his Grand-fathers and Fathers ſins, ſeeking by bloudy courſes to extirpate the Proteſtants; becauſe theſe were not peculiar to himſelf, but common to him with his other Brothers. But when we ſee that very City of Paris, where the Proteſtants, with the concurrence of his Eorum que (Lotaringorum) in gratiam pracipuus author & ſuaſor Pariſienſis lanienae ſuiſſe creditur, de qua & gloriariſapius auditus eſt. Thu. l. 96. counſel and aſſiſtance, had been ſo furiouſly deſtroyed, now no leſs furious againſt him; that City which to others had given example of cruelty againſt the Proteſtants, now gives them example of rebellion againſt him; and him on the other ſide no leſs enraged againſt it, ſaying but the day before that fatal ſtroke, that he hoped within a few days there ſhould be neither walls nor houſes, but only the very foot-ſteps of Paris: when we ſee almoſt all thoſe who had been the executors of that Maſſacre, and were not cut off at the Siege of Rochel, (as moſt of them were, of the common ſort eſpecially) now engaged in Arms againſt him; and thoſe who had joyned with him to deſtroy the Proteſtants, now conſpiring his deſtruction: when we ſee him excommunicated by the Pope, whoſe pretended authority is the principal part of that Religion, which with ſo much cruelty and perfidiouſneſs was ſought to be eſtabliſhed by that Maſſacre. Laſtly, when we ſee, after all imaginable injuries and indignities offered him, his murder not only plotted and counſelled by the chief of the Grand Council at Paris, but alſo executed by an Emiſſary ſent from thence, by a religious Zealot of that Religion, for which himſelf had been ſo barbarouſly cruel, and in that Thu. l. 51. Serres p. 789. very place at St. Cloud, where ſome time the Council of the Maſſacre had been held: This we may, not without reaſon, look upon as the juſt judgment of God upon him, for his wicked dealings in that barbarous Maſſacre. Again, when we ſee his Popiſh Subjects every where break faith with him, and all bonds and oaths of Obedience and Fidelity to him, and teach and hold it to be their duty ſo to do: when we ſee them, through whoſe importunity he had violated the publick faith given to the Proteſtants, to rage and ſtorm, and furiouſly exclaim upon his breach of faith with themſelves: when we ſee him brought to need and deſire the aſſiſtance of the King of Navar and his Proteſtants, with whom he had broken faith, againſt thoſe for whom, to comply with their perfidious and rebellious humours, he did it; and by them notwithſtanding thus brought to his end and murthered, with whom he had ſo baſely complied in that perfidious dealing; this we may likewiſe with great reaſon look upon as a juſt judgment of God upon him, for that his perfidious dealing with the Proteſtants. And certainly, if all the circumſtances of the Hiſtory from that barbarous Maſſacre of the Proteſtants at Merindol and Cabriers, under Francis 2. to the death of this his Grand-ſon Henr. 3. the laſt of his race, for almoſt 50 years, be duly conſidered, it will be hard to find in any Hiſtory a more eminent example of Divine Vengeance proſecuting a Family to the utter extirpation of it, than this: an example wherein the judgment of God is more conſpicuous and remarkable, or the cauſes of that judgment more manifeſt and apparent, wherein the ſin and the puniſhment do more exactly agree; or of a more remarkable diſtinguiſhing providence, if with this, the hapy reign and actions of their neighbour Prince Queen Elizabeth be impartially compared. This was a judgment not upon one perſon alone, nor upon a Family, ſo as to involve all in one ſudden deſtruction, as is ſometimes ſeen; but a continued proſecution of vengeance againſt a whole Family for three generations, without intermiſſion: V. Sect. 39. the Grand-father (Fran. 1.) not long enjoying himſelf or his life after he had authorized that fatal perſecution; His Son, Henr. 2. (having time to repent and reform, and admoniſhed ſo to do by his dying Father, but perſevering in his Fathers ſin) cut off by a violent death in the height and heat of his perſecutions againſt the Proteſtants, and upon his conſummation of an agreement for a War againſt them; His four Sons all living to be men, but not to half the age of men; three of them coming ſucceſſively to the Crown, but ſo as rather only to wear the Crown, than, by a juſt and peaceable exerciſe of their authority, to ſway the Scepter, being at firſt over-ruled by the deceitful and pernicious counſels of their Mother and her Italians, and the violent courſes of the Guiſian Faction to deſtroy their ſubjects; and at laſt neceſſitated, by the bold attempts of the Guiſians, and fury of the Leaguers, to fight for Crown, Liberty and Life againſt them; whereby they and their Kingdom were continually embroiled in Civil Wars, and miſerable confuſions: each of them ſucceeding other, as in their acceſs to the Crown, ſo in their unhappy reign, (if they might be ſaid to reign, while ſo obnoxious to the wills of others, and continually imbroiled in ſuch confuſions) and exit and cataſtophre of it: the firſt (Francis 2.) cut off by a death remarkable, though not for the kind, yet for the time and ſeaſon of it, both in reſpect of his years, and of thoſe who were preſerved by it; (V. Sect. 40. p. 63, 64.) the next (Charles 9.) living ſome years longer, and thereby more capable, by his own perſonal management, of the affairs of the Kingdom, to derive the guilt of his Anceſtors miſcarriages upon himſelf, and increaſe it by his own, which accordingly he did in no mean degree, being likewiſe cut off by a death every way remarkable, in reſpect both of the time and all other circumſtances; and laſtly the third Brother (Hen. 3.) coming likewiſe to that unhappy end, which hath been but now related; all of them, with their Brother Alancon, dying without iſſue to ſucceed them. Nor did this fate attend only the ſucceſſion, but light alſo upon thoſe who were incapable to ſucceed in the Government; their baſtard Brother Angoleſme, who had been a forward actor in the Maſſacre, being alſo, as hath been ſaid, cut off by a violent death; and of their Siſters, Elizabeth the eldeſt V. Sect. 39. p. •• . married to Phil. 2. of Spain, (a Marriage concluded, with an agreement between him and her Father, of a War againſt the Proteſtants, but ſolemnized with the otherwiſe untimely death of her Father), and by Philip her Husband firſt employed in the V. Sect. 42. p. 74. Conſultation at Bayonne, and at laſt brought to that V. Sect. 44. unhappy end when great with child, and in the 23 th. year of her age, which hath been mentioned before, and is more fully related in the late French Hiſtory of Dom Carlos: and Margaret the youngeſt, firſt forced by her Mother and Brother Charles to a Marriage with the King of Navar, (that unhappy Marriage which was made the introduction to the Maſſacre), afterwards for her V. Busbeq. ep. Aug. 27. 1583. Da. p. 599. Thu. l. 80. lewdneſs and incontinency reproachfully turned from the Court by her next Brother Henr. 3. and at laſt divorced from her Husband when King of France, without iſſue by him, unleſs ſhe had any by any other which was kept ſecret, as her Brother objected to her. If their other Siſter Claud married to Charles Duke of Lorain was leſs unhappy in this reſpect, ſhe ſeems leſs to have merited the like misfortune, for we meet with no mention of her in all the ſtory of theſe confuſions in France. Thus were five Kings in a continued ſucceſſion cut off, beſides three others of the ſame line, (the youngeſt ſon of Francis 1. in few months after the beginning of thoſe perſecutions, at his age of 23. and the ſecond and youngeſt of Hen. 2.) who never came to the Crown, and their whole line and poſterity extirpated in France, while they ſought the exti • pation of the Proteſtants there; whereby the Crown at laſt, notwithſtanding all oppoſition and endeavours to hinder it, deſcended to a Proteſtant Prince; and all this by a conſtant courſe of Divine Vengeance upon that Family for about 44 years, for ſo long it was from the execution of the Decree of the Parliament of Province, Apr. 1545. and the death of the King's youngeſt ſon Sept. 8. following, to the murder of Henr. 3. Aug. 1589. the very ſame ſpace of time which Queen Elizabeth happily and proſperouſly reigned in England, and moſt of it contemporary. Wherein it is very plain and obſervable a triple difference between her and them, viz. a different cauſe, or end and aim of their actions, a different manner of proceeding, and a different ſucceſs. As to the Cauſe; they deſigned and endeavoured the ſuppreſſion of the reformed Religion, and extirpation of the Profeſſors of it in their territories.; ſhe eſtabliſhed and promoted it in her Dominions. As to their manner of proceeding; they ſought to attain their ends by fraud and violence, ſlaughters and inexecrable ſeverity, either without Law, or contrary to Law, or by executions exceeding in ſeverity the very rigour of the Decrees, Laws or Edicts againſt the Proteſtants; and all for no other cauſe but their Religion; a Religion which teacheth nothing diſhonourable to God or Chriſt, or injurious to man; which embraceth all that can reaſonably be proved to have been taught by Chriſt or his Apoſtles; receiveth, honoureth, and commends to the diligent ſtudy of all the ſacred Scriptures; ſuch a Religion, as they who perſecute it, confeſs to be true in what it affirms, and is the moſt eſſential part of their own, only believes not what they are not ſufficiently convinced to be true, and with no little reaſon ſuſpect to be falſe, or not propoſed to their belief by Divine authority. She did nothing without Law, or contrary to the Laws; was very moderate in making, and no leſs in executing any Laws againſt Papiſts: The firſt ſhe made in the firſt and fiſt years of her Reign, being ſo far from introducing any new ſeverity, that they take off from the harſhneſs of what was in force before; and thoſe and the reſt not being made againſt their Religion in general, but upon ſpecial and particular, neceſſary and urgent occaſions, for the neceſſary aſſerting and preſervation of her own juſt authority againſt thoſe who endeavoured to ſet up a pretended foreign juriſdiction againſt her, to abſolve her ſubjects from all duty and obligation of obedience to her, and excire them to rebellions, and to joyn with foreign enemies, or by aſſaſſination to deſtroy her; whereby ſhe was neceſſitated and forced, through their continual wicked, ſeditious and rebellious practices, for the curbing and reſtraining of them, to proceed, contrary to her own diſpoſition, to more and more ſeverities of Laws, which, though none of them made without juſt cauſe, and ſome ſpecial provocation, yet were executed with admirable moderation; the next, after thoſe above mentioned, which was made in the thirteenth year of her Reign, V. Ca • nd. an • 〈◊〉 . p. • 86. being occaſioned by the Northern Rebellion, and the Pope's Bull, to abſolve her ſubjects from their obedience; yet notwithſtanding in ſix whole years after was not put in execution againſt any one, though there were thoſe apprehended who had offended againſt it; and in ten years after that rebellion were there but five executed, till the further provocations before mentioned in the 29th. and following Paragraphs neceſſitated the execution of the Laws then in force, and the enacting of ſome others in the 23, 27, 29, and 35 years of her Reign; and yet did not the ſeverity which was exerciſed in all her Reign againſt Papiſts, equal what was done againſt the Proteſtants in two years of her Siſters Reign, and oftner than once, in few days in France, and profeſſedly for their Religion only, whereas it cannot be proved Sir Fr. Bacon in his Obſervations upon the Libel, point 3. and Collection of the Queens Felicities, and the late Treatiſe of the Grounds, Reaſons and Provocations neceſſitating the Sanguinary Laws, (Edit. Lond. 1664. quarto). that throughout her whole Reign there was any one executed meerly for their Religion. Such certainly was her lenity and moderation in this reſpect, conſidering the daily and high provocations againſt her, as plainly argues an admirable magnanimity and piety in her, and is ſcarce to be parallell'd in any Hiſtory, not to be denied but by ſuch as have caſt off all ingenuity and ſenſe of their own credit and reputation, and hath extorted the V. Warſon, Widdrington, &c. apud Foulis, l. 7. c. 2. The Jeſuits reaſons unreaſonable. confeſſion, and provoked the free acknowledgment of her more candid and ingenuous adverſaries. There might alſo be obſerved a great difference between the actions of the Proteſtants in France, and the Papiſts both here and there too, but that, for brevity ſake, ſhall be left to the Readers own obſervation from what hath been related of each. Therefore laſtly, as to their ſucceſs, they, while by fraud and violence they ſought the utter extirpation of the Reformed Religion, and Profeſſors of it in France, were themſelves extirpated there, and the laſt of their race cut off by his own Subjects of that ſame Religion, which by thoſe wicked courſes was ſought to be eſtabliſhed, and the Religion which they ſought to ſuppreſs and extirpate, took deeper root, and flouriſhed more, notwithſtanding all their oppoſition and perſecutions: She, while, with rare moderation, and a generous plain-dealing conſtancy and reſolution, eſtabliſhed the Reformed Religion, both eaſily and happily attained her end, and was her ſelf eſtabliſhed in her Throne, and in a long, happy, and proſperous Reign, as long as all theirs from the beginning of their perſecutions preſerved from all the ſecret plots, and machinations, a •• open rebellions, and aſſaults of her enemies, made victorious over all, and at laſt brought to her grave in peace, and in a good old age, leaving her Kingdoms in peace, and in a flouriſhing condition, and a bleſſed and glorious memory behind her; while they were cut off in the flower or middle of their age, and left their Kingdom embroiled in Civil Wars, Confuſion and Miſery, and an infamous memory of their no leſs unſuccesful, than perfidious and barbarous actions.

55. Nor was this diſtinguiſhing Providence thus viſible only between her and thoſe who perſecuted the Reformed Religion, but alſo between her and thoſe who deſerted the ſame, as is to be ſeen in the next ſucceeding King of France, Henr. 4. (the greateſt part of whoſe Reign was contemporary with her), See before Sect. 41. p. 67. and in his Father before him Antony King of Navar, who being drawn in by the Pope's Legate and Guiſes, in hopes to recover his Kingdom of Navar, or ſatisfaction for it, to deſert the Proteſtants, and become Head of the Popiſh party, within the ſpace of about one year after, ended his life by a ſhot before Rouen. Had he lived longer, ſays P. 22. Perefix, the Hugonots had without doubt been ill dealt with in France. But having received his deaths-wound, he became more Thu. l. 33. ſolicitous for his own ſalvation than for his Kingdom, for which he had thus wavered in his Religion, and at laſt declared, that if he recovered, he would openly embrace the Proteſtant Profeſſion, and live and die in it. His ſon Henry 4. of France was bred up from his childhood in the Reformed Religion, and when he was grown up 15 •• . profeſſed himſelf Head of that party, and ſo continued till his Thu. l. 45. ••• . unhappy Marriage with a Popiſh Lady, Margaret Siſter to Charles 9. then King of France, which, though for its warrant it had the ſpecious colour and pretence of confirming the Pacification, and begetting and eſtabliſhing a better accord between the two parties by ſo near an alliance between the two Heads of them, yet proved, as it was intended by the others, a ſnare to the deſtruction of the chief perſons, and of great numbers of the reſt of his own party; and to himſelf, not only unſuccesful in reſpect of his wife, and that not ſo much through her ſterility, as her inconſtancy and unfaithfulneſs to his bed; but alſo a ſnare, whereby, after he had ſeen the lives of his beſt friends, and of great numbers of innocent people of his own Religion moſt barbarouſly and inhumanely taken away, he was himſelf forced, for the ſaving of his own life, to change his Religion, in ſhew and appearance at leaſt. But this being by conſtraint, Thu. l. 96. and only in appearance, (for Religion (as was well perceived by Henr. 3. after he had received his deaths-wound) which is planted in mens minds by God cannot be commanded or forced by men). Upon the firſt opportunity he returned again to the open profeſſion of that Religion, which in the mean time he retained in his heart, and conſtantly profeſſed and maintained the ſame till after the deſcent of the Crown of France to him. This happened very ſeaſonable for him in many reſpects, being then not a child or youth unexperienced in the World, but of mature age (about 35.) and firm judgment, well experienced in affairs both Military and Civil, of State and Government; being then reconciled to, and in perfect amity with the deceaſed King, who, upon his death-bed, Thu. l. 69. acknowledged him for his lawful Succeſſor, recommended the Kingdom to him, and exhorted the Lords there preſent to acknowledg him for their lawful Sovereign, notwithſtanding his Religion, and obey him accordingly; being then not in Bearn or the remoter parts of the Kingdom with ſmall or no forces, but before the chief City of it in the head of a great Army under his command, many of thoſe in the Army who diſliked his Religion, yet being, by the conſideration of his undoubted right, the recommendation of the deceaſed King, and their own freſh experience of his virtue ſince his coming to the Army, reconciled to his perſon, acknowledging his ſovereignty, and ſubmitting to his obedience, now not as General, but as their lawful and undoubted Prince. This was 20 years after he had firſt profeſſed himſelf Head of the Proteſtants, 13 years after he had again returned to the profeſſion of that Religion wherein he had been bred and educated; when he had been all this while preſerved, notwithſtanding all the power of France againſt him, and had withſtood all the tentations which, after the death of Alancon, whereby he became next heir to the Crown of France, could invite him to change his Religion; and when, after all oppoſition, he was, as it were, led by the hand to the poſſeſſion of the Kingdom. Yet was he not ſo entirely poſſeſſed of it, but that there was ſtill matter and occaſion left him to make him ſenſible of that Providence which, having preſerved him all this while, had at laſt raiſed him to the Throne; and to exerciſe his dependance upon the ſame for the future, for his entire poſſeſſion of the Kingdom. He was, like David, after many and long trials, advanced to the Throne; but yet, like him, not preſently put into the full poſſeſſion of the Kingdom. For the Leaguers, who thought his being an Heretick, as they reputed him, was a ſufficient diſability to his right to the Crown, thought the ſame a ſufficient warrant for them to keep him from it, and to continue the rebellion againſt him which they had begun againſt his predeceſſor.

And to remove or prevent all ſcruple of Conſcience in that reſpect, Thu. l. 98. Foul. 8. c. 7. the Colledge of Sorbon gave them their ſolemn reſolution, (May 7. 1590.) That they who oppoſed him ſhould merit much before God and Men, and if they reſiſted (ſo mindful were they of the Apoſtles Doctrine, Rom. 13.) to the effuſion of their bloud, ſhould obtain a reward in Heaven, and an immarceſſible or never-fading Crown of Martyrdom. And, leſt this ſhould not be ſufficient, they inſtitute a Pr • ceſſi • n, which was made in the preſence of the Pope's Legate, Cardinal Bellarn • ne, and all the Biſhops who came with him from Italy, wherein Roſe Biſhop of Senlis, and the Prior of the Carthuſians holding in one hand a Croſs, and in the other a Halberd, led the Van, the Fathers of the Capucins, Foliacens, Paulians, Franciſcans, Dominicans, Carmelites, following in order, all accoutred, their Cowles hanging back upon their ſhoulders, and having on inſtead of them, Head-pieces, and Coats of Male; and after them the younger Monks in the ſame habit, but armed with Muskets, which they frequently and inconſiderately fired at thoſe they met, with a ſhot whereof one of Cardinal Cajetans domeſticks was killed, who being ſlain at ſo religious a ſhew, was therefore held to be received into the bleſſed companies of the Confeſſors. After this was made another Proceſſion by the Duke of Nemours, and Claud Brother to the Duke of Aumale, who commanded the Infantry, and the reſt of the Officers of the Army, who upon the great Altar of the principal Church renewed their League and Covenant, and ſwore upon the Goſpel to live and die for the cauſe of Religion, and to defend the City againſt Navar. The Pope alſo, that this Rebellion might want no authority which his infallibility could give it, though there was no other ſcruple to his right and title but only his Religion, fought againſt him with both ſwords; by his Monitory againſt the Prelates, &c. who ſubmitted to his obedience by his Legate, Cardinals, and other Emiſſaries ſent to encourage the Rebels, and by his forces and mony, Thu. l. 102. whereof in about 10 months time he waſted 5000000 of aureos, moſt upon the French War, when there was more need of it to have relieved the poor, who in the mean time died of famine at home: and Clem. 8. Thu. l. 103. who not long after ſucceeded in that Chair, ſaid he was reſolved in himſelf to ſpend all his treaſures and bloud too, if there was need, to exclude Navar from his expected poſſeſſion of the Kingdom. Nor was their good ſon the Catholick King of Spain wanting to the promotion of ſo juſt a cauſe. And in his own Army, though many, Thu. l. 97. otherwiſe of the Romiſh Religion, ſubmitted to him without any conditions or delay, and others were ſatisfied with his word and promiſe, (which his former faithfulneſs had made of great authority even with his enemies, v. Perefix, p. 112.) that he would refer all matters of Religion to a Lawful, General or National Council, and others with his Oath, yet many having more regard to their own private intereſt and concerns than to their duty, deſerted him, and either ſtood neuter to ſee which way the ſcales would turn, or turned to the Leaguers. Nevertheleſs, not only of the Nobility, Gentry and Laity, but alſo of the Clergy, Prelates, Arch-Biſhops, Biſhops and others, many were more ſenſible of their duty than either to be drawn with ſuch falſe, though ſpecious pretences, or to be affrighted with the terrors of the Pope's pretended authority from it. And therefore when the Pope's Mandates were read in the Parliament which ſat at Tours, Thu. l. 101. they made an Act of Parliament whereby the Monitorials made at Rome, Mar. 1. were declared Nul, Abuſive, Seditious, to be damned, full of impieties and importures, contrary to the ſacred Decrees, Rights Immunities, and liberties of the Gallican Church, and it was decreed that the Copies of them ſealed with the ſeal of Marſil Landiranus, and ſigned by Sextil. Lampinetus ſhould be by the common Hangman publickly torne, and burnt before the Palace Gates, &c. that Landiranus, who, pretending himſelf the Popes Legate, brought thoſe Mandates ſhould be apprehended, &c. and Gregory calling himſelf Pope the 14th. of that name, was declared an enemy of the publick Peace, of the Ʋnion of the Catholick Church, and of the King and Kingdom, a partaker of the Spaniſh Conſpiracy, a Favourer of Robels, and guilty of the cruel, deteſtable and inhumane parricide treacherouſly committed upon the moſt Chriſtian and truly Catholick King Henr. 3. And this was required to be publiſhed by the Arch-Biſhops and Biſhops through their Dioceſſes. The like was alſo done at Chaul • m and Caen. The next day after this was an Edict made in favour of the Preteſtants, with the general conſent of all as neceſſary, publiſhed, whereby the Edict of July was revoked, and the former Edicts in favour of the Proteſtants reſtored And very fair they were to have created a Patriarch of their own in France, which the Senate urged, but was oppoſed by the new Cordinal of Bourbon, a man of no worth, who was out of hope of being the man himſelf, and was a promoter of a new faction of the Thirdlings among the King's party, yet in thoſe things which concerned the Collation of Benefices, they gave that power to the Arch-Biſhop which the Pope had uſurped or pretended. The King in a ſpeech to a great Aſſembly of the Nobility and Officers of his Army, upon the death of the former King, had told them, that of thoſe things which, Thu. l. 97. as they knew, his Predeceſſor had at his death recommended to him, this was the chief, That he ſhould maintain his Subjects of the Roman Catholick, and of the Reformed Religion in equal liberty, (aequabili in libertate) till by the authority of a lawful Occumenical or National Council ſomething ſhould be decreed concerning that difference, which he would religiouſly obſerve: and profeſſed before them all, that he had rather that day ſhould be his laſt, than to do any thing whereby be might be ſaid to waver in his Faith, or to have renounced that Religion which hitherto he had profeſſed before he ſhould be further inſtructed by a lawful Council, to whoſe authority he did ſubmit himſelf: and therefore he gave free leave to thoſe who were not ſatisfied with this to depart, adding; and when they have forſaken me, yet God will never forſake me who, I call your ſelves to witneſs, from my childhood hath as it were led me by the hand, and heaped upon me great and unconceivable benefits. Nor did the beneficence of God toward David appear greater, or more miraculous, than when beyond the expectation of all through ſo many difficulties and dangers he brought me to the Throne; ſo that I ought not in the leaſt to doubt, but he who breaking through ſo many obſtacles hath called me to the Kingdom will preſerve me in it, and defend me againſt all the aſſaults of my enemies, &c. I value not the Kingdom of France, no, nor the Empire of the whole World ſo much that for the obtaining of them I would make any defection from that Religion, which as true I have from my tender years imbibed with my Mothers milk, and embrace any other faith than what, as I have ſaid before ſhould be reſolved in a lawful Council. The like confidence in God, Da. p. 900. Perefix. p. 147. Thu. l. 98. with reſignation to his will, he afterwards expreſſed in a pious Prayer in the head of his Army before the Battel of Yvry, after which he obtained a very notable Victory over a much greater Army. Yet notwithſtanding, after all this, whether through the importunity of the Roman Catholicks of his own party, or the violence of his enemies, who were aſſembled to elect a Catholick King, Thu. l. 106, 107. which was much urged by the Pope and the King of Spain, he ſell off from his conſtancy, and without the determination or inſtruction of any lawful General or National Council, changed his Religion, and at laſt alſo ſubmitted himſelf to the Pope. The report of this being brought to Queen Elizabeth, who had been very liberal in her aſſiſtance to him upon the ſcore of Religion, Camden. an • 1593. and was very ſolicitous for him, ſhe preſently diſpatched Th. Wilkes to know the truth of it, and if not already done, earneſtly with reaſons which ſhe ſent in writing to diſſwade him from it. To whom the King excuſed himſelf from the neceſſity of his condition; which he alſo did by Morlantius to the Queen her ſelf, with great offers of amity and kindneſs, calling her his Siſter, (as is uſual), whereat, being much grieved and troubled, ſhe preſently took her pen, and wrote the enſuing Letter, in what Language I know not, but thus in Engliſh out of the Latine in Camden.

Alas, how great grief, what a floud of ſorrow, what ſighs did I feel in my mind from thoſe things which Morlantius hath told me? O the faith of men! is this the World? Could it be that any earthly thing could drive the fear of God from you? Can we expect an happy iſſue of this deed? Or can you think that he, who with his right hand had hitherto ſuſtained and preſerved you, was now about to leave you? It is a thing very dangerous to do evil, that good may come of it. Yet the good Spirit, as I hope, will inſpire a better mind into you. In the mean time I will not ceaſe, in the firſt place of my Prayers, to commend you to the Divine Majeſty, and to beſeech him that the hands of Eſau may not ſpoil the bleſſing of Jacob. That you ſolemnly offer me your Amity, I know that I have indeed well deſerved it; nor truly would it repent me, had you not changed your This hath reſpect to his ſubmiſſion to the Pope, and to ſome paſſages wherein he called her Siſter, or himſelf her Brother. Father. Certainly now can I not from thence be your Siſter by the Father. However, I (for my part) will always more dearly love my own, than our adſeititious Father; which God beſt knows, whom I beſeech reduce you to the right path of a more ſound judgment.

Your Siſter if it may be after the old mode, With the new will I have nothing to do. ELIZABETHA R.

56. Thus this good Queen: but the King who had before looſened the ties of Conſcience for the ſaving of his life, and began now to break through the ſame for the ſatisfaction of his luſt, and the enjoyment of a Gabrielle d'Eſtrees, v. Perefix, p. 194. woman; it is no wonder if he did the ſame for the enjoyment of a Kingdom, which perhaps he might have better ſecured otherwiſe, and his life with it. It is true, he never went ſo far as to perſecute the Proteſtants, as his Predeceſſors in the Kingdom of France did, and his Father began to do, and perhaps had proceeded further, had he eſcaped that fatal wound; but while he took liberty to himſelf to change that profeſſion, gave them the liberty to retain and enjoy it, and under better conditions than ever they enjoyed, or were granted them before, which was a principal cauſe which made his Reign ſo much more proſperous and happy than theirs. Yet, as in thoſe two particulars, for his luſt, and for his Kingdom, he did forſake his Conſcience and Religion, ſo did God at laſt, after ſeveral fair warnings, forſake and leave him to the V. Perefix, p. 400, 461, 462. ruine of his health, by the ſatisfaction of his luſts, the diſappointment of his counſels, by the treachery of the Jeſuits, and the loſs of his life by the hand of a zealot of that Religion which he had choſen; whereas this bleſſed Queen who gave him this pious admonition, and her ſelf continued faithful to her God, and conſtant in her pious reſolutions to the laſt, was to the laſt bleſſed and preſerved, notwithſtanding all the Plots and Conſpiracies, Rebellions and Invaſions, and attempts of her enemies the Romaniſts againſt her. By this act of his he broke indeed the faction of the Leaguers, and ſo more eaſily quieted his poſſeſſion of the Kingdom, yet had he ſoon an occaſion to immind him how uncertain and ſhort his enjoyment of it was like to be, unleſs ſtill preſerved in the midſt of Peace by the ſame Providence by which he had been hitherto preſerved in his Wars, and advanced to it through ſo many dangers and difficulties. Thu. l. 107. For within a month after his converſion to the Romiſh profeſſion, was apprehended an aſſaſin, Peter Barrier, who from place to place had followed him to kill him. This fellow had confered about it with a Carmelite and a Capuchin, who both encouraged him to it, and when he made ſome ſcruple by reaſon the King was turned Catholick, as he ſaid, he was confirmed in it by Chr. Aubre Curate of St. Andrea, who for his further confirmation led him to Varade Rector of the Jeſuites Colledge, who eaſed him of all ſcruples, and further animated him to perform the undertaking, and when he had been confeſſed, and received the Sacrament in their Colledge, diſmiſſed him to that purpoſe. Having provided him a knife for the purpoſe, it was not long before he had an opportunity to have done it, but was ſtrangely reſtrained, being pulled back as it were with cords tied about his heart, as he afterward confeſſed. The like opportunities he often had at other places whither he followed the King for that purpoſe, but was by ſome little accident or other ſtill prevented, or had not the power to do it, though otherwiſe a fearleſs man. At laſt being diſcovered and apprehended, and brought to his trial, he confidently confeſſed the whole matter, railing upon the Sectaries and his Judges. Before his execution, he was ordered to be racked to make him confeſs his complices; but in the mean time it was thought fit to ſend ſome to him to admoniſh him of his error, whereof he was ſo throughly convinced by Oliver Barengarius, a Dominican, who had all along been of the King's party, that acknowledging his error, he reckoned himſelf happy that he was prevented from committing ſo great a wickedneſs as he intended, though by his own moſt miſerable death, deteſting his purpoſe, and thoſe who had perſwaded him to it, and told him that if he died in the enterprize, his ſoul ſhould immediately be received by Angels into Heaven, there to enjoy an eternal happineſs with God, and admoniſhed him, that if he ſhould happen to be taken and tortured, he ſhould not name any of them who had perſwaded him to it, for then he muſt know he ſhould incur the pains of eternal damnation: and before his execution he gave notice of two Prieſts, who at Lions had undertaken to kill the King, and, for the greater caution, deſcribed their perſons. This renewed the odium of the Jeſuits, who were reputed not only to have been the So Day, in the S • ory of Chaſtel, calls them the firſt authors and continual fomentors of the League, p. 1232. firſt inventers of this miſchievous War, but alſo, what by their profane Sermons, what by the poiſon of their naughty Doctrine ſecretly in confeſſion inſtilled into the minds of the inraged people, to have expoſed, by a pernitious example, the ſacred perſons of Princes to be murdered by every one. The next danger of this kind which he was in came yet a little nearer to him, Thu. l. 111. when in the Chamber of his Perefix, p. 229. beloved Miſtreſs, happily at the inſtant, ſtooping to ſalute a Gentleman that came in, he received that ſtroke only at his mouth, and without greater hurt than the loſs of a tooth, which was deſigned at his heart by John Chaſtel a Scholar of the Jeſuites, who, through a flagitious life grown deſperate, hoped by ſo heroick an act for the cauſe of the Roman Catholick Religion, to merit, though not Salvation, whereof he deſpaired, yet ſome mitigation of his puniſhment, perhaps from the eighth degree to the fourth. He was educated and ſtudied in the Jeſuites School, and was aſſiſtant in Philoſophy to John Guerret a Prieſt of that Society; and though vitious above his age, yet was in eſteem with thoſe Fathers, who uſed to admit him among their choice diſciples, to their more ſecret conferences and religious exerciſes; and had often heard in that Society, that it was not only lawful to kill the King, but a thing much conducing to the cauſe of Religion, whereof it ſeems he was ſo throughly perſwaded, that notwithſtanding the terribleneſs of his execution, he expreſſed no ſigns of ſorrow or repentance; but on the contrary, being firſt put to the rack, gave out ſuch aſſertions as the Court declared ſeditious, contrary to the word of God, and condemned by the ſacred Decrees, and made it treaſon to repeat them. As he had before freely confeſſed, Da. p. 1332. ſo when he was tortured he confirmed the ſame, that he was bred up in the Schools of the Jeſuites, and had often heard it diſcourſed, and diſputed, that it was not only lawful, but alſo meritorious, to kill Henry of Bourbon (the King) a relapſed Heretick, and often ſaid that he learned that Doctrine from them. Whereupon their Colledge being ſearched, among the papers of F. John Guignard were found many writings that taught that Doctrine, many things againſt the late King, and that praiſed the murder of him; and likewiſe againſt the preſent King, that perſwaded the killing of him, and tending to ſedition and parricide: that it would be well done to thruſt Navar, though profeſſing the Catholick Religion, into a Monaſtery, there to do penance: if without war he cannot be depoſed, war is to be made againſt him; if war cannot be made, he muſt by any means be taken out of the way, &c. all which he was convicted to have written with his own hand, and was therefore hanged. Alſo John Gueret the ordinary Confeſſor of Chaſtel, F. Alexander Haye, and John Bell, all of the ſame Society were likewiſe convicted of the like offences, but were condemned only to perpetual baniſhment and confiſcation of their goods.

57. Thu. l. 37. The Society of the Jeſuites, to whom the Biſhop of Clermont gave his houſe in Paris called Clermont houſe, from whence they were called the Society of Clermont by thoſe who diſliked their ambitious, arrogant appropriating to themſelves the Title of Jeſuites, as that which doth belong to all true Chriſtians, was by the recommendation of Charles, Cardinal of Lorrain, (the Guiſians alwaies highly favouring this new Society), firſt admitted in France in the year 1550. by Henr. 2. of whom was obtained a Charter for them to build and erect a School at Paris, but there only, and not in other Cities. But when this Charter and the Pope's Bull of confirmation of their inſtitution were brought into the Court to be allowed, and were read, the Parliament referred them both to the conſideration of the Biſhop of Paris, and of the Colledge of Divines. Whereupon they gave their Sentence in writing, to this effect; That this new Society, by an inſolent Title appropriating to themſelves the name of Jeſus, and ſo licentiouſly admitting any perſons, howſoever illegitimate, facinorous and infamous, without any reſpect, and which nothing differs from other ſecular perſons in Rites, Ceremonies, or rule of living, whereby the Orders of Monks are diſtinguiſhed; moreover, is endowed with ſo many Priviledges, Liberties and Immunities, eſpecially in the Adminiſtration of the Sacraments, to the prejudice of the Prelates, and of the Sacred Order, and alſo even of the Princes and Lords, and to the great grievance of the people, contrary to the Priviledges of the Ʋniverſity of Paris; ſeems to violate the honourableneſs of the Monaſtick Order, to enervate the ſtudious, pious, and neceſſary exerciſe of Virtue, Abſtinence, Ceremonies and Authority; and alſo to give occaſion to others to forſake their Vows, to withdraw their due Obedience from the Prelates, unjuſtly deprive the Lords, both Eccleſiaſtical and others, of their rights; to introduce great diſturbance in the Civil & Eccleſiaſtical Government, Quarrels, Suits, Diſſentions, Contentions, Emulations, Rebellions, and various Sciſſures; that for theſe cauſes, this Society ſeems very dangerous in reſpect of Religion, as that which is like to diſturb the Peace of the Church, to enervate the Monaſtick Diſcipline, and to tend more to Deſtruction than to Edification. This ſo ſtartled the Society, that they deſiſted from any further proſecution till the Reign of Francis 2. When the Guiſians, who highly favoured this new Society, carrying all before them, they reſumed the buſineſs again, and firſt the Biſhop of Paris, Euſt. Bellaius, was required to give his Sentence, which he did in writing; That that Society, as all new Orders, was very dangerous, and at theſe times inſtituted rather to ſtir up Commotions, than to make up the Peace of the Church: and after a ſharp cenſure of their arrogant title, adding, that in the priviledges granted to it by Paul 3. are many things repugnant to the Common Law, and prejudicial to the power and authority of the Biſhops, Curates, and Ʋniverſities, and therefore it would be more adviſable, that ſince they are by the Pope appointed and bound to inſtruct the Turks and Infidels, and publiſh the Goſpel among them, yet in places which are near to them they ſhould have their Colledges aſſigned, as heretofore the Knights of Rhodes had in the borders and out skirts of the Chriſtians. This and the other ſentence being read, and conſidered by the King in Counſel, the Court notwithſtanding, through the inſtigation of the Cardinal of Lorrain, was commanded to publiſh as well the Pope's as the King's Charter, without any regard to the interceſſion of the Biſhop and Colledge of Divines; and the Jeſuites exhibited a ſupplication to the Court, whereby they ſubjected themſelves to the Common Law, and renounced all priviledges contrary to it. But the Parliament thought fit rather to remit the whole buſineſs to a General Council, or to a Convention of the Gallicane Church. And at a great meeting of the Biſhops at the Conference at Poiſy, they were admitted to teach, but under many conditions to change their name, be ſubject to the Biſhop of the Dioceſs, & to do nothing to the prejudice of the Biſhops, Colledges, Curates, Univerſities or other Orders, or their Juriſdiction and Function, but be governed according to the preſcript of the Common Law, and renounce all contrary priviledges, &c. Hereupon was opened Clermont School at Paris. But when this liberty was interrupted by the whole Univerſity of Paris, the buſineſs was again brought before the Parliament. The Univerſity having before adviſed with Carolus Molinaeus, his Conſultation or opinion and reſolution of the Caſe, which was afterwards publiſhed, was, that the Univerſity had good cauſe to declare againſt them for a Nuſance, becauſe they had erected a new Colledge contrary to the ancient decrees of Synods, the General Council under Innocent 3. the Decrees of the Court, &c. their Inſtitution was not only to the detriment of the ſeveral Orders, but to the danger of the whole Kingdom, and every wiſe man might juſtly fear that they might prove ſpies, and betray the ſecrets of the Kingdom; they ſeemed to be inſtituted to lie in wait for the eſtates of dying people; they ſet up a new School in a Univerſity, to which they would not obey, which was not only monſtrous, but a kind of ſedition, &c. And it was argued on both ſides in full Parliament, by Pet. Verſorius for the Society, highly commending their Original and Inſtitution, and by Steph. Paſcaſius for the Univerſity, as much condemning both their Inſtitution and their Practice: their Inſtitution, in reſpect of their obligation by vow both to their General, who is always choſen by the King of Spain, and whom they profeſs to reſpect as God preſent upon earth, and promiſe a blind Obedience, as they call it, to him, abſolutely in all things; and to the Pope, to whom, becauſe they are ſo obſequious, they ought ſo much the more to be ſuſpected by the French, who indeed acknowledge the Pope as Head and Prince of the Church, but ſo as that he is bound to obey the ſacred Decrees and Oecumenical Councils as inferiour to them; that he can decree nothing againſt the Kingdom, or their Kings, or contrary to the Decrees of the Court (of Parliament), or in prejudice of the Biſhops within their limits; and therefore to admit thoſe new Sectaries, would be to nouriſh ſo many enemies within the bowels of the Kingdom, who, if it ſhould happen that the Popes in a fury ſhould raiſe arms againſt us, would denounce war againſt the King and Nation of France: alſo in reſpect of their unreaſonable and exorbitant priviledges contrary to the Common Law; and of their ambitious Title: their Practice, for corrupting of youth, and ruining of Families; and laſtly, addreſſing himſelf more eſpecially to the Senators, he admoniſhed them to beware that they did not, when too late, condemn their own credulity, when they ſhould ſee through their connivance, that the publick tranquility not only in this Kingdom, but through the Chriſtian World, ſhould be endangered by the craft, guiles, ſuperſtition, diſſimulation, impoſtures and evil arts of theſe men. But the Senate, whether through ſecurity, or hatred of the Proteſtants, whom theſe men were believed born to ſubdue, determined to deliberate further on the buſineſs, 5 Apr. 1565. in the mean timegranting them liberty publickly to open their Schools and inſtruct the youth. And here we may take notice by the way, who were the firſt and chief favourers and introducers of the Jeſuites, and thence further obſerve whoſe Scholars they were, who were the chief actors in thoſe troubles in France. Apr. 1594. Thu. l. 110. But thus hung the cauſe till, after the diſcovery of Barrieres conſpiracy, the Univerſity with unanimous conſent nemine reclamante renewed their Suit, and prayed Judgment, by their ſupplication to the Parliament, wherein they ſet out, that the Eſtates in the Senate had long ſince complained of this new Sect, that great confuſions were then raiſed by them in the diſcipline of the Schools; that from that time they have given occaſion of greater troubles, ſince the factious did openly addict themſelves to the Spaniards party, and have confounded not only the City but the whole Kingdom with horrid ſeditions; that this was prudently foreſeen from the beginning by the Colledge of Divines, who by their Decree declared this new ſect to have been introduced to the deſtruction of all Diſcipline as well Civil as Eccleſiaſtical, and namely denying the obedience of the Univerſity, as well to the Rector of it, as moreover to the Arch-Biſhops, Biſhops, Curates and others the Prelates of the Church; that notwithſtanding thoſe Jeſuites made ſupplication to the Senate to be incorporated into the Univerſity, and the cauſe being heard the Senate ſuſpended the the Suit, Salvo partium jure, ſo that nothing in the interim ſhould be innovated in the cauſe in prejudice of the Decree; that yet the Jeſuites have not only not at all obeyed the Decree of the Court, but forgetting their ſacerdotal profeſſion have thruſt themſelves into publick buſineſſes, carried themſelves as ſpies for the Spaniards, and managed their concerns: and therefore pray, that ſince all theſe things are openly and publickly known, the Senate will interpoſe their authority, and by their Decree command that Sect to depart not only from the Univerſity of Paris, but out of the Kingdom, and exterminate them thence. Hereupon, after various delays by the Jeſuites, the cauſe came again to an hearing in the Parliament, not openly, but at the inſtance, and through the importunity of the Jeſuites and their friends, the dores being ſhut. And Ant. Arnald of Counſel for the Univerſity, deploring the condition of France heretofore formidable, but of late become deſpicable to all through ſactions, which factions have been cauſed by the Jeſuites, largely confirmed from experience of what had ſince been acted, the truth of what was wiſely foreſeen and foretold ſo many years before. That the Emperor Charles 5. when, fortune favouring him, he conceived hopes of obtaining and tranſferring to his Family a univerſal Monarchy, and by his own ſagacity and long experience found that many were tied up by ſcruples of conſcience; could not deviſe a more effectual means to work upon them, than by introducing men of the Spaniſh deſign (the Jeſuites) to the deſtruction of others under ſhew of Religion, who in ſecret at confeſſions, and openly alſo when occaſion ſhould be offered, in their Sermons, alienating the credulous and ſimple people from the obedience of their lawful Governors, ſhould inſenſibly draw them to his party. That the principal Vow of theſe men is, to be abſolutely and in all things obedient to the General of their Order, who for the moſt part is a Spaniard, or ſubject of Spain, as appears from the ſeries of thoſe who for theſe 50 years from the beginning of their Society, have been their Generals; for ſuch were, 1. Ignatius Loiola their founder, 2. Jac. Lain, 3. Enariſtus, 4. Fr. Borgia, and, 5. at preſent Cl. Aquanina: that to their vow theſe horrible words are annexed, in which they profeſs to acknowledge Chriſt as preſent in their General: that their Sect, whereas in Italy and France at the beginning it was generally oppoſed, was with great applauſe approved in Spain; they pray day and night for the ſafety and proſperity of the pious, prudent, vigilant Catholick King of Spain, who oppoſeth himſelf a sa wall of defence for the houſe of God & the Catholick Faith; but for the moſt Chriſtian King of France never: and let the F. General ſay the word that the King of France ſhould be killed, the command of the Spaniard muſt ex voti neceſſitate be obeyed. That though upon their petition at Rome for the Popes Confirmation an. 1539. they were at firſt oppoſed, yet at laſt obtained it, this fourth vow being added to it, that they ſhould be ready to obey the Pope at a beck, which is that which doth ſo much ingratiate them at Rome, but ought to make them ſo much the more ſuſpected in France. And that their Counſels tend to the ſubverſion of the Kingdom is hence manifeſt, that when ever the Popes exceeding their authority, have ſent out their cenſures againſt the Kingdom of France, there have not been wanting pious men, who with the common ſuffrage of the Gallican Church, have couragiouſly oppoſed ſuch their raſh attempts, (as he ſhews more at large from divers inſtances in the times of Carolus Calvus, Ludovicus Pius, Philippus Pulcher, Carolus vi, and Ludovicus xii.) but now in theſe late tumults it hath fallen out quite contrary, the ſacred Order being corrupted with the venom of this ſect, and taught, that he who is once choſen Pope, although of the Spaniſh Nation or Faction, and a ſworn enemy to the French, may notwithſtanding give up the whole Kingdom for a prey, and abſolve the French from their Faith and Obedience which they owe to their Prince. That this is a ſchiſmatical and deteſtable opinion, altogether contrary to the word of God, (who hath divided the ſpiritual power from the ſecular as far as Heaven is from the Earth) and as much repugnant to the ſafety and conſervation of Kingdoms, as it is certain that the true Chriſtian Religion is neceſſary thereunto. That theſe monſters have kindled theſe furies in the minds of the French, and excited ſo many ſlaughters and horrid confuſions every where. Hence that publick aſſertion of Tanquerellus 33 years ſince, V. ſupra ſect. 41. p. 66. that the Popes may declare the King's ſubjects free from their Oath of Fidelity. Hence that reſolution 5 years ſince, by the greater number of the Colledge of Sorbon, that is, thoſe who were new moulded in the ſhop of the Jeſuites, that Subjects may be abſolved from their Obedience to their Prince. V. ſect. 53. That this Vow inſtituted by the Caſtilians (of Spain), which with ſo ſtrait a tye binds mens conſciences to the perpetrating of any kind of enterprize, and to the killing of Kings themſelves by ſuborned emiſſaries, hath diſſolved and wholly aboliſhed the glorious inſtitutes of our Anceſtors, the Laws of the Realm, and the liberties of the Gallican Church: whereas we have received this Law from our Anceſtors, that the Oath of Fidelity, whereby the Subjects of France are obliged to their Kings, can by no cenſures of the Popes be diſſolved; which is ſo conjoyned with the ſafety and weal of the Kingdom, that without certain ruine it cannot be ſevered from it: that the Royal Power in that ſuffers no rival, nor admits any equal Juriſdiction. That theſe emiſſaries and aſſertors of this exceſſive power in the Pope crept in inſenſibly at firſt in ſmall numbers into France, but in ſhort time filled the whole Kingdom, and with ſecret frauds and ſeditious Sermons have ſtirred up the wars. That the firſt Conſpiracies, more pernitious than the Bacchana • s and that of Cataline, were hatched in their Colledge at Paris; that the Spaniſh Agents did often ſecretly convene there; that there the Nobility at their ſecret Confeſſions were enjoyned for the expiation (or ſatisfaction) of their ſins, to engage for the League, (viz. by a ſpecial commutation of penance into an heroick act of virtue) and thoſe who refuſed were denied the benefit of abſolution. That by them was the ſedition at Veſuna ſtirred up, and the rebellions at Agen, Tholouſe, &c. and the Spaniſh Souldiers brought into Paris; that by their counſel the Council of xvi emboldned by the forein Forces, offered the Kingdom of France to the King of Spain, and 13 daies after enſued that deteſtable butchery of the principal Senators. That at their Schools at Lions and afterward at Paris was made the late Conſpiracy for the murder of the King, as is atteſted by the confeſſions of Barriere; for among them they are held for real Martyrs, who lay out their lives for the killing of Kings. Hence F. Commotet the laſt Chriſtmas, taking for his text out of the book of Judges the example of Ehud, who ſlew the King of Moab, and fled away, cried out, We have need of another Ehud, whether Monk, or Souldier, or Lacquey, or Shepherd it matters not. Hence the furious ſpeeches of Bernard and Commotet, calling the King Olofernes, Moab, Nero, Herod, and every where bawling in their Sermons that the Kingdom may be transferred by Election, &c. That among theſe counterfeit Prieſts it is a ſymbol of their profeſſion, One God, one Pope, and one King of the Chriſtian World; meaning the Catholick King, to whom they deſign the univerſal Monarchy of the whole World, ſtirring up every where wars and rebellions, that thereby the vaſt body of that Empire may grow up and devour the leſſer Princes. That by them, Philip King of Spain, when he had long gaped after the Kingdom of Portugal, and foreſaw that ſo long as the King and Nobility continued in ſafety, he could not obtain his deſires, perſwaded the young King Sebaſtian, having removed his intimate and faithful friends from him, to ſail into Affrica, and raſhly engage in fight upon great diſadvantage, contrary to the opinion of all his party, wherein himſelf and almoſt all the flower of the Portugal Nobility periſhed. Nor did they ceaſe till they had alſo ruined Don Antonio, and till the King of Spain V. Harlaeum apud Thu. l. 132. not ſo much by his Arms, as by their Arts, had made himſelf Maſter of the Kingdom. Nor ought it to impoſe upon the credulous, that they are vulgarly reputed ſerviceable for the V. Sim. Marion. apud Thu. l. 119. inſtruction of youth, whoſe manners they rather corrupt, inſtilling evil principles into their tender minds, which in that age make the greater impreſſion upon them, and under a ſhew of Piety teach them to embrue their hands in their Princes bloud, to be diſobedient to Magiſtrates, to ſtir up ſeditions among the people, to caſt off all affection to their own Country, and be affected with an adulterous love to foreigners: and being thus ſeaſoned with pernitious errors, they will in time, when grown up, bring the ſame into the Church and State. And indeed already, ſince this new ſect hath as it were ſeized upon the youth, the manners of our Anceſtors have, not by degrees inſenſibly degenerated, but like a torrent been precipitated into corruption. Nor have whole Families eſcaped ruine by them, by their arts youths being enveigled from their Parents, and the inheritances and eſtates of their Anceſſors transferred to theſe new Lords. The complaints and examples of divers Noble Families thus ſpoiled are known, as of Petrus Aerodius, Mombrunius, Godranus, Bollonius, Largilactonius, the Marques Canilliacus, whoſe Brother was not admitted to his vow in that Society, till they were certain of his ſucceſſion to his elder Brothers Eſtate. And for this purpoſe they have now their Book of Life, as they call it, wherein they deſcribe the ſecrets of Families, which they learn from confeſſions. Theſe things and much more having largely diſcourſed, in concluſion he urges the neceſſity of a ſpeedy remedy, and therefore prays that according to the ſupplication, the Jeſuites may be decreed to depart the Kingdom within 15 days after denunciation to the ſeveral Schools. Some days after was Ludovicus Dolaeus heard for the Curates (or Miniſters) who alſo became Plaintiffs in the Suit, Id. • ul. 1594. who among many other things urged, That by the Popes were many things inconſiderately and blindly granted them: by Paul, 3. Power to make new Statutes, and to change thoſe which their Founder had eſtabliſhed; alſo to abſolve hereticks, which, if the Pope contend, is more than the whole Gallican Church can do. By Paul, 4. To abſolve penitents from all kind of crimes, even thoſe which are not comprehended in Bulla Caenae Dominicae, and from thoſe alſo which the holy See hath reſerved to it ſelf, and pro tempore to commute vows and pilgrimages, &c. by Jul. 3. to give indulgence from faſts and prohibited meats. Laſtly by Greg. 13. to converſe with ſectaries, and for that purpoſe to wear ſecular habits, (viz. for a diſguiſe) a thing prohibited by the S. Canons; and to correct all kind of Books, and ſo to mend the writings of the Fathers, wherein what Plagiaries they have been, is known to them who converſe with Books; that from thence have great confuſions been brought into the Church, and the Diſcipline generally been diſſolved; for by the Breve of Paul 3. the people are allowed to leave their own Paſtors, and run after them, and to receive the Sacraments from them; to whom Greg. hath committed (authority) to animadvert as well upon the Clergy as the people, that all may be done rightly, and after the Roman mode; ſo that from Prieſts, whether regular or ſecular it is uncertain, they are ſuddenly become univerſal Paſtors of the people, or rather wandering vagabond Biſhops, (Periodentas & circumcelliones & hamaxarios Epiſcopos) that there is nothing which they cannot now do at Rome, where they are called the Popes eyes; mentis Pontificiae oculi): that their Principles are inconſiſtent with the French: that it is certain that to them is principally given in charge that they ſhould oppreſs the Gallican liberty, at firſt by guile, and afterwards with open force, even as in theſe laſt wars they have endeavoured to do; that with them they are reckoned anathema who take the Kings part, but that the French think the contrary, and that not to obey the King is as to reſiſt God, and to ſight againſt Heaven: that they think that the Pope may excommunicate Kings and People when he pleaſeth; but the French on the contrary hold them for Sectaries who think that the Pope may interpoſe his authority in any difference of State: that they attribute to the Pope an infinite power over all Kingdoms, and ſet him above the Church, above Councils, and in fine, make his power equal to his will, (to do what he pleaſe): but the French hold his power to be finite, or limited. And for their good deeds and practices, that Claud Matthew, a ring-leader of the faction, whom Henr. 3. had familiarly uſed in his private devotions, and who therefore was well acquainted with his piety (and devotion to the Rom. Cath. Religion) with great impiety and ingratitude went to Rome, and would have perſwaded Greg. 13. to have excommunicated him, unleſs he would comply with the leaders of that pernitious faction, which being denied by him, was after his death obtained of his ſucceſſor Sixtus: that Varada of the ſame ſociety confirmed Barriere in his purpoſe to kill the King, when he made ſome ſcruple at it; that they confeſs as much, but with frivolous cavillation ſeek to excuſe it. Nor are theſe the faults of ſingle perſons among them, foraſmuch as it is a uſual thing (or conſtant cuſtom) with them, when they have any enterprize in hand, to confer together about it, &c. that by their occult art of prying into ſecrets they have by little and little inſinuated themſelves into the minds of the ſimple, and acquired a dominion in their conſciences. Whereof there is a freſh example in the five (Popiſh) Cantons of the Switzers, whom when the Jeſuites had in vain attempted to draw them from their League with the other Cantons of the Proteſtants, made for their common ſafety, they, leaving the men, like the ſerpent which deceived our firſt Parents, ſet upon the women, and perſwaded them not to lye with their Husbands till they had broken off the League. But the Switzers diſcovering the fraud, ſhewed themſelves men, and handled the Conſpirators according to their deſert. The Venetians likewiſe, whoſe Juſtice and Prudence the duration of their State doth eaſily evince, ſaw as much, Yet they ſince did it, an. 3607. v. l. 137. and being warned by our example, they did not indeed thruſt them out of their Territories, for how could they do that, being ſo near neighbours to the Pope? but did maturely ſhut them up within their own incloſures, and interdicted them the hearing of confeſſions. And how powerful they are among us by theſe means, they openly profeſs, and glory in it in their letters to their General. But thus is the diſcipline (of the Church) overthrown, and (contrary to the prudent prohibition of the Council of Nants, the ſaying of St. Aug. Neminem digne poenitere poſſe, quem non ſuſtineat unitas Eccleſiae: the judgment of the ancient Chriſtians, who condemned Audius for making ſeparation in the Church) the people ſeduced from their own Paſtors are adulterouſly allured to communion in ſacris with them apart from others, and at laſt ſtirred up to rebellion againſt their Prince, and emiſſaries ſuborned to murder him. Their conſpiracies are well known againſt Prince Maurice, which at laſt took effect; and in England thoſe of Parry, Cullen, York, Wikiams; in Scotland thoſe of James Gordon and Edmond Hay; and with us that ſo often mentioned of Barriere. But among the ancient Chriſtians theſe monſters were unheard of. Of the Chriſtians was no Caſſius, no Niger, no Albinus, as Tertullian ſpeaks. Nor was that crime ever heard of in France till the coming in of the Jeſuites. For it was brought in by them from Spain, whence they had their original, where the Gothes, as an ancient Author informs us, took up this deteſtable cuſtom, that if any of their Kings pleaſed them not, they put him to the ſword, and ſet up whom they pleaſed in his place. On behalf of the Jeſuites Cl. Dureus rather pleaded in bar of the action, than ſpoke to the merits of the cauſe; but P. Barnius anſwered more copiouſly in writing. But, as much of what was ſpoken by the others is here purpoſely omitted for brevity ſake, ſo thoſe things particularly which I find anſwered by him, except that of Portugal, which notwithſtanding his anſwer, ſeems very probable, as well agreeing with their principles and actions, though ſuch myſterious practices are not eaſy to be fully proved. And thus ſtood the caſe with the Jeſuites in France, when the King was about to Which was done 17. Jan. proclaim war againſt their great Patron the King of Spain: and whether the particular conſideration of theſe or either of theſe, to prevent what they feared might be the conſequence of them V. Perefix, 229. did produce that attempt of their Scholar Chaſtel, or not; for he was more deeply ſeaſoned with their principles and inſtructions than to make a full confeſſion, yet certain it is that that attempt did produce a more ſpeedy determination of the cauſe than could otherwiſe have been expected, by a Decree, 29 Dec. 1594. Thu. l. 111. whereby the Court did ordain that the Prieſts and Students of the Colledge of Clermont (for they would not call them by the name of Jeſuites) and all others of that Society, as corrupters of Youth, perturbers of the publick Tranquillity, and enemies of the King and Kingdom, ſhall within three days after denunciation depart from Paris and all other Cities where they have opened School, and within fifteen days after out of the Kingdom, upon pain to be proſecuted as guilty of Treaſon; and that their Goods and Lands ſhall be imployed for pious uſes, and be diſtributed at the pleaſure of the Court; and all the Kings Subjects were interdicted to ſend their children to the Schools of that Society out of the Kingdom to be inſtructed in Learning, upon pain of Treaſon. This was executed the Summer following. Li. 112. Some few days after this, was made another Decree, whereby Chaſtel's Father's houſe, which was neer to the Palace, was ordered to be pulled down, and a Pyramid to be erected in the place of it, with the Decree inſcribed upon it ad aeternam facti memoriam; which was likewiſe done, with other inſcriptions in deteſtation of the crime. V. l. 134.

58. How neceſſary for the ſafety both of the King and Kingdom this was, and that the Decree ſhould be ſtrictly executed throughout the whole Kingdom, and duly and conſtantly obſerved for the future, many in the Court, and moſt in the Parliament of Paris, and of the Clergy, were very ſenſible, and the King could not be ignorant, eſpecially after ſuch fair warnings. And yet, whereas the Jeſuites, being by virtue of this Decree exterminated out of the Juriſdictions of the Court of Paris, Thu. l. 129. which extends to near half the Kingdom, and likewiſe of Burgundy and Normandy, continued notwithſtanding for three years after to keep up their Schools in the Territories of Tholouſe and Bourdeaux, to which many ſent their Sons to be taught, and many again from that Society, changing their habits as if they had alſo renounced their vow, crept into other Schools; though the King was often importuned to command thoſe Courts by his Edict to publiſh the Decree, and it was once or twice ſo reſolved in Council, the execution notwithſtanding was continually retarded by the craft and ſubtilty (ſaith our Author) of ſome about the King, but perhaps ſome thoughts of a peace with Spain, which had been propoſed, might make it thought unſeaſonable at that time. But the Parliament of Paris was not wanting to do what in them lay, 21 Aug. 1597. and by another Decree, under a ſevere penalty prohibited all Cities, Colledges and Univerſities to admit any of that ſociety, though pretending the renunciation of their vow, to preach, or to excrciſe any ſacerdotal Miniſtery, or to teach children either publickly or privately. Thu. l. 12 • . The year following the King was again provoked through the obſtinacy and inſolency of the Court of Tholouſe, to ſend out his Edict commanding thoſe Courts to publiſh the Decree, and was moved by the Chancellor Ph. Huraltus Cevernius ſo to do, but by ſome Courtiers, ſays 〈◊〉 Author, the buſineſs was at preſent delayed, and at laſt wholly put off; and very likely was now alſo though unſeaſonable in reſpect of the King's deſire to obtain a diſſolution of his Marriage with the Queen Margaret, Thu. ib. Perefix. p. 294. that he might marry his beloved Miſtreſs La belle Gabrielle, whereof he began about this time to treat with the Pope's Legate. And indeed, though I know not whether ſo much be written by any, yet it ſeems very legible in the actions and occurrences which are written, that this was ſo powerful a motive with him, as made him not only deſiſt from further enforcing the execution of the Decree, and total extermination of the Jeſuites, but on the contrary to yield to their Reſtitution. Thu. ibid. For the Jeſuites about this time taking occaſion upon a Convention of the Clergy to offer him a ſupplication, ceaſed not afterwards till by ſupplications and recommendations every where ſought, they at laſt obtained their deſire, the Pope's Legates ſparing no pains on their behalf. So out Author, who afterward tells us, L. 129. that when Ignatius Armandus their Provincial, about a year before they were reſtored, had made a Speech to the King for them, the King anſwered that the buſineſs was now in the Pope's hands, without whoſe direction he would determine nothing (negotium penes Pontificem eſſe, quo inconſulto nihil velit decernere). But it may be more plainly perceived in a paſſage afterward at their reſtitution; L. 1 •• . for when the Parliament interceded againſt their reſtitution, and were very averſe from publiſhing the Kings Eidict for that purpoſe, at l • ſt comes 〈◊〉 Huraltus Meſſius into the Senate, and acquaints them from the King with the whole ſeries of the buſineſs, and tells them that above five years ſince the Pope had dealt with the King that the Jeſuites might be reſtored to the ſame ſtate in the Kingdom wherein they were before the Decree. This was about the beginning of the year 1604, and the King having in the year 1598 treated with the Legate about the diſſolution of his Marriage, as hath been ſaid, in the year 1599; he obtained the Pope's Breve to certain Delegates, L. 123. who, upon hearing of the cauſe, pronounced the Marriage null ab initio; ſo that this points us to the time exactly: and conſidering the common practice of the Court of Rome to neglec •• no opportunity of promoting their own ends, it cannot be thought that they would let this go without ſome aſſurance from the King of the reſtitution of the Jeſuites, which at the ſame time was earneſtly ſollicited. It is true that the King's beloved Miſ. who had engaged him to ſend to the Pope about it, died in Child-birth before the commiſſion to the Delegates was ſent; yet this hinders not but ſhe might before have prevailed with him to give all ſatisfaction to the Pope in order to the obtaining of it, and that thereupon he might ſo far have engaged to the Pope, that he knew not afterwards how to get off when he would; and this it ſeems was the true reaſon why the buſineſs hung ſo long, and yet was done at laſt. For thus Meſſius goes on relating the ſeries of the buſineſs, the King, ſays he, put it off from day to day as much as he could, (he did not refuſe or excuſe himſelf from denying it, but ſought delays) and when he could no longer ſhift it off, Quantum potuerat diem de die dixiſſe. he propoſed certain articles almoſt uniform to the contents of the Decree, and by his Embaſſador laboured with the Pope to be content with their reſtitution under thoſe conditions. For the Pope demanded their univerſal reſtitution throughout the whole Kingdom, but the King offered it in certain places appointed to a certain number, and in the Territories ſubject to the Court of Paris were only two places aſſigned them. From that time two years paſſed without any mention of the buſineſs, whereat the King, who deſired to gratifie the Pope in it, was troubled; at length the King's Ambaſſador being inſtant with the Pope, he anſwered that the articles propoſed by the King ſeemed to him to be ſuch as the Jeſuites ought to be contented with them, but that hitherto he had deferred his anſwer, becauſe the General of the Society (Aquanina) ſhewed himſelf not at all ſatisfied with them, nor would ſubſcribe to them, &c. that the buſineſs therefore was no longer in the King's power, but tranſacted by agreement between the King and the Pope; (rem proinde amplius non eſſe integram, ſed de ea inter Regem & Pontificem quaſi pacto tranſactum fuiſſe) All which ſhews ſufficiently that the Pope had then gotten ſome hank upon him which he could not get off. Nor can any other be eaſily aſſigned ſo probable as this which I have ſaid. Only one thing more 'tis likely helped forward the buſineſs, viz. a deſire to ſecure his life by ingratiating himſelf with the regicides: for ſo it is ſaid, that when his great favourite the D. of Sully diſſwaded him from their re-admiſſion, Foul. l. 9. c. 2. he anſwered, Give me then ſecurity for my life. And indeed though in his anſwer to that grave ſpeech of the chief Preſident Harlay in the name of the Parliament, and in behalf of the Univerſity, repreſenting to him, both from their principles and practices, the danger of what he was about, not only to the Kingdom, but to his own perſon, he made ſhew of great contempt of that danger, and hopes, which upon mature deliberation he had conceived of the good fruits which France might receive from their reſtitution, and alſo of confidence in God, who had thus preſerved him hitherto, for his future preſervation; yet ſince it does plainly appear by what was delivered by Meſſius from him to the Senate, (and there can be no reaſon to think otherwiſe) that he was ſore againſt his will, (viz. through ſome inconſiderate pre-ingagement from which he could not recede) brought to it, his other favours to them beſides their re-admiſſion, may be thought to proceed from this principle, and his ſhew of contempt of the danger to argue rather what he ſought to conceal, than what he pretended, or at leaſt that that contempt proceeded from his hopes of ſecuring his own ſafety by this means. For, what-ever he pretended, it could not proceed from a well grounded confidence of God's protection; a thing inconſiſtent with his living in continued known ſin by reaſon of his Amores, (which the Reverend Biſhop of Paris doth frequently deplore) and when he had before violated his conſcience by his change of Religion for ſecuring his Kingdom. For who can with confidence expect any favour from him, whom he doth daily knowingly injure and offend? Beſides, that confidence is not always the meer reſult of a good conſcience, but is often raiſed in pious ſouls by the ſpecial influence of the Spirit of God, who as he doth more and more encreaſe it in thoſe who continually and ſincerely endeavour to perſevere and go forward in a diligent obſervance of his will, and to raiſe their ſouls by a conſtant exerciſe of the dictates of Reaſon and Faith, above the animal or bruitiſh nature; ſo doth he always withdraw the ſame from thoſe who decline to bruitiſh affections, and if they go on ſo to do, at laſt leaves them diſ-ſpirited, Quos perdere vult Jupiter dementat prius. and obnoxious to baſe and deceitful ſhifts and devices, whereby they pull down miſchief upon their own heads, eſpecially when this is mixt with ingratitude againſt great mercies. Nor can a ſacrilegious and profane abſolution, by thoſe who cry peace, peace, when there is no peace, ſerve the turn, without a due repentance proportionable to the fault with all its aggravations, and a found reformation. And for what fruits he might expect from their reſtitution, for the good of the Kingdom, his Parliament well informed him by the mouth of their worthy Preſident Harlay, in that notable ſpeech which might well have deſerved a larger place here, had not ſo much been related already to that purpoſe from others. As they have all one common Name and Vow, ſo have they, ſaith he, certain heads of Doctrine wherein they all agree: as, that they acknowledge no Superior beſides the Pope, and to him they give Faith and an abſolute Obedience, and firmly believe that the Pope hath power to excommunicate Kings; but that a King excommunicate is a Tyrant, and that his ſubjects may with impunity make inſurrection againſt him. That every one of them who is initiated though but in the lower Orders of the Church, whatſoever crime he commits, cannot poſſibly incur the crime of Treaſon, becauſe they are not at all any longer the King's Subjects, nor ſubject to his Juriſdiction. Thus are the Eccleſiaſticks by their Doctrine exempt from the ſecular Power, and lawfully may with impunity lay bloudy (violent) hands upon the ſacred perſons of Kings. This they aſſert in printed Books, &c. Theſe falſe and erroneous Doctrines cannot be admitted by Kings, and therefore it behoves that they who maintain them ſhould before all things renounce the ſame in their Schools. If they do not, they ought by no means to be ſuffered, as thoſe who maintain a Doctrine deviſed to the ſubverſion of the fundamentals of royal power and authority. If they do, yet are they not much more to be truſted; for at Rome and in Spain, where theſe new monſtrous opinions flouriſh, they think one thing, but ſpeak See their Anſwers to the Queſtions propoſed to them by the Court after the murder of the King; in Foul. l. 9. c. 2. five, and the Anſwer to Philanax Angl. ch. 5. p. 128. another in France: and as they paſs into this or that Country, ſo do they take up or lay down theſe opinions. If they ſay that this they may lawfully do by V. Sporſwood, Hiſt. of Scotl. l. 6. an. 1580. pag 308, 309. ſecret Diſpenſation, then what certainty can be had of their Doctrine, which is thus changed with their change of place, and is good or bad according to the times? This Doctrine they embrace and maintain in common (all of them), and it ſo thrives by little and little, that it is to be feared leſt in tract of time it infect the other orders, which are not yet levened by it. At firſt they had none more their adverſaries than the Sarboniſts, now many of them are their favourers, viz. thoſe who received their firſt inſtitution in their Schools. Others who are now training up in learning under them will hereafter do the like, and one day hold the chief dignities in the Senate; and if they ſhall think the ſame in point of Doctrine alſo, they will by degrees withdraw themſelves from their duty of obedience to the King, ſet at naught the King's Laws, and ſuffer the Liberties of the Gallicane Church to become obſolete, and wear out; and laſtly, will reckon it no crime of Treaſon which is committed by an Eccleſiaſtick. Then he goes on, and imminds him of the fruits which had already been produced from theſe principles; of Barriere, Varada, and Guignard, and Chaſtel, and of the laſt King's murder, Gens ingrata. againſt whom this ungrateful Society ſtirred up the people to ſedition, nor were they thought guiltleſs of that murder; that in the late wars, of other Orders many perſiſted conſtantly in the King's obedience; but theſe conjoyntly and unanimouſly conſpired againſt him with the inveterate enemies of the Kingdom, (the Spaniard) nor was there one of that Society found, who was of the King's party, touches upon foreign examples, how in Portugal, they, and they only, deſerting the cauſe of their Country, adhered to the Spaniards, and were the cauſe of the ſlaughters of ſo many Prieſts and devout Perſons, two thouſand periſhing under the Spaniards in ſeveral manners; and by a ſingular indulgence obtained the Pope's pardon of ſo many confeſſed ſlaughters: then having ſpoken of the reaſonableneſs of the Decree which exterminates the Jeſuites, and had been received without contradiction in all other Courts, had not they withſtood it who were not well ſe • l • d in the King's obedience, and were hardly brought off from their inveterate hatred againſt him, and anſwered objections, he preſents the humble obſecrations and obteſtations of the Parliament for the continuance of it; and to theſe adds the humble ſupplication of the Univerſity; and at laſt imminds him of the regard which his Predeceſſors had always had to the interceſſions of the Supreme Courts, at whoſe Petition or Advice they revoked or altered their Edicts, if they contained any thing amiſs; that this the Courts of the Kingdom beſeech his Majeſty, and promiſe themſelves from his Grace, that he will pleaſe to ſuffer them to enjoy their authority entire, which indeed is the authority of the King himſelf, as that which depends upon him, &c. But all would not do; notwithſtanding the interceſſion of the Parliament, the deprecation of the Univerſity, the diſſwaſions of thoſe he held both able and faithful to him; he had made an Edict, and it muſt be publiſhed, and the Jeſuites reſtored, mal-gremeſme les avis de quelques uns de ſon Conſcil. And they muſt not only be reſtored, but moreover have a new Colledge built them at La Fleſche, which the King endowed with an annual Rent of 11000 Crowns (Aurei) and prevailed with the Clergy for 100000 more toward the building of it; and he alſo orders that the hearts of Himſelf, his Queen, and their Succeſſors ſhall be there intombed in a Church to be built by himſelf; and in the mean time a Father of that Society is admitted to the inſpection and conduct of his own, being made his ordinary Preacher and Confeſſor, viz. Father Cotton, who preſently thereupon began to ſhew his zeal for the Pope againſt a Sentence of the Colledge of Divines paſſed two years before, wherein they had aſſerted the Liberties of the Gallican Church againſt the Pride, and Havghtineſs, and Avarice of Rome; and among other things, that other Biſhops have power to order the publick affairs of the Church within their own Dioceſs, as well as the Roman Biſhop in his; V. l. 129. and at his inſtance by the command of the King; L. 144. for the Court could not be brought to conſent to it, not only the marble Table whereon the Decree was engraved, but the Pyramid it ſelf, with all the other inſcriptions in deteſtation of that fact of Chaſtel, was taken down and demoliſhed; and the print • d. Cuts of it prohibited; which being notwithſtanding greedily bought up, diligent ſearch was by the King's command made for the braſs Plate from which they were printed, which yet was not found till few days before the murder of this King alſo renewed the common hatred againſt the Jeſuits.

59. But before we proceed to the murder it ſelf of this King, it will be neceſſary to take notice of ſome other Conſpiracies againſt him, whereof ſome were contemporary with thoſe of Barriere and Chaſtel, though not diſcovered till afterward, and ſome were ſince. The firſt of Nic. Malavicinus the Pope's Legate reſident with the Arch-Duke at Bruxels, who having every where ſought for an aſſaſſine, Thu. l. 123. at laſt light upon Ch. Ridicone a Dominican Friar of Gant, who was very ready to lay down his life for the cauſe of Religion; but before he would undertake this buſineſs, deſired in the firſt place to have the authority of the Pope and Cardinal's approbation; wherefore the Legate for his ſatisfaction gave him a writing under his hand in the name of the Pope and Cardinals, to that purpoſe; and having furniſhed him with Mony, and bleſſed him with the ſign of the Croſs, he diſmiſſed him, giving him alſo for his better ſecurity from diſcovery, a faculty or diſpenſation to wear a ſecular habit, of a Souldier, and to ride, dance, fence, &c. Being thus prepared for the buſineſs, the Jeſuite Hoduma, to whom his Mother at confeſſion had diſcovered the agreement, deſired to ſee him, and having viewed him, diſliked nothing but his little ſtature, ſaying that there needed a more robuſt man. In his journey at Vermand he underſtood that the King was reconciled to the Church, and came to the Crown by lawful ſucceſſion, yet he went on as far as St. Denys, but from thence returned to Bruxels to the Legate, and gave him this reaſon of his return; whereat the Legate ſhaked his head, and telling him that the Bearnois (ſo he called the King) and all his party ſtood ſtill excommunicated by the Pope, perſwaded him to perſevere in his purpoſe; to whom Ridicone anſwered, if I could ſee the Pope's mandate, then it ſhould ſoon be conſidered on. At the ſame time Pet. Arger of the ſame Monaſtery at Gant, having firſt treated with Malavicinus at Bruxels, and then going to Rome, being returned from thence, likewiſe undertook the deſign of killing the King. Some time after Ridicone, with whom a ſervant of the Legates had afterward dealt in ſecret, went alſo to Rome, whither Malavicinus had returned, where being by him confirmed in his purpoſe, he took his journey by Milan, and having there communicated the buſineſs to the Spaniſh Miniſters, he came into France about the ſame time that Alex. Medices the Pope's Legate arrived there, the King being then reconciled not only to the Church but to the Pope alſo. At laſt being taken, when the King ſaw that the buſineſs could not be examined in a judiciary way without the great infamy of Malavicinus, and that not without ſome reflexion upon the Pope with whom he was already reconciled, and moreover caſting ſome ſuſpition upon the Arch-Duke to the diſturbance of the buſineſs of peace, whereof ſome overtures had been made by the Legate, he reſolved to diſſemble it, and diſmiſs Ridicone out of the Kingdom, requiring him not to return again upon pain and penalty of Treaſon. Being returned to Gaunt, he reſumed his former deſign of killing the King, and after ſome ſecret conference at the Monaſtery of St. Vincent in the King of Spain's Territories, he returned again into France, where being again apprehended, he was condemned and executed. At his Trial being asked how he could think of ſuch a thing as to kill the King, he anſwered, that by the frequent Sermons from the Pulpit, and daily Diſputations in the School, which he heard; and moreover the praiſes of James Clemont, as of a glorious Martyr who had devoted himſelf for the liberty of the French, every where reſounding, not only at the Churches, but in the Markets, Streets, and at Feaſts; he was eaſily perſwaded that he ſhould do a thing pleaſing and acceptable to God, who ſhould kill the cruel Tyrant, who without any right tore in pieces that moſt Chriſtian Kingdom with the loſs of ſo many ſouls; and therefore when Malavicinus did moreover furniſh him with the authority of God and the Pope to that purpoſe, he readily undertook it; being put to the rack he made no othero • nſeſſion than he had done before. At the ſame time was alſo executed one Nic. Anglus a Capuchin Frier of St. Michel in the Dioceſs of Thoul in Lorrain, being convicted and condemned for the ſame crime. The next year after Ridicone was firſt apprehended, and while he was in priſon, Ledeſma a Miniſter of the King of Spain, Thu. l. 118. employed one Pet. Owen a Carthuſian Frier, who, for his diſſolute manners being cenſured in his Monaſtery, had fled into Spain, to ſuborn an emiſſary to murder the King. Owen having treated with a Souldier in the King's Army about it, to whom he had made great promiſes, was himſelf the next year after apprehended and convicted both by witneſſes and by his own confeſſions, but was pardoned by the King in reſpect to the Carthuſians, being ſatisfied to have taken the evidence in a judicial manner, whereupon he might when he pleaſed expoſtulate with the Spaniards. But ſhortly after theſe things enſued the Peace with Spain at Vervins, and not long after ſome hopes given of the reſtitution of the Jeſuites, which was at laſt granted as we have ſeen: whereupon one might have thought that his enemies being all either ſubdued or reconciled, having reconciled himſelf to the Church, to the Pope, to thoſe of the League who remained unſubdued, to the Spaniard, and to the Jeſuites, that he ſhould henceforward have enjoyed his Kingdom, his new Religion which had brought all theſe bleſſings with it, and his Miſſes too, at leaſt his life, in ſafety. But alas, it may be feared he had forgotten to reconcile himſelf truly to his God, which made the reſt but male facta gratia, quae ne quiequam coit & reſcinditur: For, when a mans ways pleaſe the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him. But while he was thus endeavouring to engage the Jeſuites to himſelf, the Spaniard on the other ſide ſpared neither pains, Thu. l. 132. nor promiſes, that by their emiſſaries they might allure to themſelves the minds of thoſe who through the late Civil Wars were alienated from him, and under the ſpecious colour of Religion might invite them to diſturb the publick peace and quiet of the Kingdom, laying hold on all occaſions for that purpoſe: and that they might diſcover his arcana & ſecret counſels, and from the knowledge of them, the better order their own deſigns, made it their main buſineſs to corrupt thoſe who were employed by the principal Officers and Miniſters of State. Thus among others, Nic. L'Oſte, whom the Secretary Villeroy employed in decyſering letters, being corrupted by them with an annual penſion of 1200 Crowns, l. 128. continually diſcovered all the ſecrets of the mto the Spaniſh Embaſſador. They had before corrupted the Mareſhal de • iron, and ſome other perſons of Quality, which being diſcovered, brought him to his end about two years ſince; and now they not only again ſet upon the Count d'Auvergne, L 132. & 134. who had been convicted of Biron's conſpiracy, and pardoned, but alſo the Seigneur d'Entragues, and the Marquiſe de Vernevil his beautiful and witty daughter, the King's Miſs, to corrupt them, and that by no meaner or other agents than their Embaſſadors in France, Jo. Taxis, and his ſucceſſor Batth. Sunica, who, to introduce him at firſt, made uſe of an Engliſh ſugitive Th. Morgan, an actor in the Conſpiracies againſt his own Princeſs Queen Elizabeth. L. 134. The next year this ſame Embaſſador Suniga, firſt in perſon, and afterwards, to avoid ſuſpition, by his Secretary Brunellus, treated, and at laſt agreed with Lewis Merargues a Gentleman of Provence to betray Marſeilles to the King of Spain; which both Merargues and Brunellus confeſſed, being apprehended in private conference in Merargues's Chamber; and in Brunellus his hoſe under his garter was a paper found, written in Spaniſh with his own hand, which confirmed the ſame. [ Ʋn memoire contenant le plan de ſon entrepriſe. Perefix.] Theſe things I the rather note, becauſe of uſe as well to confirm the truth of their like practices in England, as to help to ground ſome conjecture on concerning the murder of this King.

60. While the Spaniards are thus active to continue their old, and make new friends in France, it is not likely they would be unmindful of the Jeſuites, whom they had always found ſuch ready inſtruments to ſerve them, and in other Countries were ſtill as well affected to the intereſt of Spain and the houſe of Auſtria, V. l. 135.136. though contrary to that of their own Countrey, as ever. Nor is it to be thought that the Jeſuites would be ſo eaſily drawn off from their old Friend and Patron, by thoſe little expreſſions of kindneſs, not ſufficient to compenſate their injuries received; and beſides, might be doubtful whether proceeding from any real affection to them or not; eſpecially conſidering their ſubjection to the ſame F. General, by whom the motion of their ſociety in other Countries under their ſeveral Provincials, is in a correſpondent uniformity ſteered; only 'tis probable, as becomes wiſe men, they would be cautious and wary how they did hazard the loſs of what they had gotten, and therefore act upon pretty ſure grounds: yet we meet with ſome influences of their affection to their old friend. For, to ſay nothing, of F. Cotton, a prime man of the Society, and the King's Confeſſor, his conſulting a ſuppoſed Daemoniack concerning the L. 132. King's life, the ſame Father is reported to have P. du Moulin, Anſw. to Philanax, Ch. 5. brought and recommended to the King a certain Spaniard, of whom the King a while after received from Monſieur de la Force Vice-Roy of Bearne and Navar, a deſcription, with an advertiſement that ſuch a day he went from Barcelona into France, with intent to kill his Majeſty, and ſhewing his letter to Cotton, commanded him to bring the man again, but Cotton returning a good while after, told him he was gone, and could not be found; and that not a year before the King was murdered he was in diſgrace for writing P. du Moulin, ibid. divers things to the Provincial of the Jeſuites in Spain, which the King had revealed to him in confeſſion: and that Foul. 9. c. 2. the D. of Sully proved to the King that he was guilty of betraying his ſecrets. What theſe ſecrets were I find not; but this is to be noted, that he had then a great deſign in hand, which, whether the ſame or not which he pretended, and which is related by the D. of Sully, and from him by Perefix the Arch-Biſhop of Paris, he had in purſuance of it raiſed a great Army, which ſtartled both Spain and Rome. Perefix, an. 1608. He had about two years before his death entred into a League Offenſive and Defenſive with thoſe Hereticks and Rebels againſt the Catholick King, the Hollanders, whereof the Spaniards grievouſly complained, Don Pedro de Toledo repreſenting to him that the ruine or converſion of the Hereticks was the common intereſt of all the Catholick Princes, and what great wars his Maſter had made upon that deſign: Foul. ibid. Per. an. 1609. and was now, though the Pope had earneſtly dehorted him from any more arming, going in perſon, with an Army of 40000 choice men, to aſſiſt the D. of Brandingburg with his Allies the Proteſtant Princes, in the buſineſs of Cleves and Juliers, whereof the Emperor complained, as that which could not be without wrong to the Catholick Religion; and what was worſt of all, this expedition was not doubted to be only a cover for ſome greater deſign, that buſineſs of Cleves falling out very opportunely to furniſh him with a good occaſion to commence the execution of his projects. Foul. ibid. While the King was raiſing this Army, in France was a great Book ſecretly kept by ſome Prieſts, wherein many did ſubſcribe their fidelity and obedience to the Pope, Moulin, ibid. many of the ſubſcriptions in blood; and at Rome, (the Pope having dehorted him from arming) four months before he was murthered, was the Decree againſt John Chaſtel cenſured, and forbidden to be read, by an Act of the Conſiſtory, together with the Hiſtory of Thuanus for relating too plainly that horrid action of Chaſtel, and the part which the Jeſuites had in it; and likewiſe a Book of Mariana the Jeſuite, but not that which approveth the murthering of King's, which by that means, was in ſome ſort, that is, tacitly and implicitly approved. At laſt, having as well ordered all things for the Government at home in his abſence, as perfected his preparations for the Expedition, he was impatient to be gone from the City, partly through his eager deſire of purſuing the exploit, partly boding and preſaging ſome miſchief to his perſon, if he ſhould ſtay longer there. But the Queen, to whom he had committed the Regency in his abſence, aſſigning her a ſelect Council, Per. p. 489: Quaere, who was this Conchini who put this into the Queens head? I think an Italian of Florence. through the inſtigation of Conchini and his Wife, being very importunate with him that ſhe might be crowned before his departure, he would not deny her that teſtimony of his affection, though otherwiſe very unwilling, and withal told her, That that Coronation did preſage him ſome miſchief; they would kill him; he ſhould never go from that City; his enemies had no other remedy but his death; it was told him that he ſhould be ſlain at the firſt grand magnificence that he ſhould make, and that he ſhould die in a Coach; which 'made him taken with a trembling when he was in one. He was counſelled for the avoiding of the unhappy prophecies to depart the next day, and to leave the Coronation, which might well be done without him: but this extremely offended the Queen, and therefore to ſatisfie her, he ſtaid, with ſuch ſucceſs as was foretold. For the next day after the Coronation, when in the morning Continuation of de Serres. he had been very ſad and penſive, one while caſting himſelf upon his bed to ſleep, then again when he could not ſleep, ariſing to his prayers, doing this ſeveral times, in the afternoon he would needs go to the Arſenal to viſit the Duke of Sully, who was there indiſpoſed, though the Duke of Vendoſme imminded him that he had been warned to beware of the fourteenth day; but contemning the warning and predictions, out of a deſire to conceal his fear, (juſt as he had done before in the reſtitution of the Jeſuites, contrary to the advice and perſwaſions of his beſt friends) in the way his Coach being ſtayed by a ſtop made by two Carts accidentally meeting in a narrow ſtreet, he was ſtabbed between the ſecond and third rib, Peref. and at a ſecond blow to the heart, whereof he died preſently. The Aſſaſſin was one Francis Ravaillac, formerly a Monk, but at that time a Sollicitor. What motives, perſwaſions or inſtigations he might have to this wicked act, is much in the dark; but that it was, not out of revenge for any perſonal injury the meanneſs of his quality may induce us to believe; and beſides no ſuch thing was ever pretended or alledged. Nor was it out of hope of any temporal advantage; for then he would have fled, and endeavoured to have ſaved himſelf, which he did not in the leaſt; but therefore upon the ſcore of Religion, which is further manifeſt; for it ſeems he had in him ſome of the leven of the League, and was perſwaded that the King went to overthrow the Catholick Religion in Germany. He See the Petition of the Univerſity of Paris in the continuation of Scrres; K. James's Defence of the Right of Kings ſub ſinem; Foul. p. 646. from the Examination and Preceſs. ſaid that the King made War contrary to the Pope's liking, and boldly alledged, at his examination, this reaſon for what he did, That the King had a deſign to make war againſt God, becauſe he prepared war againſt his Holineſs; for making war againſt the Pope, is the ſame as to make war againſt God. This is further confirmed by his •• ri • age both at his Apprehenſion, Examination, and Execution. When he had r • doubled his ſtroke, and offered a third, he never ſo much as ſtirred from the place, or offered to conceal the knife, but ſtood ſtill, as if he deſired to be taken notice of, and gloried in the exploit; and (which may alſo help to ſatisfie us that he did it not of his own meer motion) at his examination, V. The Petition and Moulin, p. 126.137. were evident marks found in him of the Doct • ine of the J • ſuites, and to the Divines who were ſent to him, he ſhewed himſelf perfectly inſtructed in all their diſtinctions and evaſions about Rebellion and King-killing, though otherwiſe very ignorant in all other Learning. Laſtly, at his Execution, ſuch was his conſtancy in the midſt of his terrible tortures, as ſtrongly confirmed the ſuſpition that certain Emiſſaries under the masſque of piety had inſtructed and enchanted him by falſe aſſurances that he ſhould dye a Martyr, if he killed him, whom they made him believe was the ſworn enemy of the Church: and poſſibly he might have been charmed by ſome ſuch incantations as were heretofore uſed to Barriere; and yet, as 'tis ſaid, he did confeſs thus much, Foal. p. 642. that he had informed Father d'Aubigny of his intended murther, and ſhewed him the knife; but it was in confeſſion, and therefore not to be revealed; and the Jeſuite upon examination proteſted that God had given him the grace, that as ſoon as any thing was revealed to him in confeſſion, be preſently forgot it. The Jeſuites were generally ſuſpected and cenſured as guilty, and ſeveral ſuſpitious paſſages in their Sermons lately preached, particularly by F. Hardy and F. Gontier, were called to mind: and thereupon the Parliament ordered the Jeſuite Mariana's Book de Rege & Regis Inſtitutione to be burned by the common Executioner: Continuat. of Serres, p. 1295 Foul. p. 646. and afterward condemned a Book of Suarez (Defenſio Fidei Cath.) as containing many Seditious and treaſonable Principles; and after this another of another Jeſuite, Ant. Sanctarellus (de Haereſi, Schiſmate, &c.) Foul. ibid. Moul. ubi ſup. printed at Rome with the approbation of the General, and at the ſame time queſtioned F. Cotton, and other chief men of their Society about their Doctrine in this reſpect; but this was many years after the murder. But that the Hiſtory is ſo ſparing in this particular of the acceſſories, it ſelf gives us a good reaſon; the Judges themſelves who examined him, ſays Perefix, durſt not open their mouths, and never ſpoke of it but with a ſhrug of their ſhoulders; and that ſome grand thing was huſhed up, may be ſuppoſed from the publick complaint of the Prince of Conde and others five years after, that the diſcovery of this murther was ſtopped, and not fully proſecuted. It ſhould ſeem domeſtick and foreign jealouſies conſpired in it. But that it was not done without the privity of others, is further conſi • med from the Predictions of it, the general bruit which 〈…〉 and the King's •• eu • ies confident expectation of it. His enemies ſays Perefix, were then in a profound ſilence; which poſſibly was not cauſed by their conſternation and fear of the ſucceſs of his arms, but for the expectation they had to ſee ſome great blow, which was all their hope. It was foretold in an Almanack brought to Peireſcius out of Spain, printed November before; which Gaſſendus, though he doubts not but the Artiſt might have ſome dealing with an evil genius, yet thinks he might foreſee by other means, as being privy to the conſpiracy, which indeed is the more likely becauſe it was compoſed by a Beneficiary or Beneficed man of Barcellonia or Barcinonia, from whence the Spaniſh Emiſſary above mentioned came to Paris to 〈◊〉 Co •• on, by whom he was recommended to the King. Perefix. And perhaps of the ſame kind with this was that Prediction of his approaching death by a determinate blow, Continuat. of Serres. which was found written in a paper upon the Altar at Montargis. The Provoſt of Pluviers, who, 'tis ſaid, was a Jeſuite in Faction, and had a Son a Jeſuite, being accuſed to have ſaid the ſame day that the King was murthered, that he was ſlain or wounded that day, ſtrangled himſelf in priſon. And indeed ſuch and ſo many were the predictions and reports of it at the time, and before it was done, which are mentioned by Li. 2. de vita Peireskii. Gaſſendus, Perefix, and others, as make it very apparent that it was generally fore-known both in Spain and Italy, or at leaſt that there was then many emiſſaries ſent out to do it, and that it was confidently expected that it would certainly be done. Only it is ſomewhat ſtrange that thoſe circumſtances, at his next Solemnity, in his Coach, and the very day of the month, ſhould be ſo preciſely foretold, as it ſeems it was in that manner that he gave credit to it, though no credulous perſon, and was ſo ſad and dejected, that he was like one condemned to death, though by nature neither fearful nor melancholy. He had advertiſements to this purpoſe by his Embaſſadors, and namely by Jo. Bochartus from Venice; and by others from twenty ſeveral places. But it ſeems it was decreed, the Decree was gone out, and it muſt be executed.

This end had Henry le Grand in the height of his Grandure; much like the fall of ſome ſtately ſtructure deceitfully built upon an infirm foundation, when juſt raiſed to its height. He was frighted in his youth into a change of his Profeſſion, for the ſaving of his life, (the firſt, but bitter fruit of his being unequally yoked) but that being only through teror and conſtraint, he returned again, when he found a convenient opportunity to the open profeſſion of his own Religion. It was about the eighteenth year of his age, when his youth might make his yielding to ſo extraordinary terror, heightned by the ſad ſpectacle of the horrid murthers of all his friends, the more excuſable. About eighteen years after, when he was grown up to maturity, about the thirty ſixt year of his age, and had given ſome teſtimony of his conſtancy in his Profeſſion; and for his encouragement had received no ſmall teſtimonies of Divine favour, not only preſerving and conducting him ſafe through many dangers and difficulties, but leading him by the hand to the poſſeſſion of the Kingdom, and making way for him by the extirpation of a whole Family, another Trial was aſſigned him by the great Agonothetes; V. Eccleſiaſticus, 2.1.2, 3, &c. who never ceaſeth to provide new matter and occaſions of trial and exerciſe for all thoſe who once apply themſelvs to his ſervice, till either by many mutual experiments given and received of their fidelity and conſtancy to him, and of his admirable Providence never failing them, but ordering all for their good, they become more than Conquerors, and well ſetled and confirmed in his ſervice, (one great reaſon of the difficulties and adverſities wherewith good men are frequently exerciſed) or on the other ſide, after many acts of unfaithfulneſs, whereby their courage and reſolution is more and more broken and abated, they become eaſily affrighted or allured from their duty, and at laſt either wholly deſerting, or little regarding the ſame, are accordingly by him abandoned to the deceitful and pernitious courſes of their own luſts and devices. The former was a trial whether he would be frighted or forced from his fidelity; this rather whether he would be allured from it. In the former he failed; and now having had time to repent, and reſume new courage and reſolution, he is again called upon the ſtage; and in the firſt aſſault he behaved himſelf not much amiſs. For, who can miſlike his referring all to the determination and advice of a lawful General, or National Council, had be been ſincere, and continued conſtant in this reſolution? V. Thu. l. 98. 101, & 103. Nor did he want encouragement in this reſpect from the forward and couragious oppoſition which on his behalf was made againſt the Pope's Bulls, by his Subjects even of the Roman Communion, and not only by the Civil Power, but the Clergy alſo concurring therein; who moreover gave him a fair opportunity, and kind of invitation either by ſetting up a Patriarch in France, V. Thu. l. 103. (which had been very agreeable to the firſt flouriſhing ſtate of the Church after the times of Perſecution) or by reſtoring to the Arch-Biſhops and Biſhops their ancient authority (which was in ſome ſort done, and held for four years after) to have caſt of that Antichriſtian yoke of the Papal Uſurpations, (under which he afterwards, neglecting that opportunity, unhappily enſlaved himſelf and his Kingdom) and ſo having reformed that grand, abominable abuſe, he might with the more facility, afterwards have eſtabliſhed, by the mature deliberation of a lawful Council, ſuch a Reformation of the Gallican Church as perhaps might not have been inferior to any which hath been made in other places. And afterwards, L. 107. when he reſolved to be reconciled to the Church, they admitted and abſolved him, notwithſtanding the Pope's Legate oppoſed it all he could, contending that he could not be abſolved by any but the Pope. But theſe things which might have given encouragement to a conſcientious and truly pious mind, to conſtancy and further dependance upon God, to him perhaps proved a further tentation; their fidelity to him making their perſwaſions to change his Religion the more prevalent with him; eſpecially concurring with a more powerful motive, viz. the reducing of the reſt of the Kingdom to his obedience. And therefore, though like David he waxed ſtronger and ſtronger, and the League, like the houſe of Saul, waxed weaker and weaker, yet in about half the time that David was kept out of the greateſt part of his Kingdom, he began to yield to the tentation. And firſt, when the Leaguers, through the incitations of the Pope and the King of Spain, were about to aſſemble to chooſe a Catholick King, (though that was not unlikely to break their party by their emulations and diviſions concerning the perſon) forgetting his former reſolutions, and neglecting his conſcience, inſtead of dependance upon the Divine Providence, he applies himſelf to humane Policies, and reſolves to change his Religion, without ſtaying for the determination of a lawful either General or National Council. L. 107. And this, after a few hours inſtruction, whereby he pretended he was much informed of what he was ignorant before, being ſolemnly done, he next, not long after, by a L. 107, 108. ſpecial Embaſſador makes ſupplication to the Pope to be admitted to his favour. And though he had preſently hereupon two notable experiments, by the attempts of Barriere and Chaſtel, of the vanity and deceitfulneſs of ſuch ſhifts and humane Policies, without the favour of the Divine Protection and Bleſſing, (beſides a faithful and ſound admonition from the good Queen Elizabeth) yet his confidence and reliance upon God, being before weakned, (it commonly proving with perverted minds as with corrupted ſtomachs, which turn their natural food and nouriſhment into the nouriſhment of their diſeaſe) theſe did but provoke him to the more earneſt purſuit of humane politick means; and therefore again, when he had already broken the party of the League, L. 109. L. 10 • . and Paris, wherein their chief ſtrength lay, had ſubmitted to him, and beſides all this, the Pope had unworthily repulſed his Embaſſador, and given him a juſt provocation, (which certainly he might have improved, with the concurrence and good liking of the French Nobility and Clergy, toward the reformation of that abominable abuſe of the Papacy, which is the original or prop of all the reſt) he was notwithſtanding eaſily wrought upon at the ſlight intimation of the Pope, (who, when he ſaw it was in vain longer to oppoſe him, L. 113. was very willing to receive his ſubmiſſion) to ſend another Embaſſie, and baſely proſtrate himſelf to him: baſely I ſay, becauſe it is not likely that he did it out of Conſcience or Religion, but rather out of fear of Emiſſaries and Aſſaſſins, which is A percuſſoribus, qui quotidie vitae ejus inſidiantur metuentem. expreſly mentioned by his Agents to the Pope, as a motive to his reconciliation: and for the ſame reaſon, 'tis likely, as hath been ſhewed before, he at laſt, notwithſtanding all perſwaſions, earneſt interceſſions and ſupplications to the contrary, reſtored the Jeſuites again, and among other favours ſubjected the government of his conſcience to them. This was the foundation upon which he built his Greatneſs, which having laid for his ſecurity, he preſently ſet himſelf to heap up Treaſures, and at laſt raiſed a great Army for the execution of ſome grand deſign, which, whatever it was in truth, he pretended to be for the promotion of the Chriſtian cauſe againſt the Infidels. But alas, all was built upon a ſandy foundation; he had forſaken the rock of his ſalvation, and relying upon vain policies had ungratefully forſaken him, by whom he never had, nor ſhould have been forſaken, ſo long as he continued faithful and conſtant to his duty; and proſtituting his conſcience to obtain a ſtaff of reed, Iſa.35.6. had broken the ſtaff of his ſureſt confidence, aggravating alſo the offence of his ſpiritual Fornication, and the burden of his galled conſcience (which is alwaies heavieſt in times of danger) by perſiſting in the continual ſcandals of his Amores, whereof the Arch-Biſhop Perefix often complains, as juſtly to be blamed Pag. 461. in a Chriſtian Prince, a man of his age, who was married, on whom God had conferred ſo great mercies, and who had ſuch great enterprizes in his hand. This was it which made his apprehenſion of his approaching death ſo ſtrong and lamentable, and ſubjected him to the effects of that Religion to which he had ſubjected himſelf, as thoſe who conſult and crave the aſſiſtance of witches and evil ſpirits, make themſelves thereby the more obnoxious to their power and malice. Thus did he fall from that Grandure which by the ſpace of near another eighteens years he had been raiſing upon this falſe foundation. Such profane policies ſubjecting Religion to a ſubſervience to ſecular ends, though ſuccesful for a while, yet frequently at laſt concluding in an unhappy cataſtrophie. Nor could the ſpecious pretence of his grand deſign find acceptance with him, who prefers obedience before ſacrifice. This was it which was in general foreſeen and foretold by our good Queen by a more genuine ſpirit of Propheſie, and from better Principles than they were moved by who foretold the ſame indeed more particularly, but yet only like witches and evil ſpirits, who foretell the ſtorms they mean to raiſe. And ſhe her ſelf, who built her aſſurance upon a better foundation, continuing conſtant to the laſt to her Conſcience and Religion, and to her God, was by him conſtantly bleſſed and preſerved to the laſt, during a Reign more than twice as long as his, and from conſpiracies neither fewer nor in themſelves leſs dangerous than thoſe againſt him: and this was it which made her to hear the full relation of a horrid conſpiracy againſt her perſon with that undaunted courage which amazed him who ſhould have been the actor of it, Parry apud Cambd. an. 1585. to behold it: and with admirable conſtancy to contemn the many like conſpiracies which ſhe certainly knew were at one and the ſame time by the Seminaries and Spaniſh Miniſters in agitation againſt her, Cambd. an. 1594. See before, p 26, 27. Pſ. 31.14. repoſing her confidence in him whom ſhe knew was able to ſave her, with this pious ejaculation, Thou art my God, my times are in thy hand: not, They will kill me, I ſhall never go out of this City, I ſhall dye, &c.

62. The ſame diſtinguiſhing Providence might be further obſerved in another Hiſtory, to which this is a proper introduction; but leaving that to the obſervation of others, I will here conclude with ſome REFLECTIONS AND OBSERVATIONS upon what hath been already related, that we may ſee what uſe and improvement may be made of it.

1. And firſt in the Hiſtory of England, we may plainly behold the continuance of the combination of Rome and Spain, which was the occaſion of that part of the diſcourſe, even to the very time of thoſe conſultations, which were deſigned to commence in execution immediately upon the Queens death; which may therefore reaſonably induce us to believe that it did not then ceaſe; but was continued in, and produced at laſt, that monſter of all devilliſh and infernal conſpiracies of blowing up the whole State at one blow.

2. We may therein alſo clearly perceive the juſtice, reaſonableneſs, and even neceſſity of thoſe Laws, which in the Queens Reign were made to prevent and reſtrain thoſe wicked practices of the Jeſuites, and other Romiſh and Spaniſh Emiſſaries, and their diſciples; which hath been acknowledged by ſome of the more ſober Prieſts.

3. We muſt alſo therein take notice of the admirable Providence of God in the preſervation of that Queen from ſo many, ſo various, ſo myſterious ſecret conſpiracies, (the truth of which is further confirmed by the like practices of the Romiſh and Spaniſh Agents in France, and other places about the ſame times) and from ſo great open hoſtility, one while diverting, another while defeating her enemies, and making her victorious: and this notwithſtanding the ſeveral V. ſect. 26, 33, 36. excommunications, and ſolemn execrations and imprecations of ſeveral Popes one after another againſt her; as of Pius 5. Greg. 13. Sixtus 5. and Clement 8. which were all not only ineffectual, but rather turned into a bleſſing unto her.

4. In the Hiſtory of France compared with the other, that diſtinguiſhing Providence, which was the occaſion of that part of the diſcourſe, is no leſs conſpicuous and obſervable in a moſt remarkable judgment of God upon all thoſe who either perſecuted, or deſerted, or ſo much as refuſed or neglected that reformation of Religion which ſhe happily eſtabliſhed and defended; for in this laſt ſort alſo we have V. ſect. 48. p. 97-100. noted it, though by the by, and this notwithſtanding all the incitations and encouragements of ſeveral Popes and Cardinals. So that here we have a moſt remarkable example of their Curſes turned into a Bleſſing, and their Bleſſings into a Curſe.

5. And here if we take for Principles the two laſt of B • llarmines Notes of the true Church of Chriſt, De Eccleſia, c. 17. the one, the unhappy exit or end of thoſe who oppoſe the Church. For (as he adds) although God puniſheth his, and whips them, yet at length he caſts the rod into the fire; Deut. 32 43. Praiſe his people ye Nations, for he will avenge the blood of his ſervants, C. 18. and render vengance upon their adverſaries: the other, the temporal felicity by the Divine Providence conferred on thoſe who defend it. For never, ſays he, did Catholick Princes cordially adhere to God, but they moſt eaſily became triumphant over their enemies. If, I ſay, we take theſe for our Principles, it will be very eaſy for any one, upon what hath been here related, to make the concluſion; viz. which is the true Church of Chriſt, and which the meretricious and adulterous; who have been true Catholick Princes, and who the Kings of the Earth who have committed fornication with the great Whore, the woman drunken with the blood of the Saints; and this will further appear from what follows.

6. And therefore in both theſe Hiſtories we may alſo take notice of the actions and practices of the P • pes and their party, their Adherents, Agents, Emiſſaries and Diſciples, viz. exciting and fomenting wars and invaſions among Chriſtian Princes, with breach of publick Faith; ſeditions and rebellions by Subjects againſt their own Princes, and the murders of Princes by their own Subjects, encouraged thereunto by an impious pretence of abſolution from their duty of Obedience, and even oaths of Fidelity, and by promiſe of Reward, even of greateſt eternal Reward, for that which hath been abhorred by all other Religions, and always reputed contrary even to the Laws of Nations and of War; and perſecutions and horrible ſlaughters of Chriſtian people by their own Princes: and all this by an abominable abuſe of Religion, and the moſt ſacred and ſolemn parts of Religion; and only for their own cauſe, for the upholding of the Papal Innovations, Uſurpations and Antichriſtian abuſes.

Note; The perſecutions and ſlaughters of Chriſtian people excited by the Popes, upon the account of Religion, ſince the firſt appearing of the Waldenſes and Albigenſes, may be thought, for the numbers ſlain, to come near, if not to equal the Heathen perſecutions, or rather much exceed them. In the firſt perſecutions againſt that people, which were raiſed whether by the exhortation, or decree and command, as ſome ſay, of Pope Innocent 3. are reckoned to be ſlain in France alone 1000000 of people; and of later days have been reckoned 150000 Chriſtians, within the ſpace of ſcarce 30 years, conſumed by the Inquiſition. But theſe are things out of our preſent ſtory.

7. We may here likewiſe obſerve the nature and manner of their actions and practices, which conſiſt of the two great ſpecies of injuſtice, vis & dolus, violence and fraud, open force, and ſecret and myſterious practices and machinations, and ſo make up a compleat myſtery of iniquity. The one we may behold not only in the Spaniard's Forces raiſed and employed at the inſtigation of the Pope and his Agents, but alſo in the Forces raiſed by the Popes themſelves (who pretend themſelves Vicars of the Prince of Peace, and as Chriſtian Biſhops, ſhould be the Preachers of Peace, and not the Trumpets of War) both againſt the Queen of England and the King of France: and the other in the ſecret practices of the Jeſuites and other Confeſſors and Emiſ • aries, exciting to Rebellions, and to aſſaſſinate Princes.

8. Ca. 12. Mat. 7.16. Gal. 5.19, 2 • . And here taking another of Bellarmines Notes of the true Church, viz. Sanctity of Life of the Authors and Propagators of the Religion; and our Saviour's rule, By their fruits ye ſhall know them; together with his Apoſtles Catalogues of the works of the Fleſh, and of the fruits of the Spirit; for our Principles, it will not be difficult to conclude whether theſe men be the Authors or Propagators of the true Religion, (for here, for their Religion that only is to be taken about which the difference is, and for which they contend, ſeeking by theſe means to maintain and promote it) or rather of an abominable innovation, and corruption of the true Religion; and whether their Church he the true and faithful Church of Chriſt, 2 Theſ. 2. or rather that myſtery of iniquity, that abomination of deſolation, that man of ſin and ſon of perdition, who hath ſet up himſelf in the Temple of God.

9. We may here alſo behold the Principles from whence all theſe actions and practices have proceeded, V. Foul. l. 1. c. 4. & l. 2. c. 1. V. Foul. l. 2. c. 2.5, 6. V. Foul. l. 2. c. 3, 4. viz. 1. That the Biſhops of Rome, as ſucceſſors of St. Peter, have a ſupreme power and authority derived to them from Chriſt over all Chriſtian Perſons and Churches, all Nations and Kingdoms, all Princes and States. 2. That by this power and authority they may lawfully abſolve ſubjects from all duty of Obedience and oath of Fidelity to their otherwiſe lawful Princes and Governors; and depoſing them, may diſpoſe of their Kingdoms and States to whom they think fit. 3. That Princes excommunicate by the Pope are no longer to be obeyed by their Subjects, but to be deprived of their Kingdoms and lives. 4. That to riſe in Arms againſt ſuch Princes excommunicate, or by any means to murder and deſtroy them, is not only lawful, but moreover meritorious even in their own ſubjects; and that to die in ſuch an attempt is martyrdom, &c. And of all this we have here a more effectual evidence than only from the writings or printed Books of ſome private men, viz. in the Bulls and Acts of the Popes themſelves, of Univerſities and Colledges of Divines, the frequent Sermons of their Preachers, and Inſtructions of Confeſſors, and Practices of their Peni • ents.

Note; It is here to be noted that beſides theſe Practices and Principles ſo pernitious and deſtructive to the Sacred, though Civil Right of Princes and States, and the peace and quiet of Common wealths, there are others no leſs pernitious and deſtructive to the Church, and to the Salvation of particular perſons, which, becauſe they come not within the compaſs of this Hiſtory, we take no notice of.

10. And here we may ſee what is the Religion of theſe men. For though there be other points in controverſy, whereof many little more than meer verbal, about words and expreſſions, which are kept up only through heat of contention, and might eaſily be agreed by ſober, judicious, and diſintereſſed perſons; and others originally only the private opinions of ſome men of great authority in their times, wherein the ſubſtance of Religion is no more concerned than in the ſpeculations of Philoſophers, though now commonly received and adopted into Religion by the Popes and their Faction, whether for ſecular advantage, or to hold up their pretended Infallibility; yet theſe are their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , their V. Sandys Europae ſpeculum of their Head Aſſertions, p. 24. in 4 to. fundamental and ruling Principles for which they contend, the Principles from whence all theſe Perſecutions, Wars, Maſſacres and Murders have proceeded, and the Religion, quae nunc novo exemplo Martyres facit, as Vindic. Areopag. c. 27. p. 124. Del Rio ſpeaks in the caſe of Garnet whom he and Bellarmine will needs have to be a To whom we may ſay with Optatus, lib. 3. Si illos videri Martyres vultis, probate illos amaſſe pacem, in qua ſunt Prima Fundamenta Martyrii: a • t dilexiſſe Deo placitam unitatem, ant habuiſſe cum fratribus charitatem. Nam omnes Chriſtianos fratres eſſe—probavimus. — Charitatem illos non habuiſſe manifeſtiſſime conſtat, ſine qua nullum vel nominari poteſt vel eſſe martyrium, ſaith he to the Donatiſts, p. 99. Martyr whether he will or not. But perhaps ſome may ſay that this is not the faith or practice of all of that communion. Nor do I think it is, but that many are better Chriſtians than to be impoſed upon by the ſtrength of ſuch deluſions; ſuch eſpecially who living in ſuch Churches as continue in that communion, are not ſatisfied to ſeparate from their own Church, though they clearly perceive and abominate theſe abuſes, and heartily deſire their reformation; and many ſuch I doubt not but there have been and ſtill are among the moſt ſober, judicious, and pious of the French, even of the Clergy. And though I am very willing to think charitably of many of our Engliſh Romaniſts, yet I ſee not how they can be excuſed who ſeparate from the Church of England, which is and ought to be their own Church, (ſo long as it continues a member of the Church of Chriſt, which an unjuſt excommunication by an apoſtate Church cannot hinder) to joyn with ſuch a Faction. Nor do I ſee how they can be excuſed who refuſe to take the Oath of Allegiance, which I am very confident not a man of the ancient Chriſtians would have refuſed: and it is hard not to think that becauſe they received not the love of the truth offered to them, that for this cauſe God hath ſent them ſtrong deluſions that they ſhould believe a lie, &c. But notwithſtanding that ſome, who for the reaſon mentioned continue in that communion, may by the mercy and grace of God eſcape theſe deluſions, yet it is apparent that theſe are the Doctrines of the Pope, the Church and Court of Rome, and of the Jeſuites; and the reſt are generally ſo ſeaſoned and levened with ſuch conceits of the Pope's authority, as are eaſily improved into theſe when ever occaſion is offered, eſpecially if any thing of private intereſt intervene, as is very obſervable in the Hiſtory of France, (though they of all Papiſts are leaſt inclined to favour the Papal Uſurpations) where ſcarce a City, unleſs reſtrained by the powerful preſence of ſome of the loyal Nobility, or inhabited moſt by Proteſtants, but did, or was ready to revolt to the League at every occaſion.

11. And here again, if we take for our Principles two more of Bellarmine's Notes of the true Church, viz. C. 11. Sanctity of Doctrine, containing nothing falſe as to the Doctrine of Faith, nothing unjuſt as to the Doctrine of Manners: and, C. 9. Agreement in Doctrine with the ancient Church: we may hence alſo conclude whether this Church of Rome hath continued a true and faithful Church of Chriſt, or hath indeed made that defection, which was foretold ſhould ſucceed the diſſolution of the Roman Empire, as the Chriſtians in all ages have unanimouſly and univerſally underſtood that which ſhould be taken away, and become the Mother of Harlots and Abominations of the Earth, which is expreſly ſaid of the myſtical Babylon, the great City which then reigned over the Kings of the Earth; the woman drunken with the blood of the Saints; whether there reigneth not that man of ſin, the ſon of Perdition, who oppoſeth and exalteth himſelf above all that is called God, (above all nominal Gods, as Kings and Emperors) or that is worſhipped, (or reverenced) ſo that he, as God, Cum ſuper Imperatorem non ſit niſi ſolus Deus, qui fecit Imperatorem, dum ſe Donatus ſuper Imperatorem extollit, jam quaſi hominum exceſſerat metas, ut ſe, ut Deum, non hominem aeſtimaret, &c. Optatus l. 3. which with more reaſon may be ſaid of the Pope. ſitteth in the Temple (the Church) of God, (though adulterous and apoſtate Church ſhewing himſelf that he is a God (above all earthly Gods as Kings and Emperors, and the immediate Vicar of the true God). For the Doctrine of the Primitive and Ancient Church, how contrary that is to theſe Principles and Practices, every one may ſee in the ſacred Scriptures, and it is almoſt vulgarly known from the writings of the ancient Chriſtians commonly cited as to obedience to temporal Princes and Magiſtrates. But be this never ſo evident, I know it will be hard to perſwade one, who hath been trained up in the Popiſh Principles, to believe it. Not only the prejudice of Education, but more particularly the opinion of the Perſeverance and Infallibility of the Church, which above all things from their tender years is deeply rooted in their minds, will be a great obſtacle and ſtumbling block in their way. But let them take heed that a too particular application of a general promiſe do not deceive them. The Jews had as expreſs promiſes as any they can pretend; and were as zealous as they are now; and yet were deceived with lying words, ſaying, the Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, as they do now the Church, the holy Catholick Apoſtolick Roman Church.

12. Here alſo ſuch Princes, as having eſcaped theſe corruptions, will again ſubject their necks to the Roman yoak, may ſee what a ſnare they involve themſelves in, and what a ſlavery they muſt lie under to the Papal Tyranny; how dangerous it is to have their peoples minds infected with theſe Principles, and their conſciences directed by ſuch Guides. And here, King James's Defence of the Right of Kings, ſub fin. if there be any truth in that ſpeech of Cardinal Perron: That ſo long as the Kings of France have kept good terms of concord with the Popes, they have been the more proſperous, and, on the contrary, when they have jarred with the Holy See, they have been infeſted with boiſterous ſtorms and tempeſts; here, I ſay, if this be true, they may perceive the true reaſon of it, viz. in the one caſe they were free from the moleſtation of the Popes and their Emiſſaries; and in the other they were infeſted by them. But how little truth there is in that aſſertion may partly appear by what hath here been written, and is alſo proved by our late learned King James in his ſolid confutation of it, by inſtances not only in France but other Countries alſo. And in England who hath been more proſperous and ſuccesful than ſhe who wholly caſt off the Pope's authority, and would not be courted to ſo much as to admit his Legate? and who more unhappy than they who have too much complyed with them?

13. Laſtly, we muſt here take notice of that which cannot but adminiſter matter of grief to all true and cordial Chriſtians; and that is the ſcandal of theſe Principles and Practices; the occaſion which thereby is given to thoſe who are not well acquainted with the Doctrines and Practices of the ancient genuine Chriſtians, nor have well conſidered the great evidences of the truth and excellence of the Chriſtian Religion, to ſuſpect it to be no other than what they apprehend it to be in the lives and actions of ſuch ſpurious profeſſors of it, viz. a meer Impoſture with great ſubtilty and artifice managed for ſecular ends: and the injury which thereby is done to the holy Martyrs, when we ſhall ſee Rebels, ſeditious Traytors and Parricides honoured and magnified as Martyrs, and that not by the vulgar only, but by their Popes themſelves and Cardinals; by their learned Writers in printed Books, and Preachers from their Pulpits; nay, when we ſhall ſee Relations in printed Books, and repreſentations by printed Cuts and Pictures of moſt horrible perſecutions and martyrdoms pretended to be ſuffered, where in truth was no ſuch matter, what a tentation may this give to weak, unlearned or prejudiced minds to ſuſpect that the ancient holy Martyrs either ſuffered not at all, or if they did, were only ſuch turbulent ſpirits or poor deluded ſouls as many of theſe? Nor hath the holy providence of God eſcaped their prophane abuſe by entitling it to ſuch trifles as a prudent Hiſtorian would diſdain to mention, and palpable lyes, as may be ſeen in Sanders, Ribadeneira, and other ſuch like Writers. To which if we add the abuſe of miracles by lyes and forgeries, we ſhall find that the gates of Hell, that is, the counſels have prevailed againſt theſe degenerate ſucceſſors of Peter with a witneſs. Nor could a more effectual means be deviſed for the ſubverſion of Chriſtianity and all Religion, not the very arms of Mahomet and his ſect, than this myſtery of iniquity; nor, if it be well conſidered, hath the whole World produced any thing which doth better deſerve the name of Antichriſt. And indeed, if we conſider the preſent growth of Atheiſm and Infidelity among us, and trace it to its roots and original, we ſhall find it all to be of an Italian Extraction, and from thence propagated to France, and ſo to England and other parts. Nor ſhall we find any other reaſons for it than what are here mentioned; the Italians perceiving better what is acted among themſelves, than thoſe who are more remote. For let the Italian ſubtilty be what it will, I think it is plain that they have made no deeper ſearch into either the ſecrets of Nature or of Antiquity (from one or both of which they muſt derive their principles, if they have others beſides what are here mentioned) than other Nations have made.

63. And now, before I conclude, I muſt crave leave to make this addreſs to ſeveral ſorts of perſons diſtinctly. And firſt to all Chriſtians in general, that they will ſeriouſly conſider, whether they be not obliged for the honour and reputation of our holy Profeſſion, and whether our great Lord doth not require it of them, to declare againſt this Romiſh Faction, and their Unchriſtian, or rather Antichriſtian and abominable ſcandalous principles and practices: that is all National Churches and Ʋniverſities publickly by ſolemn Decrees and Proteſtations, if not by excommunication; and all particular private Chriſtians by abſtaining from their communion, and coming out of that Babylon, that they be not partakers of her ſins, and receive not of her plagues.

2. To thoſe who are not of that Communion, and have hitherto eſcaped thoſe deluſions, that they beware that they be not again entangled therein. For it had been better for them not to have known the way of righteouſneſs, than after they have known it, to turn from the holy Commandment. 2. That they be careful that they do not hold the truth in unrighteouſneſs, (Atrocius ſub ſancti nominis profeſſione peccatur) but walk worthy of their vocation, &c. worthy of God who hath called them to his Kingdom and Glory, out of darkneſs into his marvellous light, as children of the light, and have no fellowſhip with the unfruitful works of darkneſs, but rather reprove them, and as becometh the Goſpel of Chriſt: and that while they ſeparate from the ſcandals of others, they themſelves do not adminiſter occaſion of ſcandal to others. 3. That they who are in authority, whether in Church or State, be careful both by their example and authority, as much as in them lieth, to diſcourage and ſuppreſs all manner of vice and debauchery; and to encourage and promote all manner of virtue, and particularly piety and devotion in Religion. For as vice and debauchery, and even coldneſs and indifference in matters of Religion in any man, makes him the more obnoxious to the deluſions of the Papiſts; ſo they well perceiving ſo much by experience, are not without reaſon believed to endeavour firſt the debauching of the Nation, that the people being thereby the better prepared and diſpoſed to receive their impreſſions, they may the more eaſily compaſs their deſign; as Phyſitians, who cannot immediately cure the preſent diſtemper of their Patient, are fain many times by art to divert it into ſome other diſeaſe which they hope more eaſily to cure. Nor do the Papiſts look upon debauchery as a more dangerous diſeaſe than that they call hereſy. This is ſuch a means as is of natural efficacy to obviate and obſtruct the endeavors of the Papiſts, but of all moſt likely to be effectual by the bleſſing of God upon it; whereas the neglect of it doth both naturally expoſe the people to their deluſions, and is moſt likely to provoke the judgment of God to give them up to be deluded by them. Nor need Governors to fear that their people will prove leſs morigerous and governable, by being more devotely affected to Religion: but may well hope the contrary, provided they will require nothing of them that may be thought contrary to Religion; which certainly they need not, Chriſtianity containing nothing inconſiſtent with any ſolid principle of policy. 4. That they be careful to walk worthy of their vocation particularly in that wherein the Apoſtle doth particularly inſtance, and which he earneſtly urgeth, endeavouring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . doing according to the truth in Charity; (Eph. 4.1, 3, 15.) for it muſt be remembred that ſeparation and diviſion among Chriſtians is, like homicide, generally unlawful; and though the one as well as the other, in certain ſpecial caſes, and under certain circumſtances, may be not only lawful, but an indiſpenſible duty; which the Romaniſts cannot with any reaſon deny, ſince it hath been the judgment and frequent, indeed too frequent practice of that Church, both anciently, and of later ages; as is apparent in their excommunications of whole Churches, even all or moſt of the Eaſtern Churches, and in the laſt age many of the Weſtern, for no other cauſe but the reformation of many ſcandalous abuſes, which the Church or Biſhops of Rome by their Agents had transfuſed into them, whereby they do unanſwerably juſtify our ſeparation from them (were not themſelves the authors of it) for juſt and neceſſary cauſes: yet ought not this to be done but with great caution and mature deliberation, and under ſuch conditions as theſe; 1. That it be juſt and neceſſary, for juſt and neceſſary cauſes. 2. That it be done with Charity, and with intention and deſire to return to communion again as ſoon as the cauſes of the ſeparation are removed and reformed. 3. And therefore that it be done with Sobriety, not widening the difference, or quarrelling at ſuch things as may be, or ought to be tolerated, ſuch as being in their own nature indifferent, are left to the prudent ordering and diſpoſition of each particular National or Provincial Church, Unaquae que Provincia abundet in ſuo ſenſu, &c. Hier. ep. 28. v. can. ult. Concilii Epheſiu. ſo as may be beſt for order, decency, and edification: that it proceed no further than for juſt and neceſſary cauſes it ought, leſt if we meaſure truth, as for example in this caſe, by its diſtance from Rome, we not only with many errors and abuſes caſt off ſome truths and uſeful matter of decency, but alſo become guilty of breach of Charity, while not inſiſting only upon what is juſt matter of exception, we contend about that which is capable of a charitable conſtruction. That theſe conditions are neceſſary to be obſerved to make breach of communion between ſeveral Churches juſtifiable in either, I think no Chriſtian will deny. And therefore as thoſe Churches which ſhall contrary to theſe conditions make a ſeparation from others, do thereby tranſgreſs the Law of Charity, and become guilty of Schiſm; ſo much more do they who ſhall ſo ſeparate from their own particular Church to which their habitation and abode doth ſubject them as ſpecial members; and beſides to their Schiſm and breach of Charity add alſo the guilt of diſobedience; and, which ought well to be conſidered among us, do thereby, though contrary to their intention, effectually cooperate with the Romiſh Agents in the promotion of their grand deſign, one of whoſe principal methods for the ſubverſion of the Reformed, and reſtauration of the Popiſh Religion, as might plainly be demonſtrated, is the raiſing and promoting of Sects, Factions and Diviſions among us; which were there no other obligation upon us, ought in reaſon to make us very wary how we do that which gives ſo great advantage to the common adverſary. 5. That they who are of chief authority in the Church be very cautious not to adminiſter unneceſſary occaſion of ſeparation to the weakneſs of their brethren; which may be, and frequently is done by theſe two means eſpecially; 1. By rigorous preſſing of things in their own nature indifferent. For though theſe things be left to the prudent ordering of each particular National or Provincial Church; yet when through the weakneſs and ſcrupuloſity of many they become matter of offence and ſcandal to them, and ſo occaſions of ſeparation, in that circumſtance they ceaſe to be indifferent, and it would be no leſs contrary to Prudence than to Charity to impoſe or longer ſtrictly to require them, and is plainly contrary to both the Doctrine and the Practice of the Apoſtle, (v. Rom. 14, & 15. & 1 Cor. 8. & 9.20, 21, 22. & 10.22.— and 2 Kin. 18.4.) eſpecially in ſo dangerous a circumſtance as this, when it gives ſo great advantage to ſuch an adverſary, who ſo ſtudiouſly and induſtriouſly endeavors our diviſions, it can never be approved as any way conſiſtent with prudence, and that care of the flock which all faithful Paſtors ought to have, not to allow at leaſt ſuch indulgence and liberty in ſuch things as is neceſſary to the prefervation of unity in the Church. 2. By ſcandalous coldneſs in Religion and worldlineſs in the Clergy. It is certain both from reaſon and experience, though perhaps not commonly obſerved, that there is ſcarce any ſo univerſal and powerful a cauſe of ſeparation and factions as this. For the generality of people do rarely judge by any other rule than that of our Saviour, by their fruits, and are therefore very apt to judge of the truth of mens Doctrine by the virtue and piety of their lives and actions. And there is a certain authority of reputation which ought always to accompany authority of Juriſdiction, and is in truth the more powerful of the two to retain people in a ſweet, voluntary, and ſo more perfect obedience; and this being loſt, the other which alone holds them only in a kind of violent and forced, not natural and genuine, obedience, is very difficult to be managed, very hazardous to be caſt off, and is ſeldom of long duration. Now the former, which is the proper authority of the Church and Clergy (for what is coercive more than bare excommunication, is in truth a branch of the Civil Authority) can never be retained by only abſtaining from thoſe we call ſcandalous fins, but by the conſtant, ſincere and vigorous practice of thoſe great virtues of Religion, Humility, Meekneſs, Heavenly-mindedneſs, contempt of the World, devotion in Religion, and zealous endeavors for the Salvation of Souls; without which the obſervance of the rules only of ordinary moral virtues will be attributed rather to humane Prudence than to Religion. But to ſee men zealous for the accidents and formalities of Religion, and cold in the practice and promotion of the great eſſential and ſubſtantial parts, and the very buſineſs of it: to hear men cry up morality as if there was nothing more in Religion than that, and yet in the practice even of that to come far ſhort of the very Heathen Moraliſts: to ſee men prophanely turn the ſacred Profeſſion into a kind of trade; to deſign it, and apply themſelves to it no otherwiſe than others do to civil or ſecular employments, as a means to get a livelihood, to get wealth, honour and preferment in the World, and when they have, and perhaps by indirect means, heaped Living upon Living, and Preferment upon Preferment, accordingly uſe or rather abuſe the charity of our Anceſtors, and the revenues of the Church in ſuch indulgence to Pride, Oſtentation, voluptuous or delicious living, as would be ſcarce excuſable in the religious Laity; nay to vie with them in ſuch vanities, or inſatiably to heap up treaſures, not for the neceſſary relief of their own Families, but to raiſe great Families in the World, even of their more remote relations (that which the time hath been hath been held no leſs than ſacriledge) without any regard to ſuch works of Charity, and the promotion of Chriſtianity as all good Chriſtians, according to their ability, are obliged to. Theſe things, to which might be added the general decay and neglect of the ancient diſcipline, do more effectually weaken the proper authority of the Church and Clergy, than any Eccleſiaſtical Canons or Civil Laws can eſtabliſh it; and being naucious in the ſight of the people, provoke the more religious to run to private meetings and ſects, and the reſt to jealouſie and ſuſpitions of all Religion, to Infidelity, Irreligion and Prophaneneſs; and ſo in both give great advantage to the Romaniſts, and help forward the promotion of their labours and deſigns. The truth whereof is confirmed by the happy ſucceſs of thoſe who take a contrary courſe. For thanks be to God we are not without ſome, who by their good employment not only of the revenues of their Eccleſiaſtical preferments, but alſo of their private fortunes, their virtuous and pious lives, and their fervent, ſound and profitable Preaching, prevail with many of the ſeveral ſorts of Non-Conformiſts to become their auditors, and reclaim them. And were there ſome good and effectual courſe taken that we might have more ſuch lights ſet up in the more conſpicuous Candleſticks of the Church, we ſhould find that the moſt effectual means both to diſpel the miſts of Separatiſts, and keep out the Romiſh Foggs from overwhelming us, and to promote and eſtabliſh the honour and authority of the Church and Clergy. Nor would the bleſſing of God be wanting to the pious uſe of ſuch means. 6. That they, the Clergy eſpecially, will take example by their adverſaries, and not be leſs ſtudious and induſtrious by juſt and proper means to promote and propagate the true Religion in its genuine purity and ſimplicity, than they their errors, abuſes and corruptions of it by indirect and evil means. They compaſs Sea and Land to make Proſelytes, &c. and to that end have heretofore readily encountred all difficulties and dangers, though now they cannot much complain of either, and ſpare no pains nor coſt. We, of this Nation particularly, have long ſince had a large harveſt propoſed to us, and nothing wanting to encourage us to the work but our own good will and zeal for our Maſters ſervice; nay, like ſloathful ſervants have been whipped to our work, and both Conformiſts and Non Conformiſts have had their turns. It were well if at laſt we would be ſenſible of this duty, before a third party come and drive both to that which neither of themſelves would willingly undertake. Can we believe a Divine Providence, and yet think the diſcovery of that other World was a caſual thing? or can we acknowledge a Divine Providence in that, and yet believe there was no other deſign in it than to employ our Sea men, or furniſh us with Tobacco? we have reaſon to believe that this neglect hath not been diſſembled hitherto, nor will eſcape unpuniſhed for the future, unleſs timely amended. 7. That they will not be leſs vigilant and active for the preſervation of their Religion, and with it of their lives, liberties and fortunes, and all that is dear unto them, than theſe ſons of Perdition are to confound and deſtroy them; and to that end make diligent ſearch and enquiry into their preſent myſterious practices; for the diſcovery whereof much light may be taken from the due conſideration of their former practices, and of their principles. Their end in general is pretty well known; and what latitude they are like to take to themſelves in the choice of means for attaining that end, may not only be conjectured by their former practices, but demonſtrated unanſwerably from their certain principles. From which conſiderations, though a man that is willing might eaſily ſatisfie himſelf what they are now doing, yet becauſe ſome who are concerned to be convinced of it, will not perhaps be ſo ſatiſfied, and becauſe to the more effectual prevention of ſo great a miſchief a more particular diſcovery of the matter of fact, and of the inſtruments and circumſtances of it may be neceſſary, all who have any love to their Country, or regard to the intereſt and ſafety of themſelves or their relations, though the conſideration of Religion ſhould not move them, are concerned to uſe their utmoſt endeavour in it. But if neither the conſideration of the horrid confuſions and maſſacres heretofore raiſed in France by theſe Furies; nor of their continual Treaſons and Conſpiracies againſt Queen Elizabeth and her Kingdoms, which they then would have betrayed to the invaſions of the King of Spain, as now probably they would to the King of France, that is, thoſe who ſteer their motions, though their common agents may be generally ignorant of the deſign; nor of that horrible Gunpowder Conſpiracy againſt King James, the Royal Iſſue, and flower of the Engliſh Nobility and Gantry; nor laſtly of our late Civil Wars, which may in time be juſtly proved and demonſtrated to have been the product of the Romiſh machinations, to which might be added their reſtleſs endeavors for the ſubverſion of our Government, and for the breaking of the great Metropolis of this Nation, as the two main obſtacles in their way; if all this, and beſides all the ſafety of his Majeſties perſon, which perhaps may be further concerned in it than is commonly apprehended, be not ſufficient to a waken us of theſe Nations to a ſpeedy vigilance and activity before it be too late, to diſcover and detect their machinations, and couragiouſly oppoſe their proceedings; eſpecially thoſe who are in authority within their ſeveral Juriſdictions to look narrowly, if not into their matters of Religion, yet at leaſt into their proviſions of Arms and Ammunition, into their correſpondencies and ſecret negotiations and engagements, and eſpecially to diſcover thoſe who under ſeveral diſguiſes not only inſinuate themſelves into familiarity with perſons of Quality, and creep into their Families under the notions of Phyſitians, Painters, and other employments, but alſo get into publick offices and employments, and perhaps to be choſen into the Parliment it ſelf; it may be feared we ſhall ere long ſmart for our ſtupidity and ſupine negligence.

3. To thoſe who ſtill continue of the Roman Communion, and are in danger to be drawn in to engage in ſuch undertakings for the promotion of their Religion by fraud and force, by diſturbance or ſubverſion of Governments, raiſing or fomenting wars between Chriſtian Princes and States, and ſuch like means, that they will well conſider the juſtice and piety thereof. For moſt certain it is, and agreed on all hands that they are contrary to the means uſed by our Saviour, and his Apoſtles, and Diſciples, and their Succeſſors for the original propagation of the Goſpel. Nor ought it to be replyed, as ſome have impiouſly ſaid that that was for want of force, for he who could command legions of Angels is not to be thought to have wanted force if he had pleaſed to make uſe of it; nor had the Chriſtians, for many ages before theſe Unchriſtian Doctrines were ever thought of, leſs power in the World than they have had ſince, or leſs occaſion to have made uſe of it, had they thought it lawful; and beſides, it is no leſs contrary to their Doctrine than to their Practice. 2. The uſe of ſuch means is moſt injurious and ſcandalous to the moſt holy, pure and innocent Religion, which hath been always moſt propagated and glorified by the magnanimous, ſedate and conſtant ſufferings of its genuine Profeſſors, but always moſt diſhonoured by the furious, violent and perfidious practices of the ſpurious Zealots of the abuſes of it. 3. It is contrary to the very nature of the true Religion, and the expreſs Doctrine of the ſacred Scriptures. 4. It is condemned by the judgment of God, diſappointing, blaſting and confounding all attempts of that nature in theſe Kingdoms for near an hundred years together. Nor will their zeal and good intentions excuſe them; Paul had as much of both when he perſecuted the Chriſtians as they can have; and of the Jews he teſtifies to the Romans that they had the zeal of God, but not according to knowledge; and our Saviou foretold that they who ſhould kill his Diſciples would think they do God good ſervice in it. Nor will their following of the probable opinions of their Confeſſors excuſe them; for when blind guides lead the blind, both fall into the ditch, as our Saviour ſaith. Nor will it be much comfort to them who dye in their ſins through the Prieſts default, that the Prieſt alſo ſhall anſwer for it, as the Prophet ſaith. But that which is the ſecret root and main prop of their deluſion, and moſt effectually deceives them, is an unhahpy miſtaken opinion deeply rooted in their minds of the infallible authority of the particular Church of Rome. For, as Cardinal Perron hath well argued, V. King James Def. of the Right of Kings. if theſe things be unlawful which have for ſo many ages been acted by the Papal authority, (& that interpoſed with all the formality and ſolemnity that could be) it would follow that the Pope hath been Antichriſt, and the Church of Rome the Synagogue of Satan for ſo many ages paſt. This is it, whatever other ſpecious arguments and pretenſes are alledged, which makes them no leſs obſtinate in their errors than the Jews are in theirs. A deceived heart hath turned them aſide, and they cannot deliver their ſoul. But if they will but, 1. Lay aſide the prejudice of Education; 2. Conſider the great evidence there is that theſe things are contrary to Chriſtianity; 3. And with that compare the little real ground there is to believe this pretended infallible authority, it may be God's bleſſing be a good means to undeceive them: but then as to the third particular they muſt deal candidly and impartially, ſetting aſide, 1. Such proofs as concern only the perſeverance of the Church of Chriſt in general, 2. Such as concern only the authority of particular Churches over their own members; for neither of theſe make any thing for the Church of Rome more than for any other particular Church; & then what elſe they can alledge will be found to be far ſhort of what the Jews might alledge to prove that they are ſtill the true Iſrael of God. But the confounding of theſe things is that which impoſeth upon their minds and judgments. The ancient Apoſtolick Creed, and what-ever other rule of Faith is mentioned by Irenaeus, Tertullian, or any of the Ancients, and were held to contain the ſum of the Chriſtian Faith, are to this day generally received and believed by all the Chriſtian World; ſo that Chriſt hath ſtill a Church upon Earth what-ever become of the Church of Rome: the like may be ſaid of the ſacred Scriptures; but in none of theſe is the leaſt mention of any ſuch infallible authority of the Church of Rome; no, nor of any ſuch authority of the Church of Chriſt as the Church of Rome does pretend to. Nor is there any colour or pretence of proof that that authority was ever in any one age to this day the general belief of the Chriſtian World; no, nor ſo much as of the Church of Rome it ſelf for 700 years, I may truly ſay for 1100 years and more. 2. That they will likewiſe well conſider the prudence of ſuch undertakings, the Nobility and Gentry eſpecially of theſe Nations, who embrace the Roman Religion. They have had almoſt an hundred years experience of the ill ſucceſs and unhappy conſequence of ſuch attempts to themſelves and their party, whereby they have only made a rod for their own backs, provoking and exaſperating the ſeverity of Laws againſt themſelves; and when the Romiſh Agents had lately diſſolved the Government, and brought all things into confuſion, as is not a little apparent they did, when they had crept into the Court, and inſinuated themſelves into the ſeveral Factions of the Kingdom, by underhand dealings incenſing them one againſt another, what did they advance their cauſe by it, but only involved themſelves in the ſame publick calamity wherein they embroyled the Nation? The Emiſſaries are men who have neither Eſtates nor Fortunes to loſe or hazard, nor wives and children to ſuffer with them; and if their attempts prove unſuccesful, can eaſily retire to their Colledges again beyond Sea. And their motions and actions are ſteered by foreigners, who ſit far enough out of all danger, and in great ſecurity expect to make their profit and advantage of us all. So that both theſe have hopes of advantage without any, or any great hazard, only the more honeſt and well meaning Nobility and Gentry do certainly run a very great hazard without any probability, if things be rightly calculated, of much mending their condition at the beſt. For did they now ſuffer ſomething in their Eſtates according to the Laws (which certainly would never much be preſſed, did they not continually incenſe the Kingdom againſt them by reſtleſs attempts, through the inſtigations of the Emiſſaries, endangering the peace and quiet of it); yet is that in ſome meaſure recompenced by their freedom from the trouble and charge of divers publick employments; and the reſt would be dearly bought off by enſlaving the Kingdom again to the Roman Uſurpations; and that with ſo much hazard both to themſelves, as in reſpect of conſcience and the juſtice of the undertaking, (for there is but little of true Chriſtianity in him who will not readily ſuffer a greater loſs, rather than venture upon an unlawful or but doubtful action): ſo alſo of the prudence of it; (for the higher they go in their attempts, there is no doubt but it will fall more heavy upon them, after ſo many and great provocations, if they miſcarry therein, and of that the danger is greater than can eaſily be foreſeen); and to the Kingdom in general, the peace and proſperity whereof they ought to deſire and endeavour upon the account both of natural duty and of intereſt. For whatever ſome, who do not well conſider it, may promiſe themſelves, thoſe who have Eſtates and Fortunes here, be their Religion what it will, are like to have their ſhares of whatever publick calamity or miſchief is brought upon the Nation; which they who at Rome and from other foreign parts do ſteer the motions of the Emiſſaries and other ſticklers here in that cauſe, are not much concerned to conſider. ***

4. And laſtly, to thoſe who either through weakneſs and inconſiderateneſs are ſcandalized at theſe and ſuch like wicked practices of the Romaniſts or any others profeſſing Chriſtianity; or through wilfulneſs and wickedneſs do make uſe thereof to confirm or encourage themſelves in their affected infidelity, who having firſt ſinned themſelves into deſpair of any good by the obſervance of Religion, at laſt ſeek to encourage themſelves againſt all fear of evil by the neglect of it. This laſt ſort I intended not among Chriſtians in general, and yet do here joyn them with the other ſort here mentioned, becauſe what is to be ſaid to thoſe may be ſaid alſo to theſe. The ſcandal and ill uſe that is made of theſe practices is either more particular from abuſe of pretended miracles and martyrdoms, whereby ſome may be induced to doubt of the ancient Chriſtian Miracles and Martyrs; (and for ſatisfaction in this particular, I ſhall here for brevity ſake refer them to the writings already written and extant in print, ſome in the Engliſh Tongue, of the verity of the Chriſtian Religion) or from ſuch practices in general, of men in great place in Church or State, or repute for Learning, as are thought inconſiſtent with a real belief of what they poſſeſs, whence ſome who affect to know more than the vulgar will needs perſwade themſelves and others that all ſuch are Atheiſts and Infidels, and thereupon bring all Religion under a ſuſpition of being nothing elſe but a more refined piece of policy; and becauſe I have found by experience that many have no better arguments for their affected infidelity than this, and yet few of thoſe who have written of the verity of the Chriſtian Religion have taken any notice of it, or thought it worth a particular anſwer, I ſhall recommend theſe things to their conſideration: 1. That this is no argument or evidence againſt Religion, but only a bare ſuppoſed opinion and judgment of ſuch perſons without any evident and expreſs ground or reaſon for it. 2. That the opinion or judgment of great Stateſmen or Scholars, meerly as ſuch, is of no greater authority in this particular than the judgment or opinion of other men; for ſuch men may in general well deſerve that reputation which they have, and yet be utterly ignorant of thoſe Principles which are neceſſary to be known to ground a judgment in this caſe. There are very rarely found any men that are well skilled in all the parts of Learning, or of ſome one profeſſion; as for example of the Law, ſome are good Conveyancers, who are very unskilful in Bar-Practice; many good Chancery-men who are no great Common Lawyers, &c. So in Divinity, ſome are well skilled in Textual, ſome in Polemical, or Scholaſtical, ſome in Caſuiſtical Divinity, and yet but meanly skilled in the other parts of it; and this part which conſiders the evidences of Religion, is but rarely ſtudied by any but ſuch as have to do with Infidels, each man ordinarily applying himſelf eſpecially to that part to which his peculiar employment engageth him, and uſually men in great place have of all others leaſt leiſure for this particular ſtudy. 3. But were their judgment never ſo conſiderable, yet could it not in this caſe be certainly concluded from their actions. For, 1. It is agreed by all ſorts of men, Chriſtians and Heathens, and daily experience confirmeth the ſame, that men frequently act contrary to their ſetled judgment; and who may not often truly ſay, Video meliora probo que deteriora ſequor? Nor is the thing it ſelf more apparent than the reaſons of it. But I ſhall not here trace it to its firſt and original cauſes, but only ſhew it in its next and immediate cauſes, which are Surpize, Impotence, and Preſumption. From Surpize there is certainly no man whoſe care and caution can always ſecure him, that he may not ſometimes through the heat of paſſion or ſuddenneſs of a tentation be Gal. 6.1. overtaken. This we may all obſerve in our ſelves, and in moſt we familiarly converſe with. Nay, our very caution it ſelf in many things makes us apt to be ſurprized by fear, and thereupon to do thoſe things we otherwiſe would not, or neglect what we would otherwiſe do. And though there be not a like Impotence in all, yet is there more or leſs in every one, whence men often do themſelves contrary to what they would adviſe their children or deareſt friends. We daily ſee thoſe who doubt not the directions of their Phyſitians to be good and neceſſary to be obſerved, yet frequently overcome to tranſgreſs them to the hazard of their health and life it ſelf; nay Phyſitians themſelves do the ſame, whereof I could give a late notable inſtance in one of the moſt famous of his time. Nor are we to think great Stateſmen, Polititians and learned men more exempt from all impotence than others are. It is ſufficient that they be well qualified for the places they hold, to which their very impotence in ſome reſpects may ſometime be a ſpecial qualification; and they who are not eaſily overcome by one paſſion or affection, may yet be perfectly enſlaved to another. What is wanting to theſe two cauſes is frequently made up by Preſumption, whether upon God's mercy in general, and hope of pardon upon an intended repentance afterward, or upon the priviledg of being within the pale of the Church by profeſſion of Chriſtianity, or being members of the Catholick Church, or zealous for the party they eſpouſe, that is as the Prophet ſaith, Truſting in lying words, ſaying, The Temple of the Lord, Jer. 7.3. The Temple of the Lord, The Temple of the Lord; a Preſumption ſo powerful heretofore, that notwithſtanding that reproof, and after a notable experience of the vanity of it, we find it in our Saviour's days ſtill continued, and again reproved by John Baptiſt; Think not to ſay within your ſelves we have Abraham to our Father, &c. Mat. 3.9. And yet after all this, as experience ſheweth, ſtill prevalent in our days, and very common among the Romaniſts and the Diſciples of the Jeſuites, eſpecially their new Proſelytes, who ſeem to hope for indulgence in their ſinful courſes, or to expiate the ſame, by their zeal for the Church; whereunto great occaſion is given by their abominable abuſe of Abſolution. Commutation of Penance, Indulgences and complying Conduct. 2. T ••• e actions may proceed from error in the underſtanding and ignorance or miſtake about ſome particular Chriſtian Doctrine, through an erronious Conſcience thinking that to be lawful, or a Chriſtian duty, which is abſolutely unlawful; So our Saviour telleth his Diſciples that they who ſhould kill them would think they do God ſervice, Jo. 16.2. and Saul thought that he ought to perſecute the Chriſtians, Act. 26.9. and this may be conſiſtent with a firm belief of the Chriſtian Doctrine in general. And this I take to be in truth the caſe of the Romaniſts, and that they are given up to believe a lye through ſtrong deluſions, wherein they do not more deceive their diſciples than they are themſelves deceived; for do but admit me one or two of their Principles, and there is nothing ſo monſtrous in their actions but I think I can eaſily prove it lawful. I had therefore intended to have ſhewed from what Principles thoſe actions have proceeded; that thoſe Principles are miſtaken, and are no Chriſtian but rather Antichriſtian Doctrines; what hath been the cauſe, occaſion and progreſs of that miſtake; and laſtly, that this defection from the Chriſtian Doctrine and Manners hath been foretold by the firſt Propagators of the Chriſtian Faith, in that manner as I think would not only do much to the removing of the ſcandal, but moreover afford no inconſiderable evidence to the truth of Chriſtianity it ſelf: but that I ſee would be too long for this place and time; but I am well aſſured of the truth of what I ſay, and doubt not but ere long it will be made manifeſt. 3. There is one cauſe more from whence men may act contrary to Chriſtianity, and that in the higheſt degree, and yet without the disbelief of the Truth of it in general, or of any particular Doctrine of it: and that is through deſperation, the caſe of ſome who believe and tremble, Ja. 2.19. When men by frequency and long continuance in ſin againſt the light and cheeks of conſcience have ſinned themſelves into this deſperation, this is often an occaſion to them to a ſurther progreſs in wickedneſs, even to the height of the moſt enormous ſins, though they neither do, nor can doubt of the truth of the Chriſtian Religion, no more than do the Devils who believe and tremble; for there is no ſin which is not conſiſtent with a full perſwaſion of it in ſuch as are once become deſperate indeed. Even ſcoffing at and abuſe of Religion to evil ends are no certain arguments of unbelief in ſuch as uſe them. There may be and are falſe Profeſſors of Atheiſm and Infidelity as well as of Religion it ſelf. There is more or leſs of humane frailty in all. Too many ſin againſt knowledg, and ſome thereby ſin themſelves into deſpair, and then run on into all wickedneſs againſt that Belief which they would fain caſt off if they could. And there are ſo many cauſes and occaſions of ſins beſides unbelief, that they cannot in reaſon be attributed to it alone. 4. And laſtly, conſidering the ſtrange wild fancies, which we often ſee men, learned men, and otherwiſe ſober men, fall into; conſidering the great force & prevalence that the will & affections have to byaſs, blind, and corrupt the judgment; conſidering the power, and malice, and ſubtilty that, according to the Scriptures, the God of this World hath to blind mens minds that they ſhould not believe the Goſpel of Truth, it is not to be doubted but ſuch there are who do not believe it; but then the very ſame reaſons may ſatisfy us what little credit there is to be given to the opinions of ſuch men, without better reaſon: and yet I know and have found by experience that ſome profeſſors of Infidelity have no better reaſons than this; they are like men in a panick fear, where every one is afraid, but none knoweth the cauſe, only he ſuppoſeth the reſt do, and is ſo much the more afraid by how much the more in number they are whom he ſuppoſeth to be in the ſame paſſion with himſelf: ſo, many who have no reaſon at all for their unbelief, yet ſuppoſe others have, and would fain be thought as wiſe as they.

This I thought neceſſary to add as an Antido • e againſt that poiſon which ſome might ſuck from thoſe ſcandalous Practices and Actions which have been here related.

FINIS.

THE HISTORY OF THE MASSACRES OF THE Proteſtants at PARIS, and many other places in FRANCE, in the Year of our Lord, 1572.

1. THE day of the Nuptials [between Henr. Lib. 5. King of Navar and Margaret Siſter to the King of France] drawing on; which was appointed the Auguſt 18th. 15th. of the Kalends of September; the King by Letters ſolicits Coligni, that he ſhould come to Paris, having before given in charge to Claudius Marcellus Provoſt of the Merchants, that he ſhould ſee to it, that no diſturbance did ariſe upon Colignie's coming to Paris. Likewiſe Proclamation was publiſhed the third of the Nones of July, July 5th. when he was at Caſtrum-Bononiae, about two miles from the City, wherein it was for bidden, that any of what condition ſoever ſhould dare to renew the memory of things paſt, give occaſion of new quarrels, carry piſtols, fight duels, draw their ſwords, eſpecially in the King's retinue at Paris, and in the Suburbs, upon pain of death. But if any difference ſhould ariſe among the Nobles concerning their Honour or Reputation, they ſhould be bound to bring their plaint to the Duke of Anjou, the King's Deputy throughout the whole Kingdom, and to pray juſtice of him: if they were of the Commons, they ſhould betake themſelves to the High Chancellor de • l Hoſpital: if it ſhall happen among thoſe that ſhall not be in the Court, but in Paris, they ſhall go before the ordinary Magiſtrate. It was alſo provided by the ſame Proclamation, that thoſe who were not of the Courts of any of the Princes or Nobles, or of the Retinue of others, or were not detained upon ſome neceſſary buſineſs, but were of uncertain abode and habitation about Paris or the Suburbs, ſhould depart from the Court & City within 24 hours after the publication of this Edict, upon the ſame pain of death. This was publiſhed for three days together, with the ſound of Trumpet in the Court, and through the City, and it was ordered that the publication ſhould be repeated week by week upon the Sabbath-day. Alſo there was adjoyned to the guards of the King's body for his greater ſecurity, a guard of 400 choice Souldiers; all which Coligni full of confidence and good aſſurance ſo interpreted, as if the King deſirous of the publick Peace, did (only) prepare a contrary ſtrength againſt thoſe which were ſeditious, and movers of troubles. Therefore he comes into the City, though many were greatly diſturbed at it: to whom, when they importunately dehorted him both by letter and word of mouth, he, after he had given them thanks, anſwered in one word; That he was reſolved now that Peace was concluded, and things paſt forgotten, to rely upon the ſaith of the King, and that he had rather be dragged through the ſtreets of Paris, than to take up Civil Arms again.

2. Among other letters there was one brought to him being now come to Paris, written very ſmartly after this manner. Remember that it is an eſtabliſhed Decree of the Papiſts, upon the account of Religion, and confirmed by the authority of Councils, that Faith is not to be kept with hereticks; in the number of which Proteſtants are accounted. Remember alſo that Proteſtants upon the account of the former Wars, do lie under an eternal odium; ſo that it is not to be doubted but this is the Queens reſolution, that Proteſtants be rooted out by any means whatſoever. Add to this that it cannot be, but that a woman that is a ſtranger, and an Italian, deſcended of the race of the Popes, (whom they oppoſe) and of a Florentine and guileful nature, ſhould ſtudy all extremities againſt her enemies. Conſider moreover in what School the King was educated, in which he drew in with his milk under his good Tutors this Doctrine; that he ſhould make it a ſport to ſwear and forſwear, to uſe the name of God profanely, to defile himſelf with Whoredomes and Adulteries, to diſſemble his Faith, Religion, Counſels, to ſet his countenance (according to occaſion). And that he might be accuſtomed to the effuſion of the bloud of his Subjects, he was taught from his childhood to behold the ſlaughters and butcheries of And of men alſo, v. l. 24. p. 275. beaſts: that he is ſetled in this perſwaſion to ſuffer no Religion in his Kingdom but that which may uphold his ſtate, (according to the opinion of his Maſter Machiavel) otherwiſe it would never be at Peace, ſo long as two Religions flouriſhed in it, and that it was inſtilled into his ears that the Proteſtants did decree to ſpoil him of his Life and Empire. And therefore he would never ſuffer the Proteſtants who had once, whether upon a juſt or unjuſt cauſe, taken up Arms againſt him, to enjoy the benefit of his Edict, but that he would with Arms revenge what was done with Arms againſt him; nor would he look upon himſelf obliged to keep his Covenants which he had entred into with his armed Subjects. Theſe are the Arts of Princes, the Elements of Policy, the Arcana Imperii. So Commodus of old commanded Julian, whom he owned and embraced as his Father, to be ſlain. Thus Antonius Caracalla, under pretence of muſtering, ſlew the prime youth of the City. So Lyſander cut the throats of eight hundred Mileſians called together under pretence of friendſhip and ſociety. So Sergius Galba raged upon ſix thouſand Spaniards: and lately by the command of Antonius Spinola, the chief men of the Iſle of Corfica were called together to a Feaſt, and ſlain. In our memory did Chriſtiern a King of a barbarous nature uſe the ſame arts in the Maſſacre of Stockholm. So heretofore Charles 7, though reconciled to the Duke of Burgundy, yet abſtained not from killing him, though he begged for his life. Nor are the diſcourſes that the King lately had with his mother at Blois unknown. For when in a jocular manner profanely uſing, as his cuſtom is, the name of God, he asked her whether he had not acted his part handſomely at the coming of the Queen of Navar? the Queen anſwered that he had begun well, but theſe beginnings would little advantage him unleſs he proceeded; But I, ſaid he, with often repeated oaths, will bring them all into your toils. From theſe words, the truth whereof you may be aſſured of, you ought to take counſel, and if you are wiſe get out of the City, and ſo from the Court, as from a moſt filthy ſink, with all the ſpeed as may be.

3. Coligni having read this letter, though he was not a little troubled at it, yet that he might not ſeem altogether to neglect the admonitions and intreaties of his friends, made anſwer; That there was no place left for theſe ſuſpitions, that he could never perſwade himſelf that ſo great perſidiouſneſs could enter into ſo good a King, than whom France for this many years never had a better. That Anjou indeed was more averſe to the Proteſtant party, but that hatred would now ceaſe, even out of reſpect to the affinity contracted with the King of Navar. For the reſt, the League entred into with England, and that which the King was now making with the Proteſtant Princes of the Empire, did ſufficiently ſhew how he ſtood affected to the Proteſtants, when as he would have one of the Sons of the Elector Palatine in his retinue: and ſome one of the Engliſh Nobles, as Leiceſter or Burgleii, who were moſt forward for Religion. Moreover he had given his Faith to the Prince of Orange and Naſſau his Brother concerning aids againſt the Spaniards, and that a great ſupply was preparing in the place of thoſe who were routed under Jeulis their leader. That John Galeacius Fulgoſius, who lately returned from Florence, did aſſure them, that Coſunus would lend the King two hundred thouſand Aurei towards that War. That the King's Ambaſſador did carefully pry into the counſels of the Duke of Alva, and daily acquaint the King with them. That this he knew every day from the King. That the Navy that Philip Stroſſy and Polinius Garda do command at Broage, and upon the Coaſts of Poictou was not prepared to any other uſe but to diſturb the Spaniſh Fleet, which being done, it ſhall go to help the Prince of Orange at Fluſhing. As for himſelf and his own particular ſafety, all might be ſecure of that; for that he through the King's means is reconciled to the Guiſes, each engaging their Faith to the King, that they would neither of them hereafter impeach one the other. Laſtly, that the King did all he could to make Peace at home and War abroad, and that he might transfer the War into the Low-Countreys, and againſt the Spaniards. Wherefore he prayed the Author of the writing, and others that are of his mind, that they would no more with theſe ſuſpitions trouble his mind, which was taken up with more weighty buſineſſes, and better deſigns, but rather that they would, joyning their prayers with his, beg of God that he would proſper things ſo well begun, and bring them at laſt to an happy end, for the good of the Church and Kingdom.

4. The ſame things were written to Coligni from the Rochellers, which he did in as friendly manner take off with all moderation and conſtancy. Therefore when they could not divert him from that mind, they ſet upon the King of Navar with Letters dated 6 of the Eids of July, July 10th. in which they dehort him upon the ſame accounts, that he ſhould take care of himſelf, and not go to Paris. He was then at the Nuptials Vid. l. 50. p. 787. of Henricus Condaeus his Unckle's Son, and Mary of Cleve his near Kinſwoman, which were celebrated at Blandia a Caſtle of Jo. Roan Marchioneſs of Rotelin, who was Mother to Frances of Aurleans Vid. l. 35. p. 559. laſt Wife to Lewis of Conde, within the juriſdiction of Melun. Therefore he deſpiſing the warnings of his Friends, the Nuptials of the Prince of Conde being finiſhed, comes to Paris with him, and a great retinue of Proteſtants in the beginning of Auguſt, where new delays are purpoſely invented by the Queen; for whereas at firſt there was hope given of favour to be obtained from the Pope by the Cardinal of Lorain, who was then at Rome, to remove the obſtacle of proximity and difference in Religion, a Breve was brought to Charles Cardinal of Burbon, deſigned to finiſh the buſineſs; wherewith notwithſtanding he ſaid he he was not ſatisfied: therefore he deſired another more full might be ſent from Rome, wherein it might be more amply provided for him. Therefore the King laid the fault of the delay upon the Cardinal of Burbon, who he ſaid, by way of ſcorn, was tied up by ſuperſtition, and I know not what ſcruples of conſcience; and by that means great injury was done to his Margarite (ſo he called his Siſter) who bore it very impatiently to have the fruit of her ſo long expected joy deferred.

5. When in the mean time Coligni preſſed that the publick proclaiming of the Low-Countrey War ſo often deliberated about, and approved of, and now whether he would or not begun, might be no longer deferred, he again made delays, and declined it, and often replied to him, importuning him, that he had not any Counſellor or Officer of his Army to whoſe faithfulneſs, induſtry and diligence he could commit ſo great an affair. For ſome were wholly addicted to the party of the Guiſes; others had other faults of their own: of his Secretaries there was only Bernardus Fiza whom he could entruſt with this ſecret. At laſt it was agreed that the affair ſhould be committed to Momorancy and Fiza: with which ſhews of unfeigned familiarity, as he took it, and ingenuous freedom, Coligni being deceived, would not perſwade himſelf any thing otherwiſe than of truly Kingly virtue, or think hardly of the moſt excellent King.

6. Amidſt theſe delays (thoſe) things, as it ſhould ſeem, being altogether compoſed, about which before there was a difference among the Conſpirators, there came Letters by ſecret comport from the King's Ambaſſador with the Pope, in which the King is certified of a diſpenſation now granted, and ſhortly to be ſent from Rome by Poſt, wherein the ſcrupulous conſcience of Burbon was fully ſatisfied: therefore when, upon the 16th. of the Kalends of September, Auguſt 17th. they were contracted by Cardinal Borbon in the Louvre, the next day after the Nuptials were celebrated.

An high Scaffold is erected before the gates of the great Church, by which they deſcended by ſtairs unto a lower Scaffold, which being on every ſide railed in to keep off the multitude, did lead through the Church to the inner apartment commonly called the Chore. From thence another Scaffold encompaſſed with rails did receive thoſe that went out of the Chore toward the left gate, which reached to the Biſhop's Palace; thither came out of the Louvre with all Royal Pomp, and moſt magnificent ſhew, the King, the Queen-Mother, with the Brethren the Dukes of Anjou and Alanſon, the Guiſes, the Colonels of the Horſe, the chief Peers of the Kingdom leading along the Bride, who lodged that night in the Biſhop's Palace. And from the other part, the King of Navar, with the Princes of Conde and Contie his Couſins, Coligni Admiral of the Sea, Franciſcus Count de la Roche-fou-eault, and a great company of the Proteſtant Nobles, who came together out of all Provinces of the Kingdom.

When the King had aſcended to that higher Scaffold, the Ceremonies in manner as was agreed being performed by Cardinal Borbon, the King and Navar with his Party came by the lower Scaffold into the Chore, where having placed his Wife before the great Altar to hear Maſs, he with Coligni and Count de la Roche-fou-eault, and the other Nobles of his Retinue went into the Biſhop's Palace by the contrary door afore-mentioned; from whence after Maſs was ended, being recalled by D'Anvil, he came into the Chore again, and kiſſing his new Bride before the King, Queen, and the Brethren, when they had entertained one another ſome little while with diſcourſe, they returned into the Biſhop's Palace, where dinner was provided. And I well remember when as Maſs being ended, I was admitted through the rails into the Chore, and ſtanding nigh to Coligni, while I fixed my eyes upon him, and curiouſly obſerved him, I heard him ſay, diſcourſing with d'Anville, and looking up to the Enſigns faſtned up and down, and the ſad Monuments of the Battel of Baſſac and Moncountour, That ere long theſe being taken down, others more pleaſing ſhould be ſet up in their places: which words, then he meant of the Low-Country War, which as he thought was now reſolved upon, others interpreted as though he had thoughts of a new Civil War, which he ſo much abhorred.

7. After Dinner they went into the Palace, where a royal Supper was prepared, and all orders of the City and the Senate, together with the Courts of Accounts, Cuſtoms and Treaſury are entertained according as is uſual in a moſt ſumptuous manner: a ſhort time was ſpent in dancing; afterwards interludes were brought in. The repreſentation of three Rocks ſilvered over, upon which the three Brethren, the King, the Duke of Anjou, and Duke of Alanſon did ſit, and ſeven more, upon which Gods and Sea-monſters were ſet, which followed, being drawn along in Coaches, and were brought through the great Hall of the Palace, which was divided by a triumphal arch in the middle, and when they made a ſtand, ſome choice Muſitians recited Verſes in their own Tongue, compoſed by the beſt of their Poets. And thus a great part of the night being ſpent in interludes, they afterwards betook themſelves to their reſt.

The next day being not able to riſe before the Sun was got high, at three a clock after-noon they went to dinner at the Duke of Anjou's Palace, where after dancing they went toward the evening to the Louvre.

The day following being Wedneſday, running at Tilt, and interludes which had been a long while in preparing, were exhibited at the Cardinal Bourbon's Palace: there were repreſented upon the right hand the Manſions of the bleſſed, and a little below the Elyſian-fields poſſeſſed by 12 Nymphs, on the other ſide on the left-hand was repreſented Hell flaming with fire and brimſtone, and full of ſprights and frightful ghoſts. The Brethren, the King, the Duke of Anjou, and the Duke of Alanſon defended Paradiſe as they called it: which many Knights Errant ſeeking to break into, of whom Navar was Captain; they were every one of them repulſed, and at laſt thrown headlong down into Hell. Then Mercury riding upon a Cock, and together with him Cupid came ſliding down to the defendants, and then after much diſcourſe with them returned into Heaven. Then the three defendants came to the Nymphs wandring in the pleaſant green fields, and led them into the middle of the Hall, where the Spectators were with much pleaſure entertained with new Dances about the Fountain for a full hour. Then the defendants being prevailed upon by their entreaties, the Knights Errant that were ſhut up in Hell were releaſed; who preſently in a confuſed skirmiſh break their ſpears: at laſt the Gunpowder that was laid by pipes about the Fountain being fired, fire broak forth with a great noiſe, and conſumed all their Scenes, and ſo all departed.

This ſhew was variouſly interpreted, for that the aſſailants who were moſt of them Proteſtants, did in vain attempt to get into the ſeats of the bleſſed, and were afterwards thruſt down into Hell: for ſo they put a mockery upon the Proteſtants, and others did bode that it portended ſome miſchief. However, certain it is, that Francis E. of Momorancy, whether ſuſpecting ſome evil, or being indiſpoſed by reaſon of the toſſing of the Sea, as lately returned from his Ambaſſy in England, having obtained leave of the King, went to Chantilly for his healths ſake; leaving in the Court Henry d'Anville, Carolus Meruvius, and Gulielmus Thoraeus (his) Brethren, and that very happily for that moſt Illuſtrious Family: V. Da. p. 370. for it was the general opinion, that the plotters of the following Maſſacre would have comprehended them all in this conſpiracy, had they not feared that Momorancy, who was now abſent, would have revenged it.

The next day being Thurſday, there was running at Til • s held in the Court-yard of the Louvre, in which on the one ſide the King and his Brethren, together with the Duke of Guiſe, and the Duke of Aumale in the habit of Amazons; and on the other ſide the King of Navar, with his party in Turkiſh habits, contended with their launces; Scaffolds being ſet up on either ſide, from which the Queen-Mother, the King's Wife, Lorain, and all the Court-Ladies beheld the ſports.

8. Two days before the Counſel concerning the Maſſacre being not yet concluded, the King with great ſhew of kindneſs beſpeaks Coligni (thus). You know, Father, (ſo he called him upon the account of his age and honour) what you undertook to me, that you would offer no injury, ſo long as you are at Court, to the Guiſes: and they again engaged, that they, as they ought, would behave themſelves toward you and yours honourably and modeſtly. I repoſe very great truſt in your words, but I have not the like confidence in their promiſes. For, beſides that I know the Guiſes do by all means ſeek revenge, I know their daring and haughty nature, and in what favour they are with the people of Paris. It would be a very great grief to me, if they who under pretence of coming to the Marriage, have brought with them a great party of ſouldiers well appointed, ſhould attempt any thing to your hurt; for that would be an injury to my ſelf: Therefore, if you think it expedient, I think it convenient, that the Regiment of the Guards be drawn into the City under theſe Commanders, (then he named thoſe who were no way ſuſpected), who, if any turbulent perſons attempt any thing, may be ready at hand to ſecure the publick Peace.

To ſuch friendly diſcourſe Coligni eaſily yielded his aſſent out of a deſire of domeſtick Peace, and being already overcome by the Court-flatteries: therefore a Regiment is drawn within the walls, without any ſuſpition of the Proteſtants.

9. This being done, they enter into Counſel Lib. 51. He mentions a former Conſultation between the Queen-Mother, Anjou, Cardinal Lorain, Aumale, Guiſe, Birage, and others in the ſame Chamber, wherein Guiſe was afterwards by the King's Command killed, and afterwards in the ſame buildings where the King himſelf Henr. 3. here called Anjou, was murthered by a Fryer. again, and after ſome debate the thing was left undetermined, their opinions varying according to the condition of places, and of the perſons admitted to the Council. For thus it was diſcourſed before the King, with whom were in Council the Queen-Mother, the Duke of Anjou, and others.

There are two factions in the Kingdom; one of the Momorancies, to whom the Colignies were formerly added, but now upon the account of Religion, by which they have engaged many (to them), they conſtitute a new faction. The other is of the Guiſes: nor will France ever be quiet, or that Majeſty that is taken from Kings by the Civil Wars thence ariſing, ever be reſtored till the chief of their Heads who diſturb the moſt flouriſhing Empire, and the publick Peace, be ſtricken off. They, by the troubles of the Kingdom, have grown to ſo great Power, that they cannot be taken away at the ſame time: they are ſeverally to be taken off, and ſet one againſt the other, that they may deſtroy one another. Coligni muſt be begun with who only ſurvives of his Family, who being taken out of the way, it would much weaken the Momorancies, who lie under ſo great an odium upon the account of their joyning with Coligni. But this is an unworthy thing, and not to be ſuffered by you, (ſaid they, directing their diſcourſe to the King), that a man whom only Nobility commends, one that is advanced to honour by the favour of Kings, now grown burdenſom to the Nobility, equal to Princes in honour, grievous to your ſelf, ſhould come to that height of madneſs and boldneſs, that he ſhould count it a ſport to mock at Royal Majeſty, and every day at his own luſt to raiſe Wars in the Kingdom. Certainly his madneſs is above all things by you, if you be indeed King, to be reſtrained, that by his example all may learn to bear their fortunes decently, and uſe them modeſtly. Nor only ſhall the faction of the Momorances be broken by his death, but the power of the Proteſtants ſhall be over-turned: of which, when he is the very heart and ſoul, in him alone the Proteſtants ſeem to live, and he being dead, they will fall with him. This is not only uſeful, but neceſſary for ſetling the publick Peace, when as experience doth ſhew, that as one houſe cannot keep two Dogs, nor one tree relieve two Parrots, ſo one and the ſame Kingdom cannot bear two Religions. This may be done without danger or blame, if ſome cut-throat, as there are enough of them to be had, be ſuborned to take away the life of Coligni, encouraged by ſome preſent reward, and hopes of future; who having done the thing, may make his eſcape by the help of a light horſe prepared for that purpoſe. V. Dav. p 368, 370 The opinion of Alberto Condi Coun. of Retz. For then, without doubt, the Proteſtants, who are very numerous in the City, ſuppoſing it to be done by the Guiſes, will preſently, as you know they are a furious ſort of people, take up Arms, and ſetting upon the Guiſians, they ſhall eaſily be cut off by their greater numbers; (for the people of Paris are much addicted to them), and perhaps the Momorances ſo hateful to the Pariſians, ſhall be involved in the ſame tumult. But if the thing proceed not ſo far, yet at leaſt the blame of the fact, from which you ſhall receive great advantage, ſhall be tranſlated from you upon the Guiſians, (as bearing yet in memory the murder of their Father) whom, having deſtroyed their Rivals, you ſhall ſoon reduce into good order. This thing being done, you ſhall forthwith be able to determine concerning the chief leaders of the Proteſtants, whom you have in your power, who, no doubt, will return to their old Religion, and due allegiance to you when evil Counſellors ſhall be removed.

And when it was debated in the Queens Council among thoſe that were to be truſted, their diſcourſe went further, that not only the Momorances with Coligni ſhould be taken off, but that the Guiſians ſhould at ſome fit opportunity be ſlain, as thoſe whom the Queen ought in no wiſe to truſt or ſpare, being heretofore grievouſly and often offended by her. For ſo the Counſellors ordered the matter, if the Proteſtants ſhould go about to revenge the death of Coligni, they and the Momorances ſhould in the conflict be oppreſſed by the people, as being inferior in ſtrength, but not without great loſs to the adverſaries; whom the King having drawn a great number of Souldiers, which he had then at his command, into the Louvre, ſitting as a ſpectator, might at laſt ſet upon, being broken, and weakened by fighting, and as though they had taken Arms without his command, and by way of ſedition, might command them all to be ſlain together with the Nobles, as taking this or that party: for whiles they remained ſafe, there would be no end of murmurs and complaints againſt the Queen; whom the ſeditious cry out upon as a ſtranger, and ſo fit to be removed from the Government of the Kingdom.

10. Theſe were their divers counſels according to the diverſity of the perſons, but they all agreed in the executing of the matter. The Duke of Guiſe being at laſt taken into the privity of the fact, though otherwiſe he knew nothing of the other Counſels, an Aſſaſine was ſought for, and preſently Morevell appears, being as it ſeemed provided for that purpoſe; who having formerly undertaken to do ſuch a villany, he fled into the Camp of the Proteſtants, but being affrighted by the danger of it, leſt he ſhould ſeem to have done nothing, he treacherouſly ſlew Arthurus Valdraeus Moius, Monſieur de Muy at the ſiege of Niort. Dav. p. 376. and from that time often changing his lodgings, he concealed himſelf in the houſe of the Guiſes, in which Family he was brought up from a child. An houſe was alſo pitched upon in the Cloyſter of St. German Auxerrois, as they call it, the houſe of Peter Pila Villemur, who had formerly been Tutor to the Duke of Guiſe himſelf; by which Coligni returning home, muſt needs paſs.

Therefore upon the Friday, Coligni having diſpatched much buſineſs in the King's Council, where Anjou was preſent, and compoſed a difference between Antonius, Marafinus, Guerchius and Tiangius, chief of the Nobility of the Burgundians, forward men; he attended upon the King to the next Tennis-Court, from whence, after a promiſe from the King, the Duke of Guiſe and Teligny, betaking himſelf homeward, walking on foot by the houſe of Villemur, going gently along, and reading a Petition which was then by chance preſented to him, Morevel diſcharging a Muſquet from a window that had a linen Curtain drawn before it, he was ſhot with a brace of bullets, whereof one ſtruck off the forefinger of his right-hand, and the other wounded him more dangerouſly in his left-arm, while Guerchius was upon his right-hand, and Rochus, Sorbaeus, Prunaeus upon his left, who, as likewiſe all that were there, were exceedingly aſtoniſhed at what was done.

But he with a countenance not diſturbed, only ſhewed them the houſe whence the bullets came, and preſently commands Armanus, Claromontius, Pilius, and Franciſcus Movinius, that they ſhould go the King, and in his name acquaint him with what was done: then binding up his arm, and leaning upon his domeſticks, he came on foot to his lodging, which was not far off: and when he was adviſed by one of his company that he ſhould ſee to it, whether the bullets wherewith he was wounded were not poiſoned, he anſwered, that nothing ſhould befall him but what was ordered by God.

Forthwith they force the houſe whence the ſhot proceeded, and breaking open the dores, found the Muſquet in a lower room. A young maid and a page that were found there, were taken and bound; for Morevel at a back-dore getting upon his horſe, was already fled to St. Antony's Gate, where changing his horſe, and mounting another that was ready for that purpoſe, he made his eſcape.

11. The King receiving the news, as if he had been aſtoniſhed at an unexpected accident, Shall I never, ſaith he, be at quiet? and muſt new troubles alwaies ariſe from day to day? and then throwing his rocket upon the ground, he withdrew into the inner Caſtle. Guiſe leaving the Tennis-Court, departed another way.

Here all were full of wonder, and many were diſturbed, being troubled in their minds to think what thoſe things would come to. Many, even of thoſe who bare no great good will to Coligny, deteſted the fact. But Navar and Conde preſently repair to him, and when as in their preſence he was handled by the Chirurgions, he was heard amidſt all his pain to ſay (only) this. Is this the goodly reconciliation that the King did undertake for? then turning to Moore, Chaplain to the late Queen of Navar, he pronounced theſe words, Ah my Brother, now I know I am beloved of God, for that I have received theſe wounds for his moſt holy Names ſake. God grant I may never forget his accuſtomed mercies towards me. But when Ambroſius Paraeus the King's Chirurgeon told him that the Gangreen growing on, his finger muſt be cut off, and did attempt to do it with an inſtrument that had no good edge, though he was forced to open and ſhut the ſhears three times, yet he gave no ſign of ſenſe of his moſt ſharp pain: when he came to his left arm Merlin Conde's Chaplain came in, who when he began to comfort him out of the holy Scriptures, he brake out into theſe words; My God, forſake me not in theſe troubles, nor ceaſe from thy accuſtomed mercies towards me. Then he whiſpered in the ear to one who held up his arm, that he ſhould deliver to Merlin an hundred Aurei to be diſtributed to the poor of the Church of Paris: this I have often heard Paraeus ſpeak of, almoſt in the ſame words.

Thence Navar and Conde go to the King, and complain of the indignity of the fact; and ſince they and theirs could not be ſecure at Paris, they deſire leave to depart. Upon this the King aggravating the matter to the higheſt, and adding deeper oaths than before, promiſed that he would take ſuch revenge upon the Aſſaſine, the authors and abetters of this fact, as ſhould ſatisfy Coligny and his friends, and ſhould be an example to others for the future: that what was done was as great a grief to him as to any, but ſince what was done could not be undone, he would take the greateſt care that might be for a remedy, and would make all men underſtand that Coligny had the wound, but he had the ſmart: and that they might be eye-witneſſes of this thing, he deſires them that they would not depart out of Paris.

And he diſcourſing thus, Queen Katharine, who was then preſent, ſeconded, and ſaith, The affront was offered to the King, not to Coligny; and if this villany ſhould not be puniſhed, it would ere long come to that paſs, that they would even dare to ſet upon the King himſelf in his houſe: therefore all means are to be uſed moſt ſharply to revenge ſo great a villany. Theſe words being ſpoken with much heat, and ſeeming indignation, the minds of Navar and Conde were ſomewhat appeaſed, who did not believe there was any diſſimulation, ſo that there was not a word more made of their departure out of the City.

Preſently ſome were ſent to purſue the Aſſaſine, though none as yet knew who he was. All the gates of the City are ſhut up till ſearch had been made, except two, by which proviſion was brought in, and even they were kept by a guard appointed by the King. In the mean while the maid and the boy that were taken in Villemur's houſe, who was then from home, were examined a part by Chriſtopher Thuanus, and Bernardus Prevotius Morſanus, Preſidents of the Court, and James Viole a Senator: and the maid confeſſed that a few daies ſince Villerius Challius, a ſervant of the Guiſes, brought a Souldier to that houſe, and commended him to her, as if he had been the Maſter of the houſe, being a very near friend and familiar acquaintance of his, and that therefore he made uſe, as long as he was there, of Villemur's Chamber and Bed; but what his name was he did induſtriouſly conceal. The boy who had ſerved the Aſſaſine but a few days, ſaid he was ſent by his Maſter, (who diſſembled his name, and called himſelf ſometimes Bolland, ſometimes Bondol the King's Archer) in the morning to Challius, to deſire him from him, that he would have the horſes in readineſs, which he promiſed him. From all which diſcoveries it was yet uncertain who was the Aſſaſine: but when as they both agreed in Challius, it was given in charge to Gaspar Caſtraeus Naucaeus, Captain of the King's Guard, that he ſhould ſeize him, and bring him forth to examination. Then Letters are written to the Governors of the Provinces by the King, in which he deteſted the fact, and commanded that they ſhould make it their buſineſs that all might underſtand that it did highly grieve him, and that ere long there ſhould be given a moſt ſevere example of ſo great a crime.

In the mean while d'Anville, Coſſaeus and Villarius Marſhals, viſiting Coligny about noon, ſaluted him in moſt friendly manner, and told him that that they did not come thither to exhort him to patience and fortitude: For that, ſay they, theſe virtues are as it were natural to thee; thou haſt been wont to admoniſh others, and therefore wilt not be wanting to thy ſelf. He anſwering with a ſmiling countenance, ſaid, I ſpeak truly, and from my heart, death doth nothing affright me. I am ready moſt willingly to render to God that ſpirit which I have received from him, whenſoever he ſhall require it. But I do greatly deſire an opportunity to confer with the King before I depart this life; for I have ſome things to acquaint him with, which concern both him, and the ſafety and honour of the Kingdom, which I am well aſſured none of you dares carry to him. Then d'Anville told him he would willingly acquaint the King with that (his deſire); and having ſo ſaid, he with Villarius and Teligny daparted, leaving Coſſaeus there, to whom Coligny ſaid, Do you remember what I ſaid to you a few hours ſince? be wiſe, and take heed to your ſelf. What he meant by theſe words was not underſtood by all.

12. But when the King knew by d'Anville and Teligny his deſire, he in ſhew ſeemed not unwilling to come to him about the afternoon. There came together with him the Queen-Mother, with the Brethren, Anjou and Alanſon, Cardinal Borbon, Monpenſſer, Nevers, Coſſaeus and Tavanius, Villarius, Meruvius, Thoreus, Momorancies Brethren, Marſhals, Naucaeus and Radeſianus. Theſe being let in, the reſt are by the King's command ſhut out, except Teligny and a Gentleman of the Family, who ſtood at the Chamber-door; here it is publiſhed in writing, that ſome ſecrets were diſcovered to the King by Coligny, but others deny it, and ſay that the diſcovery of this ſecret was purpoſely hindered by the Queen, leſt the King, whoſe nature ſhe began to diſtruſt, being mollified, and perſwaded by the word of Coligny, ſhould change his reſolution. That which was openly heard was this, when Coligny gave the King thanks, the King with a ſad and troubled countenance did earneſtly enquire of his ſtate, and did proteſt, that what had happened to him was a very great grief to him. The wound is thine, ſaid he, but the pain is mine. But I ſwear (then according to his manner he ſwore) I will ſo ſeverely revenge this injury, that the memory of it ſhall never be blotted out of the minds of men. To this Coligny anſwered, God is my witneſs, before whoſe tribunal I now ſeem (ready) to ſtand, that I have been all my life long moſt loyal and faithful to your Majeſty, and I always, and with all my hea •• deſired that your Kingdom might be moſt flouriſhing and peaceable. And yet I am not ignorant that there have been ſome who have called me Traytor, and Rebel, and a perturber of our Kingdom; but I truſt, God will ſome time or other judg between me & them, before whom I am ready, if it be his pleaſure that I ſhould at this time depart out of this life, to give an account of my faith and obſervance towards you. Moreover, whereas I have been advanced by Henry your Father to many and great honours which your Majeſty hath been pleaſed to confirm to me; I cannot but according to that faith and love that I have for your affairs, deſire that you would not let ſlip ſo notable an opportunity of an happy enterprize, eſpecially now that the breach is already made, and there are many tokens and pledges of your mind, as to the Belgick Expedition; ſo as if the matter now begun be relinquiſhed, it will be very dangerous to your Kingdom. Is it not a moſt unworthy thing that an egg cannot be moved in your Privy Council, but preſently almoſt before it be turned, a meſſenger runneth and reporteth it to the Duke of Alva? Is it not a moſt baſe thing that 300 either Gentlemen or gallant ſoldiers taken in Jenlis his fight, ſhould by the command of Alva either be hanged, or undergo ſome other kind of puniſhment? which thing I do yet perceive to be here in the Court a matter of jeſting and laughing. A third thing which I did deſire to diſcourſe with your Majeſty about, is the contempt of the Pacificatory Edict offered by thoſe that are in place of Juriſdiction, who do in moſt grievous manner daily violate the faith that was given by you; of which faith and oath even foreign Princes are witneſſes. But as I have often told your Majeſty and the Queen-Mother, I do not think there is any ſurer way of preſerving peace and publick tranquility, than by a religious and ſevere obſervance of the Edicts. But they are ſo contemned, that of late at Troyes there was an aſſault made upon the ſervants of the wife of the Prince of Conde: and when as ſhe, according to the form of your Edict, had choſen a certain Village called Inſula, in which our Religion ſhould be exerciſed, yet notwithſtanding, of late, a certain man, and a nurſe, and an infant, that was brought to the holy font, w •• e ſlain upon the way whiles they were returning from a Sermon that was made in that place. Auguſt 10th. And this happened a little before the 4th. Eid, 6 til.

To this the King anſwered. I eſteem thee, my Father, as I have often aſſured thee for a valiant and faithful perſon, and one that is moſt careful for my honour. Laſtly, I look upon thee as one of the chiefeſt and moſt valiant Commanders of my Kingdom; nor if I had any other opinion of thee, would I have done what I have for thee. As for the Edict which I lately iſſued out, I have always wiſhed, and do wiſh that it may be moſt diligently obſerved. And to that purpoſe I have taken care that ſome choice perſons ſhould be ſent through the Provinces, that may make this their buſineſs; whom if thou doeſt ſuſpect, others ſhall be ſent in their places; (for in diſcourſe he had ſaid he did ſuſpect them who had condemned him to death, and hanging, and ſet a price of fifty thouſand Aurei upon his head). Then, that he might break off this diſcourſe, he added, I ſee, my Father, that you ſpeak earneſtly, and that earneſtneſs may hurt both you and your wounds. I will take care of this affair, (and again, ſwearing by the name of God), I do aſſure you that I will moſt ſeverely revenge this injury upon the Authors of it, as if it were offered to my ſelf. Then he, there is not need of any great ſearch for the Author of the fact, nor are the diſcoveries already made very doubtful. But it is enough, and upon that account, in the moſt humble manner that I can, I give your Majeſty thanks that you are pleaſed graciouſly to promiſe me to do me right.

Then the King taking aſide that Gentleman of the houſehold that ſtood at the dore, commanded him to ſhew him the bullet wherewith Coligny was wounded, and which was taken out of the wound, that he might look upon it. It was a brazen one: then he enquired of him, firſt, whether much bloud flowed out of the wound; next, whether Coligny did ſignify the grievous pains he felt by out-cries and complaints. And having commended his conſtancy, and the greatneſs of his mind, he commanded that Gentleman that he ſhould not depart from him.

Theſe things paſſed for about the ſpace of an hour in the Chamber of Coligny: the King drawing out the time with wandring diſcourſes, and that he might put off the buſineſs of the Belgick War, to the mention of which, it is obſerved that he made no anſwer. Among theſe diſcourſes Radeſianus ſpoke to a friend of Coligny's concerning the removing him into the Caſtle of the Louvre for his greater ſecurity, if the people ſhould tumultuate; which thing the King himſelf did ſometime repeat, which almoſt all did interpret as an argument of the King's care of the health of Coligny. But when the Phyſitians, and chiefly Francis Mazilles the King's chief Phyſitian, anſwered there was danger, if his body ſhould be ſhaken in the carrying whiles his wounds were freſh, he would by no means be removed.

13. After the King departed, the Nobles of the Proteſtant party take counſel together, and John of Ferriers Vidame of Chartres, in the preſence of Navar and Conde, conjecturing what was indeed the matter, ſaid that the Tragedy was begun by the wound of Coligny, but would end in the bloud of them all. Therefore he thought it moſt ſafe, that without delay they ſhould depart the City: he produced teſtimonies and tokens for his opinion from the rumors that were ſpread abroad; for it was heard by many, when upon the day of Marriage the Proteſtants went out of the Church that they might not engage in worſhip; the Papiſts ſaid, by way of mirth, that within a few days they ſhould hear Maſs. Alſo it was openly ſpoken in diſcourſe by the chief of the City, that at that Marriage ſhould be poured out more bloud than wine. That one of the Proteſtant Nobles was adviſed by the preſident of the Senate, that he ſhould with all his family betake himſelf for ſome days into the Country. Beſides theſe things, the counſel of Johannes Monlucius Biſhop of Valence (when he was going Ambaſſador into Poland) given to Roch-fou-cault, that he would not ſuffer himſelf to be intoxicated, and turned about by the ſmoke and unwonted favour of the Court, which deſervedly ought to be ſuſpected by all wiſe and cautious perſons, that he would not be too ſecure to run himſelf into danger, and that he would timely withdraw himſelf, together with other Nobles, from the Court. But Teligny being of another mind, and ſaying that he was abundantly ſatisfied of the ſincere love and good will of the King, Ferrerius, and thoſe that thought as he he did, could not be heard.

The next day the Page was again examined, and new witneſſes produced. In this examination Arnold Cavagnes was engaged, for ſo Coligny did deſire, and all things were done in ſhew, as if there had been a diligent enquiry into the buſineſs.

The next day, when as Coligny, and by his command Cornaton in the name of his fellows (who, he ſaid, knew for certain that the Pariſians, that is LXM deadly enemies of Coligny would tumultuate, and take Arms), deſired of the King and his Brother Anjou, a guard of ſome Souldiers to be ſet to protect the houſe of Coligny, that if the people ſhould make any diſturbance, they might be reſtrained by fear of the King's guards, they both of them anſwered kindly and freely, and it was given in command to Coſſenius Colonel of the Regiment of the Guards, that with ſome choice Bands he ſhould keep watch before the dores of Coligny. To theſe were joyned, to avoid ſuſpition, ſome, but few in number, of the Switzers of the guards of Navar. Moreover, for the greater ſecurity, it was ordered by the King, that the Gentlemen of the Proteſtants who were in the City, ſhould lodge near Coligny's houſe, and it was given in command to Quarter-maſters forthwith to aſſign lodgings: and the King gave command with a loud voice, that all might hear it, to one of the Colonels, that no Catholick ſhould be ſuffered to come thither, nor ſhould they ſpare the life of any that ſhould do otherwiſe. Upon this occaſion the Corporals went from place to place, and wrote down the names of Proteſtants, and adviſed them to repair near to Coligny; for that the King would have it ſo.

Theſe and ſuch like ſigns and whiſperings abroad, though they had been enough to have warned the Proteſtants, if they had not been inf • tuated; yet by the conſtant diſſimulation of the King it came to paſs, that Coligny and Teligny could not perſwade themſelves that any ſuch cruelty was in his mind. Therefore when the Nobles entred into conſultation in the Chamber of Cornaton, in the houſe of Coligny, upon the ſame matter, and the Viſdame of Chartres perſevered in the ſame opinion, that they ſhould depart the City as ſoon as might be, and prevent that imminent danger, though with ſome diſadvantage to Coligny's health, who yet was that day ſomewhat better. Teligny was of opinion, and Navar and Conde agreed with him that they ſhould ſtay in the City, otherwiſe they ſhould offer a great affront to the King, that was ſo well affected towards them.

14. There was a ſuſpition leſt this ſhould be caried to the King by one that was then preſent, that was Buchavanius Bajancurius, one very familiar with the Queen, who preſently haſted to the Tuilleries, where a Counſel was held by the Conſpirators under a colour of walking; there was the laſt time that they conſulted of the manner of executing the deſign. There were preſent beſides, the King, Queen, and Anjou, the Dukes of Nevers and Angoleſme, the Baſtard, Biragus, Tavannes and Radeſianus. And ſince by the death of one man whom the Phyſitians did affirm was like to recover of his wound, the grievance of the Kingdom, which was nouriſhed by him, and diffuſed into many, could not be extinguiſhed, it ſeemed good that it ſhould be ſuppreſſed by the ruine of all; and that wrath which God would not have to be ſatisfied with the bloud of Coligny alone, ſhould be poured out upon all the Sectaries. That was their voluntary reſolution at firſt, and now by the event, neceſſity and force is put upon their counſels, that the danger that hangs over the King and the whole Kingdom, cannot be avoided without the ruine of Coligny and all the Proteſtants. For what would not he do ſo long as the faction of the Rebels remains entire after ſuch an injury? who, when he was no way provoked, was ſo long injurious to the King, and hurtful to the Kingdom? whom now all might foreſee, and dread, going out of Paris with his party, as a Lion out of his den, raging againſt all without reſpect. Therefore the reins are to be let looſe to the people, who are of themſelves ready enough, nor ought they any longer to withſtand the will of God, which would not that more mild Counſels ſhould take effect. After the thing is effected, there will not want reaſons whereby it may be excuſed, the fault being laid upon the Guiſians, which they would gladly take upon them.

Therefore all agreed upon the utter ruine of the Proteſtants by a total ſlaughter. To which opinion the Queen was even by her own nature and proper deſign enclined; ſome time was ſpent in deliberating The Duke of Guiſe was urgent to have the King of Navar and the Prince of Conde ſlain with the reſt. Dav. p. 370. It was alſo debated whether among the reſt they ſhould comprehend the Marſhal d'Anville, 〈◊〉 his Brothers, who profeſſed the Catholick Religion, but were nearly related to Colingy; but 〈◊〉 were ſpared, 〈◊〉 the eldeſt 〈…〉 rancy was abſent. Da. p. 370. whether Navar and Conde ſhould be exempt from the number of the reſt; and as for Navar, all their ſuffrages agreed upon the account of his Royal Dignity, and the Affinity that he had lately contracted. For that fact which of it ſelf could not but be blamed by many, would be ſo much the more blamed, if a great Prince near of Bloud to the King, joyned in a very late affinity, ſhould be ſlain in the King's Palace, in the arms as it were of the King his Brother-in-law, and in the embraces of his Wife. For there would be no ſufficient excuſe, nor would thoſe arguments prevail to excuſe the King, which might caſt the blame upon the Guiſians. Concerning Conde there was a greater debate, he lying under the load of his Fathers faults: yet both the dignity of the man, and the authority of Ludovicus Gonzaga Duke of Nevers, affirming that he would be loyal and obedient to the King, and alſo offering himſelf as a ſurety for him, upon the account of that cloſe and manifold relation that was between them; (for Conde had lately married Mary of Cleve the Siſter of Henrica Wife of the Duke of Nevers), did prevail that he ſhould be ſpared, and exempt from the number of thoſe that were deſigned for the ſlaughter, as well as Navar.

15. Upon this the Duke of Anjou and Engoleſme the Baſtard departing, as they rode in their Coach through the City, they ſpread abroad a rumor as if the King had ſent for Momorarcy and was about to bring him into the City with a ſelect number of horſe.

The very ſame hour there was one apprehended who was ſuſpected of the hurt of Coligny, who confeſſed himſelf to be a ſervant of the Guiſes; which, when it was underſtood, Guiſe and Aumale, and others of the Family went to the King to remove that ſuſpition; and complain that they were oppreſſed through the favour that was ſhewed to their enemies: that the ears of Judges were open to calumnies caſt upon them, and that tho they were guiltleſs, yet they were manifeſtly ſet againſt: that they had a long time obſerved that they were, for what cauſe they knew not, every day leſs gracious with the King: but yet that they did diſſemble it, and hoped that time, which is the beſt Maſter of truth, would at laſt inform him more certainly of the whole matter. But ſince they find no place for their innocence, they did, though unwillingly, and as forced to it, deſire that with his good leave they might return home. This was done openly, and it was obſerved that the King anſwered to theſe things ſomewhat coldly, and the rather, that he might perſwade the Proteſtants that he bare no good will to the Guiſians.

Upon this the King adviſeth Navar that he ſhould afford no occaſion of miſchief to the audacity and violentneſs of the Guiſians, things being ſo enflamed, and the people enclining to the Guiſian party. That he ſhould command thoſe whom he knew moſt faithful of his ſervants to come into the Louvre, to be ready upon any ſudden accident; which Navar did, interpreting it in good part, calling thoſe which were moſt active to lodge with him that night in the Louvre Caſtle.

Wiſe men alſo did preſage ſome future commotions, when they obſerved armed men to run up and down about the City and the Louvre, the people to mutter, threatnings to be every where heard. This being brought to Coligny, he who no way doubted of the good will of the King, but thought it to be the deviſe of the Guiſians to enflame the people, ſends one to the King, who ſhould in his name acquaint him with it. To whom the King anſwered, that Coligny need fear nothing: for thoſe things were done by his command, to compoſe the tumults of the people that were ſtirred up by the Guiſians. Therefore, that his mind might be ſecure,

It was alſo told Teligny the very ſame hour, that Porters laden with Arms were ſeen to be brought into the Louvre: but he contemned the meſſage, and anſwered, that unneceſſary ſuſpitions were ſought for in this ſad and diſmal time, and forbad that this ſhould be made known to Coligny, affecting the unſeaſonable reputation of prudence and moderation, from his deſpiſing of reports, and conſequently of dangers: and excuſing the matter, as if thoſe Arms were carried into the Louvre upon the account of a Caſtle repreſented and aſſaulted in a ſhew.

16. Forthwith Guiſe, to whom the chief command of the execution of the whole matter was committed, calling together in the deep of night ſome Captains of the Switzers, and the Captains of the French Troops, explains to them the Kings will and pleaſure. That the time was come wherein, by the King's command, puniſhment ſhould be taken upon that head that was ſo hateful both to God and men, and alſo upon the whole faction of the Rebels: that the beaſt was now in their toils: that they ſhould take care that he eſcape not: that they ſhould not be wanting to ſuch an opportune occaſion, of obtaining a more glorious triumph than they ever yet obtained in all their former Wars, with the bloud of ſo many Royalliſts: that the Victory was eaſy: that rich ſpoils are propoſed, which they might acquire without bloud, as rewards of their good ſervice.

Upon this the Switzers are placed about the Louvre, to whom are joyned the French Troops, and command was given that they ſhould look to it, that no man of the Family of Navar or Conde ſhould go out of the Louvre. The keeping of Coligny's houſe was committed to Coſſenius, to whom was given a party of Muſquetteers to lie in the neighbouring houſes, that none might eſcape them.

Matters being ſo diſpoſed as to the foreign Souldiers, the Duke of Guiſe calls to him, John Charron, Preſident of the Court of Revenues, (who, after a long canvaſing, and often repulſes, was at laſt put into that Office in the place of Marcellus Provoſt of the Merchants), and commands him that he ſhould give notice to the Corporals to command their Souldiers to their Arms, but that they ſhould remain at the Town-Hall till midnight, there to underſtand what was needful to be done.

The ſame thing was given in command to Marcellus, who though he was diſcharged of his office, yet for ſome private good offices that he had done, was retained in the Queens favour, and kept his authority, though he loſt his dignity. He by often going to the Court, brought himſelf into an opinion with men, that he was in favour with the King and Queen; and upon that account was acceptable to the people, and from his mouth the people, that were of themſelves apt enough to ſtirs, were certified, That it was the King's pleaſure that they ſhould take Arms to cut off Coligny and the other Rebels; that therefore they ſhould ſee to it that none were ſpared, nor that thoſe wicked men ſhould be any where concealed. So the King will have it, ſo he commands, who alſo will provide that other Cities of the Kingdom do preſently follow the example of the Pariſians. The ſign at which they ſhould riſe, is the tolling of the bell of the Palace-clock. The Mark whereby they ſhould be diſtinguiſhed from others, is white linen-cloath bound about their left arm, and a white croſs in their hats. That good ſtore of them ſhould therefore be ready with arms and good courage, and take care that candles be lighted in their windows throughout all their houſes: that no ſtir or tumult ariſe before the ſign given.

The commands and admonitions of Marcellus are readily received by the Corporals, Colonels, Captains and Wardſmen of the City, who put themſelves into a poſture with the greateſt ſilence that the ſudden ſtate of things would permit; ſetting their Guards in the ſtreets and paſſages, but at firſt within dores. On the other part, the Duke of Guiſe and Angoleſme did what they could that things might be done as they were ordered.

The Queen fearing leſt the King, whom ſhe thought ſhe did obſerve ſtill wavering and ſtaggering at the horridneſs of the enterprize, ſhould change his mind, comes into his Bed chamber at midnight, whither preſently Anjou, Nevers, Biragus, Tavannes, Radeſianus, and after them Guiſe came by agreement. There they immind the King, heſitating, and after a long diſcourſe had to and fro, upbraided by his Mother, that by his delaying he would let ſlip a fair occaſion offered him by God, of ſubduing his enemies. By which ſpeech He died in leſs than two years after of a Bloudy-flux, proceeding, as was ſuſpected, from poiſon given him by the procurement of his Mother and Brother Anjou. v. l. 57. the King finding himſelf accuſed of Cowardiſe, and being of himſelf of a fierce nature, and accuſtomed to bloud-ſhed, was inflamed, and gave command to put the thing in execution. Therefore the Queen laying hold of his preſent heat, leſt by delaying it ſhould ſlack, commands that the ſign which was to have been given at break of day ſhould be haſtened, and that the Bell of the nearer Church of St. German Auxerrois ſhould be tolled.

17. The Souldiers had for ſome time ſtood ready in their Arms drawn up in the ſtreets, expecting the ſign with greedy ears and deſires: by whoſe clattering and unuſual noiſe at ſo unſeaſonable a time, the Proteſtants who lodged by the King's command in the neighbouring lodgings, being awakened, went forth, and repaired toward the Louvre, where the concourſe was, and enquiring of thoſe they met what was the meaning of that concourſe of ſo many armed men, and why ſo many candles were lighted, they, as they were inſtructed (beforehand) anſwered, that there was a certain mock-fight preparing, and that many from all parts did flock together to the ſight. But when notwithſtanding they went on further, they are injuriouſly repelled by the Guards that ſtood near the Caſtle, then railed upon, and reviled; laſtly, they were beaten; the firſt blow being given by a Gaſcoign, and one of them having received a blow, the reſt fell upon them.

Which the She lived to prosure the extirpation of all her Poſterity, and to ſee the death of all her ſons but Anjou, who ſurvived her but few months, being after a furious rebellion againſt him by Guiſe and this faction, murdered by a Fryer. Auguſt 24th. Queen underſtanding, being impatient of all delay, ſhe thence took occaſion to tell the King that the Souldiers could not now be reſtrained, that he ſhould command the ſign from the Palace preſently to be given; for it was to be feared, that if it were delayed any longer, all would be in a confuſion, and things would fall out otherwiſe than he deſired. Therefore by his command the Bell of St. Germans Church is tolled before break of day ix Kal. VII br. which day is the Feaſt of St. Bartholomew, and fell upon a Sunday. And preſently Guiſe with Engoleſme and He was ſlain in March following, before Rochel. l 55. Aumale go to Coligny's houſe, where Coſſerius kept Guard.

Mean time Coligny being awakened, he underſtood by the noiſe that they were riſen into ſedition, yet being ſecure, and even ſure of the good will of the King, whether through his own credulity, or through the perſwaſion of his Son-in-law Teligny, he thus thought with himſelf; that the people were ſtirred up by the Guiſians, but as ſoon as they ſhould ſee the King's Guards under the command of Coſſenius for the defence of him and his, as he ſuppoſed, they would immediately fall off.

But the tumult growing on, when he perceived a Gun diſcharged in the Court-yard of the houſe, then at laſt, but too late, conjecturing what the thing indeed was, he roſe from his bed, and putting on his night-gown, he raiſed himſelf upon his feet to his Prayers, leaning againſt the wall. La Bonne kept the keys of the houſe, who being commanded by Coſſenius, in the King's Name, to open the Gate, he ſuſpecting nothing, immediately opened it; ſtrait-way He was ſlain 8 Apr. following, before Rochel l. 56. Coſſenius going in, la Bonne meeting him, is ſtabbed with daggers; which, when the Switzers who were in the Court-yard ſaw, they fly into the houſe, and ſhutting after them the next gate of the houſe, they barracado it up with Cheſts, and Tables, and other houſhold-ſtuff, one only of the Switzers being ſlain in that firſt conflict by the Coſſenians, by a Muſquet diſcharged. At laſt the Gate being forced open, the Conſpirators ſtrive to get up the ſtairs. They were Coſſenius, Abinius, Corboran, Cardillac, & Sarlaboun, chief officers of the Companies, Achilles, Petruccius of Siena, all clad in Coats of Male, and Beſmes a German, educated from a child in the Family of Guiſe; for Guiſe himſelf, with the reſt of the Nobles and others, remained in the Court-yard. In that noiſe, after Prayers ended by Merlin, the Miniſter Coligny, turning to thoſe who ſtood about him, who were for the moſt part Chirurgeons, and a few of his retinue. I ſee, ſaith he, (with an undaunted countenance), what is doing; I am prepared patiently to undergo that death which I never feared, and which I have now long ſince embraced in my mind. Happy am I who ſhall perceive my ſelf to die, and who ſhall die in God, by whoſe Grace I am raiſed to the hope of eternal life. Now I need not humane helps any longer. You, my friends, get ye hence with all the ſpeed that may be, leſt you be involved in my calamity, and your Wives hereafter wiſh evil to me being dead, as though I were the cauſe of your deaths. The preſence of God, unto whoſe goodneſs I commend this ſoul which ſhall ſhortly fly from my body, is abundantly ſufficient. Which as ſoon as he had ſaid, they go into an upper room, and thence through the roof every one his way.

Mean while the Conſpirators, breaking open the Chamberdores, ruſh in; and when as He was killed about two years after, l. 60. Beſmes, with his ſword drawn, asked of Coligny who ſtood by the dore, Art thou Coligny? He, with an undiſturbed countenance, anſwered, I am he: but, young man, reverence my gray hairs; whatſoever thou doeſt, thou canſt not make my life (much) ſhorter. Whiles he ſaid ſo, Beſmes thruſt his ſword into his breaſt, and drawing it forth, ſtruck him with a back-blow over the face, whereby he quite disfigured him: then with repeated blows he fell down dead. Some write that theſe words, ſhewing his indignation, fell from Coligny as he was dying. If at leaſt I had died by the hand of a man, not of a ſcullion. But Atinius, one of the Aſſaſines, repeated it ſo as I have written, and adds, that he never ſaw man in ſo preſent a danger bear death with ſuch conſtancy.

[Much otherwiſe did Guiſe bear the ſenſe of his leſs apparent approaching death. For when after his conſpiracy and rebellion in the H. League againſt the next King, he was with ſuch like arts as had been here uſed, brought into the ſnare which the King had laid for him, and having before neglected the warnings of his friends, at laſt began to be ſuſpitious of his danger, though nothing viſible appeared his vehement fear ſo prevailed over his diſſimulation, whereby he endeavoured to conceal it, that his whole body, though he ſate by the fire, ſhaked and trembled, and, to immind him of this preſent fact, a ſtream of bloud flowing plentifully from his noſtrils; as he called for a napkin, he was fain to call for ſome Cordials to comfort his ſpirits: but yet nothing of danger viſible, when in the midſt of this his fear and languiſhing, he was by one of the Secretaries, who knew nothing of the deſign, called into the Kings Privy Chamber, whereupon, having ſaluted each of the company, as if he took his laſt farewell of them, going directly thither, he was no ſooner entred, but the dore was boulted, and one of thoſe who were appointed for the buſineſs, ſtruck a dagger through his throat downward into his breaſt, whereby his mouth was preſently filled with bloud, and ſtopped, that he could not ſpeak, but only fetch ſo deep a groan as was heard with horror by thoſe who ſtood by. This ſtroke was ſeconded by many others upon his head, breaſt, belly and groyn. And to this end he came, not as Colinius from his Prayers, but, after all his other wickedneſs, from his whore, with whom he had indulged the night, and therefore came later than the reſt this morning into the Counſel. Thu. l. 93. It was their different lives and actions which made this difference in their deaths; for otherwiſe Guiſe was a man of great courage as well as Colinius.]

Then Guiſe asking Beſines out of the Court-yard, whether the thing were done? when he anſwered, it was done, he could not perſwade Angoleſme unleſs he ſaw it. Therefore Guiſe replying, and bidding him throw down the body, it was thrown out of the window into the Court-yard, as it was all beſmeared with bloud; when He was afterwards ſtabbed to death. l. 85. Angoleſme not believing his own eyes, wiped off the bloud from his face with his handkerchief, and at laſt perceiving it was he, and as ſome add, kicking the corps in ſcorn, going out of the houſe with his fellows into the way, Go to, fellow Souldiers, ſaith he, let us proſecute what we have ſo happily begun; for ſo the King commandeth: which words being often repeated, when forth-with the Bell of the Palace clock rang out; they every where cryed, Arm, arm, and the people preſently ran to Coligny's houſe; then the carkaſs after it had been abuſed in a ſtrange manner, is caſt into the next Stable, and at laſt cutting off his head, (which was ſent as far as Rome), and his privy-members, and his hands, and his feet, they dragged it about the ſtreets to the bank of Siene; which thing he had formerly preſaged by an ominous word, though he thought no ſuch thing. When he was about to be thrown into the River by the boys, from thence he was drawn to the Gibbet of Mount Faucon, where, with his legs upward, and his body downward, he is hanged in iron-chains: then a fire is made under him, by which he is only ſcorched, not conſumed; that he might as it were be tormented through all the Elements, ſlain upon the earth, drowned in the water, burnt in the fire, and hanged in the air. There when (his corps) had been expoſed for ſome days to the luff and rage of all ſpectators, and to the juſt indignation of many, who did boad that that rage would hereafter coſt the King and all France dearly, Francis Momorancy, who had timely withdrawn himſelf from the danger, being near of kin, and nearer by friendſhip to the dead, took care that he ſhould by ſome truſty men be taken down by night, and committed to the earth in a Chapel at Chantilly.

In Coligny's houſe were ſlain in the tumult whoſoever they met, or found hiding themſelves; and then the Souldiers betake themſelves to plunder, and breaking open Cheſts, they take away mony, and other precious things, only they preſerve letters and papers, for ſo the Queen commanded.

18. Thence Nevers, and Tavannes, and Monpenſer, (who joyned himſelf to them, through the hatred that he bore to Proteſtants) ride armed through the City, and ſpurred on the people that • an already, telling them, That Coligny and his Aſſociates had laid a plot againſt the King, the Queen, the King's Brethren, and Navar himſelf, and that it was detected by the ſingular Grace of God, and that the King prevented them only in time: therefore, that they ſhould not ſpare the bloud of thoſe wicked men, who are the capital enemies of the King and Country, but that they ſhould fly upon their goods as ſpoil lawfully gotten; that it was the King's pleaſure, that that peſtiferous ſerpentine ſeed ſhould be extirpated, that the poiſon of hereſy being extinguiſhed, there ſhould for the future not ſo much as a word be ſpoken of any Religion but that of their fore-Fathers.

Then all being let looſe to ſatisfy their hatreds, every one proſecuted his enemy and rival with embittered minds. Many brake into houſes through deſire of prey; all ran upon the ſlaughter without diſtinction. At the ſame time Francis Count de la Roche fou cault, being for his facetiouſneſs and pleaſantneſs in diſcourſe very gracious with the King, when as but the day before he had, though unſeaſonably, drawn out the night till late in jeſting with the King, and from thence betook himſelf to his own houſe, he underwent the ſame fate with Coligny. For Bargins Avernus knocks at Roche-fou-cault's houſe, and telling him he had ſomething to acquaint him with from the King; Roche-fou-cault himſelf commanding the dores to be unlocked, he is admitted in; when he ſaw men, as he thought, in diſguiſes, ſuppoſing the King was not far off, who had ſent men in jeſt to beat him, he beggeth them that they would deal better with him: but miſerable man, he found that the thing was not to be acted in jeſt, but in earneſt; when his houſe being plundered before his eyes, he himſelf half naked, was moſt cruelly butchered by one that ſtood by him.

Alſo Teligny the ſon-in-law of Coligny having, by running over the tops of houſes, eſcaped the hands of many, and at laſt being eſpied by the Guards of Anjou, he is alſo ſlain.

Antonius Claromonlius Marqueſs of Revel, Brother, by the Mother, to Prince Porcian, who had a conteſt with Ludovicus Claromonlius Buſſius of Ambois, concerning the Marqueſat of Revel, came to Paris in the company of Navar, hoping there to put an end to his troubleſome controverſy. But the matter had a quite other end than he expected: for when in that tumult he fled into the houſe that was next to his, at length he fell into the hands of his Couſin-German, purſuing him, who being his enemy upon no other account but the matter in controverſy, cruelly ſlew him. But not long after the controverſy being brought to an hearing, ſentence was given for Buſſius, but with no more happy ſucceſs: for by virtue of an Edict afterwards made in favour of the Proteſtants, the ſentence was repealed, and Ludovicus himſelf was for a far different cauſe, with the ſame cruelty beheaded.

Antonius Marafinus Guerchius a ſtout man, who the day before had asked Coligny that he might lodge in his houſe, when, being in diſtreſs, he had not time to hide himſelf, taking his Cloak upon his arm, and drawing his ſword, he for a long time defended himſelf againſt the Aſſaſines; yet he ſlew none of them, being all in Coats of Male, but at laſt was overpowred by the multitude.

The ſame calamity involved Baudineus, (the Brother of Acierius) Pluvialius, Bernius, being cruelly ſlain by the King's Souldiers: as alſo Carolus Quellevetus Pontius, Preſident of Armorica, who had married Katharina Parthenaea, daughter and heir of John Subizius: but the Mother of Parthenaea complaining of the frigidity of her ſon-in-law, a Suit had been commenced to diſſolve the Marriage, but was not yet determined. Therefore, when the bodies of the ſlain were thrown down as they were ſlain before the Palace, and in the ſight of the King and Queen, and all the Court retinue, many Court-Ladies not being affrighted at the horridneſs of ſuch a ſpectacle, did with curious eyes ſhamefully behold the naked bodies, and eſpecially fixing their eyes on Pontius, did examine if they could by any means diſcover the ſigns of his frigidity.

Carolus Bellomanerius Lavardinus, the Kinſman of Pontius, and ſom • time Tutor to the King of Navar in his childhood, fel • into the hands of Petrus Lupus Preſident of the Court, a good man, who when he would have ſaved him, and was commanded by the Emiſſaries of the Court to diſpatch his priſoner; he, as he was a man of a ready and pleaſant wit, asked ſo much time as till he could raiſe his paſſion; by which ſpeech he for ſome time eluded their cruelty; but by and by a Meſſenger coming from the Palace as from the King, he was forced to deliver him into the hands of the Guard, who were to carry him before the King; but they in the way firſt ſtabbed Lavardinus with daggers, and then threw him over the Mill bridge into the River.

The ſame fortune, and in the ſame place, ran Claudius Gaudimelus, an excellent Muſitian in our Age: who ſet the Pſalms of David, as they were put into verſe in the Mother-tongue by Clemens Marot, and Theodoret Beza, to divers pleaſant tunes, as they are now ſung in the publick and private meetings of the Proteſtants.

Briolius a Gentleman who was Tutor to Marqueſs Conte in his childhood, venerable for his grey-head, being now an old man, was likewiſe ſlain in the embraces of his Pupil, who ſtretched forth his arms, and oppoſed his own body to the blows.

Truly lamentable was the ſpectacle of Franciſcus Nompar Caumonlius: who had lodged in that neighbourhood, but which fortune, ſporting after her manner, mingled with an event of unexpected joyfulneſs: he with his two ſons, whom he loved with a paternal affection, being taken in bed by the murderers, who proſecuted him with his children, not through an hatred of his Religion, but through hope of gain, was ſlain with one of his ſons: the other being all bloudy with the bloud that flowed upon him, ſaving himſelf from their blows, as he could at that tender age, (for he was hardly twelve years old), by the interpoſition of the dead bodies, diſſembling himſelf dead, he was at laſt left by them for dead: a little after, more ran flocking to the houſe for prey, of whom ſome commended the fact, as well done; (for not only wild beaſts, but their whelps are altogether to be deſtroyed); others that had more humanity, ſaid, this might be lawful to be done upon the Father as guilty, but the innocent off ſpring, which perhaps would never take the ſame courſes, ought to be ſpared. Among thoſe that came toward the evening of that day, when as one did highly deteſt the fact, and ſaid God would be the avenger of ſuch impiety, the boy ſtretching his limbs, and a little lifting up his head, gave ſigns that he was alive: and when he asked him who he was, he anſwered not unadviſedly, that he was the Son and Brother of the ſlain, not telling his name; concerning which, when he was asked again, he anſwered that he would tell his name, if he would lead him where he deſired: and withal, asked him that he would take care to conduct him to the King's Armory, for he was near of kin to Biron Maſter of the Ordnance or Artillery: nor ſhould he loſe his reward for ſo great a benefit: which thing he carefully performed. This James Nompar, that is his name, with great gratitude rewarded the man brought to him by the Divine Providence, and afterwards married the Daughter of Biron, and is now chief of a Noble Family in Aquitania, Godfry Caumont his Unckle being dead, and leaving only one Daughter. Being raiſed by the King to great honours, of which he carried himſelf worthy, as Colonel of the King's Life-guard, and Governour of Bearne, he ſeems to be preſerved from that danger by the ſingular Grace of God, that he might by his numerous off ſpring which he had by his Wife, propagate that Family that was reduced to a few, and by his virtue add the higheſt ornament to the honours of his Anceſtors.

The ſame day were ſlain theſe Proteſtants of great note, Loverius thrown out of a window into the high-way, Montamarius, Montalbertus, Roboreus, Joachinus, Vaſſorius, Cunerius, Rupius, Cobombarius, Velavaurius, Gervaſius, Barberius, Francurius, Chancellor to the King of Navar, Hieronimus Grolotius Governour of Aurleance, and Caliſtus his baſe Brother, who were both inhumanely dragged about the ſtreets, and at laſt caſt into the River, by the inſtigation of thoſe who gaped after his office and goods.

Stephanus Cevalerius Pruneus, the King's Treaſurer in Poictou, a man of great integrity, and one that was very ſolicitous for the good of the Common-weal, who had been the principal mover for the building the Stone-bridge of Vienne, laid at Eraldi-caſtrum, was by certain cut-throats ſent by Stephanus Fergo Petauderius, (who ſought after his Treaſurer-ſhip), after the payment of a great ſum of mony, cruelly murdered, and thrown into the River, and Patanderius is, by the commendation of Monpenſerius, whoſe affairs he managed, put into his office.

Alſo Dionyſius Perrotus the Son of Aemilius, Senator of Paris, (a man not leſs renowned for his integrity than his knowledge in law), worthy of ſuch a Father, underwent the ſame fortune.

19. Nor did they ſpare thoſe whom Navar (being adviſed ſo to do by the King) had brought into the Palace: for they were by the King's command made to come down from their Maſters chambers into the Court-yard, and being brought out of the Palace, their ſwords being taken from them, they were many of them preſently ſlain at the Gate; others were hurried to the ſlaughter without the Palace. Among theſe were Pardallanius, Sammartinus, Burſius and Armannus, Claromontius, Pilius, famous for his late valour in defending the Temple of St. John. He, when he was led out to be butchered, ſtanding before the heaps of the ſlain, is ſaid to cry out, Is this the King's faith? Are theſe his promiſes? Is this the peace? But thou, O moſt great and moſt good God, behold the cauſe of the oppreſſed, and as a juſt Judge avenge this perfidy and cruelty: and putting off his Coat which was very rich, gave it to a certain Gentleman of his acquaintance that ſtood by; Take this from me as a remembrance of my unworthy death: which gift he not accepting under that condition whiles Pilius ſaid theſe things, he was thruſt into the ſide with a ſpear, of which would he fell down and died.

Leiranus now grievouſly wounded, but eſcaping out of the hands of the murderers, ruſhing into the Queen of of Navars chamber, and hiding himſelf under her bed, was preſerved; and being carefully commended by Margaret to the King's Phyſitians, was healed. Bellonarius formerly Tutor to the King of Navar, having a long time lien under the Gout, was ſlain in his bed.

The King received to his grace Grammontanus Lord of Gaſcoign, Johannes Durforlius Duralius, Joachimus Roaldus Gamarius, and Buchavarius, having promiſed to be faithful to him: and they were worth their word.

Then the King calls Navar and Conde, and tells them, that from his youth, for many years, the publick peace had been diſturbed by often renewed wars, to the great damage of his affairs; but now, at laſt, by the grace of God, he had entred into ſuch a courſe as would extirpate all cauſes of future wars. That Coligny, the author of theſe troubles, was ſlain by his command, and that the ſame puniſhment was taken, throughout the City, upon thoſe wicked men who were infected with the poiſon of ſuperſtition: That he remembred what great miſchiefs had befallen him from them, Navar and Conde, who had headed a company of profligate perſons, and ſeditiouſly raiſed war againſt him. That he had juſt reaſon to revenge theſe injuries, and now alſo had an opportunity put into his hand; but that he would pardon what was paſt upon the account of their conſanguinity, and the lately contracted affinity, and laſtly of their age: and that he would think that theſe things were not done by the advice or fault of them, but of Coligny and his followers, who had already, or ſhould ſhortly receive the juſt deſerts of their wickedneſs: that he was willing that thoſe things ſhould be buried in oblivion, provided they would make amends for their former offences, by their future loyalty and obedience; and renouncing their profane ſuperſtitious Doctrine, would return to the Religion of their Anceſtors, that is, to the Roman Catholick Religion: for he would have only that Religion profeſſed in his Kingdom which he had received from his fore-Fathers. Therefore, that they ſhould look to it that they do comply with him herein, otherwiſe they might know that the ſame puniſhment which others had ſuffered, did hang over their heads.

To this the King of Navar did moſt humbly beg, that no violence might be offered to their conſciences nor perſons, and that then they would remain faithful to him, and were ready to ſatisfy him in all things. But Conde added, that he could not perſwade himſelf that the King, who had engaged himſelf by ſolemn oath to all the Proteſtant Princes of his Kingdom, would upon any account violate it, or hearken to their enemies and adverſaries in that matter. As to Religion, that was not to be commanded, that his life and fortunes were in the King's power to do with them what he pleaſed; but that he knew he was to give an account only to God of that Religion that he had received from God. Therefore that he was fixed and reſolved never to recede from his Religion, which he knew aſſuredly was true, no, not for any preſent danger of life. With which anſwer the King being highly provoked, he called Conde ſtubborn, ſeditious, Rebel, and the ſon of a Rebel, and told him, that if he did not change his mind within three days, his head ſhould pay for his obſtinacy.

20. Many of the Proteſtant Nobles had taken up their lodgings in the Suburbs of St. German, and could not be perſwaded to lie in the City. Among theſe were Johannes Roanus Frontenaeus, Godofridus Caumonlius, Vidame of Chartres, Gabriel Mongomerius, Jo. Lafinius, Bellovarius, Segurius Pardallanius, and others. The deſtroying of whom was given in charge to Laurentius Mougironus: and beſides Marcells was ordered to take care that 1000 Souldiers of the City Trained-Bands ſhould be ſent thither to Maugironus, who went but flowly on in his buſineſs.

While this was doing, tidings came to Mongomery of the rumor of taking up Arms in the City, who ſignified the ſame to the Vidame of Chartres, and preſently they met all together, uncertain what was to be done; for that many confiding in the King's faithfulneſs, perſwaded themſelves that this was done without the King's command, by the Guiſians, encouraged by the forwardneſs of the ſeditious people, therefore they thought it was beſt to go to the King, and that he would ſuccour them againſt any violence.

In that doubtfulneſs of mind (though the more prudent did not doubt that theſe things were done by agreement, and by the King's command) were many hours ſpent, ſo that they might eaſily have been deſtroyed, but that another impediment happened to the Conſpirators; for whiles Maugironus doth in vain expect Pariſians to be ſent from Guiſe, who were all buſied in plundering, Guiſe impatient of further delays, calls forth the King's Guards out of the Louvre, intending whiles they paſſed the River to go thither himſelf. And when he came to the gates, it did too late appear that they had miſtaken the keys, therefore while they ſent for others, it being now broad day, the Switzers and others of the King's Guards paſſing the Siene, were ſeen from the other ſide: and upon the diſcharging of a Gun on the other ſide of the River, as was thought by the King's command, the Aſſociates take counſel to fly, and before they came, were gotten a good way off. Guiſe purſued Mongomery and others to Montfort, but in vain, and meeting with Sanleodegarius, he commands him that he ſhould follow them with freſh horſes. There were ſome ſent to Udencum, and to Dreux, who ſhould intercept them if they went that way: but all in vain.

Franciſcus Bricomotius who could not be deſtroyed in the tumult, flies to the Engliſh Amb • ſſadors lodgings, In Bernardinorum caio. where he for ſome days lay hid. Arnoldus Cavagnius alſo hid himſelf not far from hence, with a friend, who fearing the danger, defired him to provide for himſelf; but both being taken, were caſt into the Palace priſon, and with that event which we ſhall ſhew anon.

In the mean time Guiſe, with Aumale and Angoleſme, return into the City, where the King's Guards did commit outrages upon the lives and fortunes of the Proteſtant Nobles and Gentlemen, even of thoſe that were their familiars, and well known to them. This work being aſſigned to them in particular, whiles the people incited by the Sheriffs wardſmen and tything-men that ran about, did furiouſly rage with all manner of licentiouſneſs and exceſs againſt their fellow-Citizens, and a ſad and horrid face of things did every where appear. For the ſtreets and ways did reſound with the noiſe of thoſe that flocked to the ſl • ughter and plunder and the complaints and doleful out-cries of dying men, and thoſe that were nigh to danger were every where heard. The carkaſſes of the ſlain were thrown down from the windows, the Courts & chambers of houſes were full of dead men, their dead bodies rolled in dirt were diagged through the ſtreets, bloud did flow in ſuch abundance through the chanels of the ſtreets, that full ſtreams of blond did run down into the River: the number of the ſlain, men, women, even thoſe that were great with child, and children alſo, was innumerable.

Annas Terrerius Chapius, being eighty years old, and an Advocate of great name in the Senate, was ſlain. Alſo Jo. Lomerius Secretary to the King, having compounded for his ſafety, was thrown into Gaol by Johannes Pariſienſis Judge of Criminals, and having ſold Verſalium fundum. his Eſtate at Verſailles to his adverſary, with whom he had a Suit depending about it, at a low rate, and leaving his office upon the account of another, was afterwards ſlain by the command of thoſe with whom he had thoſe dealings.

Magdalena Briſſonetta the Relict of Theobaldus Longiolius (an Iriſh-man, Maſter of the Requeſts) Neece of Cardinal Gulielmus Briſſonettus, and beſides, a woman of moſt rare accompliſhments, and of no mean learning, when in old apparel, taking with her her daughter Franciſca, and Johannes Spina a noted Preacher, who was her houſhold Chaplain, ſhe would have fled out of the City, being diſcovered by the cutthroats, and in vain put to renounce her Religion, being thruſt into the body with pike-ſtaves, half dead, ſhe was tumbled from the Key into the River, where ſwimming about, a company of boats being drawn together, as if it had been to deſtroy a mad dog, with many gentle blows, ſhe was at length moſt inhumanely drowned: Spina not being known, eſcaped in the throng, and CL. Marcellus coming in, they ſpared her daughter for her ages ſake.

Peter Ramus, who was born at Vermand, when he had for a long time taught good learning, Philoſophy, & at laſt Mathematicks, in Prelaea Schola, of which he was Maſter, and afterward in the King's School, he at laſt brought erroneous doctrine into his Philoſophy, vehemently oppoſing Ariſtotle both by word and writing. When as there were great diſputes between him and Jacobus Carpentarius, Claromontanus, as formerly there had been greater with Antonius Goveanus, and Joachinus Periomus; yet herein he was worthy of commendation, that by his wit, diligence, aſſiduity and wealth, he did what in him lay to promote Learning, inſtituting a Mathematick Lecture, to which he gave out of his own Eſtate a yearly ſtipend of 300 pounds. He being drawn out of his Cell, wherein he had hid himſelf, by ſome murderers ſent by Carpentar, his Rival, who alſo promoted the ſedition, after he had payed (ſome) mony, receiving ſome wounds, was thrown out of a window into the yard, whereby his bowels guſhed out; which the boys, ſet on by the fury of their enraged Maſters, threw about the ſtreets, and whipping his carkaſs with ſcourges in reproach to his profeſſion, dragged it about in a moſt ſhameful and cruel manner. Which thing, when it came to the hearing of Dionyſius Lambinus, Monſtrolienſis, King's profeſſor of humanity, and of both Languages, and who, by many books that he had publiſhed, deſerved well of Learning, and he was otherwiſe no friend to the Proteſtant Doctrine, yet was he ſo affrighted at the example of Ramus, that he could not be comforted, and it made ſo deep an impreſſion upon his mind, that he fell into a moſt grievous diſeaſe, of which about a month after he died.

From their contentions the name of Politick took its beginning, which afterwards became a note of faction, being given by the ſeditious, by thoſe that favoured the King's party, and the peace of the Kingdom.

21. This fury did extend it ſelf to thoſe that never profeſſed the Proteſtant Doctrine. For Gulielmus Bertrandus, Villemorius Maſter of Requeſts, (ſon of Jo. Bertrand Vice-Chancellor, and afterwards Cardinal) a good man, and liberal, and one that was injurious to none, was ſpoiled of his mony, and then ſlain by cut-throats ſent by the above-mentioned Fergo.

Alſo Jacobus Poliardus, a Senator of Paris, and Fellow of the Sacred Colledge, otherwiſe an unquiet and quarrelſome man, and one that was troubleſome to the Pariſian Captains, when he had for ſome days lien hid in the houſe of a Prieſt, his Friend, being diſcovered by the pratling of a Girl, was at length delivered into the hands of the murderers, and by one Cruciarius, (that was his name), a Goldſmith, after he had for ſome time kept him between hope and fear, had his head cut off. I have often beheld and heard that man that very well deſerved a Gallows, in a ſtrange kind of cruel madneſs boaſt, ſtretching forth his naked arm, that with this arm he had in that maſſacre ſlain above 400 men. Afterward, whether induced to it by repentance, or the terror of his conſcience, he put on hair-cloath, and being infamous for ſo many murders, that he might avoid the ſight of men, he went into ſolitude, profeſſing the life of an Anchoret: where yet he could not forget his cruel nature: for in theſe late wars he was accuſed, and almoſt convicted, that by the help of ſuch men as himſelf, he had cut the throat of a Flemiſh Merchant, whoſe neceſſity compelled him to repair to his Cell.

Laſtly Petrus Salſeda a Spaniard, Vici in Mediomatricibus praefectus. who ſtirred up the Cardinals war, of which we have ſpoken before, though he was no way enclined to the Proteſtant Doctrine, was the ſame day ſlain by thoſe who ſought to revenge a former injury.

[One Ronlart a Catholick, and Canon of Noſtre Dame, and alſo a Counſellor in the Parliament uttering certain ſpeeches in miſliking this lawleſs kind of proceeding without juſtice, was apprehended, and committed to priſon, and murthered as diſorderly as any of the reſt, wherewith divers of the Catholicks themſelves were offended. This manner of proceeding breedeth general miſtruſt in them of the Nobility, and every man feareth God's vengeance. Walſingham, Let. 16. Sept. 1572. In the Compleat Ambaſſador, p. 246.]

And many of the Nobles eſcaped with great danger, and eſpecially Thoreus, who warned Coligny when Coſſenius was deſigned to guard him, that he could not be committed to a more deadly enemy; and that now it was true that the ſheep was committed to the woolf. But it was believed that upon the account of the abſence of his Brother Momorancy, he and his Brethren Damvilla and Mernvius were ſpared. Coſſaeus his life was alſo in danger, for that he joyned with the Momorancies, and favoured not the Guiſians.

Bironus in the Armory fearing upon the ſame account what would become of him, planting two Culverins againſt the City, fortified himſelf till the fury of the people and the guards ceaſed.

Among the Proteſtants that were of any note, there eſcaped by a rare kindneſs of fortune, Joh. Sancomonlius, Sauromarius Cugius, Bricomolius Junior and ſome few others, Jacobus Cruſſolius Acierius, by the commendation of his Brother Antony Uticenſium ducis. Duke of Uzes, and command of the Queen, with ſome others of the Nobility, were preſerved by the Guiſians to this intent, as it was reported; that they might caſt the odium of the Maſſacre upon the King and the fury of the people; as though they had no other deſign than to revenge their private injuries upon the head of Coligny, and alſo that they might by ſuch a benefit hold thoſe whom they preſerved ever obliged to them. Nor did their expectations fail them.

Gulielmus Altamarus Fervacius did endeavour to procure the ſame favour from the King for Franciſcus Moninius, but all in vain; but he being diſcovered by his means, ſtrait-way it was given in command to Marcellus to cut him off by the cut-throats. That day were ſlain to the number of two thouſand.

Toward the evening Proclamation was made to the multitude by ſound of Trumpet, that every one ſhould betake himſelf to his own home, nor might any ſtir abroad; that only the King's Guards, and the Officers with their Troops of Horſe, ſhould go about the City upon pain of death to them that did not obey: ſo that when it was thought that there was an end put to thoſe ſlaughters and rapines, the ſame maſſacre and liberty of plundering was continued the night following, and the days following.

22. The ſame day the King, whether troubled at the horridneſs, or fearing the odium of the fact, by Letters directed to the Governors of the Provinces, caſteth the odium upon the Guiſians, telling them That the ſedition was raiſed without his privity or conſent: that they, as ſoon as they perceived that the friends and kindred of Coligny, whom he ſtill called couſin, did intend to revenge the wound given him, that they might be before-hand with them, ſtirred up ſo great a party of the Nobles and Pariſians, that they, by their help, cut off the Guards that he had aſſigned to Coligny, and as many of his friends as they met: and this example was followed with ſuch fury and violence throughout the City, that ſuch a remedy as might be wiſhed, could not be applied in any due time. Now at laſt the ſedition that ſeemed to be allayed, was again upon old grudges between the two Families, revived; which thing, ſince it hapned contrary to his will, he would that all ſhould underſtand that the Edict lately publiſhed, was not thereby in any part violated: but he did command that it ſhould be religiouſly obſerved, and that the Governors ſhould ſee to it, that mutual ſlaughters ſhould not be committed in other Cities, nor that they ſhould take Arms one againſt another, but that every one ſhould keep home in the City and Countrey, and abſtain from violence upon pain of death to thoſe that did not obey. In the end of the Letter theſe words were added; Here I am with my Brother of Navar, and my Couſin Conde, ready to undergo the ſame fortune with them. The ſame day were Letters of the ſame contents written by the Queen, ſent not only through the Kingdom, but to the Dyet or Aſſembly of Switzers, and diſperſed by the King's command through England, and divers places in Germany.

23. The next day ſlaughters and rapines were continued. Petrus Platius Preſident of the Court of Cuſtoms, a man eminent for his gravity, learning and integrity, (whom one Michael by name, Captain of a Band, had the day before cheated of a great ſum of Gold) by the help of ſlingers lent to him by Nic. Bellofremoutius Seneſcaeus, and Carronius Provoſt of the Merchants, defended himſelf from the fury of the people. That Seneſcaeus was lately by the King put into the place of Innocentius Triperius Monſtrolius, great Provoſt del' Hoſpital: under whom that Office, whoſe juriſdiction belonged only to ſome mean perſon of the King's Retinue, after that began to be conferred upon Gentlemen, as all thoſe things which belong to the Maſter and Colonels of the Horſe. He firſt obtained the name of great Provoſt, thoſe being much offended at it, who, by how much was added to him in titles did complain that by ſo much their juriſdiction was diminiſhed. That ſo large juriſdiction for ſome time after the death of Monſtrolius had ceaſed, which at laſt the King conferred upon Seneſcaeus, for the Nobleneſs of his Family, and ſuch learning as with us is rare in a military perſon. Therefore Seneſcaeus coming this day from the King to Placius, told him that though the King reſolved utterly to root out the Proteſtants by ſlaying them, that there ſhould not remain one that piſſeth againſt the wall, yet that for many reaſons he would give him his life, and ſent him to conduct him to the Louvre, for that he did deſire to learn from him many things concerning the affairs of the Proteſtants, which it behoved him to know. Then Placius deſired to excuſe himſelf, and deſired that he might ſtay till the fury of the people were ſomewhat allayed; that in the mean time he might be kept priſoner whereſoever it pleaſed the King. On the other ſide Seneſcaeus, who had received ſuch command from the Queen, did haſten him, that he ſhould without delay obey the King's command, and aſſigned him Pezovius, one of the privy leaders of the Sedition, for his greater ſecurity as he ſaid: by whom he was delivered into the hands of thoſe that lay in wait, and being thrown off his Mule upon which he rode, he was ſtabbed with daggers: his body was dragged, and thrown into the ſtable of a publick houſe; and his houſe lay three days open to ranſacking, his wife being fled, and his children wandring hither and thither. His office, which in his abſence, in the time of war was managed by Stephanus Nuellius, a factious and bloud-thirſty man, and who was believed to have hired theſe cut-throats againſt the life of Placius, was by him obtained of the King.

24. Such cruelty raging every where, while the Heavens ſeemed more than ordinarily ſerene, an accident hapned whereby the minds of the enraged people were after a ſtrange manner inflamed. An Oxyacantha, which is a kind of ſhrub which they call white-thorn, growing in the Church-yard of St. Innocents, did, whether of its own accord, which ſometimes happens, when nature failing, that plant is come to that, that it is about to dry up; or whether by warm water poured upon it by impoſtors, did in an unuſual time put forth its flower. All which, the factions flattering themſelves in their madneſs, did refer to God, ſignifying by theſe tokens, that what they had done was acceptable to him. And therefore they ſaid, that the Heavens did rejoyce to ſee the Maſſacre of the Proteſtants. And James Carpenter alluding to the Month, in a writing that he publiſhed, called that light Auguſtae. Therefore the ſeditious flocking together at the fame of the bloſſoming thorn, did skip about with great joy: which they alſo teſtified by the unuſual beating of a Drum, though without command, (for even that they might do then) and ſo interpreted it, as if the Proteſtants being rooted out, the Catholick Religion, and the Kingdom of France ſhould recover its ancient ſplendor and flower. But the Proteſtants argued otherwiſe; and if this were to be looked upon as a Miracle, they ſaid this was portended by this ſign; that though the Church might ſeem by this wound to be utterly extinct, yet it ſhould come to paſs that it ſhould in a wonderful and incomprehenſible manner revive and flouriſh; which alſo they did confirm by the example of the wonder ſhewed to Moſes in the buſh, which, though it burned, yet was it not conſumed. They added, that it might be ſaid rather to belong to the commendation of innocence, than the approbation of butchery, becauſe the thorn bloſſomed in a place which took its name from Innocents.

The ſame day ſome drawn out of the King's Life-Guard by Gaſpar Caſtreus Nancaeus, are by the King's command ſent to Caſtillionem ad Lupam. Chaſtillon, to take and bring Coligny's wife and children, as alſo the ſons of Andoletus. But Franciſcus the Eldeſt Son of Coligny, and Vidus Lavallus the Eldeſt Son of Andoletus, had already ſaved themſelves by flight. All the reſt are taken, and brought with all their precious houſholdſtuff to Paris.

25. It was the King's deſign, that as ſoon as the ſlaughter of Coligny and his followers had been performed, the Guiſes ſhould immediately depart the City, and go every one to his own houſe, that thereby all might take notice, that whatſoever had been done at Paris proceeded from their faction. But the Queen and Anjou eſpecially (who did both of them with an over-weaning affection incline to the party of Guiſe) did intercede: (ſeeing) the King was at firſt enraged only againſt Coligny, as not yet forgetting his flight from Meaux, drew him on, who yet wavered, to the ſlaughter of all the Proteſtants in the City; ſo that not knowing where he ſet his foot, they brought him by degrees to this paſs, that he ſhould take the whole blame upon himſelf, and ſo eaſe the Guiſians, who were not able to bear ſuch a burden. And to that end Anjou did, as it it was laid, produce Letters found in Teligny's desk, written by the hand of Momorancy, in which, after the wound given to Coligny, he did affirm that he would revenge this injury upon the Authors of it, who were not unknown with the ſame mind as if it had been offered to himſelf.

Thereupon the Queen and Anjou took occaſion to ſhew the King, That if he perſiſted in his former diſſimulation, things were come to that paſs, that he would endanger the ſecurity of the Kingdom, his Fortunes, Riches, and Reputation. For the Guiſians, who do by theſe Letters, and otherwiſe, underſtand the mind of the Momorancies, being men deſirous of troubles, and ſeeking grounds of them upon every occaſion, will never lay down their Arms which they have by the King's command taken up, to offer this injury: that they will ſtill keep them under pretence of deſending their ſafety, which they ſay is aimed at by the enemy; and ſo that which was thought to have been the end of a moſt bloudy war, will prove to be the beginning of a more dangerous one. For the remainders of the Proteſtants, who ſee their matters diſtreſſed, will, without doubt, gather themſelves to the Momorancies, who are of themſelves ſtrong, and thence will take new ſtrength and ſpirits: which if it ſhould happen, what a face of the Kingdom will appear, when the name and authority of the King's Majeſty being ſlighted and trampled upon, every one ſhall take liberty to himſelf, and indulge to private hatred and affections according to his own luſt? Laſtly, what will foreign Princes think of the King, who ſuffers himſelf to be over- • uled by his ſubjects, who cannot keep his ſubjects in their duty, and laſtly, who knows not how to hold the reins of legal power? Therefore there is no other way to prevent ſo great an evil, but for the King to approve by his publick Proclamation, of what was done, as if it had been done by his command. For by this means he ſhould take the arbitrement and power to himſelf; and on the one hand diſarm the Guiſes, and on the other hand keep the Momorancies from taking up Arms; and laſtly ſhould bring it about, that the Proteſtant affairs now already very low, ſhould be ſeparated from the cauſe of the Momorancies. That the King ought not to fear the odium of the thing: for there is not ſo much danger in the horridneſs of a fact, (the odium whereof may be ſomewhat allayed by excuſe), as in the confeſſion of weakneſs and impotency, which doth neceſſarily bring along with it contempt, which is almoſt deſtructive to Princes.

By theſe reaſons they eaſily perſwaded an imperious Prince, who leſs ſeared hatred than contempt, that he might recall the Guiſians to obedience, and retain the Momorancies in their loyalty, to confirm by publick teſtimony, that whatſoever had been done, was done by his will and command. Therefore in the morning, viz. upon the Tueſday, he came into the Senate with his Brethren, the King of Navar, and a great retinue of Nobles, after they had heard Maſs with great ſolemnity, and ſitting down in the Chair of State, all the orders of the Court being called together, He complained of the grievous injuries that he had from a child received from Gaſpar Coligny, and wicked men falſly pretending the name of Religion: but that he had forgiven them by Edicts made for the publick Peace. That Coligny, that he might leave nothing to be added to his wickedneſs, had entred into a conſpiracy how to take away him, his mother, his brethren, and the King of Navar himſelf, though of his own Religion, that he might make young Conde King, whom he determined afterwards to ſlay likewiſe, that the Royal Family being extinct, he uſurping the Kingdom, might make himſelf King. That he, when it could not otherwiſe be, did, though full ſore againſt his will, extinguiſh one miſchief by another, and as in extream dangers, did uſe extream remedies, that he might extirpate that impure contagion out of the bowels of the Kingdom. Therefore, that all ſhould take notice, that whatſoever had been that day done by way of puniſhment upon thoſe perſons, had been done by his ſpecial command.

After he had ſaid theſe things, Chriſtophorus Thuanus, chief Preſident, in a ſpeech fitted to the time, commended the King's prudence, who, by diſſembling ſo many injuries, had timely prevented the wicked conſpiracy, and the danger that was threatned by it, and that that being ſuppreſſed, he had now ſetled peace in the Kingdom, having well learnt that ſaying of Lewis XI. He that knows not how to diſſemble, knows not how to reign.

Then the Court was commanded that diligent enquiry ſhould be made concerning the conſpiracy of Coligny and his Aſſociates, and that they ſhould give ſentence according to form of Law, as the heinouſneſs of the fact did require. Then laſtly Vidus Faber Pibraccius, Advocate of the Treaſury (or Attorney-General) ſtood up, and asked the King whether he did will and command that this declaration ſhould be entred into the acts of the Court, to the preſervation of the memory of it? whether the orders of Judges and Civil Magiſtrates, which he had complained were corrupted, ſhould be reformed? And laſtly, whether by his command there ſhould be an end put to the ſlaughters and rapines? To theſe things the King anſwered, that he did command the firſt; that he would take care about the ſecond, and that for the third he did give command by publick proclamation through all the ſtreets of the City, that they ſhould for the future abſtain from all ſlaughters and rapines. Which declaration of the King aſtoniſhed many, and among the reſt Thuanus himſelf, who was a man of a merciful nature, and altogether averſe from bloud, and feared that example, and the danger that was threatned thereby: who alſo did with great freedom privately reprove the King, for that, if the conſpiracy of Coligny and his company had been true, he did not rather proceed againſt them by Law. This is moſt certain, he did always deteſt St. Bartholomews-day, uſing thoſe verſes of Statius Papinius in a different caſe, Excidat illa dies aevo, nec poſtera credant Saecula, nos certe taceamus, & obruta multa Nocte, tegi propriae patiamur crimina Gentis. So that he ſeems to have commended the King's art by a ſpeech fitted to the preſent time and place, rather than from his heart.

The adviſing of the King to enquire into this conſpiracy, is thought to have been from James Morvillerius Biſhop of Orleans, who had left his Biſhoprick to give himſelf wholly to the Court: a man of a cautious nature, but moderate and juſt, and who was never the author of that bloudy counſel. But when as that which was done could not be undone, he thought it was beſt for the reputation of the King, and for the publick Peace, that ſince the odium of it could not be wholly aboliſhed, yet that it might by ſome means be mitigated, he perſwaded the King and Queen, that to the things being now done, they ſhould, though in a prepoſterous manner, apply the authority of Law; and that proof being made of the conſpiracy, judgment ſhould be paſſed upon the conſpirators in form of Law; which thing Thuanus himſelf approved, being conſulted about it by Morvillerius upon the King's command.

Two days after a Jubilee is appointed, and Prayers are made by the King, and a full Court in a great aſſembly of people, and thanks were returned to God, for that things had ſucceeded ſo happily, and according to their deſires. And the ſame day an Edict was publiſhed, wherein the King declared, that Whatſoever had happened in this matter was done by his expreſs command; not through hatred of (their) Religion, or that it ſhould derogate from the Edicts of Pacification, which he would have to ſtand ſtill in force, and to be religiouſly obſerved, but that he might prevent the wicked conſpiracy of Coligny and his confederates. Therefore, that he did will and command that all Proteſtants ſhould live at home quietly and ſecurely under his protection and patronage, and did command all his Governors to take diligent care that no violence or injury ſhould be offered to them, either in their lives, goods or fortunes; adding a ſanction, that whoſoever did otherwiſe, ſhould underſtand that he did it under pain of life. To theſe things a clauſe was finally added, which the Proteſtants did interpret to contradict what he had ſaid before; that, Whereas upon the account of their meetings, and publick Aſſemblies, great troubles and grievous offences had been ſtirred up, they ſhould for the future abſtain from ſuch meetings, whether publick or private, upon what pretence ſoever, till further order was taken by the King, upon pain of life and fortunes to thoſe that diſobeyed.

26. Theſe Edicts and Mandates were diverſly entertained in the Provinces, according to the divers natures and factions of the Governors; for thoſe that were addicted to the party of the Momorancies, made a moderate uſe of them, but great was the rage and fury of others to whom ſecret commands were brought, not in writing, but by Emiſſaries, following the example of the Pariſian Maſſacre.

The beginning was at Meaux, as being neareſt, where the ſame day that the Maſſacre had been at Paris, above two hundred were thrown into priſon by Coſſetus Advocate of the Treaſury, an impudent man, who was chiefly aſſiſted by Dionyſius Rollandus an Apparitor, and Columbus a Mariner. The next day they ſet upon the Market that is out of the City, and the men being ſlipt away, they fell upon the women, whereof 25 were ſlain, and ſome of them violated by the rude murderers. The day following, after they had every where rifled the houſes of the ſuſpected, they come to thoſe that were impriſoned, who being called out one by one by Coſſetus himſelf, were there ſlain as Oxen, by Butchers, in a Slaughter-houſe, and thrown into the Caſtle-ditch, and the greateſt part of them (the cut-throats being wearied) were drowned in the River Marne. And then Coſſet us exhorts the neighbouring places that they ſhould proceed in what had been ſo happily begun. But the preſence of Momorancy Preſident of l'Iſle la France, who was then at Cantilia, not far from thence, did hinder the ſeditious from ſtirring at Senlis.

But great was the rage at Orleans, which being once or twice taken by the Proteſtants, the ſad ruines of the demoliſhed Churches lying open to the eyes of all, did enkindle the minds of the people to revenge their injuries, being yet freſh: the day following therefore they began upon Campellus Bovillus, one of the King's Counſellors, whem being ignorant of what had happened at Paris, Curtius a Weaver, the leader of the ſeditious, with ſome of his party, went as it were to viſit in the evening; he thinking that they came as friends to ſup with him, entertained them as at a feaſt; which (entertainment) the murderers having received, they acquaint him with what was done at Paris, and withal demand his Purſe, which being delivered, they in the midſt of their entertainment ſlay their Hoſt. From thence, as if this had been the ſign given, they flock together for three days to murder and ſpoil; above 1000 men, women and children, as it was thought, were ſlain; part were caſt into the river Loire: thoſe that were ſlain without the City were thrown into the ditch. Great was the plunder that was taken in all that time, and eſpecially the copious Library of Peter Montaureus (a learned man, who died four years ſince of grief of mind, at Sancerra) furniſhed with Books of all ſorts, eſpecially with mathematical Manuſcripts, the greateſt part of them Greek, and corrected and illuſtrated by the labours of Montaureus himſelf, as alſo with inſtruments uſeful in that Science, contrived with admirable artifice, was with a moſt barbarous outrage taken away.

Alſo ſome were ſlain at Gergolium, the people raging through the neighbouring Cities, Towos and Villages, after the manner of the Inhabitants of Orleance.

The ſame was done at Angiers, they beginning with Johannes Maſſonius Riverius, who was moſt barbarouſly ſlain as he walked in his Garden, by a cut-throat let in by his Wife, who ſuſpected no ſuch thing: as alſo others. Barbeus Enſign of the Prince of Conde's Regiment e ••••• ed the danger by flight, as alſo Renatus Roboreus Breſſaldus, one that was very troubleſome to Prieſts, many of whom he had unworthily maimed, was afterwards executed.

The Townſmen of Troyes, of whom Coligny had a little before complained to the King, when they heard of the tumult at Paris, preſently ſet guards at the City-gates, that none might ſlip forth: and having upon 3 Kal. VII bris, Auguſt 30 th. caſt all the ſuſpected into priſon five days after, by the command Anna Valdraeus Simphalius, Governor of Troyes, upon the inſtigation of Petrus Bellinus (who, as was believed, came lately from Paris with private command • ) they were brought out one by one, and ſlaughtered by the cut-throats, and buried in a ditch digged in the very priſon: and preſently after, the King's Proclamation, wherein they were commanded to leave of killing and ſpoiling, was publiſhed by Simphalius, who, as it is ſaid, received it before the ſlaughter was committed.

At Vierzon, when as at the yet uncertain report of the news, the Gates of the City were ſhut up by the diverſity of Letters that were ſent in the King's Name, the Townſmen held their hands for ſome time from violence, contenting themſelves to have caſt the ſuſpected into priſon, till at laſt ſtirred up by the example of the men of Orleance, they raged with the ſame madneſs againſt the impriſoned. Franciſcus Hottomannus, and Hugo Donellus, who profeſſed Civil Law in that City, by the help of their Scholars, and eſpecially of the Germans, eſcaped the preſent danger.

Two days after the uproar at Paris, the Regiment of Horſe that belonged to Ludovicus Gonzaga, under pretence of muſter, and receiving their pay, ſeized on la Charite, a Town lying upon the River Loire, below Nevers, and the people being ſtirred up by Letters from Paris, 18 were ſlain in the Town; Petrus Mebelinus, and Johannes Lerius, well known by his voyage into America, did beyond their hopes eſcape the hands of the murderers, and fled to Sancerra.

27. The greateſt Maſſacre of all was at Lions, for in that City, as it is very populous, the Gates being preſently ſhut, many are taken and caſt into priſon, by the command of Franciſcus Mandelotus, Governor of the Town, under pretence, as he ſaid, that the King's Guards might protect them from the rage of the people: but many while they are lead by the ſeditious, as if it had been to priſon, are ſlain in the blind lanes of the Town, and preſently caſt into the Rivers la Saone and Rhone. The ring-leader and chief promoter of this was one Boidonus, a wicked debauched fellow, who afterward came to his deſerved end, being executed at Claremont in Auvergne. Three days were ſpent in rifling houſes, and finding out thoſe that were ſuſpected: which being done on Friday 4 Kalends of VII br. Duperacus (a Citizen of Lions, Auguſt 29 th. Conchiliatorum equitum torque donatus. but lately advanced to the order of Knighthood: the honour of this order for many years being decayed, ſince it began to be beſtowed upon unworthy perſons) came from the Queen with inſtructions and letters of credence, bringing alſo letters from Claudius Rubius, and other City Officers, men of like manners, who managed the affairs of Lions at Paris, and in the Court; in which (letters) is declared what was done at Paris, and withal it was added, that the King did will and require that the men of Lions ſhould follow the example of the Periſians. Mandelotus, a prudent man, though he was looked upon as enclined to the Guiſian faction, abhorred the barbarouſneſs of the thing, and obtaining of the urgent multitude ſome days truce, till he had deliberated upon the matter, and till letters came from the King, which he ſaid he daily expected; in the mean time he made open Proclamation, that the Proteſtants ſhould repair to the Major's houſe to hear from him what was the King's pleaſure. They poor wretches coming out of their hiding places, as if they had been received into the King's protection, came to him, and by his command were committed to ſeveral priſons; for the King's priſons upon the River Rhone were not able to receive ſuch a multitude. Rodanenſes Regii. Upon this, Petrus Antiſſiodorenſis Chamberlain of the City, a man wicked and infamous for diſhoneſt luſts, rode poſt, and without letters, as if the dignity of the man had carried authority enough with him, affirms to Mandelotus, that this was the Kings and Queens will and pleaſure, that the Proteſtants that were taken, or could be taken, ſhould be ſlain, without expecting any further command. Therefore Mandelotus being overcome by the importunity of the multitude that ſtood round about him, to whom Antiſſiodorenſis had told the ſecret, yieldeth, and turning to the meſſenger of ſo horrid a ſentence, I will, ſaith he, ſay to thee Peter, what Chriſt heretofore ſaid to Peter; whatſoever thou bindeſt, let it be bound; and whatſoever thou looſeſt, let it be looſed; and preſently all ran to the ſlaughter and ſpoil, Morniellus and Clavius, wicked men, and ready for any miſchief, joyned themſelves to Boidomus. When they would have had the help of the Common Hangman in that matter, he refuſed, and ſaid that he was ready to obey the ſentence of a lawful Magiſtrate, but he would not meddle nor trouble himſelf with ſuch promiſcuous executions: when the ſame thing was commanded, the guards of the Caſtle, they likewiſe being much moved at the motion, anſwered with diſdain, that they were no Hangmen, nor did ſuch diſhonourable employment become Souldiers: thoſe miſerable men never injured them: therefore they hired men from the Shambles, and ſhameleſs perſons out of the dregs of the people; [but neither would they do it;] at length all theſe deteſting the fact, they came to the City Train-Bands, which conſiſted of 300 Townſmen, who did readily undertake againſt their own fellow-Citizens, what hangmen and ſtrangers had reſolutely refuſed. Out of theſe Bands therefore are choſen all the verieſt rake-hells, and they leading on, they ran violently to the houſe of the Franciſcans, (this was done upon the following Lord's-day) where part of the Proteſtants were kept, and then to the houſe of the Celeſtines, where a great ſlaughter was made: whiles Mandelotus, with Sallucius Manta Governor of the Caſtle, ran with all ſpeed to the tumult raiſed by the people in the ſuburbs next the River Rhone, they make an aſſault upon the Arch-Biſhop's houſe, where 300 chief Proteſtants were, by the Governor's order kept in priſon: and firſt carefully examining their purſes, they moſt barbarouſly ſlew them, praying unto God, and imploring the faith of men. A miſerable ſad ſight! Supplices & Dei hominum que fidem implorantes. while the Sons hanging about the necks of their Fathers, and Fathers embracing their Sons, Brethren, Friends, exhorting one another to conſtancy, they were ſlain like ſheep by mercileſs Butchers, Porters, Water-men, among the ſad lamentations and horrid cries that did reſound all over the City. Which thing Mandelotus in all haſte returning from Guilloteria, but yet after the thing was done, ſeemed to be much troubled at, as if it had been done without his conſent or privity; and coming to the place of the Maſſacre, taking the King's Officer along with him, that he might enquire into the matter in a legal way, and proofs being taken by a publick Notary, in a ridiculous diſſimulation, he commanded Proclamation to be made, that thoſe that knew who were the Authors of this outrage, ſhould tell their names, an hundred Crowns being propoſed to the informer and diſcoverer for his reward. In the evening the ſame Butchers went to the publick priſon, upon Rhone, and raged againſt the priſoners with a new ſort of cruelty; and miſerably tormented them with halters put about their necks, and dragged them half dead into the River that was near. The night following is ſpent in ſlaughters and plundering; houſhold-ſtuff is carried out of houſes, and wares out of ſhops: thoſe that hid themſelves are by ſpies brought out of their hiding places, and many thrown into the River. Mandelotus being offended at the horror of the ſight of the bodies of the ſlain lying in the Court of the Arch-Biſhop's houſe, commanded them to be put into boats, and carried to the other ſide of the River, that they might be buried in the Church-yard of the Monaſtery of Aiſnay, where was formerly the Altar of Lions, and ſent men thither to ſee them buried. But the Monks ſaid they would never ſuffer that, and that thoſe carkaſſes were unworthy of burial. Therefore, upon a ſign given, there is a concourſe made, and they are thrown by the enraged people into the River; the groſſer bodies being given to the Apothecaries, upon their deſir • , for their fat, as is reported by thoſe who wrote whiles things were freſh. Nor did the ſlaughte ſlay here. For not long after the (two) Brothers, Darutii, Merchants of great account, Labeſſaeus, Galterus, and Floccardus, honourable Citizens, being brought out of the priſon, had their throats cut, and were caſt into the River Rhone. Among theſe ſlaughters ſome eſcaped by the help of the guards, and the favour of Manta the Governor, among whom were Jo. Ricaldus, and Antonius Callia, Paſtors of the City, when as Joannes Anglus, chief Paſtor, was ſlain in the firſt tumult. It is ſaid that 800 of all kinds and ſexes were barbarouſly ſlain: the carkaſſes of the ſlain ſwimming down Rhone to Turnonium, lay ſo thick about the banks, that the Townſmen affrighted at the accident, cried Arm, Arm, as if the enemy had been coming upon them: by and by being amazed with horror, and deteſting the authors of ſuch a villany, though they had no favour for the Religion of the Proteſtants, to remove that ſad ſpectacle, they ſet men to thruſt the bodies off with poles from the banks, which the ſwift ſtream brought down. So horrid a ſpectacle they alſo deteſted at Vienne, at Valence, at Burgh, at Viviers, at the Temple of the Spirit, yea, at Avenion, where there is great hatred of the Proteſtants. But at Arles, when through want of wells and ſprings they drink of the water of the River; the Townſmen, beſides the deteſtableneſs of the villany, were grievouſly diſtreſſed; when as they would not uſe the fiſhes and water that they could be ſupplied with only from Rhone; yea • they abhorred the very ſight of the River.

28. But in Dauphine and Provence things were carried after far another manner. For Claudius Sabaudus Count of Tende, who was very nearly allied to the Momorancies, when Letters were brought him about the ſame buſineſs by Joſephus Bonifacius Mola, who two years after came to an Being executed, and his quarters ſet upon the Citygates. unhappy end at Paris, ingenuouſly anſwered that he did not think that that was the King's pleaſure, but that ſome that were evilly affected to the publick Peace, did falfly pretend his name, when as not many days ſince he had received quite other commands: that therefore he would rather obey the former, as more worthy of the King's Faith and Clemency. But he not long after being at Avignon, died of a ſudden diſeaſe, to the great grief of the people of Provence, not without ſuſpition given him by the Emiſſaries of the ſeditious.

In Dauphine, Bertrandus Simienus Gordius, educated in the Family of the Momorancies, receiving the ſame command, he excuſed himſelf, pretending the great danger he was like to be in from the powerfulneſs of Mombranius, and other Proteſtants in In allobrogibus. Savoy and Dauphine, yet ſome were ſlain at Valence.

Alſo at Romans there were ſome ſlain, though it were late firſt, Septembr. 22. viz. 10 Kal. VIII br. where, when many of that great number that was caſt into the priſon, for fear of death returned to the Religion of their Anceſtors, only ſeven were ſtabbed with daggers by the raging people.

Alſo Santeranus Governor of Auvergne, who alſo was well affected to the Momorancies, uſed the ſame moderation, and made the ſame anſwer to thoſe that came poſting to him from Court, that the Count of Tende had done before him, adding to this moreover, that he would never obey ſuch commands, unleſs the King in perſon did command him.

Greater was the fury that did rage at Tholouſe: for news of what had been done at Paris being brought prid. Kal. VII br. which was the Lord's-day, Auguſt. 31. upon which the Proteſtants went out of the City to Caſtanetum to Sermon, ſtraitway the Gates were ſhut up, and care was taken that no one ſhould go out, but that whoſoever would might come in. But many of thoſe that had gone out would not return into the City, but went thence to Podium Laurentii. le Puy, St. Laurence, Montauban, Regium montem. Regimont, and ſome one way, ſome another. Two days after, by authority of the Senate, publick Proclamation was made, that no violence or moleſtation ſhould be offered to the Proteſtants. The day following, Guards being ſet at the Gates of the City, and in the Streets, thoſe that were ſuſpected are ſome of them diſtributed into Monaſteries, others are caſt into the common priſons; ſome days after, upon the coming from Court of Delpechius and Madronius, rich Merchants, and moſt bitter enemies to the Proteſtants, they were all thrown into the Palace priſon, where preſently in the night, by certain cut-throats choſen out of the Students of the Civil Law, that went to the Fencing-School, (among whom one Turrius was moſt eminent), together with other men of lewd life and converſation, 200 were barbarouſly ſlain, and among the • ſome Senators, and in the firſt place Johannes Coraſius: who afterwards, to double their cruelty, were hanged in their Senatorian habits, upon an Elm growing in the Palace-yard: the bodies of the dead were buried in a ditch made in the Arch-Biſhop's houſe.

At the ſame time, but with greater ſlaughter, were things carried at Rouen, where Tanaquilius Venator Carrugius, the Governor of the chief Nobility of Provence, a man of a merciful diſpoſition, did what he could to hinder it. But at laſt, not being able any longer to withſtand the violence of the ſeditious, (and eſpecially of thoſe who, the year before, were, by the decree of the Judges, delegated from Paris, proſcribed, who hoped that, by this courſe, they ſhould both revenge the injury offered them, and alſo obliterate the memory of the Decree), many were thrown into priſon, Septemb. 17. and afterwards 15 Kal. of VIII br. being called out one by one by the voice of the Cryer, were cruelly ſlain by thoſe Emiſſaries, Maronimus a moſt wicked wretch leading them on. Upon this they ſet upon private houſes, and that day and the day following they fell upon men & women, without diſtinction, and 500 of both ſexes and all ages were ſlain, and their bodies being ſtripped, were caſt into the ditches ad Portam Caletenſem, and their garments all bloudy as they were, were diſtributed among the poor, they ſeeking even by theſe murders to ingratiate themſelves with the people. This the Senate was in ſhew offended at, and began to proceed againſt the Authors of this fact: but through connivance it came to nothing, the murderers and cut-throats for a time ſlipping out of the City.

This example raged through other Cities, and from Cities to Towns and Villages; and it is reported by many, that It was Credibly reported that there were ſlain above 40000 Hugonots in a few days, ſaith Davila, p. 376. more than thirty thouſand were ſlain in thoſe tumults throughout the Kingdom, by ſeveral ways; though I believe the number was ſomewhat leſs.

[In September, Caſtres, a City in la Paix Albigeois, which was held by the Proteſtants, when after great promiſes by the King for their ſafety, it was delivered into the hands of Creuſeta one of the principal of the neighbouring Gentry, it was by him cruelly plundered, and laid waſte.

[In the beginning of October happened the Maſſacre at Burdeaux. The Author and chief Promoter of it is reported to have been one Enimundus Augerius, of the Society at Claremont, who alſo is ſaid to have perſwaded Franciſcus Baulo, a very rich Senator of Burdeaux that he ſhould leave his wife; and being ſupported by his wealth, he had founded a rich School in that City: He, when as he did in his Sermons daily inflame his Auditors, that after the example of the Pariſians they ſhould dare to do ſomething worthy of their piety: ſo eſpecially upon S. Michael's day, when he treated of the Angels, the miniſters of the grace and vengeance of God, what things had been done at Paris, Orleance, and other places, he did again and again, by often repeated Speeches, inculcate, to have been done by the Angel of God; and did both openly and privately upbraid Romanus Mulus the King's Solicitor, and Carolus Monferrandus Governor of the City men of his faction, as dull and cold in this buſineſs, who contented themſelves to have interdicted the Proteſtants the liberty of meeting together, and to have kept the Gates of the City with guards; but otherwiſe they wholly abſtained from violence and ſlaughters, being admoniſhed ſo to do, as is believed by Stozzius, who had a deſign upon Rochel, & who did fear, leſt that ſhould hinder his attempts. But when as about that time Monpeſatus came to Blaye, as though the ſign for effuſion of bloud had been given by his coming, certain men were ſlain in that Town. But when he arrived at Burdeaux, the people began to rage, and the ſeditious to run up and down. Enimundus thundered in his Preaching more than ever: at laſt, after ſome days private diſcourſes of Monpeſatus with Monferrandus, though it be uncertain whether he did diſcourage or perſwade the thing, when Monpeſatus was departed, (who) a little while after died of a Bloudy Flux. V Non. Octobr. 3. VIII br. which fell upon a Friday, the Magiſtrates of the City with their Officers, as they were ſent, came after dinner to the houſe of Monferrandus, bringing with them lewd & impudently wicked men, who were drawn together by Petrus Leſtonacus, and receiving the word of command from him, they ran through the City to the ſlaughter, being diſtinguiſhed by their red Caps, a ſign very agrecable to their bloudy deſign. They began with Joannes Guil •• hius, and Gul. Sevinus, Senators, who were both cruelly murdered in their houſes, which were preſently rifled. Alſo Bucherus the Senator, who had redeemed his life of Monferrandus for a great ſum of mony, did hardly eſcape the danger, whoſe houſe was alſo plundered. Then promiſcuous ſlaughters and rapines are committed for three days together throughout the City, wherein two hundred ſixty four men are ſaid to be ſlain, and the Maſſacre had been much greater, had not the Caſtle of Buccina and the other Caſtle of the City yielded an opportune place of refuge to many. Jacobus Benedictus Longobaſtonus Preſident of the Court was in great danger of death, and was hardly preſerved by the help of his friends.]

29. Nor were they in the mean time in quiet at Paris and at Court, where, by the Queens ſpecial command, and the diligence of Morvillerius, Coligny's Cabinet was examined, if by any means they might find any thing in them which, being publiſhed, might take off the odium of ſo bloudy a fact either in the Kingdom or with foreign Princes. Among thoſe Commentaries which he did every day diligently write, which were afterwards deſtroyed by the Queens command, there was a paſſage in which he adviſed the King that he ſhould be ſparing in aſſigning the hereditary portion, which they call Appennage, to his Brethren, and in giving them authority, which having read, and acquainting Alanſon with it, whom ſhe had perceived to favour Coligny; This is your beloved cordial friend, ſaith the Queen, who thus adviſed the King. To whom Alanſon anſwered, How much he loved me, I know not; but this advice could proceed from none but one that was faithful to the King, and careful for his affairs.

Again, there was among his papers found a breviate, wherein, among other reaſons that he gave for the neceſſity of a War with the Spaniards in the Low-Countreys, this was added, as being omitted in the Speech which he made to the King, leſt it ſhould be divulged, and therefore was to be ſecretly communicated to the King, that if the King did not accept of the condition that the Low-Countreys offered, he ſhould V. Walſingham • Letter 14 Septemb. 1572. in the Compleat Ambaſſador, p. 241. not transfer it to his neighbours of England, who, though they were now, as things ſtood, friends to the King, if once they ſet footing in the Low-Countreys and the Provinces bordering upon the Kingdom, would reſume their former minds, and being invited by that conveniency, of friends would become the worſt enemies to the King and Kingdom. Which being likewiſe imparted to Walſingham, Queen Elizabeths Ambaſſador, and the Queen telling him, that by that he might judge how well Coligny was affected towards the Queen his Miſtreſs, who ſo much loved him. He made her almoſt the ſame anſwer, and ſaid, He did not know how he was affected towards the Queen his Miſtreſs; but this he knew, that that counſel did ſavour of one that was faithful to the King, and moſt ſtudious of the honour of France, and in whoſe death both the King and all France had a great loſs. So both of them, by almoſt the ſame anſwer, fruſtrated her womaniſh policy, not without ſhame unto her ſelf.

About the end of the month wherein Coligny was ſlain, the King fearing leſt the Proteſtants ſhould grow deſperate in other Provinces, writes to the Governors with moſt ample commands, Carnii Comes. and principally to Feliomrus Chabolius Preſident of Burgundy, in which he commanded that he ſhould go through the Cities and Towns that were under his juriſdiction, and friendly convene the Proteſtants, and acquaint them with the tumult at Paris, and the true cauſes thereof. That nothing was done in that affair through hatred of their Religion, or in prejudice to the favour that was granted them by the laſt Edict: but that he might prevent the conſpiracy made by Coligny and his confederates againſt the King, the Queen, the King's Brethren, the King of Navar, and other Princes and Nobles. That it was the King's pleaſure that his Edicts might be obſerved, and that the Proteſtants every where taking forth Letters of ſecurity from the Preſidents, ſhould live quietly and ſafely under the King's protection, upon pain of death to any that ſhould injure or moleſt them in any thing. On the other hand, he ſhould admoniſh the Proteſtants that they ſhould keep themſelves quiet at home; and becauſe in their Meetings and publick Aſſemblies there uſed to be ſuch Counſels among the Proteſtants as were ſuſpitious to Catholicks, and which might put them upon new ſtirs, therefore, that they ſhould abſtain from thoſe meetings, and expect the ſame favour and ſafety from the King's clemency and goodneſs as he doth exerciſe towards others. But if they ſhould fooliſhly neglect this advice, command and promiſe of the King, and ſhould preſume to meet publickly, ſtir up troubles, and take up Arms under colour of their own defence, he would then proceed againſt them as againſt Rebels. To the ſame effect were Letters ſent to Melchior Monpeſatus, Preſident of Poictou, Pria Preſident of Toures, and the Preſidents of other Provinces. Chabolius managed his office with great prudence and moderation, having learnt that the Proteſtants, who had hitherto been exaſperated by ſeverity and cruelty of puniſhments, might be better reduced to their duty by clemency and mildneſs. And matters were ordered without almoſt any bloud-ſhed in Burgundy; many returning either through fear, or of their own accord, to the Religion of their Anceſtors, renouncing the Proteſtant Doctrines. Only Claromontius Travius of the prime Nobility, whoſe Siſter Helena Antonius Grammontanus had married, was, when the news was hot, ſlain at Dijon, in the abſence of Chabotius, by the people. Thoſe that were ſuſpected at Maſcon, being by the King's command apprehended and caſt into priſon by Philibertus, ſuſtained no further damage.

30. So foul a tempeſt in France being in ſome ſort allayed, and the liberty of killing and plundering repreſſed, when the more prudent, that yet no way favoured the Proteſtant party, did, upon the ſad thought of the preſent ſtate of things, by little and little, come to themſelves, and abhorring the fact, did curiouſly enquire into the cauſes of it, and how it might be excuſed, they thus judged, That no example of like cruelty could be found in all Antiquity, though we turned over the Annals of all Nations. Theſe kinds of outrages had been confined to certain men, or to one place, and might have been excuſed by the ſenſe of injury newly offered, or their rage did only exerciſe it ſelf upon thoſe whom it was their intereſt to remove out of the way. For ſo by the command of Mithridates King of Pontus upon one meſſage, and the ſignification of one Letter 40000 Romans were ſlain in one day throughout all Aſia. The Sicilian Veſpers. So Peter King of Arragon commanded 8000 French-men to be ſlain in Sicily, who had ſeized upon it in his abſence: But their caſe was far different from this: For thoſe Kings exerciſed their rage upon ſtrangers and foreigners, but this (King) upon his own ſubjects, who were not more committed to his power than to his faith and truſt. They were obliged no otherwiſe by their faith given than to the ſtrangers themſelves, but he was bound in a late league with his neighbouring Kings and Princes, to keep that Peace which he had ſworn to. They uſed no arts unworthy of royal dignity to deceive them, he, for a ſnare abuſed his new engaged friendſhip, and the ſacred Nuptials of his own Siſter, whoſe wedding garment was even ſtained with bloud. Theſe are the vertues that uſe to be commended in Kings, Juſtice, Gentleneſs and Clemenoy; but ſavageneſs and cruelty, as in all others, ſo eſpecially in Princes uſe to be condemned. Famous through all ages was Publius Scipio, who was wont to ſay he had rather ſave one Citizen, than ſlay a thouſand enemies; and Antonius, who was called the Pious, did often uſe that ſaying. Kings indeed have power of life and death over the Subjects of their Realm, but with this limitation, that they ſhould not proceed againſt them till their cauſe was heard upon a fair tryal. This rage and blindneſs of mind was ſent by God upon the French, as a judgment for the daily execrations and reproaches of the Deity, from which the King himſelf, ill educated by his Mother, and by thoſe Tutors that ſhe appointed him, did not at all abſtain; the example whereof proceeding from the Court to the Cities, and from the Cities to the Country. Towns and Villages, they now at every third word, ſwore by the head, death, bloud, heart of God. Moreover, the patience of God was even wearied with their Whoredoms, Adulteries, and ſuch luſts as are not fit to be ſpoken. Laſtly, nature it ſelf doth now expoſtulate as it were with God for his ſo long patience and forbearance, nor could the Country of France any longer bear ſuch prodigious wickedneſs. For as for the cauſes which are pretended againſt Coligny, they are feigned with ſuch improbability, that they can hardly perſwade children, much leſs can they be proved. For how is it probable that Coligny ſhould enter into ſuch a conſpiracy within the walls of Paris, who though he were guilty before the Pacification, (to ſuppoſe that), yet certainly after the Edict, if indeed the publick Faith and the King's promiſes ought to be obſerved, he came to the King guiltleſs, altogether abhorring a Civil War, and ſolicitous only about the Belgick War? But whereas they ſay he conſpired after he had received his wounds, this hath leſs colour of truth. For how could Colligny that was indiſpoſed by two ſuch wounds, now grown old, diſabled in both his arms, one of which the Phyſitians tallted of cutting off, riſe with three hundred young men that attended him, againſt an Army of ſixty thouſand men, that bare him deadly hatred, and that were well appointed with Arms? How could he in ſo little time conſult concerning ſo great and vaſt a deſign? for he lived hardly forty hours after he had received his wound, in which all conference was forbidden him by his Phyſitians. Then, had he been accuſed of any crime, was he not committed to Coſſenius and his guards, and the paſſages being every where ſecured, was he not in the King's power, that he might in a moment, if it had ſo pleaſed the King, been thruſt into priſon? and witneſſes being prepared, after the manner of judicial proceedings, might he not have been proceeded againſt in form of Law? Moreover, if Coligni with his Dependents and Clients had conſpired againſt the King, why muſt needs the reſt that were innocent, ſo many Noble Matrons and Virgins who came thither upon the account of the Marriage, ſo many great-bellied women, ſo many ancient perſons, ſo many bedridden perſons of both Sexes and all profeſſions, that were ignorant of theſe laſt counſels of Coligni, be comprehended in the ſame guilt? To whom doth it not ſeem abſurd and moſt ridiculous that Coligni ſhould at ſo unſeaſonable a time conſpire againſt Navar that profeſſed the ſame Religion with him, and whom he had in his power for four years together? Thus many did diſcourſe, and ſo they judged, that upon the account of this fact the French Name would for a long time labour under an odium and infamy, and that poſterity would never forget an act of ſo great unworthineſs.