CHAP. I.
The Country and Parents of Thales.

GReat wits, which have been happy in benefi­ting Posterity by their excellent inventions, have not alwaies had the fortune to enjoy the just reward, their glory being intercepted of­tentimes by some later disguise of alteration or addition. It were therefore gratitude in us, who find our selves instructed by the Anti­ents, to vindicate the memory of our masters by enquiring dili­gently the Authors of those labours whereof wee reap the Har­vest. This kind of injury hath happened very considerably to THALES the wise man of Miletus, who first introduc'd Na­turall and Mathematicall Learning into Greece, from whence it derived into us; but the honour of so noble a design, the ambiti­ous opposition of some, the industry of others hath so ob­scur'd that there is little of the reputation left to the deserving Author. I have therefore esteemed it worth my pains, to digest what I could collect or observe of a person, to whom all lovers of Learning are so much oblig'd.

The Original of Thales is very obscurely delivered. Some con­ceive he was a Phoenician by birth, whose opinion seeming to be strongly founded upon Laertius, and the Authorities by him alledged, it is necessary that we begin with a disquisition upon his words, which are, as commonly rendred, these.

Now Thales was born, as Herodotus, Duris and Democritus affirm, his Father being Examius, his Mother Cleobulina, of the Thelidae, who were Phoenicians, the most illustrious of all from Cad­mus and Agenor, as Plato also saith] The Testimony of Hero­dotus, though Astronom. Na­tione fuit Phoe­nix, ut Herodo­tus Milesius di­cit. VVhich doubtlesse is corrupt (for what Herodo­tus is that?) and to be re­stored to this effect, Natione fuit Phoenix ut Herodotus, Mi­lesius ut alij dicunt. Higynus and * Suidas seem to understand it ac­cording to the common errour, as if hee were born in Phoenicia, expressely confirmes the contrary, being thus; Thales a Milesian, a farre off by descent a Phoenician; Whence we may gather, that the other two Authorities of Duris and Democritus imported little more, or at least nothing to a contrary sense. So likewise that of Leander, which is by * Clemens Alexandrinus cited jointly with Herodotus, to prove him of a Phoenician extract.

He was made free of Miletus when he went with Neleus who was ba­nish'd out of Phoenicia] The learned In Voce Thales. Casaubon to reconcile this [Page 2] story with that of Neleus, who was not banish'd out of Phoenicia, when he built, Miletus for [...], as if Thales being banish'd out of Phoenicia had gone with Neleus to Miletus; which alteration begetteth a very strange Anacronism, for this Thales was above four hundred years later then that Neleus. Therefore if Laertius meant the same Neleus, either he was strangely mistaken, or his text is cor­rupt, and ought to be understood of the Ancestors of Thales, to which sense it may bee reduc'd with little alteration, thus, [...], as if they being Phoenicians, went into ( arta, and became Citizen [...] of Miletus, at what time Neleus Son of Codrus, being put beside the Kingdom of Athens by his younger brother Me [...]on, lead th [...]ther the Ionian Colonies, whereof Miletus (which he built) was the chief City. Of this Colony see Herodotus, [...] and Aelian.

But as most say he was born there, at Miletus, and of noble race] So they render [...] but in oposition to the first opinion which onely mentions his Family, not Country, it may per­haps be understood here in the same relation: Some (saith he) think, he was of a Phoenician extract, of those who were incor­porated at Miletus; others that he was of a Grecian Family, and that noble. Of this latter opinion is De Herod. [...]nalign. Plutarch who reproves Herodotus for making Thales descended afar off from a Barbarian stock, and Laert. vit. Thal. Hermtppus, who ascribes that saying to him, that he thanked the Gods he was a Grecian, not a Barbarian.

CHAP. II.
Of the time of his birth.

Apollodorus saith, that Thales was born the first year of the thirty fift Olympiad; Laert. Demetrius Phalereus saith, that he was honoured with the title of wise, when Damasias was Archon. Damasias was Ar­chon according to Laert. Dionysius Halycarnassaeus the second year of the thirty fift Olympiad, Lib. 3. when Ancus Martius the fourth King of Rome began his reign.

Hereupon an anachronism of one year is supposed by very learned men, who would have Thales to be born the same year that Damasias was Archon. Whence De Atheniens tempor. Sigonius, De sctent. ma­themat. 32. 8. Vossius, and o­thers bring drown the birth of Thales to the second year of this Olympiad; In Euseb. Scaliger, Archont. 1. 11. Meursius. Rationar. temp. 2. 12. Petavius and others raise Da­masias to the first year, that they may make his Magistracy agree with Thales's birth; neither rightly; for the office of Dama­sias relateth not to the birth of Thales. For the clearing whereof we must take notice, that Damasias in the Athenian Fasti is twice [Page 3] said to be Archon, first in the second year of the thirty fift Olym­piad, the next year after the birth of Thales, and again the fourth year of the forty eighth Olympiad, when he obtained the title of Wise; The latter we cannot mention without acknowledge­ment of the great light Chronology hath received by Mr S [...]lden's Marmora Arundeliana.

It will be also worth observance, that there was another of this name, whom Eusebius placeth at the eighth Olympiad, and Lae [...]tius and Vita Lycurg. Plutarch make contemporary with Homer, Hesiod and Lycurgus. In Euseb. Scaliger, who perceived the inconsistency of this accompt, perceived not the reason of it; for Phlegon fragm. Lycurgus and Iphi­tus instituted the Olympick games twenty seven Olympiads before Coraebus was victor, who according to Eusebius is the first. These two Thales are by some confounded, Eusebius calls the first a natural Philosopher, wheras it is certain that kind of Learning was first introduc'd into Greece by the 2d. In voce Thales. Suidas cites Phlegon, that the latter Thales flourish'd in the seventh Olympiad, which [...]hi [...]gon doubtlesse meant of the first. See St. Au­gustin. de civit. dei, lib▪ [...] cap. 24. & 27. They who place Thales about the seventh Olympiad, and make him contemporary with Romulus, confound the latter Thales with the first, and the true Epoche of the Olympiads with the vulgar. For the first Thales lived in the seventh Olympiad from the first of Iphitus; Romulus liv'd about the same distance from the Olympi­ad of Coraebus.

This time is mistaken by that learned Father Clemens Alex­andrinus, to prove Thales younger then the later Prophets. Stromat. 1. Thus (saith he) It is demonstrated that they who propheci'd in the time of Darius Hystaspes in the second year of his reign, that is to say, Aggaeus, Zacharias, and Malachy, who was one of the twelve seeing that they prophecied in the first year of the forty eight Olympiad, were more antient then Pythagoras, who is said to have been in the sixty second Olympiad; and then Thales eldest of the Greek Sages, who was about the fiftieth Olympiad; as if this were not rather an argument to prove these Prophets contemporary with Thales, which Eusebius allows. Praepar. E­vangel. 10. 4. About the time (saith he) of Cyrus King of Persia, the seven wise men flourished; this was the time in which the last of the He­brew Prophets prophesied, since Troy, above six hundred years, after Mo­ses, no lesse then fifteen hundred years. But if with Clemens Alexan­drinus we account these Prophets coaetaneous with Darius Hy­stas [...]es, they will appear much younger then Thales, for Darius begun his reigne in the last yeare of the sixty fourth Olympiad.

CHAP. III.
His Travells.

HE employ'd the first and greatest part of his time to Creet, to inform himself of the Mysteries of their Religion (for that Island was famous for the birth of Iupiter) as is acknow­ledg'd by himself in an Laert. Epistle to Pherecydes.

That he travell'd also into Asia is affirmed in the same Epistle; some say into Phoenicia, arguing from his Astrology which he is thought to have learned of the Phoenicians, Masters of that Science; and particularly because he is said to have first obser­ved the constellation of the Lesser Bear by which the Phoenicians sayled. D [...] Scient. Mathemat. cap. 32. Vossius essaies to prove the word Cynosura to be Phoeni­cian, not as deriv'd from [...], but from [...] and [...] as being a Collection of light; or [...] Umbilicus igneus.

His last journey (being Plut. de plac. phil. 1. in years) was into Aegypt, to con­ferre (as he acknowledgeth in his Epistle to Pherecydes) with Priests and Astronomers. There he was instructed by the Priests at Memphis, particularly (saith Vit. Pythag. 1. 2. Iamblicus) by those of Iupiter. Laertius affirms he learnt Geometry of them; * Plutarch implies as much of his Philosophy.

He was there in the reign of Plutarch. Symp. sept. s [...]p. conviv. Amasis, by whom much favour'd and admir'd for many things, especially for measuring the height of the Pyramids by the shadow; untill at last accused to him of dis-affection to Monarchs and that kind of Government, to which effect many bitter say­ings of his were alledged concerning Tyrants. As when Molpagoras an eminent person of Ionia demanded what was the strangest sight he ever saw, he answered, a Tyrant old. Another time being at a feast where a question arose, what beasts were most dangerous; of wild, saith he, a Ty­rant, of tame, a Flatterer; and Princes ( saith Plutarch) however they professe themselves far different from Tyrants, yet take no pleasure in such Apothegmes: hereupon he lost the favour of Amasis. Thus having studied Philosophy in Aegypt he returned to Miletus, and Cyril. transported that vast stock of Learning which he had there collected into his own Country.

CHAP. IV.
How he lived at Miletus.

His life at Miletus (as Laert. Heraclides affirmes) was retir'd and private; some report hee married and had a Son named Cybissus, but the truer opinion is of those who say he lived un­married, [Page 5] and made his Laert. Suid in [...]. Sister's Son (whom Vitâ Solon. Plutarch calls Cy­bisthus) his Heir. Laert. Plut. Sympsiac. 3. 6. Stob. Serm. 66. Hee put off his Mother when she first moved him to marry, by telling her it was not yet time, and when hee was more in years, being again sollicited by her, hee answered, nor is it now time, meaning it was then too late. Being deman­ded why he took not some course to have issue, he answer'd [...], which is the same in pronouncing with [...], and may be taken either because he loved children, or di [...] not love them, as In Laertium. Casaubon conjectures; but perhaps his meaning may better bee gather'd out of another answer of his to the same question, Stob. serm. 66. that he did not mean to draw voluntary cares upon his life, and disturb the quiet thereof; or from this story related by Vita Solon. Plutarch.

Solon coming to Miletus to visit him, told him that he wondred hee wholly neglected marriage and issue. Thales at that time answered no­thing, but some few daies after suborned a stranger to pretend that he came within ten daies from Athens; Solon demanded what newes from thence; nothing (answered the other as he was instructed) but the buriall of a young man attended by the whole City, being as was said Son of the most eminent person of the City, who at the same time was abroad in travell. Unhappy man (cries Solon) what was his name? I heard it answered the other, but have forgot, onely I remember he was very famous for Wisdom and Iustice. Solon's fear encreasing upon every answer, he at last asked him if the Fathers name were not Solon, which the other affirming, he beat his own head, and did other actions accompanied with speeches proper to such as are transported with grief; whereupon Thales similing, and interrupting him; These things, Solon said he, deterr'd me from marri­age, which thus disorder even thee a most constant person, but be not trou­bl'd at this newes, it is counterfeit.

In this privacy of life he was follicited and sent unto by ma­ny Princes, whose invitations and amities, ( Plutarch Sept. sap con­viv. saith) he refused; visited by many eminent persons.

Laert. He is said to have cohabited some time with Thrasibulus (a man of excellent wit and judgement) who was King, or (according to the Greek word) Tyrant of Miletus, Arist. pol. 5. Iultim. though his reign con­tinued but eleven months; Herodot. 1. about the time that the Milesians enter'd into a League with Alyates the second then King of Lydia.

CHAP. V.
The attribute of wise conferred on him.

THE attribute of Wise, as Vit. Solon. de civit. d [...]i. 8. 2 Plutarch and Saint Augustine observe, was conferr'd upon the rest in respect of their morall rules and practise, but upon Thales particularly for his [Page 6] speculative Learning. It was first bestow'd on Thales, at what time Damasias was Archon, under whom (according to Laert. Deme­trius Phalareus) all the seven were called wise. The second Damasias was Archon in the third year of the 49th. Olympiad, which Exercitat. Pli [...]ian. pag. 843. Salmasius knew not, when to make the words of Laertius agree with the first Damasias, he misinterpreted Eusebius and Clemens Alexandrinus, and subverted all other accounts of the birth and death of Thales, whereas this fortunately complies with the times of all the seven.

The first was Thales justly preferr'd before the rest in respect of his great Learning, which he owed not to any master; The time when this honour was conferred on him, falls upon the fif­ty ninth year of his age.

The second, Pittacus of Mitylene who flourished in the forty second Olympiad, and died in the third year of the fifty second.

The third, Bias of Priene contemporary with Pittacus, living under Alyattes and Croesus.

The fourth, Solon, who was Archon at Athens the third year of the forty sixt Olympiad. He died Olymp. 55.

The fift, Cleobulus of Lindus, coetanoeus with Solon.

The sixt, Myson of Chene.

The seventh, Chilon of Lacedaemon, who was Ephorus O­lymp. 56.

The credit and glory of these seven, was much encreased ( saith Plu­tarch) by a Tripod sent round from one to another, by a mutual, noble and modest concession: the occasion related thus by Laertius and Valerius Maximus.

Laert. Some young men of Ionia having bought a draught of the Milesian fishermen, when the net was drawn up, there was found in it a Tripod, [ Valer. Maxim. 4. 1. a golden Delphick Table of great weight.] Laert. Hereupon arose a dispute, [ Val. Max. those affirming they had bargain'd onely for the fish, the others that they bought the draught at a venturs; by reason of the strangenesse of the case, and value of the Tripod it was delivered to the City Miletus;] Laert. The Milesians sent to the Oracle at Delphi about it, and received this answer.

Hereupon the Milesians by agreement presented it to Thales, he sent it to Bias, Bias to Pittacus, he to another, till it past through all the se­ven, coming at last to Solon, who affirming God to be the wisest, sent it back to Delphi [ Val. Max. giving him at once the title and reward of greatest wisdom.]

But Callimachus in his Iambicks, ( continueth Laertius) relates it otherwise; that Bathycles an Arcadian left a cup, with order that it [Page 7] should be given to the wisest, whereupon it was presented to Thales, and past about in course till it came to him again, who then dedicated it to A­pollo Didymaeus, with these verses, according to Callimachus.

In prose thus, Thales the Milesian, Son of Examius, to Delphian Apollo of the Grecians offers this twice received prize of eminence. He that carried the Cup from one to another, was Thyrion Son to Bathy­cles,] whither allude these Verses of Athen. deipn. Phoenix Colophonius.

Eudoxius of Gnidus, and Euanthes of Miletus, report that a friend of Croesus having receiv'd from him a golden Cup to be given to the wisest of the Grecians, deliver'd it to Thales, and that at last it came to Solon, who sending to the Phythian Oracle to know who was the wisest, was answer'd Myson; whom Eudoxius substitutes for Cleobulus, Pla­to for Periander; the Oracle concerning Myson was this.

He that was sent upon the enquiry was Anacharsis. Daedacus the Platonist, and Clearchus affirm, that the Cup was sent by Croesus to Pittacus, and so carried about. Andron in Tripode, (which seems to have been a discourse wholy upon this subject, and is likewise cited by Clemens Alexandrinus, to prove that Thales and the other six flourish'd about the fiftieth Olympiad) writes, that the Argi [...]es proposed this Trypod as a prize to the wisest of the Greeks, and that it was adjudged to Aristodemus a Spartan, who resigned it to Chilon; A­ristodemus is mentioned by Alchaeus.

There are who report that a ship richly laden, sent by Periande [...] to Thrasibulus Tyrant of Miletus, was cast away in the Coan Sea, and the [...] ripod taken up by some Fishermen. Phanodius affirms it was lost in the Athenian Sea, and afterwards brought to the City, and upon consultd­tion voted to be sent to Bias. Others say this Tripod was made by Vulcan, who gave it to Pelops as his wives Portion; from him it came to Mene­laus, and afterwards being taken away with Hellen by Paris, was by the Lacedaemonian [ Hellen] thrown into the Sea, Plut. vit. sol. calling to mind [Page 8] [ Plut. vit. sol. an old Oracle] that it would prove in time to come the ground of many contentions. After this some Lebeaians fishing thereabouts drew it up, and quarrelling with the fishermen about it, it was brought to Coos, but the controversie not decided, the businesse was told to those of Miletus which is the chief City of that Country, they sent sent a messenger to de­mand it, and finding themselves slighted, made war upon the Coans, in which many being slain on both sides, the Oracle declared that the Tripod should be given to the wisest, whereupon both parties with joint consent pre­sented it to Thales [ Plut. vit. sol. The Coans being willing to grant that to a private person, for which they before contested with all the Milesians] who dedicated it to Apollo Didyma [...]us; the effect of the Oracle to the Coans was this.

To the Milesians,

Comest thou Milesian to consult my shrine? as before. Thus [...]aertius. Vit. sol. Plutarch addes, that Thales said, Bias was wiser then himself, whereupon it past to him, from him to another, as wiser; so passing in a circle from one to another, it came at last to Thales the second time. Finally it was sent from Miletus to Thebes, and dedicated to Ismenian Apollo. Theophrastus saith it was first sent to Bias at Priene, then by Bias to Thales at Mile­tus, so passing through all, it came again to Bias; and finally was sent to Delphi. This is most generally reported, saving instead of a Tripod, some say it was a Cup sent from Croesus, others that it was left there by Bathycles

Thus was the Priority of Thales confirmed by the Oracle, for which reason he is by Cicero and Strabo stiled Prince of the wise men, to whom the rest yielded the preheminence.

CHAP. VI.
Of his Philosophy.

THales ( saith Laertius) is by many affirm'd to be the first that made disquisitions upon Nature. Apud Lactant. & de Natura Deor. 1. Cicero (who taught the Greek Philosophy first to speak Latine,) acknowledges Thales to be the first Author thereof. Lib. 14. Strabo saith, that he first of the Grecians made enquiry into naturall Causes and the Ma [...]hematicks. De plac. phil. 1. 3. Plutarch calls him Inventor of Philosophy; Iustine Martyr, Paraenes. ad. Graec. The most anti­ent of Philosophers; Tertullian, first of Naturall Philosophers; Apologet. Lactan­tius, De fals. rel. 1. 5. the first that made enquiry after Naturall Causes.

CHAP. VII.
Of his Geometry.

APuleius, who calls Thales the inventer of Geometry amongst the Grecians, Florid. lib. 4. Laert. vit. Pythag. is more just to his memory then Anticlides and o­thers, who ascribe the honour thereof to Moeris, or to Pythago­ras, who by the acknowledgment of De vita. Pythag. 1. 2. Iamblichus, a Pythagorean, learnt Mathematicks of Thales. The originall and progresse of this science, In Eucli [...]. 2. 4. to the perfection it received from Pythagoras (which gave occasion to that mistake) is thus delivered by [...]roclus.

Geometry was invented by the Egyptians, taking [...]is beginning from measuring fields, it being necessary for them, by reason of the inundation of Nilus, which washed away the bounds of their severalls. Nor is it to be wondered at, that as well this, as other sciences, should have their begin­ning from commodiousnesse, and opportunity; since, as is said in generation, [Page 16] it proceeds from imperfect to perfect; therefore not without reason is the transition from sense to consideration, Supply the breach in the text, [...] &c. so Ba­rocius translates and from consideration to the mind. As therefore among the Phaenicians, by reason of merchandise and traffick, the certain knowledge of numbers had its beginning; so likewise among the Aegyptians, Geometry was found out upon the foresaid occasion; and Thales going to Egypt, first brought over this science in [...]o Greece: and many things he found out himselfe, and taught his followers the principles of many things, declaring some more generally, other things more plainly. Next him Ameristus, brother to Stesichorus the Poet, is remembred, Reade, [...]. as having touched Geometry, of whon Hippias the Elean makes men­tion, as eminent in that knowledge: After these Pythagoras considering the principles thereof more highly, advanced it into a liberall science.

CHAP. VIII.
Of his Astronomy.

OMitting the fable of Orpheus's Harp, alluding to the seven Planets, and the observations of Hesiod, which were little more then of the rising and setting of some principall Starres, (so imperfect, that Plato calls all those who satisfie themselves with such superficiall knowledge, Astronomers according to Hesi­od) we may with Eudemus and others affirme, that Thales was the first of the Grecians that was skilfull in Astronomy. Which Science, lib. 5. Cap. 17. Pliny asserts to have been brought out of Phaenicia; de Caelo. 2. 12. Aristotle that the Grecians owe much of it to the Aegyptians, where it [Page 19] had been of a long time practised: Thither indeed Epist. [...] pherecyd. Thales ac­knowledgeth that he travelled to confer with Astronomers.

CHAP. IX.
His Morall Sentences.

Of his Morall Sentences those are first to bee remembred which Sept. sap. conv. Plutarch mentions upon this occasion.

Amasis King of Egypt entring into contestation with the King of Aethiopia concerning wisedome, propounded these questions to be resolved by him; what is oldest of all things, what fairest, what greatest, what wisest, what most common, what most profitable, what most hurtfull, what most powerfull, what most easie?

The answers of the Aethiopian were these, the oldest of things is time, the wisest Truth, the fairest Light, the most common Death, the most profitable God, the most hurtfull the Devill, the most powerfull Fortune, the most easie that which plea­seth. Thales demanded of Niloxenus, whether Amasis approved these solutions? Niloxenus, who was sent by Amasis into Greece with these other questions to be resolved by the Sages, answered that with some he was satisfied, with others not; and yet, replyes Thales, there is not one but is erroneus and betrayes ignorance. As for the first, how can it be defended that Time is the oldest of things, when one part of it is past, the other present, the third yet to come, for that which is to come must in reason be esteemed younger then all men or things? Next to to affirme the truth is wisedome, is as much as if we should say, that the Light and seeing are all one. Againe, if he esteeme Light faire, why doth he forget the Sunne? His answers concerning God and the Devill are bold and dangerous, but that of Fortune most improbable, for if she be so powerfull, how comes it that she is so easily changed. Nor is Death the most common, for it is not common to the Living. The most ancient of things is God, for he never had beginning or birth, the greatest place of the world containeth all other things, place containes the world; the fairest the world, for whatsoever is order dispos'd, is part thereof. The wisest is time, for it hath found out all things already devis'd, and will find out all that shall be; the most common hope, for that remaines with such as have no­thing else; the most profitable, vertue, for it muketh all things usefull & commodious Etiam apud Stob. serm. 109. the most hurtfull vice, for it destroyeth all good things; the most powerfull Necessity, for that onely is invincible; Etiam apud. Stob. serm. 46. the most easie, that which agreeth with nature, for even pleasures are many times given over and cloy us.

To which Apothegmes these are added by Laertius, The swiftest of things is the mind, for it over-runs all. Hee affirmed that there is no difference betwixt life and death; being there upon asked why hee did not die; because saith he, there is no difference; to one who asked which was el­dest, night or day; he answered night by a day; Another enquiring whe­ther a man might do ill and conceale it from the Gods; not think it, said he. To an Adulterer questioning him if hee might not cleare himselfe by [Page 24] oath, [...]: not as counselling the latter but repro­ving the former. perjury, saies he, is no worse then Adultery: Being demanded what was difficult, he answered, To know ones selfe; what easie, to bee ruled by another; what sweet, to follow ones owne will; what divine, that which hath neither beginning nor end. At his returne from travell, being demanded what was the strangest thing he had seen, hee answered, a Tyrant old. What will helpe to beare ill fortune? to behold our enemies in worse. How shall a man live iustly? by avoiding what he blames in o­thers. Who is happy? he who hath a sound body, a rich fortune, and a docile nature.

Sympos. sept. sap. Plutarch adds these; we may well report probable newes, but impro­bable should not be related. We ought not to beleeve our enemies incre­dible things, nor to distrust our friends in incredible. Periander being much troubled at a monster which a youth brought him, born of a Mare with the head onely of a horse, the rest resembling a man, he advised him not to take care for expiation of what the prodigy portended, [...] (saith he) [...].

Stobaeus these; Serm 61. Being demanded how far falshood was distant from truth, Serm. 104. as far saith he as the eyes from the eares. It is hard but good to know ourselves, for that is to live according to nature.

His morall precepts are thus delivered by Demetrius Phalereus; S [...]ob. serm. 28. if thou art a surety, losse is nigh; Be equally mindfull of friends present and absent; study not to beautifie thy face but they mind: enrich not thy selfe by unjust meanes. i. e. be true to thy trust. Let not any words fall from thee which may accuse thee to him who hath committed anything in trust to thee. Cherish thy parents. Entertaine not evill. What thou bestowest on thy Parents thou shalt re­ceive from thy children in thy old age. It is hard to understand well. The sweetest thing is to enjoy our desire. Idlenesse is troublesome. Intemperance hurtfull. Ignorance intolerable. Learne and teach better things. Be not idle though rich. Conceale thy domestick ills. To avoid envie be not pitia­ble. Use moderation. Beleeve not all. If a Governer, rule thyselfe. I follow those copies of Stobaeus, that ascribe these to Thales ra­ther then to Pittacus, because the greater part are confirmed by Laertius.

Ausonius hath reduced these into verse under his name.

His Motto was according to Laertius, Know thyselfe; accor­ding to Clem. Alex. Didymus and Fab. 221. Higynus, if thou be a surety, losse is nigh: By Laert. Hermippus, this is ascribed to him, though by others to Socrates: He gave thanks to fortune for three things: first, that he was [Page 25] born rationall, not a beast; secondly, that a man, not a woman; thirdly, that a Grecian, not a Barbarian.

There are besides cited by Laertius, under the name of [...] or loose verses, these sentences.

CHAP. 10.
His judgment in Civill affaires.

POliticks was, according to Laertius, his first study, in which his advice was of great Authority, though he were the only person (as Cicero observes) of the seven wisemen, that was not ruler of the City wherein he lived.

Of his judgment herein we have two instances; the first from Lib. 1. [...], which Val­la readers thus; Caeteras au­tem civitates habitatas nihi­lominus hule parituras, qua aliarum civi­tatum tribus legibus pare­rent. Stephanui thus; nihilo­ninus eodem loco haberi quo tribus; both (I conceive) amiss. Herodotus; Good also, even before the destruction of Ionia, was the ad­vice of Thales, a Milesian, a farre off by descent Phoenician, who com­manded the Ionians to build one common Councell Hall, and that in Teos, for that Teos is in the midst of Ionia, and the rest of the inhabited Ci­ties, neverthelesse to be in repute, according as the Citizens were.

The other cited by Laertius (with no lesse applause) is this, In the first year of the fifty eight Olympiad, Croesus King of Lydia, fearing the greatnesse of Cyrus, and encourag'd thereunto, as he conceiv'd, by the Oracle, sent Ambassadours and presents to the most considerable of the Grecians, perswading them to joyne with him in an expedition against Cyrus, which the La­cedaemonians with many others did: but Thales forbad the Mi­lesians to enter into league with him. It appears (addes Laertius) that his advice in civil affairs was excellent; for this thing (Cyrus geuing the better) preserv'd the Citty.

Yet did he afford Croesus his particular assistance in passing his Army over Halys, as the Grecians affirme, though Herodotus be of a contrary opinion, who gives this account of both. When Croesus was come to the River Halys, then, I beleeve, by bridges that were there, he passed over his Army; but the common report of the Gre­cians is, that Thales the Milesian was he who conveigh'd it over: For Croesus being doubtfull over what part of the River his Army should passe, there being in those daies no Bridges, Thales, who was in the sield with him, is said to have caused the River that did run on the left hand of the Army, to run also on the right, which he brought to pass thus. Be­ginning above the trench, he digged a deep trench, and brought it in the fashion of a halfe Moon, that the River being turned into the trench from the former channell at the back of the Army, and passing by the camp, came into the old channell again, so that assoon as the River was thus di­vided, [Page 26] (which In Hippia Lucian saith, was done in one night) it became forda­ble on either side: Some say that the old channell was quite made up, but that I do not beleeve, for then, how could they in their return passe over. That this is the meaning of Herodotus, mistaken by Who renders [...], in quam cum introdux­isset ex pristino alveo sluvium, iterum cum ubi exercitus tra­jectus esset in suum alveum resundere [...] Valla, will appear from the In Nubes. scholiast of Aristophanes, who relates it in the same manner, not without applauding Thales for his excellency in Mechanicks.

He was a great enemy to Tyrants, and accounted all Monar­chy little better, as appears by Plutarch, who makes him speak thus: As for taking one for the other, (viz. a Monarch for a Ty­rant) I am of the same mind with the young man, who throwing a stone at a Dog, hit his step-Mother; it is no matter, said he, for even so, it lights not amisse, Truly I alwaies esteemed Solon very wise, for refusing to be King of his own Country: and Pittacus, if he had not taken upon him a Monarchy, would never have said, how hard it is to be a good man: and Periander being seiz'd (as it were an hereditary disease derived from his father) by the same Tyranny, did very well to endeavour as much as he could to disengage himselfe from it, by frequenting the conversation of the best men, inviting Sages, and Philosophers, and being invited by them, not approving the dangerous counsell of Thrasibulus, my country­man, who perswaded him to take off the heads of the chiefest. For a Tyrant, who chooseth rather to command slaves then free-men, is like a husband­man, who preferreth the gathering of locusts, and catching of foul, before reaping of good corn. These soveraign authorities have only this good, in recompense of many evills, a kind of honour and glory, if men be so hap­py, that in ruling good men, they themselves prove betterj as for such, who in their office aim at nothing but security, without respect of honour or honesty, they are fitter to be set over beasts then men.

In the same Symposion, he gives this account of Monarchy, Democracy, and Oeconomicks. That Prince is happy, Stob. serm. 147. who lives till he is old, Stob. serm. 141. and dies a naturall death. That common-wealth is best ordered, Stob. serm. 43. where the citizens are neither too rich, nor too poor. That house is best, wherein the Master may live most at ease.

CHAP. XI.
Of his writings.

Some a [...]irme ( saith laertius) that he lest nothing behind him in wri­ting. Others that he writ,

Of naturall Philosophy: Saint De civi [...]. dei. Augustine saith, that Thales, to pro­pagate his doctrine to succession, searched into the secrets of nature, and committing his opinions to monuments and Letters, grew famous.

Of Nautick Astrology (mentioned by Laert: Simplicius) which is by some ascribed to Phocus, a Samian.

Of the Tropicks and Aequinoctialls: which two treatises Laertius, saith, he composed, as judging the rest easie to be understood. These [Page 27] seem to be those Astrologicall writings which * Lobon, an Ar­give, who writ concerning the Poets, affirmeth to have exten­ded to two hundred verses.

Of Meteors: a treatise in verse, mentioned by Suidas.

The history of his own times: if we may give credit to Lib. 6. [...] Iohannes Antiochenus, who saith, These things Thales, Castor, and Polybi­us most wise Authors, committed to writing, and after them Herodotus the historian: but perhaps this may be no more probable, then that Polybiu [...] and Castor should precede Herodotus.

[...], of which those that are cited by Laertius, we have in­serted among his morall sentences, for such they were, tending to the instruction of the common people, a kind of loose verse, comming nere prose, whence Demosthenes makes two kinds of Poets, [...] (as Casaubon observes) those that write in meeter, and (if we may so tearm it) those that write in blank verse. Whatsoever Latertius in the lives of the seven wise­men produceth in this kind, seemeth not to be taken out of any Poet, but to have been written by the wise-men themselves: Epistles, of which two only are extant, preserved by Laertius.

CHAP. XII.
His Auditors and Schollers.

THe first eminent person of those who heard Thales and pro­fess'd his Philosophy, was Anaximander sonne of [...]raxi­des a Milesian, who flourish'd in the time of Polycrates Tyrant of Samos.

Next is Anaximenes a Milesian also, sonne of Euristratus, (who according to Eusebius) flourished in the second yeare of the 56 ^th. Olympiad. He was Scholler to Anaximander and Parmenides; But that he heard Thales also, he acknowledgeth in an [...]ert. vit. Anax. Epistle to Pythagoras.

We may (as in that Epistle Anaximenes doth) amongst the dis­ciples of Thales reckon Pythagoras the Samian, institutor of the Italick Sect, who being from his youth particularly addicted to investigation of Religious mysteries, addrest his first journey to Thales at Miletus, as to one that best could further his designe, being (according to De vita Py­thag 1. 2. Iamblichus) not fully 18. yeares old; which if we follow the accompt of Euseb. us for his birth (the fourth yeare of the seventieth Olympiad) and that of Sosicrates for his age eighty yeares (for the rest, the farther they exceed that time, are so much the more incapable of reconcilement) will fall about the second yeare of the fifty fourth Olympiad,) which is the 82. of Thales. From Thales he received the Rudiments of that Ex­cellence which he afterwards attained. This is acknowledged by Vit. [...]ythag. 1. 2. Iamblichus. Thales, saith he, entertaind him very kindly, admiring the difference between him and other youths, which exceeded the fame hee had receiv'd of him. After that he had instructed him as well as he was able in the Mathematicks, alledging for excuse his old age and infirmity, be advis'd him to goe to Aegypt, and to converse with the Memphian Priests, especially those of Iupiter, of whom he himselfe had in his Travells learned those things, for which by many he was esteem'd wises and Vit. Pythag. 1. 3. again, among other things Thales chiefely advis'd him to husband his time well, in respect whereof he a [...]tain'd from wine and flesh, onely eating such things as are light of digestion, by which meanes he procured shortnesse of sleepe, wakefulnesse, purity of minde, and constant health of body.

CHAP. XIII.
of his Death.

THales having now liv'd to a great age, being full of honour and wisedome, Laert. died in the first yeare of the fifty eight Olympiad (when according to Pausanias Erxyclides was Archon) as he was beholding the Olympick games, opprest with heate, thirst and the burden of his yeares which amounted to ninty two. Laertius under-reckons him to have lived but eighty seven yeares, having before acknowledged his birth to have beene in the first of the 35. Olympiad. Rationar. temp. 1. 12. Petavius over-reckons, who makes him live to the end of the 58. which could not be, because he died spectator of the Olympick Games. De long [...]vis. Lucian and Chron [...]l. Sin­cellus more, who say he lived 100 yeares. Sosicrates comes nearest to the truth, who allowes him to have lived 90. yeares, and to have died in the 58. Olympiad; for from the first of the 58. is 23. entyre Olympiads.

The manner of his death gave Laertius occasion to favour him with this Epigram.

He was buried according to his owne appointment in a poore obscure part of the Milesian field, Plut. vit. S [...]lon. where he presag'd that in fu­ture times their Forum should be; upon his Tomb this distich,

There was also a statue erected in honour of him bearing this subscription.

Le [...]t. There were five more of this name mentioned by Demetrius the Magnesi [...]a, an orator of Calatis, an affected imitator. A Painter of Sicyonia, of a great spirit. The third very antient, contempo­rary with Hesiod, Homer and Lycurgus; The fourth mentioned by Duris: the fift of later times, by Dionysius in Criticis. Vit. S [...]crat. Laer­tius names Pherecydes as a detractour from Thales the Philosopher.

CHAP. I.
Solon his Parents, Country, and Condition.

PHilocles, cited by Didymus affirmes, that Solon's father was named Euphorion, but by the unani­mous consent of all other writers, he was cal­led Execestides, a person though of small for­tune and account among the Citizens, yet of the most noble family in Athens, descended from Codrus, Plut. Solon deriving himselfe from Ne­leus, son of Codrus, and from Neptune: L [...]ert: Plut. His Mother neer of kin to the Mother of Pisistratus; Laert. vit. Proclus in Ti­ma [...]m: his Parents had another Son named Dropides, Archon, the year after Solon, from him was Plato descend­ed.

Solon was born (according to La [...]rtius) at Salamis, for which reason he desired at his death that his body might be carried thither; but from his Parents and the place of his residence, he was sirnamed Athenian

Plut. His father by munificence and liberality brought his estate so low, as to want even necessaries: Solon (ashamed to receive from any, being of a house which used to maintain others) betook himselfe to Merchandise: others say, he travelled rather to im­prove his knowledge and experience, for he was a professed lover of wisdome, and even to his last used to say, I grow old learn­ing; riches he esteemed not much, but to grow rich like

And elsewhere.

That he was profuse and delicate, and more luxurious in his verses then beseemes a Philosopher, is attributed to his practi­sing Merchandise, such persons requiring more then ordinary

[Page] [Page 31] delicacies and freedomes in recompense of their many and great dangers. That he was rather in the number of the poor then of the rich, is apparent from these his verses.

Polit. 4. 11. Aristotle ranks Solon amongst the inferior sort of Citizens, whi [...]h (saith he) is manifest from his Elegies, meaning perhaps, some of these which Plutarch cites. In Scytha. Lucian saith, he was extreamly poor: Orat. [...]. Palaeologus, that he neither had nor valued wealth.

CHAP. II.
How by his means the Athenians took Salamis, Cyrrha, and the Thracian Chersonesus.

MAny ( saith Orat. de falsa legat. Demosthenes) of obscure and contemp [...]ible have become illustrious by profession of wisdome. Solon both living and dead flourish'd in extraordinary glory, to whom the utmost honours were not denyed, for he left a monument of his valour, the Megaraean Trophie, and of his wisdome, the recovery of Salamis; the occasions these.

Pausan. The Island Salamis revolted from the Athenians to the Mega­renses; Plut. the Athenians having had a long troublesome war with the Magarenses for its recovery, grew at length so weary, that giving it over, they made a Law, forbidding any upon pain of death to speak or write any thing to perswade the City to re­attempt it: Solon brooking with much reluctance this ignominy, & seeing many young men in the City desirous to renew the war, (though not daring to move it, by reason of the Edict) coun­terfeited himselfe mad, which he caused to be given out through the City, and having privately composed some elegiack verses and got them by heart, came skipping into the [...]orum with his Cap (or as Laertius saith, a Garland) on; the people flocking about him, he went up into the place of the Cryer, and sung his Elegy beginning thus,

Pausan. The lines wherewith they were most excited were these.

[Page 32] And,

Plut. This Poem was intituled Salamis, it consisted of a hun­dred verses, very elegant: when he had made an end of singing, it was much applauded by his friends, particularly by Pisistratus, who excited the Citizens to follow his advice: By this means the law was repealed, the war recommenced, wherein Solon was made Generall: the common report is, that taking Pisistratus along with him ( whence it is, that some ascribe the whole glory of the action to Pisistratus, of whom are Frontinus, Aeneas, and Justine) he sailed to Colias, where finding all the women celebrating the festivall of Ceres, he sent a trusty messenger to Salamis, who pre­tending to be a runnagate, told the Megarenses, that if they would surprise the principall women of Athens, they should go immediately with him to Colias: The Megarenses believing what he said, manned a ship, and sent it along with him; Solon, assoon as he saw the ship come from the Island, comman­ded the women to retire, and as many beardlesse young men to put on their gownes, head-tyre, and shoes, hiding daggers under their Garments, and so danced and plaid by the Sea-side, till the enemy were landed, & their ship at [...]achor: By this time the Megarenses, deceived by their outward appearance, landed in great hast, and came upon them, thinking to take them away by force, Poly [...]n lib. 1. but they suddenly drawing their swords, shew'd themselves to be men, not women; Plut. the Megarenses were all slain, not one esca­ping, the Athenians going immediately to the Island took it.

Plut. Others deny it was taken in this manner, but that first re­ceiving this answer from the Delphian Oracle,

Solon by night sailed to the Island, and sacrificed burnt offe­rings to the Heroes, Periphemus, and Cichris; then he received five hundred men of the Athenians, with condition, that if they gained the Island, the supream government thereof should be in them: Shipping his men in fisher boats, attended by one ship of thirty Oars, they cast anchor by Salamis, near a point opposite to Euboea: The Megarenses who were in Salamis hearing an un­certain rumor hereof, betook themselves confusedly to armes, sending forth a ship to bring them more certain intelligence from the enemy, which Solon, as soon as it came neer, took, and killing the Megarenses, manned with choice Athenians, whom he commanded to make directly for the Citty, with all possible secrecy; in the mean time, he, with the rest of the A [...]henians, [Page 33] assaulted the Megarenses by Land, and whilst they were in sight, they who were in the ship, making hast, possest themselves of the Town. This relation is confirmed by their solemnitie, an Athenian ship comes thither first in silence, then falling on with cries and shouts, an armed man leaps forth, and runs directly towards the Scirradian Promontory, against those that come from the Land: hard by is the Temple of Mars built by Solon, for he overcame the Megarenses, and let go ransomelesse all those that escaped the misery of the war: V [...]r. hist. 7. 19. Aelian saith, he took two ships of the Megarenses, whereinto he put Athenian Officers, and Souldiers, bidding them put on the armour of the enemy, whereby de­ceiving the Megarenses, he slew many of them unarmed.

Plut. But the Megaren ses persisting in obstinacy, to the losse of many lives on both sides, the businesse was referred to the La­cedaemonians to be decided; many affirme Solon alledg'd the authority of Homer, inserting a verse into his catalogue of ships, which he thus recited at the triall.

( By which second verse of his own making and addition he [...]vinc'd, that Salamis of old belonged to the Athenians.) But the Athenians esteem this relation fabulous, affirming, Solon demonstrated to the Judges, that Phylaeus and Eurisaces, sons of Ajax, being made free denizons by the Athenians, delivered this Island to them, and dwelt, one at Branco, in Attica, the other in Melita, whence there is a Tribe named Philaidae, from Philaeus, of which was Pisistratus. Elian. var. hist. 7. 19. He ov [...]rcame the Megarenses in an oration, getting the better of them, not with specious words, but weight of argument: Plut. more cleerly to convince them, he instanced in the buriall of the dead, and in­scription of the names of townes, used by those of Salamis, Laert. as he shew­ed, by digging up some graves, after the manner of the Athenians, not of the Megarenses, for in Megara they buried their dead with their faces to the east, in Athens, to the west. But Hereas of Megara denying this, affirmes, the Megarenses buried also with their faces toward the west; for further confirmation, Solon al­ledg'd, that the Athenians had for each man a severall Co [...]in, the Megarenses buried three or foure in the same. It is said al­so, that Solon was much helped by certain Oracles of Apollo, wherein he calls Salamis Ionia. This cause was decided by five Spartans, Critolaidas, Amomphoretus, Hypsechidas, Anaxilas, and Cleomenes.

Plut. By this action, Solon grew into great esteem and honour, but he became [ not long after] much more admired and cried up by the Greeks, P [...]usan. in phoc. for speaking concerning the Temple at Delphi. The Cyrrhaeans committed many impieties against Apollo, Pausan in phoc. and cut off [Page 34] part of the land belonging to him.] Plu [...]. Solon declared, that it behoved them to relieve it, and not to suffer the Cyrrhaeans to prophane the Oracle, but that they should vindicate the Gods cause. The Amphictions thus instigated by him, undertook the war with much eagernesse, as Aristotle a [...]irms, ascribing to Solon the honour of that Enterprise. Aeschines saith, the motion made by Solon was confirmed by the Oracle. Some affirme he was made Gene­rall, others Alcmaeon: But the whole Army of the Greeks was (according to In Phoc: Pausanias) led by Clisthenes, [...]yrant of Sycionia, along with whom they sent Solon from Athens to be his counsellor. In voce Solon. Suidas saith, he was chosen counsellor by those, who were pickt out for the service of that war. Polyaen. lib. 3. Whilst Clisthenes besieged Cirrha, Pausan. they enquired concerning the victory, and from the Pythian Oracle, received this Answer.

Where upon Solon advis'd to consecrate the Cyrrhaean field to Apollo, by which means the sea should touch sacred land. Pausan. ibid. He used also another stratagem against the Cirrhaeans; the River Plistus which ran through the Cittie, he diverted another way, the Town holding out against the besiegers, some drunk well-water, others rain, which they saved in Cisterns. He caused roots of Hellebore to be thrown into Plistus, and when he found it was fully poison'd, turned the River again into its proper channell: The Cyrrhaeans drinking greedily of that water, were taken with a conti­nuall flux, and forced thereby to give over the defence of their works: the Amphictions being possest of the Citty, punished the Cirrhaeans, and a­veng'd the Gods. These two stratagems were ascribed to Clisthenes, the first by Lib. 3. Poliaenus, the second by Lib. 3. cap. 7: Frontinus, but the reason is apparent, he doing them by the direction of Solon

[...]aert. Solon perswaded also the Athenians to reduce into their power the Thracian Chersonesus.

CHAP. III.
How he composed differences and seditions at home, and was made Archon.

Plut. THe Cylonian impiety had for a long time vexed the Ci­ty, ever since the complices of Cylon, having taken san­ctuary, were perswaded by Megacles the Archon to put them­selves upon a tryall, they laying hold of a threed which was tyed to the image of [...]allas, when they came neer the images of the furies, the threed broke of it selfe, whereupon Megacles with the other Archons fell upon them, as persons disown'd by the Goddesse; those that were without the Temple they stoned, [Page 35] those who run to the Altars, they were murdered; they only escaped who sued to their wives, whence being called impious they were accounted odious: those that remained of the Cylo­nians were grown very rich, and had perpetuall enmity with the family of Megacles; at what time this di [...]ention was highest, and the people thereby divided into factions, Solon being of much authority amongst them, taking with him the chiefest of the City interposed betwixt them, and with intreatles and ad­vice perswaded those who were called impious to submit to the judgment of three hundred of the chief Citizens: Miro was their accuser, they were condemned, the living to be banished, the bones of the dead to be digged up, and thrown beyond the confines of the country.

During these commotions, the Megarenses took Nysaea, and recovered [...] from the Athenians; the City was full of su­perstitious terrors and apparitions; the Priests declared, that the entralls of the sacrificed beasts imported great crimes and impieties, which required exp [...]ation. Laert. There was also a great plague; Plut. the Oracle advis'd them to lustrate the City; to this end they sent ( Laert. Nicias, son of Niceratus with a ship) Plut. to fetch Epi­menides out of Creet, who comming to Athens, was [...]ntertained by Solon as a guest, [...]onversed with him as a friend, instructed him in many things, and set him in the way of making Lawes. This lustration of the Citty Eusebius under-reckons, placing it in the second year of the fortie seventh Olympiad, whereas Solons being Ar­chon, which certainly happened after this, was in the third of the [...]ortie sixt. Suidas seems to over-reckon, ranking it in the fortie fourth: the opinion of In Epim [...]nid. Laertius agrees best with the circumstances of the story, that it was in the fortie sixt.

Plut. The commotions of the Cylonei, being thus appeased, and the offendors extirpated, the people fell into their old diffe­rence about the government of the commonwealth, whereby they were divided into as many factions, as the Province con­tained distinctions of people; the Citizens were Democraticall, the countrymen affected Olygarchy, the maritimes stood for a mixt kind of government, and hindred both the other parties from having the rule; at the same time the City was in a dange­rous condition, by reason of a dissension betwixt the rich and the poor, arising from their inequality, the businesse seemed impossible to be composed, but by a Monarchy; the commons were generally oppressed by the mony which they had borrow­ed of the rich, and either had tilled their land, paying to them the sixth part of the crop, whence they were called Hectemoru, and Thetes, or ingaged their bodies to their creditors, whereof some served at home, others were sold abroad, many also (there being no law to the contrary) were necessitated to sell their children, and leave the City, through the cruelty of these usu­rers, [Page 36] the greatest part (such as had most courage amongst them) assembling together, mutually exhorted one another not to indure these things any longer, but choosing some trusty man to be their leader, to discharge those that paid not their mony at the set day, to share the land, and quite invert the State of the comwon-wealth. The discreetest amongst the Athenians looking upon Solon as a person free from any crime, (neither in­gaged in the oppressions of the rich, nor involved in the neces­sities of the poor) intreated him to take charge of the common­wealth, and to compose the differences of the people. Phanias the Lesbian affirmeth, that for preservation of the State, he deceived both parties, promising under-hand to the poor, a division of the land; the rich, to make good their contracts; but that he first made scruples of undertaking the businesse, de­terred by the avarice of the one, and insolence of the other; he was chosen Archon, next after Cleombrotus ( [...]aern. ( in the third year of the forty sixt Olympiad) at what time he made his lawes also, being at once a peace-maker, and a law-giver, acceptable to the rich, as rich, and to the poor, as good; the people had often in their mouths this saying of his, equality breeds no strife, which pleased alike both parties, one side understanding it of number and measure, the other of worth and vertue; upon which hope, the most powerfull of both factions courted him much, and desired him to take upon him the tyranny of that common­wealth, which he had now in his power, offering themselves to his assistance: Many also of the moderate part seeing how laborious and difficult it would be to reform the state by reason and law, were not unwilling to have a Prince created, such an one as were most prudent and just: some affirme he received this Oracle from Apollo,

But he was most of all reproved by his familiar friends, for being deterred by the name of a Tyrannie, as if the virtue of a King were not diffus'd through the Kingdome, instancing in Tynondas long since Tyrant of Euboea, and Pittacus at present of Mytelene: nothing they alledg'd could move him, he told them a Tyranny was a faire possession, but it had no passage out: to Phocus writing thus in verse,

[Page 37] Whereby it appears, he was of great authority before he writ his Lawes. The contumelies of such as reproved him for de [...]lining the government, he thus exprest in verse:

CHAP. IIII.
What alterations he made during his government, and first of the Sisacthia.

Plut. THough he refused the tyranny, yet he behaved not him­selfe remissely in the government, not complying with the powerfull, nor making lawes to please those who had cho­sen him, where things were tollerable, he corrected nor altered nothing; fearing, lest if he should change and confound the common-wealth in every particular, he should want strength to settle it again, and to temper it with the best reason; but such things unto which he conceived he might perswade the obse­quious, and compell the refractory, those he enacted; joyning (as he said) force and justice, whence, being afterwards deman­ded if he had given the A [...]henians the best lawes, the best (saith he) they would receive.

Plut. The first change he made in the Government was this, hee ( Laert. introduced the Sisachthia which was a discharge of bodies and goods, or as as Hesychius defines it, a law for remission of private and publick debts, so called from shaking off the oppression of usury: Laert. for at that time they engaged their bodies for payment, and many through want were constrain­ed to serve their creditors, he therefor ordained) that for the time past, all debts should be acquitted, and for the future, no security should be taken upon the body of any; this by a moderate term he called Sisachthia; there want not (of whom is Androtion) who affirmed he contented the poor, not by an absolute discharge of the debt, but by moderating the interest, which he called Sy­sacthia; whereto he added the increase of measures, and valua­tion of mony; for the Mina which was before 73 drachmes, he made a hundred: by this means the poorer sort paid a greater summe in lesse coyne, which was a great ease to the debtor, and no wrong to the creditor. but the greater part hold it was an absolute discharge, which agreeth best with the verses of Solon, wherein he boasteth he had removed the bounds throug [...]out the land▪ [Page 38] f [...]eed such as were under oppression, called home those, who being forced to travail, had forgotten their native language, and others that were at home under [...]ondage, set at liberty. The same Law, Lib. 1. Diodorus Siculus observes to be among the Egyptians, conceiving Solon (though as yet he had not been there) derived it from them.

Plut. But in this design a great misfortune befell him, whilst he endeavoured to redresse the oppression of usury, and was stu­dying how to begin an oration suitable to the thing, he acquain­ted his intimate friends in whom he reposed most confidence, Conori, Clinias, and Hipponicus, that he meant not to meddle with land, but to cut off all debts; they (preventing the Edict) bor­rowed of the rich great summes of money, wherewith they pur­chased much land; the Edict being published, they enjoyed their purchase, without satisfying their creditours: Solon was much blamed, as not defrauded with the rest, but as being a defrau­der with those, and a partaker of their cousenage; but this im­putation was imediately washed away with [...]ive Talents, so much he had forth at interrest, which he first, according to the law, blotted out, ( Laertius saith six, perswading others to do the like) others, of whom is Polyz [...]lus the Rhodian, fifteen; but his friends were ever after called [...].

Plut. This pleased neither parts; he discontented the rich by can­celling their [...]onds, the poor more, not making good a parity of estates, which they expected, as Lycurgus had done, he being the eleventh from Hercules, having raigned many years in Lacedae­mon, great in authority, friends, and wealth, whereby he was able to make good what he thought convenient for the state, rather by force then perswasion, even to the losse of his eye, effected as a thing most expedient to the preservation and peace of the common-wealth, that none of the Citizens were either rich or poor: but Solon attained not this in the common-wealth, he was one of the people, and of a mean degree; yet he omit­ed nothing within his power, carried on by his own judgment, and the faith which the Citizens had in him; that he displeased many, who expected other things, is thus acknowledged by him­selfe.

But both parties soon found how much this conduced to the generall good, and laying aside their private differences, sacri­ficed together, calling the sacrifice [...].

CHAP. 5.
How he divid [...]d the people into Classes, and [...]rected Courts of Iudicatory.

HEreupon they chose So [...]on reformer and Law giver of the Commonwealth, Plut. not limitting him to any thing, but sub­mitting all to his power, Magistracies, Convocations, Judge­ments, Courts to take an accompt of them, to prescribe what number and times he pleased; to disanull or rati [...]ie of the present law what he thought good.

Plut. First, then he quite abolished all the Lawes of Draco, except for murther, because of their rigidnesse and severity, for he pu­nished almost all offences with death; as that they who were surprised in Idlenesse should be put to death; they who stole hearbs or apples should undergoe the same punishment with such as had committed murther, or sacriledge; whence Demades wittily said, Dreco writt his lawes not in inke, but blood; he being asked why he punished all offences with death, answe­red, he conceived the leas [...] deserved so much, and he knew no more for the greatest; Arist. Rbe [...]. 2. 23. Herodicus [...]lluding to his name, said his lawes were not of a man, but of a Dragon, they were so rigid; And Aristotle saith, there was nothing in them extraordinary and worthy of memory, but that sove­rity and grea [...]nesse of penalty which was so excessive, that Agell. 11. 18. not by any edict or command, but by a silent and expressed consent amongst the Athe­nians they were laid aside; afterwards they used the milder lawes made by Solon, differing even in name, the first being called [...] ▪ the latter [...]. Tetian. Cl [...]m. Alex. Suid. Those of Draco were made in the 39 ^th Olympiad, 47 yeares (as In demost. Timocr. Vlpian accompts) before these of Solon.

Plut. Next, Solon (being desirous that all offices might continue as they were, in the hands of the rich, but that other priviledges of the Common-welth, from which the people were excluded, might be promiscuously disposed,) tooke an accompt and valu­ation of the people [ [...]ollux. and divided them into foure orders] those whose stock of dry and liquid fruits amounted to 500. measures he ranked in the first place, and called Pentacosiomedimni, [ Pollux. these paid a talent to the publique treasury.] In the second classe were those who were able to maintaine a horse, or received 300. mea­sures, these he called [ Pollux. for that reason] horsemen; they paid hal [...]e a talent. The third classe were Zengitae ( Pollux. so called because) they had 200. measures of both sorts, Pollux. these paid 10. minae, the rest were all called Th [...]tes, whom he suffered not to be capable of any Ma­gistracy, neither did they pay any thing, but onely had so far interest in the common wealth, as to have a suffrage in the publique Convocation, & at Judgements, which at first seemed nothing, but afterwards appeared to be of great consequence; [Page 40] for in whatsoever was brought before the Judges, he gave them leave (if they would) to appeale to the common forum; more­over writing his lawes obscurely and perplexedly, he increased the power of the forum, for not being able to determine con­troversies by the Law, they were forced to have recourse to the Judges, as Masters of the law; this equality he himselfe thus expresseth,

Hither Epist. 90. Seneca alluding saith, Solon founded Athens upon equall right and Lib. 2. Justine he carried himselfe with such temper between the com­mons and the Senate, that he attracted equall favour from both, he suffe­red no man (saith In Theophrast. Aeneus Gazeus) to have a peculiar law, but made all men subject to the same.

Plut. He likewise ( continues Plutarch) constituted the court of the Areopagus, consisting of the yearely Archons, whereof himselfe (being the chiefe) was one; perceiving the people to be much exalted and enboldened by the remission of their debts, he or­dained a second Court of Judicature, selecting out of each tribe (which were in all foure) a hundred persons, who should re­solve upon all decrees before they were reported to the people; nor should any thing be brought to them, untill it had first past the Senate: the supreame Senate he appointed Judge and pre­server of the lawes, conceiving the City would be lesse apt to float up and downe, and the people become more setled, rely­ing upon these two Courts, as on two Anchors; thus the greater part of writers make Solon institutor of the Court of Areopagus, ( of whom also is De Offic. l. 1. Cicero) whichseems to be confirmed, in that Draco never mentions the Areopagites, but in criminall causes alwaies names the Ephetae; but the eighth law of the thirtieth table of Solon hath these words, Those who were branded with infamy before Solon was Archon, let them be restored to their fame, except such as were condemned by the Areopagites or by the Ephetae, &c. And it is certaine, that the Court of Areopagus was long before Solons time, untill then consisting promiscuously of such persons as were eminent for Nobility, power, or riches, but Solon reformed it, ordaining none should be thereof, but such as had first undergone the office of Archon. See Meursius Areop. cap. 3.

Lib. 8. cap. 6. Pollux saith, that Solon ordained a thousand men to [...]udge all accu­sations; Schol. Arefloh. in Nub. Demetrius Phalereus, that he constituted the Demarci, first called Nauclari.

CHAP. VI.
His Lawes.

HAving thus disposed the common-wealth, and Courts of Judicature, he in the next place applyed himselfe to ma­king lawes, which he performed so excellently, that he is gene­rally remembered under that notion, which Minos of Creet, and Lycurgus of Lacedaemon, whose lawes those of Solon exceeded, ( as Annal. 3. Tacitus saith) both in exquisitenesse and number: Man. [...]o­log. in protreptr. a [...] doctr. of how much greater esteem they were then all before them, may be computed from this, that they were the last, and continued alwaies in the Ci [...]ty: They, for whom they were made, thought them more illustrious then their publick orna­ments, which transcended those of all other Cities, more impregnable then their Tower, which they accounted the strongest of all upon earth, and far better then th [...]se things wherein they gloried most: * nor were they of lesse esteem among forraign nations, insomuch that the Ro­mans Liv. lib. 3. agreeing concerning lawes in generall, but differing about the law-giver, sent Embassadours to Athens, Sp. Posthumius Albus, A. Manlius, P. Sulpitius Camerinus, commanding them to transcribe the renowned lawes of Solon: Aurel. Vict. de Vir. illust. c. 21. which transferred out of the books of Solon the D [...]cemviri expounded in the twelve Tables. Hence Lib. 22. Ammi­anus Ma [...]cellinus saith, that Solon assisted by the sentences of the Aegyp­tian Priests, having with just moderation framed lawes, added also to the Roman state the greatest foundation.

Of his lawes, these have been preserved by Plutarch, and others.

Plut. If any man were beaten, hurt, or violently treated, whosoever had the means and will, might sue the offendour. Thus (saith Plutarch) he wisely brought the Citizens to a mutuall sence of one anothers hurts, as if done to a limb of their own body.

Plut. Of infamous persons, let all such as were infamous before the go­vernment of Solon, be restored to their fame, excepting whosoever were condemned by the Ephetae, or in the [...]rytanaeum by the Magistrates, ba­nished for murder, theft, or aspiring to tyrannie. This was the eight Law of the thirteenth Table. There were two kinds of infamy, by the lesser a man was degraded and made uncapable of all ho­nour or office in the common-wealth; by the greater, he and his children were lyable to be killed by any man, and he not to be questioned for it.

Plut. Of his lawes, those seem most singular and paradoxall, which declare him infamous, who in a sedition takes neither part: it is cited out of Aristotle by Lib. 2. cap. 12. Agellius in these words: If through discord and dissention, any sedition and difference divided the people into two factions, whereupon with exasperated minds both parties take up armes and fight; he, who at that time, and upon that occasion of civill [Page 42] discord shall not engage himselfe on either side, but solitary and separated from the common evill of the Citty [...]ithdraw himselfe, let him be deprived of house, country and goods by banishment. Plut. He would not that any one saving himselfe harmlesse, should he insensible of the com­mon calamity, or boast himselfe to have no share in the publick grief, but that instantly applying himselfe to the better and ju­ster side he should interest himselfe in the common danger, and assist, rather then out of all hazard, expect which side should get the better. When we did read (saith Agellius) this law of Solon, a person indued with singular wisdome, at first were mained in great suspence and admiration, enquiring for what reason he judged those worthie of punishment, who withdrew themselves from sedition and civill war; then one whose sight pierced more deeply into the use and meaning of the law, af­firmed, the intent thereof was not to encrease, but appease se­dition; and so indeed it is, for if all good persons, who in the beginning are too few to restrain a sedition, should not deterre the distracted raging people, but dividing themselves, adhere to either side, it would follow, that they being separated as partakers of both factions, the parties might be temper'd and govern'd by them, as being persons of greatest authority; by which means they might restore them to peace, and reconcile them, governing and moderating that side whereof they are, and desiring much rather the adverse party should be preserved then destroyed. ad [...]. 10. 1. Cicero citing this law, averreth the punishment to have been capitall, perhaps understanding infamy here of the more severe kind.

Absurd & ridiculous (saith Plutarch) seemeth that Law which alloweth an inheritrix, if he who possesseth her by law as her Lord and Master be impotem, to admit any of her husbands neerest kindred. But some averre it is just, as to those, who though they are impo­tent, yet will marry rich heires for their mony, and by the priviledge of law wrong nature; for when they see it lawfull for the heir to admit whom she pleaseth, either they will refrain from such marriages, or undergoe them with the reproach of avarice and dishonesty: It is well ordered also, that she may not admit any one, but only whom she will of her husbands kin­dred, whereby the issue may be of his family and race. Plut. Hither likewise it tends, that the Bride be shut up in a room with the Bride­groom, and eat a Quince with him. (Intimating, according to In pracept. conjugial: [...]lu­tarchs interpretation, that the first grace of her lips and voyce should be agreeable and sweet) and that he who marrieth an heir, be obliged to visit her thrice a month at the least: For though they have not children, this argues a respect due to a chast wife, and pre­vents or reconciles unkindnesse and dissention.

Those words of the former law, He who possesseth her by law as her Lord and Master, have reference to another Law of his, [Page 43] mentioned by Lib. 11. Diodorus Siculus, that the next of kin to an heir might by law require ho [...] in marriage, and she likewise might require him that was next of kin who was obliged to marry her, though never so poor, or to pay 500 Drachms for her dowry. Hereto Hec. Act 1. Scen. 2. Terence alludes.

And to the putting her off without a dowry of 500 drachms, (that is five minae) Phorm. act. 2. scon. 3. elsewhere.

Plut. In all other marriages he forbad dowries, ordaining that a Bride should bring with her no more then three gowns, and some slight houshold-stuffe, of small vale [...], the particulars whereof were expres­sed, as 1. 12. 15. Pollux seemes to imply, for he would not that marriage should be m [...]cenary or vendible, but that the man and woman should co-habit for issue, love, and friendship. Hither Lib. 3. Epist. 243. Isidor alludes, amongst the Athenians legall marriage was said to be contracted, in respect of issue.

That Law of his also was comm [...]nded, as Orat. in Leptin. Demosthenes and [...]lutarch attest, which forbad to revile the dead, Let no man re­vile any dead person, though provoked by the revilings of his children. Plut. To esteem the deceased holy is pious, to spare the absent just, to take away the eternity of hatred civill.

Plut. He forbad to revile any living person at sacred solemnities, Courts of Iudicature, and publick spectacles, upon penalty of three drach [...] to be paid to the reviled person, two more to the common treasury. To moderate anger no where he accounted rude and disorder­ly, every where difficult, to some impossible. A law must be accommodated to what is possible, intending to punish some few, to advantage not many to no purpose.

Plut. His law concerning testaments is much approved; for be­fore, no man had power to make a will, but his goods and lands continued in the family of the deceased person: Solon made it lawfull for him that had no children to give his estate to whom he pleased. he preferred friendship before kindred, and favour before ne­cessity, and ordered, that wealth should be at the disposall of him in whose hands it was: yet he permitted not this rashly, or absolutely, but conditionally, If he were not wrought upon by sick­ness, potions, bondage, or the blandishments of a wife. Justly he estee­med it all one whether a man be seduced by indirect means, or violently constrained, thus comparing deceit with force, and [Page 44] pleasure with pain, as being of equall power to put a man out of his right mind. This Law is mentioned likewise by Orat. in Lept. Demo­sthenes.

* He also limited the visits▪ mournings, and feasts of women, by a law which curbed their former licentiousnesse. Her who went abroad, he permitted not to carry with her above three gownes, nor more meat and drink then might be bought with an obolus, nor a basket above a cubit in bignesse, nor to travell by night, unlesse in a chariot, and with torch-light: He [...]orbad them to tear their cheeks to procure mourn­ing and lamentation, at the funeralls of those, to whom they have no re­ [...]ion. He forbad to sacrifice an Ox at funeralls, and to bury more then three garments with the dead body; not to approach the monuments of stran­gers unlesse at their exequies. Of which (saith Plutarch) our lawes are full: De leg. lib. 2. Cicero also affirmes, that the lawes of the twelve Ta­bles for contracting the pomp of funerals, and concerning mourning, are transferred from those of Solon, who (as Phalere­us writes) assoon as funeralls began to be solemnised with pomp and lamentation, took them away: which Law the Decemviri put into the tenth table, almost in the very same words, for that of 3 neighbourhoods and most of the rest are Solons, that of mourning in his expresse words, Let not women tear their cheeks, nor make lamentation at a funerall.

Plut. Considering that the City grew very populous, many re­curring thither from all parts of Attica, for liberty and security, that the country was for the most part barren and bad, that such as trade by sea import nothing for those, that have not wherewith to batter or exchange with them, he addicted the Citizens to arts, and made a law, that the son should n [...]t be obliged to maintain his father, if he had not brought him up to a trade (menti­oned also by Prafat. lib. 6. Vit [...]uvius, Exhort. Vrat. ad artes. Galen, Epist. 7. Theophylact, and others) and commanded the court of A [...]eopagus to examine by what gain every man maintained himselfe, and to punish idle persons, whom he made liable to the action of every man, and at the third conviction punished with infamy. This law, Lib. 7. Herodotus, and Lib. 1. Diodorus Siculus affirme to have been in use amongst the Aegyptians, made by Amasis, and from them divided by Solon to the Athenians.

Plut. Yet more severe was that mentioned by Heraclides of Pontus, which disengaged the sons of concubines from maintaining their fathers. He who transgresseth the bounds of marriage, professeth he doth it not out of desire of issue, but for pleasure, and therefore already hath his reward, and can expect to have no further tye upon those he begets, whose birth is their shame.

Plut. Most incongruous seem those laws of Solon which concern women, for he permitted that, whosoever surprised an adulterer (with the wife or [...]ysias in Orat. de [...] Era­tusth. concubine of any) might kill him, (or exact mony of him) he that ravished a free woman was fined 100 Drachmes, he that plaid the pandor, 20 ( Orat. in I l' [...]arch. Aeschines saith to die) except to such [Page 45] women as were common. He also forbad any man to give his sister or daughter to that profession, unlesse himselfe first surprise her with a man. This (saith Plutarch) seemes absurd, to punish the same of­fence sometimes severely with death, sometimes with a pecu­niary mulct, unlesse, because at that time mony was very rare in Athens, the scarcity thereof aggravated the punishment.

Plut. He assigned five hundred drachmes to the victor of the Isthmian games, a hundred to the Victor of the Olympick: attested also by La­ertius, who saith, he contracted the rewards of the Athletas, judging them dangerous victors, and that they were crowned rather against, then for their country.

Plut. Whosover brought a hee-wolfe was to receive five drachms, for a shee­wolfe[?] one; according to Demetreus Phalereus, this being the price of a sheep, that of an Ox. It is customary with the Athenians, that such as have grounds fitter for pasture then plowing, make war with the wolves.

Plut. For asmuch as there is such scarcity of Rivers, Lakes, and Springs in the country, that they are constrained to dig wells, he made a Law, where there was a common well within a Hippicon, they should make use of it. (A Hippicon is the distance of foure furlongs) they that lived further off should procure water of their own, and if when they have digged ten fathom deep, they find not any, they might be allowed to fill a pitcher of six gallons twice a day at their neigh­bours well.

Plut. These exact rules he prescribed for planting: Whosoever plan­ted any young Tree in his ground, should set it five foot distant from his neighbours, who a Fig-tree or Olive-tree, nine: Because the roots of these spread far, nor is their neighbourhood harmlesse to all, but sucks away the nourishment, and to some their blatt[?] is prejudiciall.

Plut. Whosoever diggeth any hole or ditch must make it so far distant from his, neighbours, as it is deep. These are confirmed by lib. 4. ad leg. 12. tab. Caius, adding; whosoever makes a hedge to divide himselfe from his neighbour, must not exceed his own bounds; if a wall, he must leave the space of a foot, if a house, two feet, if a well, a fathom.

Whosoever placeth a hive of bees, should observe the distance of thirtie feet, from those that were before placed by his neighbour.

Plut. He commanded the Archons to curse him who exported any thing ou [...] of the Country, or that he should pay a hundred Drachmes to the pub­like treasury, whereby they are not to be rejected, who say, that of old the exportation of figgs was prohibited, and that he, who discover'd exporter, was called a Sycophant.

Plut. He made a law concerning such as should be hurt by a dog, wherein he ordained, the dog that bit to be bound in a chaine foure cubits long.

Plut. This law concerning Denization is difficult, That none should be made free of the City, except such as were banished for ever out of their o [...]ne Country, or came to Athens with their whole families to exercise some [Page 46] trade; this he did not to drive away forraigners, but to invite them to Athens by certainty of admittance into the City, conceiving such would be faithfull, those out of necessity, these out of good-will.

Plut. Likewise to be feasted in the publike hall was the peculiar institution of Solon, which he called [...] not permitting the same person to eat there frequently: but if he who were in­vited, would not accept of it, he was punished, conceiving this a contempt of the publique honour, that an inordinate appetite.

Hitherto Plutarch: these following are recited by Laertius.

Laert. If any one maintain not his Parents, let him be infamous, as likewise he that devours his patrimony. Hither Orat [...] in Timarch. Aeschines alludes; in the fourth place with whom hath he to do? If any man by prodi­gality hath consumed his patrimony or hereditary goods; for he conceived, he who had ordered his own family ill, would in the same manner take care of the common-wealth; neither did the law-giver imagine it possible, that the same person should be privately wicked, and publickly good, or that it were fitting such a one should go up into the chair, who took more care to frame an oration, then to compose his life.

Laert. He forbad such as haunted common women to plead; confirmed by Aeschines. In Timarch. In the third place with whom hath he to do? If any man (saith he) be a haunter of common women, or procure mony by such means; for he conceived, such a one as sold his own fame for mony, would easily sell the businesse of the state. And In Androt. Demosthenes, it is worth inquiry and consideration, Athe­niens, how great care, Solon, the author of this law, had in the common-wealth in all those which he made, and how particu­larly solicitous he was herein above all other things, which as it is evident by many other lawes, so also by this, which forbids those qui s [...] prostituerunt, either to plead or judge in publick.

Laert. He augmented the rewards of such as should die in war, whose sons he ordered to be brought up and instructed at the publick charge. In Panathen. Aristides, thou alone of all men didst ordain these three things by law, that such as died for their country should be annually praised publickly at their sepulchers, their children, till grown men, maintained at the publick charge, then sent back to their fathers house with compleat armes; likewise that infirm Citizens should be maintain'd at the publick charge. Menexen. Plato adds that the same indulgence was allowed to the parents; you know the care of the common wealth, which in the lawes concerning the children and parents of such as died in the war, commands the supream Mag [...]strate to take care, that the parents of those that died in the war, above all other Citizens should not receive any injury. The state brings up the children also: Hereby, saith Laertius, they became eager of [...]ame and honour in war, as Polyzelus, as Cyne­girus, as all those in the Marathonian fight: to whom may be ad­ed Harmodius, Aristogiton, Miltiades, and infinite others.

[Page 47] Lae [...]t. Let not a guardian marry the mother of his ward, nor let not any one be ward to him, who, if he die, shall inherit his estate; confirm'd by In Hermog; Syrianus, In Herm [...]g. Marcellinus, and others, who adde, that the same law forbad the ward to marry her guardians son.

L [...]rt. Let not a graver keep the impression of any seal after he h [...]th sold it.

Laert. If any man put out the eye of another, who had but one, he shall lose both his own.

His law concerning theft, Laer [...]ius expresseth thus; What thou laidst no [...] down, take not up, otherwise the punishment death. Orat in Timarch. Aes­chines addes, if they confessed themselves guilty: others affirm the punishment was only to pay double the value, of whom is Lib. 11. c. 18. Agellius and Parth. [...] 4. Hermogenes, who affirme, the law made that distinction betwixt sacriledge and theft, punishing the first with death, the latter with double restitution. Orat. in Timo [...]r. Dem [...]sthenes cleers this, reciting this law exactly in these words, If any man steal in the day time above fiftie drachms, he may be carried to the eleven officers, if he ste [...]l any thing by night, it shall be lawfull for any to kill him, or in the pursuit to wound him, and to carry him to the eleven officers. Whosoever is convict of such offences, as are liable to chaines, shall not be capable of giving bail for his theft, but his punishment shall be death, and if any one steal out of the Lyceum, or the Academy, or Cynosarges, a garment or a small vessell of wine, or any other thing of little value, or some vesell out of the Gymnasia, or havens, he shall be punished with death; but if any man shall be convict privately of theft, it shall be lawfull for him to pay a double value, and it shall be also at the pleasure of the convictor, besides payment of mony, to put him in chaines five daies, and as many nights, so as all men may see him bound. Schol. Ari­stoph. [...]. Even those who stole dung, were by Solon 's law liable to punishment.

Laert. That if an Archon were taken drunk, he should be punisht with death.

To those recited by Laertius, adde these collected from o­thers.

He allowed brothers & sisters by the same father to marry, & prohibited only brothers & sisters of the same venter; Whereas contrariwise (saith De leg. spec Tib. 2. Philo) the Lacedaemonian law-giver allowed these, and pro­hibited those. Hence In Praem. & in Cimoni [...] vita Cornelius Nepos affirmes, Cimon married his sister Elpinice, invited, not more by love, then the Athenian custom, which allowes to marry a sister by the same father.

Eschin. orat. in Timarch. He writ according to the manner of the antients, severally concerning the discipline of Matrons, for a woman taken in A­dultery he permi [...]ted not to weare ornaments, nor to come into publick Temples, lest by her presence she should corrupt modest women; if she came into a temple, or adorned her selfe, he commanded every one to rend her garments, to tear off her ornaments, and to beat her, but not to kill, or maim her; By this means depriving such a woman of all honour, and giving her a life more bitter then death. This is also [...] ­firmed by in Nearam. Demosthenes, who addes, If any man surprise an Adul­terer [Page 48] it shall not be lawfull for him who took them to have the woman in marriage, if he continue to keep her as his wise, let him be infa­mous.

Demosth. Orat. in Macartat. Let the dead bodie be laid out within the house, according as he gave order, and the day following before Sun-rise carried forth; whilst the body is carrying to the grave, let the men go before, the women follow; it shall not be lawfull for any woman to enter upon the goods of the dead, and to follow the body to the grave, under threescore years of age, excepting those within the degree of cosens, nor shall any woman enter upon the goods of the deceased after the body is carried forth, excepting those who are within the degree of cosens.

Clcer. de leg. 2. Concerning sepulchers, he saith no more, then that no man shall demolish them, or bring any new thing into them; and he shall be punished, whosoever violates, casts down, or breaks any tomb, monument, or columne.

Elian. var. hist. 2 [...] 42. &c. 5. 14. If any one light upon the dead body of a man un [...]uried, let him throw earth upon it.

Demost. in Lipton. Whosoever shall dislike a received Law, let him first accuse it, then if it be abrogated, substitute another: The manner whereof is largely expressed by Demosthen [...]s.

He ordained (according to Declam. 18. Libanius) that Children should be obliged to persorm all due offices to their parents. Pyrrh. Hipp. 3. 24. Sextus saith, he made a Law of indemnity, whereby he allowed any man to kill his son; but Lib. 2. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirmes, he permitted them to turn their children out of dores, and to disenherit them, but nothing more.

Eschin. in Cres [...]ph. He ordained that all such as d [...]clined to be engaged in war, or for­sook the Army, or was a Coward, should have all one punishment, to be driven out of the bounds of the forum, not permitted to wear a garland, or to enter into publick Temples.

Demosth. Orat. in Timocr. If any one be seized on, for having abused his parents, or forsaken his colours, or being forbidden by law, hath gone into places where he ought not, let the eleven officers take and bind him, and carry him into the Heliaea, it shall be lawfull for any one that will to accuse him, and if he be cast, it shall be at the judgment of the Heliaea to impose what punishment or fine they should think sit, if a fine, let him be kept in setters till it be paid.

Athen [...]us de­ipu. lib. 15. He permitted not a man to sell unguents, as being an effeminate office.

Eschin. in Ctesiph. As concerning Orators, he ordered, that the Eldest of the citi­zens should goe up first into the pleaders chaire modestly without tumult and perturbation to move, he out of experience should conceive best for the commonwealth; then that every Citizen according to his age should se­verally and in order declare his judgement.

Liban. declam. 13. He ordered that a Citizen of Athens should be tried no where bu [...] at Athens.

Stob. 112. He commanded that no young man should beare the office of a Magi­strate, nor be admitted to counsell, though he were esteemed exceeding wise.

[Page 49] Demost. in Aristogit. For the common people he ordained slow punishments, for Magistrates and Rulers of the people sodaine, conceiving those might be punished at any time, but that the correction of these would admit no delay.

Maxim. Tyr. 39. As for the Gods and their worship, hee decreed nothing, Cicer. [...]rat. pro S. Rosc. Amer. & Laert. nor against Parricides, answering those who questioned him about it, he did not thinke any could be so wicked.

CHAP. VII.
Of the Axes and Cyrbes, Senators Oath, and other institutions of Solon.

Plut. THese Lawes he ratified for a hundred yeares; They were Agyll. 2. 12. [...] in different tables; Plut. Etymol. Those which concerned private actions, in oblong quadrangular tables of wood, with cases, which reached from the ground and turned about upon a pin like a wheele, whence they were called [...] Pollux. 8. 10. placed first in the tower, then brought into the Prytanaeum that al might see them, where there were some remaines of them in Plutarch's time. Those which concerned Suid. publike orders and sacrifices, in * tri­angular tables of stone called [...] either from Ammon. de differ vec. Cyrbus who tooke the accompt of every mans estate, or [...] or [...] or [...] or from the Corybantes, Suid. to whom the invention thereof is by some ascribed. Schol. Aristot. in Ares. These were placed in the Porticus regia; Didym. apud. Harp. & Suid. Both the Axes and Cyrbes were written after the same manner as oxen to turne in ploughing ( [...]) whence Demosthenes calls that law the lowest which beginneth on the left side.

Flud. The Senate tooke one common oath to make good the lawes of Solon for a hundred yeares, each of the Thesmothetae sworne in the Forum at the Criers stone, if he violated them, to dedicate a golden statute of equall weight with himselfe at Delphi.

Some particulars of the oath imposed by Solon mentioned by severall Authors (as, not to abrogate his lawes, by Plutarch, to ad­mit no young man to be judge, by Serm. 112. Stobaeu; [...]o heare impartially bot [...] the plaintiffe and defendant, by Orat. de co­ron [...]. Demosthenes;) argue it to bee the same which the same Dem [...]st. Author delivers in these words.

‘I will declare my opinion according to the lawes of the Athenians, and five hundred Senators. By no assistance from me shall Tyranny or oligarchy bee admitted, I will ne­ver side with him who hath corrupted the people or intends or indevors it. I will never suffer any new tables or any divi­sion of those already received, or a parity of lands or goods. I will never call home any banished or confined person, I will consent that he be expelled the City who denies these lawes decreed by the Senate, confirmed by the people, I will never [Page 50] permit any to be injured; I will never constitute any Magistrate before he hath given account of his last Magistracy. I will ne­ver permit the same man to be chosen twice in one yeare, or at once to hold two offices. I will neither take, nor suffer any to take bribes or rewards. I am thirty yeares old, I will heare impartially both plaintiffe and defendant, & condemne with­out excuse those that deserve it. I sweare by Jove, by Neptune and by Ceres, may they destroy me, my house and children, If I observe not all these particulars.’ Hence perhaps it is that [...]. Hesychius affimes Solon in his lawes to have ordained an oath by three Gods.

Considering the irregularity of moneths, and the course of the Moone, which agreed not alwaies with the rising and setting of the Sun, but some times overtooke and went past him in one day, he called that day the [...] last and first, attributing that part which precedes the conjunction to the last moneth, the rest to the beginning of the next. Thus La [...]rt. he taught the Athenians to ac­commodate the reckoning of their dayes to the motion of the Moone: Plut: and was (as it appeares) the first who understood rightly that of Homer.

When one moneth ended and the next began:

The day following he called [...], The new moone: from the twentieth day to the thirtieth he reckon'd not by addition but by substraction, in respect of the moones decrease: of this see The clouds, act. 4. scen. 2. Aristophanes.

Laert. He ordered the verses of Homer to be recited successively, that where the first ended the next should begin; whence Diu­chides saith, he illustrated Homer more then Pisistratus (by whom the Rhapsodies were first collected) the principall verses were ‘They who inhabit Athens, &c.’

Athen. deipn. 13. He first tollerated common Curtesans, and with the money they paid to the State erected a Temple to Venus [...].

Sect. Empiric advers Mathem. 6. Hee first taught Souldiers to march by the sound of Fifes and Harpes, observing a kinde of measure in their pace.

CHAP. VIII.
How he entertained Anacharsis, his Travells to Aegypt, Cyprus, Miletus, Delphi, Corinth, and Creet.

Laert. IN the forty seventh Olympiad (according to [...] Sosicrates) Ana­charsis came to Athens; Eucrates being Archon, Plut. he went im­mediately to the house of Solon, and knocking at the doore, said he was a stranger desirous of his friendship and Hospitali­ty: Solon answered, it is better to contract friendship at home; then you [Page 51] that are at home, (replies Anacharsis) make me your friend and g [...]ist. Solon admiring his acutenesse, entertained him kindly, and kept him sometime with him▪ whilst he was imployed about pub­lick affairs, and ordering his lawes; which Anacharsis under­standing, smiled, that he undertook to curb the injustice and covetousnesse of [...]itizens by written ordinances, nothing dif­fering from cobwebs, holding fast the weak and poor, whilst the powerfull and rich break through them; whereto Solon answe­red, that men stand fast to those covenants, which it is not convement for [...]ither party to break: He gave the Citizens such lawes, as it was evident to all, that to keep, were better then to transgresse; but the event agreed more with the conjecture of Anacharsis, then the expectation of Solon.

Plut. After his lawes were promulgated, some or other comming daily to him, either to praise, or dispraise them, or to advise him to put in or out whatsoever came into their minds, the greater part to have the meaning explained, questioning how every thing was to be understood, and intreating him to unfold the sence; he (considering, that not to satisfie them, would ar­gue pride, to satisfie them would make him lyable to censure) determined to avoid ambiguities, importunities, and occasions of blame; (for as he said

Colouring his travail with being Master of a Ship, and having obtained leave of the Athenians to be absent ten years, he put to sea, hoping in that time his lawes would become fa­miliar to them.

Plut. The first place of his arrivall was Aegypt, where he dwelt, as himselfe saith.

At Nilus mouth, neer the Canobian shore.

He studied Philosophy awhile with Psenophis, of Heliopolis, and Sonches of Sais, the most learned of those Priests, by whom, Plato affirmes, he was taught the Atlantick language, which he afterward began to explain in verse; when he questioned them in antiquities, the elder said to him, O Solon, Solon, you Greeks are alwaies children, there is not one Greek an old man.

Plut. Thence he went to Cyprus, where he was much favoured by P [...]ioc [...]prus, one of the Kings of that country, who had a little Town built by D [...]mophoon, son of Theseus, upon the River Clari­us, in a strong place, but rugged and barren: Solon perswading him, there lying a pleasant plain underneath it, to transferre the Town thither, making it more spacious and delightfull: Solon being present at the doing hereof, took care it might be peopled, and assisted the King to contrive it, as well for health as [Page 52] strength; whereupon many came into Philocyprus, whom other Kings aemulated; for this reason he ascribed the honour there­of unto Solon naming the Citie (which before was called Aepea) from him, Soli. This foundation he mentions in his Elegies, ad­dressing his speech to Philocyprus.

He visited Thales also at Miletus, whose imposture towards him (related already in Plutarchs words) receive from Tzetzes.

Whether it belong to this deceit, or to a real loss Laert. Diosco­rides, and Serm. 121. Stobaeus report, that weeping for the death of his Son, one told him, but this helps nothing, he answered, and therefore I weep.

Laert. At Delphi he met with the rest of the wise men, and the year following at Corinth, by Perianders invitation, which was as Plutarch implies, long before Pisistratus came to raign; nor doth Orat. 37. Dion Chrysostom intend the contrary, though so interpre­ted by 1 Meursius. a learned person, his words importing only this; Solon fled not the Tyranny of Periander, though he did that of Pisistratus.

That he went also to Creet (perhaps to visit Epimenides) is e­vident, from an ad [...]herecyd. Epistle of Thales.

CHAP. IX.
The attribute of wise conferred on him: his morall Sentences.

Laert. WHen Damasius (the second) was Archon, (in the yeare of the 49. Olympaid) all the seven received the attri­bute of wise: of these was Solon, upon whom ( Orat. 4. Themistius saith) it was conferr'd as ‘an honorable title full of dignity:’ Vit. Sol. Plutarch avers that ‘all of them (except Thales) were so called from their skill in civill affaires.’ And againe, Vit. Sol. ‘In Philosophy Solon chiefly affected (as did likewise most of the wise men) that part of morality which concerns politicks; Vit. Themist.’ and speaking of Mu [...]sip [...]ilus, ‘he was not (saith he) an orator of those Philo­sophers who are called naturall, but embraced that wisedome which teacheth government of a State, and prudence in pub­lique actions, which he retained as a Sect delivered by succes­sion from Solon. Whence Somn. Scip. 2. 17.’ Macrobius instanceth Solon, as ‘skil­full in that kind of learning which draweth Philosophy dee­per, and establisheth a state.’

Hereto may bee added his morall learning, for which (though Socrates reduced it first to a Science, and was there upon honored as the inventor thereof) the seven were so famous, that some affirme the title of wise was given them only for excelling others in a laudable course of life, and comprehending some morall rules in short sentences; of these they had three sorts, Apothegmes, Precepts and [...].

Of his Apothegmes Laertiu [...] recites these, ‘Speech is the I­mage of Action; He is a King who hath power. Lawes are like cob-webs which entangle the lesser sort, the greater breake through: Those who are in favour with Princes resemble counters used in casting accompts, which sometimes stand for a great number, sometimes for a lesser; so those are some­times honored, sometimes cast downe. Being demanded how men might be brought to doe no wrong, if saith he, they who have received none, and those who are wronged be alike concern'd Satiety comes of riches, contumely of Satiety.’

Vit. Sol. Plutarch and others, these; ‘He conceived that City to be best govern'd, where the people as eagerly prosecute wrongs done to others as to themselves. Sympos. Sept. Sapi. Being demanded how a City might be best ordered, he answered if the Citizens obey'd the Magistrates, the Magistrates the lawes, hee affirmed that King and Tyrant should become most glorious, who would convert his Monarchy to Democracy. He esteemed that Fa­mily best, wherein wealth is gotten not unjustly, kept not un­faithfully, expended not with repentance.’

[Page 54] Arist. Ethic. 10. 8. Hee defined ‘the happie those who are competently furnished with outward things, act honestly, and live tempe­rately;’ which definition Aristotle approves.

Cicer. Epist. 15. ad Brut. He said, ‘a commonwealth consists of two things, reward and punishment.’

Val▪ Max. 7. 2. ‘Seeing one of his friends much grieved, he carried him to the Tower, and desired him to view all the buildings below, which observing, the other to have done, now saith he, think with your selfe, how many sorrowes have heretofore and do [...] at present dwell under those roofes, and shall in future ages: and forbeare to be troubled at the inconveniencies of morta­lity as they were only yours. He said also, that if all men should bring their misfortunes together in one place, every one would carry his owne home againe, rather then take an equall share out of the common stock.’

Stob. Serm. 34 ‘Being in drinking, demanded by Periander, whether hee were silent through want of discourse, or through folly, an­swered, no fool can be silent amidst his cups. Stob. Serm. 41 He said, that City was best ordered, wherein the good were rewarded, the bad punished.’

Iohan. Salisb. Polier. [...]. 14. ‘He said, a man ought to fear nothing, but that his end exclude not Philosophy.’

Orat. in Yi­mocrat. Demosthenes recites a discourse which he used to the Judges, in accusing one who had moved a pernicious law, to this effect; ‘It is a Law generally received in all Citties, that he who makes false mony should be put to death. Then he demanded of the Judges, whether that Law seemed to them just and commendable, whereunto they assenting, he added, that he conceived mony to be used amongst Citizens, in respect of private contracts; but that lawes were the mony of the com­mon-wealth: therefore Judges ought to punish those, who embased the mony of the cōmon-wealth much more severe­ly, then those who embase that of private persons: and that they might better understand it to be a farre greater offence to corrupt lawes, then adulterate coyne, he added, that many Citties use mony of silver allaid with brasse or lead, without any prejudice to themselves; but whosoever should use lawes so adulterated, could not escape ruine and death.’

Laert. Mimnermus writing thus,

He reproved him, saying,

[Page 55] His morall precepts are thus delivered by * Demetrius Phale­reus, Stob. serm. 3. some whereof are cited by Laertius. ‘Nothing too much, Sit not as judge, if thou dost, the condemned will esteem thee an enemy. Fly pleasure, for it brings forth sorrow. Observe honesty in thy conversation more strictly then an oath. Seal words with silence, silence with opportunity. Lie not, but speak the truth. Consider on serious things. Say not ought is juster then thy Parents. Procure not friends in hast, nor procur'd, part with in hast. By learning to obey, you shall know how to command. What forfeiture you impose on o­thers, undergoe your selfe. Advise not Citizens what is most pleasant, but what is best. Be not arrogant. Converse not with wicked persons. Consult the Gods. Cherish thy friend. Re­verence thy Parents. Make reason thy guid. What thou seest speak not. What thou knowest conceal. Be mild to those that belong to thee. Conjecture hidden things from apparent.’

His particular sentence according to Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. Didymus and Laertius was, Nothing too much; according to Ausonius, Know thy selfe, who ascribes these also to him;

Of his [...] Laertius mentions these.

CHAP. X.
How be opposed Pisistratus, and reprehended Thespis.

Plut. DUring the absence of Solon, the former dissention broke forth again in the City: Lycurgus was head of the country men, Megacle [...] of the Maritimes, Pisistratus of the Townsmen, who were most violent against the rich; Solon's lawes were still observed in the City, but the people aimed at novelty and change, not as thinking it most just, but in hopes to be Masters of other mens goods, and to suppresse the adverse party. Solon, whilst things stood thus, returned to Athens, where he was [Page 56] much reverenced and honoured by all, but could not speak or act in publick, through the weaknesse of his body and spirits, yet privately taking every one of the Commanders apart, he endeavoured to reconcile their differences, wherein Pisistratus seemed the most ready to be perswaded, with whom he had a very antient friendship, grounded aswell upon their kindred, as upon the good qualities of Pisistratus, then whom (as Solon u­sed to say) there could not be a person of more worth, if he were cured of his ambition.

Plut. About this time (according to Plutarch) which was in the fiftieth Olympiad, Thespis began to present Tragedies (which Suidas erroneously accounts ten Olympiads latter, as is observed by Meursius) the people were much taken with the novelty of the thing, for as yet there were no contentions therein. Solon naturally desirous to hear and learn, and by reason of his age indulging more to ease and pleasure, feasting and musick, went to see Thespis himself act, as was then the manner; the Play ended, he went to Thespis, and asked him, if he were not ashamed to speak so many lies before so great an auditory? Thespis answe­red, it was no shame to act or say such things in jest. Solon stri­king the ground hard with his staffe, replyed, but in a short time, we who approve this kind of jest shall use it in earnest, in our contracts and transactions. Laert. In fine, he absolutely forbad him to teach or act tragedies, conceiving their falsity unprofitable, whereto he dissimulated the deceit of Pisistratus, who soon after, Plut. having wounded himselfe, came into the Forum in a Chariot, preten­ding to have been so used by his enemies in the behalfe of the common-wealth, and inflamed the people with much rage. Solon comming near to him, son of Hippocra [...]es (saith he) you act Homers Vlysses ill in using the same means to deceive the Citizens, wherewith he (whipping himself) deluded the enemie. Immediately the people flocked in to defend Pisistratus: Aristo mov'd he might be allowed a standing guard of fiftie men: Solon rose up to oppose it, using speeches, the effect whereof, he af­terwards thus exprest in verse.

He also foretold them the aimes of Pi [...]istratus, in an elegy to this effect.

But seeing the poorer sort much addicted to Pisistratus, and tumultuous, the richer afraid, consulting their safetie by flight, he retired, saying, Athenians, I am wiser then some, valianter then others, wiser then those who understand not the deceit of Pisistratus, valianter then those, who understand it, yet hold their peace, through fear. The Senate being of the same faction with Pis [...]stratus, said he was mad, whereto he answered,

The people having granted Pisistratus his request concerning a guard, question'd not the number of them, but conniv'd so long at his pressing and maintaining as many souldiers as he pleased, that at last he possest himselfe of the Tower; where­upon the Citty being in a tumult, Megacles, with the rest of the Alcmaeonidae fled. Solon now very old, and destitute of those that might back him, went into the Forum, Laert. armed with a spear and shield, and made an oration to the people, partly accusing them of folly and cowardise, partly inciting them not to for­sake their libertie, using this celebrious speech, ‘It had been far easier to have supprest this tyranny in the grouth, but much more noble to cut it off now it is at the height.’ No man da­ring to hear him, he went home, and taking his armes, set them in the street before his door ( Laertius saith, before the Magaz [...]n) saying, ‘I have helped my Country and the Law as much as lay in me; or as Laertius,O Country, I have assisted thee both in word and deed.’ Plutarch addes, that from that time he li­ved retired, addicted to his study; and told by many the Ty­rant would put him to death, and demanded wherein the con­fided so much, he answered, in his age: but Laertius affirmes (which seemes truer) that assoon as he had laid down his armes, he forsook the Country: and Lib. 17. cap. 21. Agellius, that in the raign of Scovius Tullius, Pisist [...]atus was Tyrant of Athens, Solon going first away into voluntary exile.

CHAP. XI.
How he travelled to Lydia, and Cilicia.

SOlon at his departure from Athens received invitations from many; by Thales desired to come to Miletus, by Bias, to Priene, by Epimenides, to Creet, by Cleobulus to Lindus, as is evident from their severall letters to that effect: even Pisistratus pressed him to return home by this Epistle.

Solon returned this answer.

Croesus also sent to invite him, to whom he thus answered.

Solon upon this invitation went to Sandys, where Croesus (saith Herodo [...]us) received him kindly: after the third or fourth day the Officers at Croesus appointment lead him into the treasu­ries, to shew him all their greatnesse and riches; when he had beheld all, Croesus spoke thus unto him. ‘Athenian guest, be­cause we have heard much fame of your wisdome and expe­rience, having out of love to Philosophy travelled into many Countries, I have a desire to enquire of you if ever you saw any man whom you could call most happy.’ This he deman­ded, hoping himselfe to be esteemed such▪ Solon nothing flatte­ring him, answered according to the truth, saying, ‘O King, Tellus the Athenian.’ At which speech Croesus wondering. Why do you judge Tellus the most happy? Because (replied Solon) in a well ordered state, he had children honest and good, and saw every one of those have children all living; thus having passed his life as well as is possible for man, he ended it gloriously: a fight happening between the Athenians and their neighbours in Eleusis, he came in to their succour, and and putting the enemy to flight, died nobly; the Athenians buried him in the place where he fell, with much honour. Whilst Solon recounted the happinesse of Tellus, Croesus being mov'd, demanded to whom he assign'd the next place, making no question but himselfe should be named a second. ‘ Cleobis (saith he) and Bito, they were Argives by birth, they had sufficient wherewithall to maintain themselves; and withall, so great strength of body, that both were alike victors in the publick games, of whom it is thus reported; the Argives celebrating the feastivall of Iuno, it was necessary their Mother should be drawn to the▪ Tem­ple by a pair of Oxen, there being no Oxen in the field ready, these young men, streitned in time, under went [Page 60] the yoke, and drew the chariot of their Mother fortie five stadia, till they came to the Temple; when they had so done, in the sight of all the people, they obtain'd the happiest end of their daies, whereby the God declared it better for a man to die then to live; the Argive, pressing about them, the men applauding the piety of the Sons, the Women the happinesse of the Mother, the Mother her selfe infinitely joyed with the action, and the glory thereof, standing before the image, pray­ed the Goddesse to give her sons, Cleobis and Bito the best thing that could happen to man; after this prayer, having sacri­ficed and feasted, they lay down to sleep in the Temple, and never waked more, but so ended their daies: their Images (as of most excellent persons) were made by the Argives, and set up at Delphi. These Solon ranked in the second degree. Here­at Croesus growing angry; stranger (said he) doth our happi­nesse seem so despicable, that you will not rank us equall with private persons? He answered, do you enquire Croesus concerning human affairs of me, who know, that divine pro­dence is severe and full of alteration? In processe of time we see many things we would not, we suffer many things we would not; let us propose seventy yeers, as the term of mans life, which yeares consist of twenty five thousand and two hundred daies, besides the additionall month, if we make one year longer then another by that Month, to make the time accord the additionall months, belonging to those seventy years, will be thirty five, the daies of those months a thou­sand and fiftie, whereof one is not in all things like another: so that every man, O Croesus, is miserable! you appear to me very rich, and are King over many, but the question you de­mand I cannot resolve, untill I hear you have ended your daies happily; he who hath much wealth is not happier, then he who gets his living from day to day, unlesse fortune continuing all those good things to him, grant that he die well. There are many men very rich, yet unfortunate, many of moderate estates, fortunate, of whom, he who abounds in wealth, and is not happy, exceeds the fortunate only in two things, the other him in many; the rich is more able to satisfie his desires, and to overcome great injuries; yet the fortunate excells him, he cannot indeed inflict hurt on others, and sa­tisfie his own desires, his good fortune debarres him of these: but he is free from ills, healthfull, happy in his children, and beautifull, if to this a man dies well, that is he whom you seek, who deserves to be called happy; before death he can­not be stil'd happy, but fortunate; yet for one man to obtain all this is impossible, as one country cannot furnish it selfe with all things, some it hath, others it wants, that which hath most is best; so in men, no one is perfect, what one hath, [Page 61] the other wants; he who hath constantly most, and at last quietly departs this life, in opinion, O King, deserves to bear that name. In every thing we must have regard to the end, whether it tends for many, to whom God dispenceth all good fortunes, he at last utterly subverts. This story is related by Plutarch, also mentioned by Laertius, who addes, that Croesus being magnificently adorned and seated on his Throne, asked him, whether he had ever seen any thing more glorious? who answe­red, C [...]ks, Pheasants, & Peacocks, who are much more beautiful in their naturall power. Herodot.’ Solon after this discourse with Croesus, not soothing him, or making any esteem of him, was dismissed, and ac­counted unwise, for neglecting the present good in regard to the future. Plut. Aesope, the writter of fables was at that time at Sardis, sent for thither by Croesus, with whom he was much in favour▪ he was grieved to see Solon so unthankfully dismist, and said to him, Solon, we must either tell Kings nothing at all, or what may please them. No, saith Solon, either nothing at all, or what is best for them. Thus was Solon much despised by Croesus.

Herod. ‘Afterwards Croesus being taken prisoner by Cyrus was at his command fettered and set upon a great pile of wood to be burned: as he was in this posture, it came into his minde what Solon had divinely said to him, that no living man is happy; as soone as he remembred those words, he fell into a great de­fection of Spirit, and sighing deeply, named Solon thrice, which Cyrus hearing, commanded the interpreters to aske upon whom he called, they went to him and asked, he was silent, at last pressing him further he answered, upon him who I desire above all wealth, might have spoken with all tyrants; not understan­ing, after much pressure and importunity, he told them, Solon an Athenian came long since to him, and beholdi [...]g all his wealth, valu­ed it at nothing moreover that all which he told him had come to passe, nor did it more belong to him then to all mankind, especially to those who think themselves happy. Whilst Croesus said this, the fire began to kin­dle, and the outward parts thereof to be seized by the flame. Cyrus being informed by an interpreter of all that Croesus said, began to relent, knowing himselfe to be but a man, who de­livered another man, nothing inferiour to him in wealth, to be burned alive, fearing to be punished for that act, and con­sidering that nothing was certain in human affairs, he com­manded the fire to be instantly quenched, and Croesus, and those that were with him to be brought off, Plut. whom [...] ever after as long as he lived, he had in esteem. Thus Solon gained praise, that of two Kings, his speech preserved one, and instru­cted the other.’

Plutarch relates this done in the former ten years travail of Solon, upon the finishing of his lawes, whence he maketh an A­pology for the incongruity thereof, with the rules of Chrono­logy, [Page 62] which had lesse needed, if with Laertius, he had placed it after Pisistratus his usurpation of the tyranny.

Laertius saith, he went from hence to Cilicia, and built there a Gitty, called after him Soleis, whither he brought also some few Athenians, whose language growing corrupt by that of the country, they were said to solaecise; of this is the Etymolo­gist doubtlesse to be understood, who derives [...] (so read we, not [...].) This is also attested by Suidas, as a distinct relation from that of Cyprus, in confirmation whereof Laertius add [...]s, the Cilicians were called Solenses, the Cyprians Solii.

CHAP. XII.
His death.

Plut. HEraclides affirmes, Solon lived long after Pisistratus began to raign; De longavis. Lucian that his life extended to a hundred years; with whom those best agree, who say (as Suidas relates) he lived in the fiftie six Olympiad; Plaut. but according to Phanias, Pisistratus took the Tyranny upon him, when Comias was Archon, and Solon died, Hegestratus being Archon, who s [...]cceeded Comias, which was in the first year of the fiftie [...]ift Olympiad. If this latter opinion had not every where taken place of the other, the disagreement betwixt the time of Solon's death, and Croesus raign had not been urged by many, as an argument against the story of their mee­ting.

He dyed (according to Laertius) aged eighty years (being as Var. hist. 8. 16. Elian saith, very decrepit) in Cyprus, (as is like wise attested by lib. 5. cap. 3. Valerius Maximus, and Laert. Suidas) [...] and left order with his friends that they should carry his bones to Salamis, & there causing them to be burnt, s [...]atter the ashes all over the country; which story Plutarch (though he counts it fabulous) acknowledgeth to be attested by many Authors of credit, particularly Aristotle.

Laertius confirms it by the testimony of Cra [...]inus, who makes him speak thus;

That desire of knowledge which he usually profest continu­ed with him to his end, Val. Max. 8. 7. confirmed the last day of his life; his friends sitting about him, and falling into some discourse, he raised his weary head, and being demanded why he did so, he answered, that when I have learnt that, whatsoever it be, whereon you dispute, I may die: Stob. 29. His brothers son singing an ode of Sappho, he delighted therewith, bad him teach him it, and being de­manded [Page 63] why, that, said he, I may learn whilst I [...] out of this life.

After his death, the Athenians erected his statute in brasse, before Pausan. Attic. the checker'd cloister'd Demosth. in Aristog. 2. Eli­an. var. hist. 8. 16. in the forum: Another was set up at Salamis, hiding (as Demosthenes and Eschines describe it) the hand within the garment, in the same habit wherein he used to make speeches to the Athenians; perhaps the same that carri­ed this inscription,

Laertius bestowes this Epigram upon him.

CHAP. XIII.
His writinngly [...]

HIs excellency both in Rhetoratie, [...]nd Poetry is attested by many; Cicero, In Bruto. ‘before Solo [...] [...] no man is recorded for eloquence. De orat, lib. 1. And again, Lycurgus and Solon we place in the number of the eloquent. Orat. 21. Dion, Chrysostome, Aristides, Lycurgus, Solon, Epaminondas, and if there be any other in the same kind, ought to be esteemed Philosophers in the common-wealth, or Oratours, according to ingenious true Rhetorick. Orat. Plat. 2.’ ‘ Ari­stides, Solon is said to have sung those things which concern the Megarenses, but neither his Lawes nor Orations, which sometimes he made for the rich to the commons, sometimes for the commons to the rich, did he sing or comprise in verse, but used a rhetoricall form, excellently demonstrating in all these, that he deserved to be esteemed an Oratour and a Wise-man, having attained both those titles and faculties.’

As to Poetry, Plu [...]rch averres, ‘he addicted himselfe thereto from the beginning, not in serious matters, but ludicrous, used (as it seemes) for his exercise and pastime; afterwards he included many Philosophicall sentences in verse, and many affaires of state, not in relation to history, but to vindicate his own actions, sometimes also to correct and reprove the Athenians. Plato saith,’ In Tim [...]eo. 1. crit. ‘that at the Apaturian feast, the boyes used to repeat his poems; and that if he had applyed himselfe to nothing but Poetry as others did, and had finished the history he brought out of Egypt, and had not been con­strained [Page 64] by seditions and other distractions to lay aside that study, neither Hesiod, Homer, nor any of the Poets would have been more famous.’

Of his writings in Prose, we must with Laertius name in the first place his

Lawes, of which already.

Orations to the people.

His Poems are cited under that generall title by Eclig. dict. Attic. Phrynicus, their particular subjects and titles these.

Exhortations to himselfe, mentioned by Laertius, In Orat. [...]. Aristides, and Suidas.

Elegies:

Salamis, of which Chap. 2.

of the Athenian common-wealth, which Laertius affirmes to have extended to two thousand verses, according to Attic. Pausanias, and [...]. Philo, Elegiack.

Iambicks, mentioned by La [...]rtius, cited by Athenaeus and Ari­stides.

Epodes, mentioned by Laertius.

Elegies to King Cypranor, cited by the author of Aratus, his life. [...], cited by Laertius.

Some (saith Plutarch [...]in [...]irme, he began to reduce his own Lawes into verse. fiftie si

The last work he urken plok was concerning the Atlantick speech or fable, which beginning late, he was deterred by the greatnesse of the work, as Plutarch saith, and prevented by death.

Besides those Epistles already alledged, these are preserved also by Laertius.

Such fragments of his Poems as have been hitherto preser­ved are thus collected.

CHAP. I.
Chilon his life.

Laert. CHILON was a Lacedaemonian, son of Dama­getus, corruptly termed in Serm. 28. Stobaeus, Page 6. He was eminent amongst the Greeks for two pre­dictions.

The first to Hippocrates, Herodot. lib. 1. Laert. to whom (being a private person) hapned a great prodigie at the Olym­pick games: having prepared an offering, and filled a Cauldron with flesh and water, it boiled over without fire: This portent Chilon (accidentally present) beholding, advised him that he should not take a wise by whom he might have issue; that if he had one, he should put her away, and if a son, turn him out of dores: Hippocrates not following this advice, brought up his son Pisistratus, who in the sedition of the Maritimes and country­men at Athens, those led by Megacles, these by Lycurgus, stirred up a third faction, and gained the tyranny.

Laert. He was much renowwed also for his prediction concerning Cythera a Lacedaemonian Island; examining the Scituation thereof, would to God (said he) it had never been; or since it is, it might be swallowed up by the sea, and wisely did he foresee. Damaratus, a Laecedaemonian exile, counselled▪ Xerxes to seize upon that Island, which advice if he had fol­lowed, would have ruined all Greece. His words (according to Lib. 7. 235: He­rodotus) were these. You may effect your desires, if you send three hundred ships to the Lacedaemonian coast; there lies an Island, named Cythera, of which Chilon, a person of greatest wisdome amongst us, said, it were better for the Lacedaemonians that it were under water then above: he, it seemes, expected from it some such thing as I am now going to declare, not that he foresaw your Navy, but doubting any in the same kind; Let your men issue out of this Island upon the Lacedaemonians, to strike them into terror. Laert. Afterwards, in the time of the Peloponesian war, Nicias taking the Island, placed some Athenians therein, who much infested the Lacedaemonians.

Laertius saith, that he was old in the fifty two Olympiad, at what time Aesop flourish'd: that he was Ep [...]orus in the fiftie sixt. (Casaubon reads the fiftie five) but Pamphila (continueth Laertius) saith in the sixt. He was first Ephorus, when Euthydemus was Archon, as Sosicrates also affirmes, and first appointed the Ephori to be joyned with Kings, which Satyrus saith, was the institution of Lycurgus. Hence it is doubtfull [Page 70] whether Chilon was Ephorus in the sixt Olympiad, or in the fiftie sixt; the latter is more probable, in as much as he bore that office when Euthydemus was Archon at Athens, which was in the fiftie sixt Olympiad, as appeares by the Marmor Arunde li­anum, where for [...] is corruptly read [...] rendred Archonte populo. But it is likewise true, that the Ephori were first created about the sixt Olympiad, when Polydorus and Theopompus were Kings of Lacedaemon, a hundred and thirty yeares after [...]ycurgus, as Plutarch (in his life) affirmes, from which time there were five annuall Ephori chosen in Lacedaemon, whereof the first is called [...], because the year had its denomination from him: the first of the first election was Plut. vit. Ly­cur. Elatus; Chilon in the fiftie sixt Olympiad was the first of the five of his year; which might perhaps give the occasion of the mistake to them, who take him to be the first of that institution, of whom is * Sca­liger.

In Euseb. p. 67: How he behav'd himself in this office, may be gathered from his speech▪ Laert. to his brother, displeased that himselfe was not Ephorus at the same time: ‘ I can bear injuries, saith he, you cannot.’

He was so just in all his actions, Laert. that in his old age he pro­fessed, he never had done any thing contrary to the conscience of an upright man, only that of one thing he was doubtfull; ha­ving given sentence against his friend according to law, he ad­vised his friend to appeal from him (his Judge) so to preserve both his friend and the law: Lib. 1. cap. 3: Agellius relates it thus; ‘When his life drew towards an end, ready to be seized by death, he spoke thus to his friends about him: My words and actions in this long term of years, have been (almost all) such as I need not repent of, which perhaps you also know; truly even at this time I am certain, I never committed any thing, the remembrance whereof begets any trouble in me, unlesse this one thing only, which whether it were done amisse or not, I am uncertain: I sat with two others as Judge upon the life of my friend; the law was such, as the person must of necessity be condemned; so that either my friend must lose his life, or some deceit be used towards the Law: revolving many things in my mind for relief of a condition so despeate, I conceived that which I put in practise to be of all other the most easie to be born: Silently I condemned him, and perswaded those others who judged to absolve him: Thus preserved (in so great a businesse) the dutie both of a judge and friend; but from that act I receive this trouble, that I fear it is not free from perfidiousnesse and guilt, in the same businesse, at the same time, and in a publick affair, to perswade others, contra­ry to what was in my own judgment best.’

CHAP. II.
His morall sentences, precepts, and verses.

OF his Apothegmes, these are remembered by Laertius; he said, providence of future things collected by reason, is the vertue of a man. Being demanded wherein the learned differ from the unlearn­ed? he answered in a good hope? What is hard? to conceal secrets, to dis­pose of leasure well; and to be able to bear an injury.

Plutarch. Simpos. sept. sap Being invited to a feast by Periander, (with the rest of the wise-men,) he would not promise to come before he knew what other company would be there, saying, a man is necessita­ted to brook an ill companion in a ship at sea, or in a tent in a camp; but to mix indifferently with all sorts of people at a feast is indiscretion. Up­on the same occasion Plutarch recites these sentences of his; A Prince must not think upon any transitory mortall things, but only upon the eternall, and immortall. That common-wealth is best where the people minde the Law, more then the Lawyers. A family must resemble as much as possible a Citty governed by a King. Plut. de ani­ma. Hearing a man say he had no ene­mie, he asked him if he had any friend; conceiving love and hate necessarily must follow one ano [...]her.

His morall precepts are thus delivered by Stob. serm. 28. Demetrius Phalereus. Kn [...]w thy selfe. Speak not much in thy drink, for thou wilt transgresse. ( or as Laertius, rule thy tongue, especially at a feast) Threaten not free persons, for it is not just. (Laertius, threaten none, for that is like a woman) Speak not ill of thy neighbour, if thou dost, thou shalt hear what will trouble thee. Go slowly to the feasts of thy friends, swiftly to their misfortunes. (Laertius, go more readily to a friend in adversity then in prosperity.) Celebrate marriage frugally. Speak well of the dead. Reverence thy elder (Laertius, honour age) Hate him who is in­quisitive into the businesse of others. Preferre losse before unjust gain ( for that (addes Laertius) brings grief but once, this for ever) Deride not the unfortunate. If thou art strong, behave thy selfe mildely, that thou maist rather be resp [...]cted then fear'd (Laertius, of thy neighbours. Learn to) Order thy house well. Let not thy tongue run before thy mind. Bridle thy anger. Covet not impossibilities. In the way hasten not forward. Shake not thy hand, (Laertius, in discourse) for it is like a mad-man. Obey the Lawes. Be reconciled to those who have wrong'd you, but revenge contumelies. To which Laertius addes these, To preserve thy selfe. Not to hate divination, make use of quietnesse.

Lib. 7. cap. 32. Pliny speaking of authority, saith, that men ranked Chilon a­mongst Oracles, consecrating three precepts of his at Delphil, in golden letters, which are these: Eve [...]y man to know himselfe, and to desire no [...]hing too much; the companion of anothers mony and strife is misery.

Agell. He only kept within bounds the two most fierce affections of the soule, Love, and Hate, saying, Love with such limitation, as if hereafter you might chance to hate: hate so farre, as that perhaps you might hereafter love.

[Page 72] Ausonius ascribes to him the effect of these verses.

His particular sentence was, To a surety, losse is near.

Of his [...], Laertius mentions this, as most eminent.

Laert. He asked Aesop what Iupiter was doing, who answered, pulling down the high, and raising the low.

CHAP. III.
His death, and writings.

HE died (according to Laert. Hermippus) at Pisa, embracing his son, victor in the Olympic games, of the caestus, the weaknesse of his age overcome with excesse of joy; all who were present at that great assembly attended on his funeralls, as is affirmed by Lib. 7. cap. 32▪ Pliny and Laertius, who hath this Epigram up­on him,

Upon his statue, this inscription.

Laert. He was short in speech; whence Aristagoras calls that man­ner of speaking Chilonian: Lud. sept. sap. Ausonius also alludes hereto in the speech he makes under his name.

Laert. He writ Elegies extending almost to two hundred verses: there is likewise an Epistle of his extant to this effect.

CHAP. I.
Pittacus his life.

Laert. & Suid. PITTACUS was of Mitelene (the chief City of Lesbos) son of Caicus, So the varican M. S: of Sui­das, [...] better then the printed editions, which read [...], or (rather) Hyr [...]ha­dius, a Thracian, his Mother a Lesbian, born in the thirtie two Olympiad.

Laertius saith, he flourished in the fortie two Olympiad; Suid. at that time he gave testi­mony of his great courage and love to his Country, in killing (assisted by the brethren of Alcaeus the Po­et) Melanchrus, tyrant of Lesbos and Mitelene.

Laert. Pittacus grown eminent by this action, was by the Mitele­naeans made [...]enerall, and Strab. sent with a fleet against the A [...]henians, with whom they had a long contest concerning the Achillaean field; the ground of their difference this: Herod. 5. 94. Pisistratus took Sige­um by force from the Mitelaeans, and setled there (as King) Hegesistra­tus his naturall Son, by an Argive woman, who kept it, not without much dispute; for betwixt the Mitelenaeans and Athenians there was a long war, those sallying out of the Achillaean Town, these out of Sigae­um: Strab. lib. 13. those lay claim to the Town, as built by Archaeanactes of Mitelene, of the stones of old Troy (for the Lesbians challenged the greatest part of Troas as their hereditary right, where they had built many houses, some, saith Strabo, standing at this day, others demolished) Herod. conti­nues. these opposed their claim; alledging the Aeolians had no more right to this Ilian country, then themselves or any other of the Greeks, who assisted Menelaus in the recovery of Hellen. Strab. Laert. The Athenians sent thither as Generall Phryno, a tall robust person, who had been victor in all the Olympick exercises; perhaps the same whom Eusebius names in the thirtie six Olympiad. Strab. Laert. Pitta­cus having been severall times worsted in ba [...]tle, at last challenged Phryno to single combat, and met him, being armed [...]ith the [...]eapons of a fisherman, hiding a net under his s [...]ield, wherewith catching Phryno suddenly, he sle [...] him with his trident and [...]agger, and by his dea [...]h re­covered the field. From this stratagem of Pittacus, was derived the like kind of fighting amongst the Roman gladiatours, called Retiarii (described by Saturnal. Lipsius) as is expresly observed by Polyaenus and [...] Retiario: Festus.

Strab. Laert. But this war ended not so; untill at last both parties refer­red [Page 74] themselves to Periander, Herod. 5. 95: choosing him Umpire; he awar­ded that each side should keep what they were in possession of, whereby Sigeum fell to the Athenians. Strab. Demetrius argues Ti­maeus of falshood, for affirming Periander built Achilleum ( a small town, where was the tomb of Achilles) in opposition to the Athenians, of Ilian stones, and thereby to have aided Pittacus: but neither was it built of such stones (saith Strabo) nor was Periander the founder: how could he be chosen arbitratour, whose actions had declared him an enemie?

Laert. Hereupon Pittacus was highly honoured by the Mitelenae­ans, who ( Aristot. polit. 3. 14. being infested by banished persons, under the leading of Antimenides, and Alcaeus the Poet) Val. Max. 6. 5 either in obligation to his merit, or confidence in his equity, by their free votes ( Plut. amator. though Alcaeus denie it) instated him in the Tyrannie; Aristot. pol. 3. 14. with many accla­mations of praise, and a great concourse of people (as is manifest from Alcaeus, who for that reason reprehends them.) Plut. de [...]a­ligd. Herod. Laert. Suid. They also with generall consent offered him great gifts, and bad him take of that field which he recovered from the Citizens as much as he would. He darting his spear, demanded only so much as that had passed over, which he dedicated to Apollo, called (even to the time of Plutarch, and Laertius) the Pittacaean field: Laert. Sosicrates averres, he took part of it for himselfe, saying, the halfe was more then the whole: Val. Max. 6. 5 Thus he diverted his mind from the gift, con­ceiving it not fitting to diminish the glory of the vertue, by the greatnesse of the reward.

Being possest of this power, he shewed the moderation wherewith his breast was furnished, towards Alcaeus the Poet, who had behaved himselfe pertinaciously against him, with bitter hate and scurrilous wit ( whereof see many instances in Laertius) Pittacus only inform'd him how able he was to oppresse him.

During his government, he made many Lawes, one whereof is mentioned by De legib. 2. Cicero, forbidding any man to go to the funerall of such as he was not of kin to. Another by F [...]lit. 2. 12. Aristotle, that whosoever being drunk, should strike any man, should pay double as much as if he had been sober; or as Laertius delivers it, whosoever offended, being drunk, should pay a double forfeit; which he did to restrain the Mi­telenaens from drunkennesse, because their Island abounded in wine. His usuall exercise, even whilst he was King, (as Cle. archus affirmes) was to grind corn, esteeming it a healthfull ex­ercise, much commending a mill, that in so little room, it affor­ded exercise to many. There was a song, Pollux. called for that reason [...], of which Thales Plut. Sympos. sept. sap. affirmes he heard a she-slave in Lesbos sing the beginning as the ground, which was thus.

[Page 75] Being well in years, he was constrained to take upon himself the leading of an Army, whereupon he said, it is hard to be good; which Hence correct Suidas, who saith Simon. Simonides mentions, saying,

Plato also remembers it in his Protagoras (where Simonides re­proves Pittacus for saying, it is hard to continue good, which he affirmes to be easie, but to become good, hard; wherein he differs from Laertius his expression of it.

Laert. He continued in the government of the Kingdom ten years, 6. 5. Valerius Maximus saith, only as long as the war with the Athenians concerning Sigeum lasted, but afterwards assoon as peace was obtained by victory ( having in this time setled the affairs of the common­wealth) he laid it down, notwithstanding the Mitelenaeans cried out to the contrary, lest he should continue Lord of the Citizens longer then the necessities of the Kingdome required, and lived ten years after a pri­vate person.

He went to Sardis at what time (as some say, though others apply it to Bias) Croesus having made the Grecians in Asia tributary, had given order for the building of a Navy to invade the Islanders: as soon as he came thither, Croesus asked him what newes from Greece? He by his answer, diverted the King from going forward with his building ships: the Islanders, saith he, have bought a world of horses, intending an expedition against Sardis; and Croesus thinking he had spoken truth, answered, I wish the Gods would put it in their minds to come against the Lydians on horse-back; he replyed, it is not without reason, great King, that you wish and hope to catch the Islanders on horse-back in the conti­nent; and what think you the Islanders wish more, then (hearing your preparation to set out a Navie against them) that they may catch the Lydians upon the Sea, and revenge the cause of those inland Grecians whom you have reduc'd to servitude. Croesus much delighted with this speech, and disswaded (for it seemed to him he spoke very ingeniously) from building a Navy, gave it over, and contracted amity with the Ionian Islands.

CHAP. II.
His morall sentences, precepts, and verses.

OF his Apothegmes, Laertius recites these. The Gods themselves cannot resist necessity. Power showes the man. Being on a time de­manded what is best, he answered, to do the present well. To Croesus, who asked which was the greatest government, that of various (wood saith he) meaning the Law, (carved) in wooden tables. To a Phocaean, who said, I must seek an honest man: though you seek much, (saith he) you shall not [Page 76] find him. To some who demanded what was most pleasing, he answered, Time. He said it was the part of wise men to foresee inconveniencies and prevent them before they came, of valiant men to order them well when they come.

Add these from Symp [...]s. sept. sap. Plutarch, That Prince is happy, who can make his subject afraid, not of him, but for him. That commonwealth is best or­dered, where the wicked have no command, and the good have. That house is best ordered, which needs nothing either of ornament or necessity.

Athen. deipn. [...]ib. 10. He counselled Periander to shun drunkennesse and excesse in feasting, least he should be known to be what he was, not what he seemed.

Laert. To a young man asking his advice concerning marriage, what directions he gave, is thus exprest by Callimachus.

Whither Aeschylus (as is observ'd by his Scholiast) alluded saying, From. vinct.

His Moral precepts are thus collected by St [...]b. 28. Demetrius Phalereus. ‘Know opportunity; What thou intendest, speake not before thou dost it, for being frustrate of thy hope, thou will be de­rided. Use thy friends. What thou tak'st ill in thy neigh­bour, doe not thy selfe. Reproach not the unhappie, for the hand of God is on them. Restore what is committed to thy trust. Beare with thy neighbour. I ove thy neighbour. Re­proach not thy friend, though he recede from thee a little; nor wish well to thy enemy, it is against reason. It is hard to fore­see [Page 77] the future, what is past is certaine, what is to come ob­scure. The earth is faithfull, the sea faithlesse; Gaine insati­able. Acquire, honesty, Seeke Obsequiousnesse, Love Disci­pline, Temperance, Prudence, Truth, Faith, Experience, Dexterity, Society, Diligence, Oeconomy and Piety.’

Laert. Of his [...], these were most celebrious,

His particular sentence was, Know opportunity.

CHAP. III.
His Death; Brother, Wife, Son, Writings.

Laert. HE lived to a full age, above seventy yeares, or (following the accompt of Suidas for his birth) eighty. Long [...]v. Lucian ex­ceeds, who reckons him amongst those who lived 100. yeares; for he Laert. dyed when Aristomenes was Archon, in the third yeare of the 52. Olympiad, upon his Monument this Epitaph,

He had a brother who dying without issue, his estate de­volved to Pittacus; whereupon refusing the wealth Croesus offerd him, he said, he had more by halfe then he desired.

He married a wife of birth higher then himself, sister to Draco son of Penthilus; she behaved her self imperiously towards him, whereof De anim. tranquil. Plutarch gives this instance; Having invited some friends, she came in and overthrew the table; he seeing his guests troubled said, ‘ Each of you hath some misfortune, he is happiest who hath no more then this. Laertius saith, the advice he gave concerning equall marri­age (chap. 2.) was out of a resentment of his own troubles.’

[Page 78] Laert. He had a son named Tyrrheus, who at Cuma sitting in a Barbers shop (as was used amongst the antients by such as loved to discourse of newes) was casually killed by a brasier with a blow of a hat­chet; The Cumeans tooke the offendor and sent him to Pittacus, He being informed of the accident, set him at liberty saying, pardon is better then penitence.

Of his writings Laertius mentions

Epistles of which this is preserved;

Laert. There was another Pittacus called the Lesser, a Lawgiver; mentioned by Phavorinus and Demetrius.

CHAP. I.
Bias his life.

Laert. BIAS was of Priene, sone of Tutamis; some affirm he was rich, others, that he had no estate, but lived as an inmate. Sa [...]yrus [...]an­keth him first of the seven wise-men; the occasion whereby that title was conferred on him, was this; he redeemed some cap­tive Messenian virgins, brought them up as his daughters, gave them portions, and so sent them back to their Parents: a Tripod being afterwards found at Athens (as was related in the life of [...]hales, the place only different) with this inscription in gold, To the wise. These virgins (as Satyrus affirmes) or (as Phanodicus) their father came into the congrega­tion, and pronounced Bias wise, declaring what he had done for them: hereupon the Tripod was sent to him, which Bias be­holding, averred Apollo to be the most wise, and would not ac­cept it; some affirm he dedicated it to Hercules at Thebes, as be­ing descended from the Theban Colony, sent to Priene.

That he made good this attribute, there are many instances; Laert. Alyattes besieging Priene, Bias turned out of the Town two ex­ceeding fat mules, which coming to the camp, Croesus wondered to see Laert [...]read [...]. their plenty extended to the very beasts, and desirous, of reconcilement, sent a messenger to them. Bias causing many heaps of sand to be made, and covered over with wheat, shew­ed them to the messenger; whereof Alyattes informed, was more eager of peace then before, and sent immediately to desire Bias to come to him; but I (answered he) wish Allyattes may feed on onyons, meaning to weep.

Herod. 2. 7. Some ascribe it to Bias, the diversion of Croesus his expedi­tion against the Greek Islands, by others imputed to Pittacus related in his life.

Herod. 1. 170. Cyrus having taken Croesus, sent an Army against the Greci­ans; the Ionians much troubled, assembled at the Panionium, where Bias gave them wise advice, which had they followed (saith Herodotus) they might have been the happiest of all the Greeks: He counselled them to joyne together in one fleet, to saile to Sardinia, and there build one City common to all the [Page 80] Ionians; whereby they might preserve themselves from bon­dage, happy in possessing an Island far greater then all the rest, and commanding them; but if they continued in Ionia, there was no apparent hope of liberty. This advice was justified, the Ionians being subdued.

Val. Max. 7. 2. Bias (his country Priene invaded by enemies, all, whom the cruelty of war suffered to escape, flying away laden with the most precious of their wealth) being demanded why he carried none of his goods with him. I (saith he) carry my goods with me: He bore them ( addes Valerius Maximus) in his breast, not to be seen by the eye, but prised by the soul; enclosed in the narrow dwelling of the mind, not to be demolished by mortall hands, present with those who are setled, and not forsaking such as flie.

Plut. conv. sept. sap. He refused not the amity of Kings, (as Thales did) particu­larly, that of Amasis, King of Aegypt, who sent him a victim, commanding him to take from it the best and worst part. Bias sent him the tongue, for which ingenuity, he was much ad­mired.

Plut. ibid. Another question of Amasis he resolved, whilst he was at Corinth (invited thither with the rest of the wise-men by Peri­ander) where Niloxenus brought him this letter.

Amasis King of Aegypt saith thus to Bias, wisest of the Greeks: the King of Aethiopia contendeth with me for preheminence in wisdome; master'd in other things, he in conclusion requires an absurd strange thing, that I drink up the sea; this proposition if I resolue, I shall have many of his Townes and Citties; if I resolve not, I must lose all those which are about Elephantina. Ponder it, and send Niloxenus back with all speed; what euer we can do for your friends and Country, shall not be wan­ting.

Having read the Letter, Bias with a short pause, recollecting himselfe, and having whispered to Cleobub [...]s who sat next him. ‘What (saith he) Naucratites, Amasis, who commands so many men, and possesseth so excellent a Country, will he, for a few obscure contemptible villages, drink up the sea? Bias (saith Niloxenus smiling) consider, as if he meant to do it, how it might be effected. Bid the Aethiopian (replyed Bias) withold the rivers from running into the sea, untill he hath drunk off that which is now sea; for the imposition concernes that only which is such at present, not what shall be hereafter.’ Niloxenus embraced him with joy, the rest applauding his solution.

CHAP. II.
His morall sentence, precepts, and verses.

HIs Apothegmes are thus delivered by Laertius and o­thers. He is unfortunate, who cannot bear misfortune. It is a disease of the mind to desire such things as cannot be obtained, and to be unmindfull of the miseries of others. To one that asked what is hard, he answered, to bear couragiously a change to the worse. Being at sea in com­pany with wicked, who, a storm arising, called upon the Gods; hold your peace, saith he, lest they know you are here. To a wicked man enquiring what was piety, he was silent, the other asking the reason of his silence: I answer not, saith he, because you enquire after that which nothing con­cernes you. Being demanded what is sweet to mankind, he answered, Hope. It is better to decide a difference betwixt our enemies then friends, for one of the friends will certainly become an enemie, one of the enemies, a friend. Being asked what a man did with delight, he answered, gain by labour. We should so live, as though our life would be both long and short: So love, as if hereafter we might hate, conversing in friendship with cau­tion, remembring that it may possibly convert to enmity.

Agel. 5. 11. To one demanding whether he should take a wife; she must be (saith he) either fair or foul; if fair, she will be common, if foule, a pennance.

Flut. That Tyrant shall gain most glory, who first himselfe obeyes the lawes of his country: That common-wealth is best ordered, wherein every man fears the Law more then a Tyrant. That family is best ordered, where the Master behaves himselfe voluntarily within dores, as he doth without by constraint of the Law.

Stob. serm. 28 Those who busie themselves in vain knowledge, resemble an Owle, which seeth only in the night, but is blind in the light; so is their mind sharp-sighted in vanity, dark at the approach of true light.

His morall precepts, according to Stob. serm [...]3. Demetrius Phalereus these. ‘Most men are evill,. ( Laert. His particular sentence) Before you do any thing, behold your face in a glasse; if it seem handsome, do handsome things; if deformed, suply the defects of nature. [Page 82] Practise honesty. Undertake deliberately, but having once begun, go through. Abhor to speak hastily. [ Laert. It is mad­nesse] lest thou sin, for repentance followes. Be neither sim­ple nor subtle. Admit not imprudence. Love prudence. Eve­ry where professe there are Gods. Weigh what is to be done. Hear much. Speak seasonably. If poor, reprove not the rich, unless great advantage may arise thereby. Praise not an unwor­thy person for his wealth. Acquire by perswasion, not by vi­olence. When thou dost good, impute it not to thy selfe, but to the Gods. In thy youth, gain wealth, in thy age wisdome. [or as Laertius, from thy youth to thy age, gain wisdome, for it will be more sure to thee, then all other possessions] Pre­serve in thy actions remembrance; in opportunity, caution; in thy manners, ingenuity; in labour, patience; in fear, wari­nesse; in wealth, love; in discourse, perswasion; in silence, a decorum; in sentence, justice; in boldnesse, fortitude; in action, power; in glory, eminence; in thy nature, generosity.’

Laert. Of his [...] these were most esteemed.

And

CHAP. III.
His death, and writings.

Laert. HE was much addicted to pleading, very earnest therein, but alwaies employed in just causes; which Laert. [...]: perhaps it should be [...]. Demodicus the Alerian implies, saying, If thou chance to be a Iudge, giue, sentence on the Prienaean side; and Hipponax, to plead a cause better then Bias the Prienaean. And in that manner he died, being very old, as he was pleading, having ended his speech, he reposed his head in the bosom of his sisters son; his adversary having ended his de­fence; the Judges gave sentence on Bias his side; the Court dis­mist he was found dead in his Nephews bosome: the City bestowed a magnificent monument upon him, with this in­scription;

They also dedicated a Temple to him, called the Tuta­mian:

Laertius bestowes upon him this Epigram.

He writ concerning Ionia, by what means it might be most happy (perhaps that counsell already mentioned) two thousand verses.

CHAP. I.
Cleobulus his life, death, and writings.

Laert. CLEOBULUS was of Lindus, (a City of Rhodes) or according to Duris, of Caria, son of Evag [...] ­ras, lineally descended from Hercules; excel­lent both in wisdome, outward beauty, and Suid. strength beyond all those of his time; learned in the Philosophy of the Egyptians. That he was Tyrant of Lindus, is manifest from De [...] delph. Plutarch. * He re-edified the Temple of Minerva, founded by Danaus.

He had a daughter Plut. con [...]iv sept. sap. whom he named Eumetis, but was called commonly from her father Cleobulina: she composed verses and riddles, in Hexameters, famous for her wisdome and acute­nesse in those riddles, some of her questions having spread as far as Egypt, which she used jocularly, like dice upon occasions, only contesting with such as provoked her; she was also indu­ed with an admirable height of mind, and a wit both Politick, and full of humanity, causing her father to govern his people with more mildnesse. Cratinus, also mentions her in a Comedy named from her Cleobulae, often cited by Athenaeus.

Laert. He died full of years, which extended to seventy, his tomb carried this inscription,

Laert. He composed Verses and Riddles to the number of three thousand, of which was this Riddle concerning the Year, (by Suidas ascribed to his daughter Cleobulina.)

Laert. Some assert him the Author of this Epigram upon Midas (not Ho­mer, who, as they account, lived long before Midas, though Herodotus otherwise.)

There is likewise extant under his name this Epistle.

CHAP. II.
His morall sentences, precepts, and verses.

Laert. OF his morall saying are these. Employ thy selfe in something excellent. Be not vain and ungratefull. Bestow your daughters, Virgins in years, Matrons in discretion: implying, that the Virgins also should be instructed, which the Greeks used not, the Romans brought them up in the liberall sciences. Do good to your friend that he may be more your friend, your enemy that he may become your friend: for we should beware of the calumny of friends, of the treachery of nemies: When any man goeth forth, let him consider what he is to do, when he returnes, examine what he hath done.

Plut. sympos. sept. sap. A Prince may be happy, if he trust none that are about him. That common-wealth is best ordered, wherein the Citizens fear reproach more then Law. That family is best, wherein more loue then fear the Master.

His precepts thus collected by Stob. serm. 28 Demetrius Phalereus, A mean is best. ( Laert. His particular sentence) To reuerence thy father is dutie. [...] care of thy bodie and soul. Hear willingly, but trust not hastily. ( o [...] as Laertius, 'tis better to love to hear, then to love to speak.) [...] better to know many things, (Laertius, to love knowledge) then [...] be ignorant of all. Teach your tongue to speak well. It is proper to [...], and contrary to vice, to hate injustice. (Laertius, be a friend to ver­tue, a stranger to vice.) Preserve thy pietie. Advise thy country [...] what is best. Govern thy tongue. (Laertius, pleasure.) Do nothing by violence. Instruct thy children. Pray to fortune. Forgoe enmitie. The Enemy to thy conntry, esteem thy own. Fight not, nor be kind [...] wife in the presence of others, one argues folly, the other madnesse, Corect not your servants when they are drunk, it showes as if you were drunk your [Page 87] selfe. Marry with your equall, for by matching into a higher family, you procure Masters, not kinsmen. Laugh not in compliance with him who derides, others, for you will be hated by those he derides. Rich, be not ex­alted; poor, be not dejected: (Laertius addes, learn to bear the chan­ges of fortune.

Ausonius ascribes these to him,

Of his [...] these were most noted. * Laert.

CHAP. I.
The Country, Ancestors, and Parents of Periander.

Laert. PEriander was sonne of Cypselus Tyrant of Co­rinh, his mother Cratea, his Ancestors the He­raclidae, ( Herod. 1. 7. descended from Hercules and Iar­dana) raigned Kings of Lydia five hundred five yeares, the son continually succeeding the father for two and twenty generations. The originall of Cypselus, and the manner of his ob­taining the Kingdome receive thus from Lib. 5. 92. Herodotus.

When Corinth was governed by an Oligarchy, inhabited by the Bacchiadae, who never would marry out of their own family, one of them (called Amphion) had a lame daughter (by name Labda) whom when none of the Bacchiadae would take to wife, Eetion married (son of Eche [...]rates of the Betraean tribe, but de­sended afar off from Lapithe and Caenis) having no children, he consulted the Delphian Oracle about it; as soone as he en­tred, the Prophetesse spake thus to him.

This Oracle to Eetion agreed with another deliver'd to the Bacchiadae (though by them not understood) to this effect.

The Bacchiadae who could not comprehend the meaning of this Oracle, when they heard that to Eetion, understood their owne by the affinity it had with the other, and thereupon se­cretly design'd amongst themselves to kill Eetions child. His wife being delivered, they sent ten men of their owne to the tribe wherein Eetion dwelt, that they should murder the Infant; when thy came to Petra to Eetions house, they demanded the child. Labda (not knowing their intent, but thinking they came [Page 90] to congratulate with the Father,) brings her sonne, and gives him into the hands of one of them: they had agreed (upon the way) that he into whose hands the child were delivered should dash out its braines against the ground, but by divine provi­dence, the child smiling upon him to whom Labda had given it, he was moved therewith to such compassion, that he could not finde in his heart to kill it, but delivered it to another, he to a third, untill at last it past through the hands of all the ten; None of them having power to kill it, they restored it to the mother. Then going forth and standing before the doore, they began to finde fault with one another, but chiefly with him who tooke the child first, for not performing the agreement; after some debate, they agreed to goe in all and bee equall sharers in the murther; but it was decreed that Eetions child should bee the oppressour of Corinth, for Labda standing at the doore heard all their discourse, and fearing lest their mindes changing, they should murther it, carried away the child, and hid it in a mea­sure of corne (called Cypsela) a place which she conceived they could never search if they returned, and so it fell out: They came back and sought all about; when they could not finde him, they agreed amongst themselves to tell those who sent them, they had done what they required, and returning home, did so. Eetions son growing up was called Cypselus from the dan­ger he had escaped in the corne-measure; when he came to mans estate, he consulted with the Delphian Oracle, and received a doubtfull answer, in confidence whereof he attempted Corinth and tooke it, the Oracle was this,

Being possest of the Kingdome, he persecuted the Corinthians, depriving many of their estates, more (by far) of their lives; ha­ving reigned thirty yeares, he dyed and was succeeded by his Son Periander, whose reigne compleated this Tyranny, which lasted according to* Aristotle 73. yeares and sixe moneths: So that Cypselus began to reigne in the second yeare of the thirtieth Olympiad.

CHAP. II.
The time of his birth, his raign, and the change of his disposition.

PEriander (by computation from his death, which, according to Laertius was in the eightieth year of his age, the last of the fortie eight Olympiad) was born in the last year of the twenty ninth Olympiad. His raign (according to Politic. 5. Aristotles account, la­sting fortie foure years) begun in the fourth year of the thirty seventh Olympiad. Suidas saith, he succeeded in the Kingdome, Excerpt. Nicol. Damasc. Suid. as being his fathers eldest son, which Plutarch calls, a disease hereditary to him, Conviv. sept. sap. flourished in the thirtie eight Olympiad.

Laert suid. He was at first of a mild gentle disposition, but afterwards grew very rigid upon this occasion. His mother, whilst he was very young, kept him much in her company, when he grew more in years, fell in love with him; with time, her passion en­creased to such extremity, that she could no longer suppresse it; assuming confidence, she told her son, there was a beautifull Lady fallen in love with him, and advised him not to slight her affection. He answer'd, he would not transgresse law and ver­tue, by touching a married woman. His mother pressed him with intreaties; at last he consented; she appointed a night, ad­vising him not to have any light in his chamber, nor to constrain the Lady to speak, but to excuse her for modestie's sake. Peri­ander engaged himself to do all she directed. She, attired as rich­ly as she could, went to his chamber, and departed again before day-break: on the morrow she enquired if he were pleased, and if the Lady should come again to him. Periander said, it was his chiefest desire, and that he affected her excessively. From that time she visited her son often: he, at last, was moved with a great curiosity to know who she was, and solicited his mother very importunately that he might have some discourse and ac­quaintance with her, seeing he was so much taken with love of her, affirming it was unreasonable, he should be denyed the sight of one, with whom he had so often a neerer acquaintance. His mother affirm'd it could not be done, in respect to the mo­desty of the Lady. Hereupon he gave one of his servants order to hide a light in his chamber: she came as she used, and when she was asleep, Periander rose, took the light, and seeing it was his mother, was about to have killed her, but with-held by some genius or apparition, forebore: From that time forward he was troubled in mind, grew cruell, and killed many of his subjects. His mother, much accusing her unhappy genius, slew her selfe. Laertius saith, they were both conscious hereof, [Page 92] and that being discovered, he grew cruell to euery one.

Herod. In the beginning of his raign, he was much more mercifull then his father, but keeping correspondence by messengers with Thrasibulus Tyrant of Miletus ( Laert. to whom in times past he had been a guest, before he arived to the government) he be­came at last much more bloody then his father. He sent an ex­presse to Thrasibulus, to know what course he should take to set­tle himselfe, and to govern the Citty in the best manner. Thra­sibulus led the messenger out of town, and as they walked to­gether in a corn field, question'd him concerning his comming from Corinth, and in the mean time lopped off all the heads of corn that grew higher then the rest, and threw them away; in this manner he went over the whole field, not speaking one word to the messenger, and so sent him home; where being returned, Periander greedily enquired what instructions he had brought; he answered, Thrasibulus had given him none, and that he wondered he would send him to a mad-man, who destroy­ed his own goods. Periander enquired what Thrasibulus did, and immediately apprehended that he advised him to put the most eminent in the City to death. Laertius recites a Letter to that effect, which if not, suppositions must have been sent at another time after this messenger departed.

Though Sept. sap. conviv. Plutarch deny he followed this advice, Herodotus averres, that from thence forward Periander exercised all cruelty upon his subjects, dispatching those that had escaped the rigour and persecutions of his father. Laert. He first ap­pointed a guard of Halberdiers to secure his person, Suid. which con­sisted of three hundred, and converted the government to a Ty­rannie ( Excert. Nicol. Damascen, and Suidas from him. through his cruelty and violence) He forbad the Ci­tizens to keep any servants, or to be idle, alwaies finding some employment for them: If any man sat in the Forum, he was fined, for he feared lest they should plot against him. Laert. The Ci­tizens being desirous to live [...] he would not suffer them, Suid. He was alwaies in war, being of a martiall disposition. He made ships with three banks of Oares, which he used in both seas. Laert. He attempted to dig the Isthmus off from the continent.

Of his friendship and correspondence with Thrasibulus, Lib. 1. 20. He­rodotus gives another instance, affirming he sent to inform him [Page 93] of the Oracles answer to Alyattes King of Lydia, concerning the re-edifying of the Temple of Minerva, and advised him to pro­vide before-hand for his own security.

Laert. He made a vow, if he were victor in the chariot-race at the Olympick games, to erect a statue of gold: He chanced to be victorious, and wanting gold, beholding upon a festivall of that country the women richly adorned, he took off all their ornaments, and so sent them home.

CHAP. III.
Of his being placed in the number of the seven Sages. His sentences and writings.

PEriander (saith Sept. sap. conv. Plutarch) being become a Tyrant by a he­reditary disease derived to him by his father, endeavoured to purge himselfe thereof as much as possible, by using the sound conversation of good persons, and invited wise-men to come to him; Laert. to which purpose he sent this Epistle to those of Greece, at such time as they met at Delphi.

Upon this invitation they went to him, not seven, but twice as many, of whom was Diocles, Perianders friend, in whose name Plutarch makes a large description of their entertainment, which was not in the City, but at the Port Lecheon, in a great hall, appropriated to solemn feasts, joyning to the Temple of Venus, to whom he had not sacrificed since the unhappy death of his mother untill that time, the particulars of the feast, by reason of the largenesse of the discourse, we referre to Plutarch.

He was also himselfe put into the number of these wisemen, who, De [...] Delph. Plutarch saith, were originally but five, but that after­wards Cleobulus Tyrant of Lindus, and Periander Tyrant of Co­rinth, who had neither vertue nor wisdome, by the greatnesse of their power, the multitude of their friends, and the obliga­tions they conferred upon those that adhered to them, forced a reputation, and thrust themselves violently into the usurped name of wise-men; to which end, they spread abroad sentences and remarkable sayings throughout all Greec, the very same [Page 94] which others had said before, whereat the other first sages were much displeased, yet would not discover or convince their vanity, nor have any publick controversie about that title with persons of so much wealth and power, but meeting toge­ther at Delphi, after some private debate, they consecrated there the Letter [...] the fift in the Alphabet, and in numeration, to te­stifie to the God of that Temple they were no more then five, and that they rejected and excluded from their company, the sixt and the seventh, as having no right thereto.

Of those Suid. who excluded him put of the number of the seven, some (as Protag [...]r. Plato) substitute in his roome Myso: Laert. others say there were two of this name, cozens, one the Tyrant, the other of Ambracia: but Aristotle and others, assert him of Corinth to be the wise, which attribute seems conferred upon him, not in respect to his actions, but morall sayings and writings, which were these.

Do nothing for gain, that is proper to trades-men. They who will rule safely, must be guarded with love, not armes. Being demanded why he con­tinued King, because (saith he) it is dangerous willingly to refrain, or un­willingly to be deposed.

Plut. sept. sap. conv. When the other six had given their opinions concerning Tyranny (at the feast to which he invited them) he being de­sired to adde his, answered with a troubled countenance, E­nough hath been said to de [...]erre any man of sound judgment from rule. When they had in like manner declared their opinions, con­cerning a common-wealth, he added, the result of all which had been said, commended that Democracy most, which came neerest an Aristocracy.

Stob. 28. Being demanded what was the greatest in the least, he answered, a good mind in a human body.

His precepts (according to Stob. ibid. Demetrius Phalereus) were these, Consideration is all ( Laert. which was his particular sentence) Quiet is good, temerity dangerous. Gain sordid, the accusation of nature. A demo­cracy is better then a Tyrannie. Pleasures are mortall, vertues immortall. In good fortune be moderate, in bad prudent. It is better to die then to want. Study to be worthy of your Parents. Be praised living, beatified dead. To your friends in prosperity and adversitie be the same. What thou hast promised amisse, perform not. [Laert. Keep thy word.] Betray not secrets. So reproach, as if thou shouldst ere long be a friend. Use new diet, but old lawes. Punish those who haue sinned: restrain those that are about to sin. Conceal thy misfortune that it may not glad thy enemies.

Ausonius ascribes these to him.

Laert. He writ two thousand verses of morall instructions.

CHAP. IIII.
The story of Arion.

DUring the feast we mentioned (by Plutarchs account) or ra­ther according to Eusebius, in the fortieth Olympiad, there happened a strange accident, which (because Herodotus calls it a miracle shewed to Periander) we shall relate in his words.

Lib. 1. See also Agel­lius who tran­slates this of Plutarch, Lu­cian, and others [...]rion the most famous Lutinist of that time, having lived a long time with Periander, took a voyage to Italy and Sicily, th [...]re having gotten together much wealth, he designed to return to ( orinth: at Tarentum he hired a Corinthian vessell, confiding above any in Corinthians; they, when they were at Sea, plotted to cast Arion over-board, that they might be Masters of his wealth, which he understanding, offered to give them all so they would save his life; they refusing, bad him lay violent hands upon himselfe, if he would be buried in his own Country, other­wise to leap immediately into the sea. Arion reduced to this extremity, intreated them to give him leave to put on his richest ornaments, and so standing upon the poop of the ship, to play a tune, promising, assoon as he had done, to deliver himselfe into their hands. The men moved with a great desire to hear the most excellent Lutinist in the world, retired from the poop to the middle of the ship: he puts on his best orna­ments, and standing upon the poop, began that tune which they call the morning hymne, assoon as he had ended it, he threw himselfe into the Sea, with his ornaments and Lute; the ship sailed on to Corinth. It is reported a Dolphin took him upon his back, and caryed him to Taenarus, where he lan­ded, and took shipping again for Corinth; he arived there in the same habit, and related all that passed; which Periander not beleeving, committed him to close custody, not permitting him to go any whither, and in the mean time sent for the Ma­riners; when they came, he asked them newes of Arion: They answered, he was very well in Italy, and that they left him safe at Tarentum: immediately Arion appeared, attired, as when he he leaped out of the ship, whereat they were so confounded, they could not say any thing in their own defence. This is at­tested both by the Corinthians and Lesbians. At Taenarus there is a little Image given as an offering of a man fitting upon a Dolphins back: that Periander caused such a one to be made, is evident from this Epigram of Bianor.

CHAP. V.
Of his Wife.

Laert. HIs wife was named Lysis, by him called Melissa, daughter to Procleus, Tyrant of Epidaurus and Eristhenea, the daugh­ter of Aristacrates, by the sister of Aristomedes, which persons ruled over the greatest part of Arcadia. Athen. Deipn. He fell in love with her, seeing her in a Peloponnessian dresse, in her petticote, without a gown, giving drink to her fathers workmen: Laert. Long after he kil'd her in his fury, big with child, with a stool, or a blow of his foot, being wrought upon by the accusations of his concubines, whom he afterward burned.

Herod. 5. He sent one day to Threspotos upon the River Acheron, to en­quire by Necromancy concerning a depositum. Melissa appear­ing, said, she would not tell them in what place it was laid, be­cause she was cold and naked, the clothes wherein she was bu­ried doing her no good, for they were not burned, confirming the truth whereof by Perianders puting bread into a cold o­ven; which answer carried to Periander, made good the suspi­tion that ( Suid. through excesse of love) [...]. Hereupon he caused proclamation to be made that all the Corinthian wo­men should come to Iuno's Temple to celebrate a festivall, at­tyred in their richest ornaments, when they came, having pla­ced a guard of souldiers in ambush, he striped them all, with­out any distinction (free women and servants) of their clothes, which he carried to Melissas grave, and having praid, burn'd them to her▪ This done, he sent messengers to enquire the se­cond time, to whom Melissa's Ghost appeared, and told them where the depositum was laid.

CHAP. VI.
Of his Children.

Herod. lib. 3. 49. HEe had by Melissa two sons Cypsalus and Lycophron the younger ingenious, the elder a foole; he had likewise a daughter; his elder sonne at the time of his mothers death was eighteen yeares old, the younger seventeen. These their Grand­father by the mothers side Procleus (Tyrant of Epidaurus) sent for over to him, and loved them much as in reason he ought, being the children of his owne daughter; when he was to send [Page 97] them back, he said to them, doe you know children who slew your mother? the elder tooke no heede to that speech, but Ly­cophron the younger was so troubled at it, that when he came to Corinth, he neither spoke to his father, nor would make him any answer, looking upon him as the murderer of his mother, where [...]at Periander at length became so incensed, that he turned him out of doores. He being gone, Periander questioned the Elder what discourse his Grandfather had with him; hee related to him how kindly he used him, but told nothing of that which Procleus had said to t [...]em at their departure, for he had not taken any notice of it ▪ Periander said, it was not possible but that hee should say something more, and pressed him more strictly; at last he calling it to mind, told him this also, which Periander re­senting, and not willing to use his son more mildly, sent to the people with whom he lived in his ejection, forbidding them to receive him into any of their houses. Turned out of that wher­in he was, he sought to goe into another, but was denied; Peri­ander having threatned those that should entertaine him, and commanded all to drive him away: expelled thence, he went to another of his acquaintance, who knowing him the sonne of Periander entertained him though with feare: at length Perian­der proclaimed that whosoever received him into their house, or spoke to him, should pay what fine to Apollo, he should im­pose: from that time none durst venture to entertaine him or speake to him; nor would he himselfe make tryall of a thing which he knew to be desperate, but passed his time in the com­mon walkes: Foure dayes after, Periander seeing him poore and extenuated with fasting, tooke compassion of him, and lay­ing aside his anger, drew nigh to him and said, ‘Son which is bet­ter, to undergoe what you now suffer, or by obeying your father to enjoy my wealth and kingdome? you being my son and next heire to the Kingdome of fruitful Corinth, have made choice of the life of a Vagabond, angerly opposing him whom you ought not to oppose; if any unhappinesse befell in those things whereof you suspect me, it befell me, and I have so much the greater share therein, in being the instrument thereof; heare how much better it is to be envied then to bee pittied, and what it is to be angry with our parents or betters.’ In these words Periander reproved his son, who made him no other answer then ‘That he ought to pay a fine to the God for speaking to him.’ Periander perceiving the evill of his sonne to be incurable, removed him out of his fight, and sending him by ship to Corcyra, of which he was also Tyrant: having thus disposed of him, he made war with his father in Law Procleus as the chiefe cause of all that happened. Laertius mentions an Epistle which he sent him to this effect.

Herod. ibid. In fine he tooke Epidaurus and Proclus therein, whom he pre­served alive.

Herod. ibid. In processe of time Periander growi [...]g old, and knowing himselfe to bee no longer fit for the charge of the common­wealth, sent to Corcyra to invite Lycophron to the government of the Kingdome; conceiving his eldest son uncapeable of that of­fice by reason of his stupidity. Lycophron would not vouchsafe so much as to speake to the messenger. Periander (affectionate to him) sent the second time his sons sister, his owne daughter, hoping he would be sooner perswaded by her; shee comming said to him, ‘Brother, had you rather the Kingdome should fall into the hands of others, and our fathers house be disper­sed then goe home and have it your selfe? returne to your owne house, injure your selfe no longer; obstinacy is an un­happy inheritance: oure not one evill with another; many prefer compliance before justice, many in pursuit of their mo­thers right lose their fathers Kingdome: a Kingdome is a slippery thing, coveted by many, our father is old and feeble, give not your owne goods to others:’ thus she pleaded to him as her father had instructed her; he answered he would n [...]ver come to Corinth whilst his father lived there▪ which as soone as Periander understood, he sent a messenger the third time, to let him know, hee would remove to Corcyra, and to command him to come to Corinth to take the government upon him; to thi [...] the sonne assented. Periander prepared for Corcyra, his sonne for Corinth: the people of Corcyra informed hereof, that Periander might not come into their country, kill'd his son▪ in revenge of which fact Periander sent three hundred boyes of the chiefe of the Corcyraeans to Sardis to Allyates King of Lydia there to be guelt, the Corinthians who had charge of them, were driven upon Sa­mos, the Samians understanding to what end they were sent to Sardis, advised them to take Sanctuary in the Temple of Diana, and would not suffer them as being suppliants to bee pulled away: The Corinthians not permitting any food to be given them, the Samians celebrated a festivall, which is observed (saith He­rodotus) at this day; when night was come, the company of youths and maides danced whilst the children were pr [...]ing▪ and in their dance having made cakes of meale and honey, flung them amongst the children, whereby they were sustained alive, this they did so long till the Samians who had charge of the [Page 99] children, were faine to goe away and leave them; then the Sa­mians conveyed the children home to Corcyra. Plutarch. de malign. Herodot. Antenor and Dio­nysius affirme the Gnidians came to Samos with a fleet, drove away Perianders Guard from the Temple, and carried the children to Corcyra; for which reason the Corcyraeans allowed the Gnidians many honours and immunities, which they gave not (even) to the Samians.

CHAP. 7.
His Death.

Laert. EXcessive melancholy (amidst these crosses) occasioned his death, in the last yeare of the 48 Olympiad, the eightieth of his age, being desirous none should know where he was buried, he thus contriv'd it. He commanded two men to goe to a cer­taine place at night, and to kill whom they first met, and bury him. After them he sent fower to kill & bury the two; after the fower, more: They obeyed his order, the first killed him. The Co [...]inthians erected for him an empty monument with this in­scription.

CHAP. I.
Anacharsis his life and writings.

THose Nations (saith Lib. 4▪ 46▪ Herodotus) which border upon the Euxine Sea, are of all most illiterate, the Scythians onely excepted; we can alledge nothing relating to learning of any people within the compass of that Sea, neither know we any person learned but the Scythi­ans Ana [...]harsis; Strab. lib. 7. Amongst these, notwithstan­ding the roughnesse of their education, (for they fed upon mares milke and dwelt in wagons) were some who far exceed­ed all in iustice.

Such was Anacharsis, Laert. son of Gnurus brother of Cadovides King of Scythia; his mother a Grecian, by which meanes he had the advantage of two languages, but was owner of no other house then the custome of that country allow'd, a Chariot, whence Plut. conviv. sept. sap. he compared his dwel­ling to that of the sun, carri'd in that manner round the heavens.

Elian. var. hist. lib. 5. The Scythians never travell beyond their own confines, but Anacharsis as a person endued with more then ordinary wise­dome extended his journey further, Herod. 4. 46. being sent by the King of Scythia to Greece, Laert. He came to Athens in the first yeare of the 47. Olympiad, Eucrates being Archon: and Lucian. Scyth. first met with Toxaris one of his owne country, by whom, as the most compendious way to take a survey of Athens and Greece, he was addrest to Solon: how Solon received and entertained him is already related in his life: he instructed him in the best disciplines, recommended him to the favour of noblest persons, and sought all means of giving him respect and honour. Anacharsis admired his wis­dome, continually followed him, in a short space learnt all things of him, and was kindly received by every one for his sake; being (as Theoxenus attests) the only stranger whom they incorporated into their City.

Strab. lib. 7. Thus was he much honoured by the Grecians for his per­fection, Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. wisdome, temperance, wherein he excelled many of their Philosophers, Clem. Alex. Strom. 5. whereupon they conferred the attribute of wise upon him, Elian. lib. 2. some accompting him one of the seven: Peri­ander invited him with the rest to Corinth; the feast is largely de­scribed by Plutarch: There Anacharsis carrying with him Chaplets of Flowers, Ivy, and Laurell, drunk, as the Scythians use, to great [Page 110] excesse, Athen. deipn. 10. and required the prize of drinking to be given him, because he was first drunk: In a race (saith he) he wins, who comes first at the [...]ost, in drinking, he who comes first to the end deserves the r [...]ward.

Herod. 4. 76. Having seen much of the world, and improved his knowledge, he re­turned to Scythia (as Lucian conjectures, not untill Solon were dead) As he sailed along the Hellespont, he put in at Cyricum, and finding the people celebrating a festivall to the Mother of the Gods, with much splendor and muni [...]icence; he made a vow, if he got safe home, to sa­crifice in the same manner as he had seen those of Cyricum, and to insti­tute a Vigill. When he came into Scythia, he withdrew himselfe privately to Hylaea, near the Achillean course, a place abounding with [...] ▪ and performed the Rites of the Goddesse with a Timbrell (and Cymball Clem. Alex. admonit adgent. about his Neck) A Scythian espying him, carried word to Sauli [...]s the King, who went immediately thither, and being an eye-witnesse thereof, shot him through with an Arrow ( Clem. Aleu. ibid. to punish his effeminacy, and prevent the infection thereof in others) Herodot. con­tinues. And now if any en­quire concerning Anacharsis, the Scythians deny they knew him, because he travelled into Greece, and affected the customes of that Country. As I am informed by Timnes, tutor of Spargapithes, he was uncle to Inda­thyrsus, King of Scythia, son of Gnurus, son of Lycus, son of Spar­gapithes: Now Anacharsis being of his family, it is manifest he was For [...] read [...]. Spargapitbes. 1. slain by his brother, (that his brother was King of Scythia, and slew him, is confirmed by Laertius, though he differ in the name) for Indathyrsus was son of Saulius, Saulius was he who slew Anachar­sis, Lycus. 1. and consequently is the same whom Laertius calls Cadovides, adding, Gnutus. 1. some report that he shot him in hunting; for being addicted to the Greek customes, and endeavouring to alter the lawes of Scythia; whereupon he dying, Anacharsis. Saulius, or Caduida. 1. said, he returned safe out of Greece, guarded by his own wis­dome, but was slain at home by the envy of others. Upon him Laertius hath this Epigram, Indathyrsus.

Laert. Plut. conviv. sept. sap. There were many statues erected in honour of him by the Grecians, upon which was writ, [...] Laert. Plut. con [...]iv. sept [...] sap. He was temperate and skilfull in many things; he freely and largely dis­coursed of the manner of diet & medicine, which the Scythians used in curing the sick. Laert. From the plain freedome he used in speech, arose a Proverb, The Scythian phrase. He writ eight hun­dred verses of orders for the Scythians and Greeks, concerning frugall living, and martiall affairs. There are also two Epistles of his extant.

CHAP. II.
His Apophthegmes.

HIs apothegmes are these, Laert▪ He said a vine bare three grapes, the first of pleasure, the second of drunkennesse, the third of repen­tance. He wondered, that amongst the Greeks, Artists contended, and they who were no Artists determined. Being demanded by what meanes a man might be brought not to love wine, he said, by s [...]tting before his eyes the unseemly actions of drunken persons. He wondered the Grecions who punished injuries by law, rewarded the Athletae a [...] publick exercises for beating one another. Being told a ship is four inches thick, so far from death said he are they who sail. He said oile was a receipt procuring mad­nesse, because the Athletae, the more they were annointed therewith, the more fierce they were against one another. How comes it, said he, that they who forbid lying, themselves lye openly, when they put off th [...]ir wares? He wondered that the Greeks in the beginning of a feast drunk in little cups, and when they were full in great. Plut. conviv. sept. sap. Strab. 15. Being demanded (by Arda­lus) whether there were any Flutes in Scythia, he answered, not so much as vines (which Analyt. post. 1. 13. Aristotle calls a demonstration [...], by the re­mote cause) Plut. conviv. sept. sap. Ardalus adding, are there not Gods amongst the Scythi­ans? yes, replyed he, which understand all languages. Laert. Being asked what ship was safest, he answered, that which is in the Haven. He affirm'd the most remarkable thing he had seen among the Grecians to be this, that they left the smoak upon the mountains, and carried the wood into their Cities. Being demanded whether the number of the dead or of the living were grea [...]est, amongst which, saith he, do you account those who are at sea? To an Athenian, who reproached him for being a Scythian, my country, [Page 112] (saith he) is a disgrace to me, but you are a disgrace to your country. Be­ing demanded what in man is both good and bad, he answered the tongue. He affirm'd it is better to have one friend worth much, then many worth nothing. He said the Forum was the proper place for c [...]eating and unjust gain. To a young man who reproached him at a feast; youth, saith he, if at these yeeres you cannot bear wine, when you grow old, you will not be able to bear water.

Herod. 4. 46. When he returned to Scythia, he told the King who sent him, the Greeks were busied in all kinds of wisdome, except the Lacedaemonians, who only knew how to give and receive prudently.

Plut. de pro­fect. virtut. sent. He said the Greeks made no other use of mony but to accompt with it.

Plut. vit. Sol. At a publick assembly in Athens, he said, he wondered, why in the Greek convocations, wise men propounded businesse, and fooles determined it.

Plut. conv. sept. sap. That Prince is happy who is wise. That City is best, wherein (all things eise being equall) vertue hath the better condition, vice the worse.

Stob. serm. 16. To one who, as they were drinking, said, beholding his wife, Anacharsis, you have married one who is nothing handsome: I am (answered he) of that opinion also; but put less water in my wine, that I may make her hand­some.

Relating the qualities of the Vine to the King of Scythia, and show­ing him some slips thereof, he added, and by this time it would have reached into Scythia, if the Greeks did not every yeer cut off its branches.

Athen. deipn. lib. 10. At a feast, such being sent for, as might procure mirth, he alone smiled not; afterwards, an Ape being brought in; he laughed, saying, that beast is ridiculous by nature, man by art and study. Athen. deipn. lib. 10.

Whilst he slept, Athen. deipn. lib. 14. he used [...], implying, that a man ought to take great care to govern both, but that it is harder to restrain our pleasure then our tongue. Clem. Alex. strom. lib. 5. He said that to him all the Grecians were Scythians. Clem. strom. 1.

CHAP. I.
Of his life.

Laert. praes. PHilosophy had a twofold beginning, one from Anaximander, another from Py­thagoras. Anaximander was Disciple to Thales; whence that Philosophy was called Ionick; Thales being an Jonian, for he was of Miletus. Pythagoras was Disciple to Phere­cydes; that king of Philosophy called, from the place where he taught, Italick. Thales was succeeded by A­naximander, Anaximander by Anaximenes, Anaximenes by Anax­agoras, Anaxagoras by Arceolans, in whom (as Plutarch, Laertius and others affirm) it ended, Socrates (the scholer of Archelans) introducing Morality.

Anaximander a Milesian, Cic. acad. quaest. 4. [...]ountryman, companion and Suid. Kinsman of Thales was his Disciple also, and Strab. lib. 1. & 4. successor in the propagation of his Doctrine; son of Praxiades (corruptly called by Clem. Alex▪ Strom. 1. some Praxidamus) born the third year of the 42 O­lympiad. Laert. He flourished most in the time of Polycrates Tyrant of Samos.

Suid. He demonstrated the compendium of Geometry; Strab. lib. 1. being next Homer the first Master of that science; hee first set forth a Geographick table, of which Laertius is to be understood who affirms, he designed the circumference of the Sea and land.

Plin. 2. 8. In the 50. Olympiad he found out the obliquity of the Zodiack, that is (saith Pliny) he opened the gates of things. Laert. He in­vented the Gnomon, & set up the first in an open place at Lacedae­mon. Suid. He found out the Aequinoctiall Solstices and Horologies; Laert. He framed Horoscopes to denote the Tropicks and Aequinoxes; whence Plinian. Ex­cit. Salmasius conceives the use of his diall was onely to delineate the Tropick and Aequinoctiall points, that they did not serve to distinguish the hours or twelve parts of the day, he proveth, because the very name [...] in that sence or the division of the day into twelve equall parts, was not known a long time after.

Cicer. divinat: [...]lin. 2. 79. He advised the Lacedaemonians to quit their City and houses, and to lie armed in the open field, foretelling an Earth­quake which threw down the whole City, and tore away piece of the Mountain Taygetus.

[Page 2] Laert: As he sung, the boyes used to deride him, whereupon hee said, we must learn to sing better for the boyes.

Of his Auditors are remembred Anaximenes and Parmenides. Of his writings these.

Suid. [...], Of Nature. This treatise perhaps Laertius meanes, who saith he digested his opinions into Commentaries, which Book fell into the hands of Apollodorus the Athenian.

He was according to Apollodorus 64 years old the second yeare of the 58. Olympiad, and died soon after.

CHAP. 2.
Of his Opinions.

CHAP. I.
His life.

Laert. ANaximenes was a Milesian, Son of Euristratus, Simplic. friend, Cic. acad. quaest. plin. 2. 76 Disciple and Suid. sucessour to A­naximander. According to Eusebius he flou­rish'd in the second hear of the 56. Olympi­ad, Suidas saith he liv'd in the 55. Olympiad at the taking of Sardys, when Cyrus over­threw Croesus. So that the acompt of Laert. Apol­lodorus, (who affirms he was born in the 63. Olympiad) is cor­rupt. He heard also, as some affirm, Parmenides. He used the Jo­nick Dialect, plain and incomposed. Lib. 2. Pliny calls him the inven­tour of Gnomonicks▪ but perhaps it is a mistake for Anaximander. Of his auditors were Anaxagoras and Diogenes Apolloniates.

These two Epistles of his are preserved by Laertius.

CHAP. II.
His opinions.

CHAP. I.
Anaxagoras Country, time, and study of Philosophy.

ANaxagoras was of Clazomenae, son of Hegesibu­lus or Eubulus, born in the 70th. Olympiad according to Apollodorus; in the first yeare thereof; Eminent for his noble birth and wealthy fortunes, but more for his magna­nimous contempt of them. Plut. contra usar. Lysand Hee left his lands and patrimony, (saith Tusc. quaest. S. Cicero,) to learn and obtain the divine delight of Philosophy: and De orator. 3. converted himselfe from civill affairs to the knowledge of things. Sutdas affirms he left his grounds to sheep and Camells to be eaten up; and therefore Apollonius Tyaneas said, he read Philosophy to beasts rather then to men. Hipp. ma [...]. Plato, derides him for quitting his estate; Laertius reports he assign'd it to his friends; whereupon being by them accused of improvidence; why (answered he) do not you take care of it? To one who reproved him as taking no care of his Coun­try, wrong me not, said he, my greatest care is my Country, pointing to the Heavens. To another asking for what end he was born, he answered, to contempla [...]e the Sun, Moon and Heavens. Laert. In fine, he withdrew himself to contemplation of naturall Philosophy not regarding civill affairs. In this study Anaximenes was his Master Cicer. de Na. deor 1. from whom he received his learning.

La [...]rt. In the twentieth year of his age the first of the 75. Olym­piad, Colliades being Archon (whom Laertius corruptly calls Callias) at the time of Xerxes expedition into Greece he went to Athens to study Philosophy, where he continued thirty yeares, and was honored with the title of [...] the Mind, ad being the first that added that principle to matter, so Amon.

CHAP. II.
Of his opinions.

CHAP. III.
His predictions.

SUidas saith, he foretold many things: of those, two instances onely have been hitherto preserved. The first thus related by Pliny, The Grecians celebrate Anaxagoras of the Clozomenian, and for foretelling by his learning and Science in the second yeare of the 78. Olympiad, on what day a stone would fall from the Sun, which hap­pen'd in the day time in a part of Thrace at the river Agos which stone is at this day shewne about the bignesse of a became of an adust colour, a Comet also burning in those nights.

Vit. Ly [...]and. Plutarch adds, that it was in his time not onely shewen, but reverenced by the Peloponnesians. Eusebius reckons the fall of this stone upon the fourth yeare of the 78. Olympiad, which is two yeares after Pliny accompts of the prediction. Silenus cited by Laertius, saith, it fell when Dimylus was Archon, which if it be to be red Dyphilus (for the other name is not to be found neere these times) will be the first yeare of the 84 Olympiad. But the marble at Arundell House (graven about the 129. Olympiad to be preferred before any other chronologicall accompt) expressly names the fall upon the 4 ^th yeare upon the 77. Olympiad, when Theagenides was Archon, two yeares before. Pliny saith it was foretold. It was beleeved to have portended (as Plutarch testi­fies) the great defeat given to the Athenians by Lysander at the river Agos 62. yeares after, viz. the fourth yeare of the 39. O­lympiad.

Of the wonder Meteor. 1. 7. Aristotle gives a very slight accompt, affir­ming ‘It was a stone snatched up by the wind, and fell in the day time,’ a Comet happening in those nights, which is dispro­ved by Vit. Lysand. Plutarch, who hath this large discourse upon it: ‘It is said that Anaxagoras did prognosticate that one of the bodies included the Heavens it should be loosed by shaking, & fall to the ground, the Stars are not in place where they were first cre­ated, they are heavie bodies, of the nature of stone, shining by reflection of the aether, being drawn up by force, & kept there by the violence of that circular motion, as at the beginning in the first separation of things, cold & heavie they were restrai­ned. There is another opinion more probable which saith, those which we call falling starres are not fluxions of the ae­ther extinguisht in the aire almost as soon as lighted, nor in­flammations or combustions of any part of the aire, which by it spreadeth upwards, but they are coelestiall bodies failing of their retention by the ordinary course of heaven throwne downe, not upon the habitable earth, but into the Sea, which is the cause we doe not see them; yet the assertion of Anax­agoras [Page 15] is confirmed by Damachus, who writeth in his book of Religion, that 75. daies together before this stone fell, they saw a great body of fire in the Air like a cloud enflamed, which tarried not in one place, but went and came uncer­tainly removing, from the driving whereof issued flashes of fire that fell in many places like falling starrs; when this great body of fire fell in that part of the Earth, the Inhabitants em­boldned, came to the place to see what it was, and found no appearance of fire but a great stone on the ground, nothing, in comparison of that body of fire. Herein Damachus had need of favourable hearers: But if what he saith be true, he confu­seth those Arguments who maintain it was a piece of a Rock by the force of a boistrous wind torn from the top of a Moun­tain, and carried in the air so long as this whirlwind continu­ed, but so soon as that was laid, the stone fell immediately; unlesse this lightning body which appeared so many daies was fire indeed, which coming to dissolve, and to be put out did beget this violent storm of force to tear off the stone, and cast it down.’

This it is likely Senec. nat. quaest. 7. 5. Charimander meant, who in his book of Co­mets saith, Anaxagoras observed in the Heavens a great unac­customed light of the greatnesse of a huge pillar, and that it shined for many daies.

The other memorable prediction of Anaxagoras was Suid. of a storm, which hee signified by going to the Olympick games, when the weather was fair in a shaggy gown, the rain powring down all the Graecians (saith Aelian) saw and gloried, that hee knew more divinely then according to humane Nature.

CHAP. IV.
His Scholers and Auditors.

THese are remembred as his Scholars and Auditors. Cicer. Pericles Son of Xantippas being instructed by Anaxagoras, could easily reduce the exercise of his mind from secret obstru­sive things to publick popular causes▪ Plut. vit. Pericl. Pericles much esteemed him, was by him instructed in natural Philosophy, and besides o­ther virtues fre'd from superstitious fears arising from ignorance of physicall causes; whereof there is this instance; the head of a Ram with but one horn being brought to Pericles, was by the South sayers interpreted prodigious: Anaxagoras opening it, showed that the brain filled not its naturall place, but contract­ed by degrees in an ovall form toward that part where the horn grew. Afterwards Anaxagoras neglected and decrepit with age in a melancholy resentment thereof lay down and co­ver'd his face, resolving to starve himself, which▪ Pericles hea­ring, [Page 16] came immediately to him bewailing, not Anaxagoras, but himself, who should lose so excellent a Counsellor: Anaxago­ras uncovering his face said, They, Pericles, who would use a Lamp, must apply it with oil.

Archela [...]s Son of Apollodorus was Disciple to Anaxagoras, and, as Laertius affirms, called the naturall Philosopher for first bring­ing that kind of learning to Athens, but how that consists with his relation to Anaxagoras, who, as he acknowledgeth, studied naturall Philosophy thirty years in Athens, Casaubone justly questions.

Euripides, His words (because never published) these: [...] ▪ [...], [...] as the writer of his life affirms, son of Mnesar­chus, born at the first time of Xe [...]xes's expedition into Greece, the same day that the Grecians overthrew the Persians, was first a Painter, then an Auditor of Anaxagoras; but seeing him perse­cuted for his opin [...]ons, lastly converted himself to Tragick poesy.

Socrates, Son of Sophroniscus, was according to Aristoxenus an Auditor of Anaxagoras till he left the City, and thereupon ap­plyed himself to Archelaus, which Porphyrius reckons above the 17th. year of his age, or rather the ninteenth.

Democritus also is by some affirmed, being younger then Anax­agoras forty years, to have applyed himself to him, but Laertius affirms he could not endure Democritus, & shunn'd his conversa­tion; Phavorinus likewise attests, that because he would not ad­mit him, Democritus profess'd himself his Enemy, and denyed his opinions of the Sun and Moon, but said they were ancient, and that he stole them, as likewise his description of the world, and assertion concerning the mind.

Me [...]rodorus of Lampsacum is likewise mentioned by Laertius as friend to Anaxagoras.

CHAP. V.
OF his triall, Death sentences and writings.

Of his tryal saith Laertius there are several reports Sotion in his treatise of the succession of Philosophers saith, he was accused by Cleon of impiety, for asserting the Sun to be a burning plate, but being defended by Pericles his Scholar, hee was fined five Talents and banish'd.

Satyrus, that he was cited to the Court by Thucydides, who was of the contrary faction of Pericles, Laert. accused not onely of impie­ty, but of holding intelligence with the Persians, and in his ab­sence condemned to death; when news was brought him at the same time both of the death of his Sons, which (according to Aelian) were two, Cic. Tus [...]. qu [...]st. 3. Plut. de ira cohib. all that he had, and his own condemnation of the latter he said, Varr. hist. 3. Nature long since condemned both them & me [Page 17] to death; of his Plut. consol. ad Apol [...]on. Sons ( Simplic. in Epiclet. with a calm look) Val. Max. 5. 10. You tell me nothing new or unexpected; I knew that I beget them mortall, which some [...] ­scribe to Solon, others to Xenophon, Demetrius Phalereus saith, hee buried them with his own hands.

Laert. Hermippus, he was imprison'd to be put to death, but Peri­cles appearing before the Judges, asked if they knew any thing in his life that they could accuse, to which they answered no­thing, but I, saith he, am his disciple, then be not tansported by Calumnies to kill the man, but believe me and set him at liber­ty, so he was dismissed, but not able to brook the disgrace, hee kill'd himself.

Laert. Hieronymus saith, that Pericles brought him into the Court in poor garments extenuated with sicknesse, an object [...]itter for compassion then Justice. And thus much saith Laertius of his Tryall.

Suidas, that he was cast into Prison by the Athenians for in­troducing a new opinion concerning God, and banish'd the Ci­ty, though Pericles undertook to plead his cause, and that going to Lampsacum he there starv'd himself to death.

Iosephus, that the Athenians believing the Sun to be God, which he affirm'd to be without sense and Knowledge, hee was by the votes of a few of them condemned to death.

But if we credit Vit. Pericl▪ Plutarch, he was neither condemned nor ac­cused but by Pericles, who fear'd the Ordinance of Diopithes, which cited those that held prophane or sublime Opinions sent out of the City. De superstit. Yet else-where hee confesseth he was accused.

His departure from Athens, being 30. years after his coming thither, falls the third year of the 82. Olimpiad the 63. of his age. Thence he went to Lampsacum, where he continued the rest of his age, which extended to 22. years more, so little mind­full of A [...]hens, or of his Country, as to one, who told him that he was deprived of the Athenians, he answered, no, but they of me; and Cic Tus [...]. quaest. 1. to his friends, who when hee fell sick, asked, if hee would be carried to Clazomonae his Country, no said he, there is no need, the way to the grave is alike every where. Plut. instruct. polit. Before he died the Magistrates of the City asked him, if he would they should do any thing for him, hee answered, that his onely re­quest was that the boyes might have leave to play yearly on that day of the month, whereon he died; which custom (saith Laertius) is continued to this time. Those of Lampsacum buried him magnificently with this Epitaph.

Aelian mentions two altars erected to him, one inscribed to [Page 18] the mind, the other to truth; Laertius concludes his life with this Epigram.

Laert. He is observed never to have been seen either to laugh or smile.

Lacrt. Being demanded if the Mountains of Lampsacum would in time become Sea, he answered, yes, if time fail not first.

Laert. Beholding the tomb of Mausolus, he said, a sumptuous Mo­nument was a sign the substance was turned into stone.

Laert. He first affirmed the poesy of Homer to consist of virtue and Justice, to which Metrodorus added, that the Poet was skil­full in naturall Philosophy.

Stob. He conceived that there are two lessons of death, the time before our birth, and sleep.

Laertius and Clemens Alexandrinus assert him first of the Philo­sophers that put forth a Book. He writ.

Of Natural Philosophy, out of which Aristotle cites these fragments, All these things were together: which was the beginning of the book: and, [...]o be such is to be changed. Phys. 1. 5. Plut. Georg. Plato this, The mind is the disposer and cause of all things. Hip. mai. Athenaeus this, what is commonly called the milk of the hen, is the white of the egge. Lib. 2. Plato censures the book as not using the mind at all, nor assiging any cause of the order of things, but aeriall, aetheriall and aquatick Natures, and the like incredible things for causes.

The quadrature of the Circle: which treatise De exsul. Plutarch saith hee composed during his imprisonment.

Laert. There were three more of the same name; the first an Ora­tour, follower of Isocrates: the second a statuary, mentioned by Antigonus; the last a Grammarian, Scholar to Zenodotus.

CHAP. I.
Socrates, his Country, Parents, and time of birth.

SOcrates was by Country an Athenian, borne at Alopece, Laert. a towne, according to Suidas and Pha­vorinus, belonging to the Antiochian tribe. This was one of those small villages scattered through Attica, before These [...]s reduc'd the people into the walls of a City, which not­withstanding his decree, were not deserted, but continued and preserved by their Inhabitants.

His Parents were very meane; Laert. [...]lat. The [...]at. Alcib. Sophroniscus (an Liban. Athenian) his Father, Laert. [...] [...]. Val. Max. marmorarius. a statuary, or carver of Images in stone, Phaenareta his mother a Midwife, a woman of a bold, generous & quick spi­rit, as is implyd by the character Thea [...]tet. Plato gives her (though wrested by Deipnos. 5. Athenaeus) of which professions of his Parents, he is Liban. Apol. obser­ved to have been so farre from being asham'd, that hee often tooke occasion to mention them.

Apol [...]g. Apollodorus, Laertius and Suidas affirme he was borne in the fourth yeare of the 77. Olympiad, which may likewise be col­lected from the marble at [...]rundel Ho [...]se, which saith, he dyed when Laches was Arc [...]on, and reckons 70. yeares of his life, which was compleat, because Laert. Plato sayes [...], and from Lib. 11. Dome­trius Phalereus (who was himselfe archon the fourth yeare of the 117. Olympiad,) who saith, he dyed the first yeare of the 95. Olym­piad, when he had lived 76 yeares, the 70. yeare inclusively upwards, is the fourth of the 77 Olympiad, when Apsephion, (or, as some call him Aphepsion) was Archon, of whose name in Archont. 2. 7▪ Diodorus Siculus no more is left then Dialog. de script. Socr. [...], which should be [...], but hath been incuriously alter'd into [...], which if * Meursius had observed, he had not corrected Laertius with­out cause, nor he and * Allatius follow'd the mistake of Sca­liger (whom they terme Anonymus) in placing Aphepsion in the fourth yeare of the 74. Olympiad.

The day of Socra [...]es birth, was Laert. according to Apollodorus, the sixt of the month Thargelion, memorable (saith Laertius) for the birth of Diana according to the traditions of the Delians; upon which day the Athenians did yearely lustrate the [...] City. Many other good fortunes happening to the A [...]henians upon this day are recorded by Var. hist. 2. Aelian. The day following, viz. the seventh [Page 2] of this month was the birthday of Pla [...]o, both which were kept with much solemnity by the Greek Philosophers, ( Porphyr. vit. Plut. even to the time of Plotinus) as is affirmed by Sympos. 8. 1 Plutarch, who thereupon observes it as the effect rather of Providence, then of chance, that their birth-daies should be so near, and that of the Master precede the Scholer's.

To accommodate this time with our accompt, is neither ea­sie nor certain, yet in respect it may give some satisfaction by way of conjecture, we shall found it upon these hypotheses, ta­king that order of months which Petavius gives.

1. That after the Olympiads the beginning of the Grecian year was alwaies on the first of Hecatombaeon, and Olympick games on the 15th.

2. That the Neomenia of Hecatombaeon, did (at least in the times wherein we enquire) never precede the solstice, being then about the Calends, or pridie Calendarum Iulij, they supposing them in octavis signorum, it did not precede the ninth of Iuly. This postulatum, though it be doubly question'd by Petavius, yet none of his Argumen ts pretend beyond Meton's time.

3. That upon that supposition, if Scaliger hath rightly order'd the Neomenia in his Olympick period (against which Petavius brings no one sufficient Argument) and consequently the rest, the Olympick period doth certainly exhibi [...]t the Neomenia of Hecatombaeon. It is true that Petavius disputes the period of 76 years, as having never been used till Calippus his time, but we take it here onely proleptically, as the Julian year, to which we would accomodate it.

4. That this being after Solon's time, the Civill year was Luna­ry (and consisted of months, which were alternately of 29. and 30. daies,) at Athens, though diverse places of Greece, especially the more remote from thence, did not for a long time after part with their tricenary months.

These things supposed the sixt of Thargelion, (will according to the Julian accompt taken proleptically) fall upon Tuesday the twentieth of May: according to the Gregorian, upon Tuesday the thirtieth of May, in the year of the Julian period, 4247. before the Incarnation 467. years, the fourth year of the 77. Olympiad, at what time Socrates was born.

CHAP. II.
His first Education.

De Gen. Socr [...] PLutarch saith, that as soon as he was born, Sophroniscus his Father consulting the Oracle, was by it advis'd to suffer his Son to do what hee pleas'd, never compelling him to doe what he disliked, nor diverting him from that whereto he was enclined; to give thanks for him by Sacrifice to Iupiter Agoraeus and the Muses; to be no further sollicitous for him, he had one guide of his life within him, better then five hundred masters.

But his Father not observant of the Oracle's direction, apply'd him to his own trade of carving Statues, contrary to his inclina­tion, whereupon Aristoxenus apud Theodoret. de Graec. affect. cur lib. 12. some have argu'd him of disobedience, re­porting that often times, when his Father bad him work, he re­fused, and went away following his own will.

His Father dying, left him (according to Apol. Soc. Libanius) four score minae, which being entrusted with a friend for im­provement, they miscarried. This losse (though it were of all his stock, and he thereby reduc'd to incredible poverty) Socrates past over with silence, but was thereupon necessitated to con­tinue his trade for ordinary subsistence. Laert. This Suidas intimates when he saith he was first a Statuary. Lib. 9. Duris, In nub. Pausanias, and the * Scholiast of Ar [...]stophanes affirm three statues of the Graces cloathed, (for so they were most antiently made, not naked) set up before the entrance into the Tower at Athens, were his work. Pausanias implieth as much of a statue of Mercury in the same place; which 36. 5. Pliny seems not to have understood, who saith, they were made by a certain person named Socrates, but not the painter. Hence Timon,