I Here send You the Account, which Monsieur de Sorbiere has gi­ [...]en of his Voyage into Eng­gland. [Page 2] And though it be an insolent Libel on our Na­tion, yet I doubt not, but you will peruse it with de­light. For when you have beheld how many errors, and falshoods, he has com­mitted in this small Relati­on; you cannot but be well pleas'd to find, that who­ever undertakes to defame your Country, he must at the same time, forfeit his Wit, and his Understanding, as well as his good Manners.

The King of France ha [...] already given him an effe [...]ctual [Page 3] Answer. And it be­came the justice of so great a Monarch, while he was de­fending the Interest of the Christian Faith with his arms, to punish a pragma­tical Reviler of one of the most powerful Kingdoms in Christendome: and while he was exacting satisfaction from the Pope himself, for an affront offer'd to his Em­bassador, to take care that none of his own Subjects should presume to injure the reputation of his neigh­bors, and neerest Allies.

[Page 4]This just Reply which has been publiquely made to this rude Satyr, was the cause that it has not bin hi­therto confuted by an En­glish Gentleman of your ac­quaintance, who had under­taken it, whose Wit wee might have oppos'd against him, if he had still flourish't at Paris, with the Title of Historiographer Royal, though all his mighty boasts of his own abilities had been true. But however, though he is now below our excellent Friends consideration; yet [Page 5] I think my self ingag'd to see him corrected. For ha­ving now under my hands the History of the Royal Soci­ety, it will be in vain for mee to try to represent its design to be advantageous to the glory of England, if my Countrymen shall know that one who calls himself a member of that Assembly, has escap'd unanswer'd in the publique disgraces, which he has cast on our whole Nation.

I will therefore Sir, brief­ly take him into a calm ex­amination. [Page 6] And that you may understand how I in­tend to proceed with him, I do here in the beginning profess, that I will not vin­dicate the honor of the En­glish, by making reflexions on the French. I will not in­deavour to repair our own fame on the ruines of others. I will have no contention but with himself. I will only put together, and compare, the mistakes, the incoheren­ces, the vanities of his Book. And (to confess a secret to you, Sir,) I am resolv'd to [Page 7] take this course in answer­ing him; not only because I abhor the sordid way of Wit, of abusing whole Na­tions: but also because I am not much inamor'd of the glory of his punishment. For I cannot think that it is worth a mans while, that can live quietly here at Lon­don, to have the honour of making three or four ill-na­tur'd jests, on a whole King­dom, with the hazard of being justly bani [...]ht into Flint or Denbigh for ones la­bour.

[Page 8]I must confess Sir, I came at first to read him with some expectations. I had before seen what he had written in praise of those two great Men, the Ornaments of France, Gassendus, and De Marcu the Arch-Bishop of Pa­ris. And I had some good hope, that the familiarity, which he pretended to have had with them, had taught him some of their good Qualities: that from the first he had taken that can­dour, and modesty, which the world admires in his [Page 9] writings: and from the o­ther he had learn'd with what respect he ought to treat the fame of whole Na­tions, Churches, and Soveraign Princes, by that admirable defence, which he has made of the Gallican priviledges. Besides this, Sir, I took his Book into my hands with the grea [...]er good-will, be­cause I had some knowledg of his person: I had seen him at the Royal Society: I had been a witness with what civility he had been there entertain'd: I had been in­form'd [Page 10] what kindness he had receiv'd at Oxford: I had heard what favour the King had shewn him, by admit­ting him to private discour­ses with him in his Cabinet. And from all this I was in­couraged to beleive, that he had given an honourable, or at least a just description of England. But I quickly per­ceiv'd how much I was dis­appointed: I presently saw what difference there is be­tween scribling fine Haran­gues on vertuous Men, and real vertue it self. I strait [Page 11] found that instead of the good intentions, which he says, Pref. he never wants, the greatest part of his Treatise consists of ill-grounded reproches: that he has ventur'd on ma­ny things, whereof it was impossible he should receive an account: that where he might be suppos'd to have some tolerable knowledge, his malice has perverted his understanding: and that through the whole course of his Observations, he has by his own example made good that character, which he of­ten [Page 12] in this Book bestows on humane Nature in general, P. 188. that mankind is most pleas'd with trifles, and that we are all credulous and Lyars.

In his Epistle Dedicatory, he assures the most Christian King, that the principal motive of his journey, was a desire to advance his Majesties glory. The Design was commend­able, and worthy an Historio­grapher Royal. But what course did he take to in­crease his renown? he says, that he travell [...]d abroad, on purpose to spread throughout [Page 13] the world, the fame of his Ma­jesties munificence to himself. I beseech you, Sir, how long will your English modesty overwhelm you? how much reason have You real Philo­sophers, and Mathematicians, to have high thoughts of your selves, if it shall be al­low'd to a man, who has onely got some name by creeping into your compa­nies, to beleive himself so considerable, that his Masters liberality to him ought to make to all mankind admire his Magnificence? The Chri­stian [Page 14] world has better signs of the greatness of the King of France's mind: his armies, and money have been hono­rably imploy'd against Al­giers and Constantinople. A­midst all these glorious ex­pences, what a mighty sound does it make, that the famous Monsieur de Sorbiere did re­ceive a small stipend out of his Treasury?

But that you may the better understand, who this great man is, that can either exalt, or diminish the ho­nor of Princes with a word [Page 15] of his mouth: I intreat you to hear his own description of himself. I will onely repeat in his own words, the praises, which in the com­pass of a few leaves, he has given his own merits: by which you may ghess how uniustly he has misplac't, the titles of proud, and arrogant, P. 133. when he bestow'd them on one of the best Natured, and bashfullest Nations in the world. He brags, E. Ded. that he has spent all his life, in ad­vancing the reputation, and sustaini [...]g the interests of the [Page 16] Sciences; E. Ded. that he has always push't on, and incourag'd the great Masters of Knowledge to labour: that he has made a noyse wherever he came: P. 201. that he has got a discretion how to judge of good things: E. Ded. that he has mingled himself in the in­trigues of the Muses; E. Ded. that he has been so happy, as to be heard by them, and to get some credit amongst them: E. Ded. that he holds a constant commerce with the chief heads of Parnassus: Pref. that he has either been acquainted with all the learned men of the Age, or has had certain infor­mation [Page 17] concerning them: E. Ded. that his King did not favour him, without understanding him [...]ell.

Now Sir, would not a­ny man that reads this con­clude, that Monsieur de Sor­biere is his own Historian, more then the King of Fran­ce's. Is this conformable to his own Rule, which he sayes he prescribes to himself, P. 93. not to make Elogies on any man? Before he had da [...]'d to have said so much of him­self, ought he not to have exceeded Iulius Scaliger in [Page 18] his Learning, and his nobi­lity, as well as he has done in his spite to our Country? whereas the plain, and the true story of Monsieur de Sor­bier's life, is only this, he was borne at Orange, and for a long time profess'd the Pro­testant Religion, all or the greatest part of his Writings have been only some fe [...] Letters, a small Panegyric [...] or two, a translation of Mr [...] Hobbes's de Cive, into French this Description of England and another of Holland. Hi [...] first imployment was to [Page 19] teach a younger Son of the Count de la Suze, then he was made Usher to a Schole in his Native City. Both these places he lost upon suspicion of some hetero­dox opinions in the funda­mentals of Christianity. In this discontent he came to Paris, renounc't his Reli­gion, and turn'd Papist. And at last, by many insinuations and flatteries, he obtained to have the profits of a small Canonship of Avignon settled upon him. This Sir, P. 201. is all the Bruit that Monsieur de [Page 20] Sorbiere has made in the world. And this Confi­dent of the Muses, this Dar­ling of Parnassus, this Favo­rite of Cardinals, this Com­p [...]nion of Governors of Pro­vinces, this Censurer of Na­tions, this Judge of Kings, though he strove to advan [...]e himself by [...] Religions, in the one did never rise to a higher office then of a Pe [...] ­d [...]nt, in the other never go [...] a greater preferment, then [...] pitiful Sin [...] Cure of two hun­dred crowns a [...]ear.

And yet you have no rea­son [Page 21] to think that he has been wanting to himself all this while, seeing in this very E­pistle you find him in plain terms beseeching his Majesty, E. Ded. that he would employ him. 'Tis a modest request. But what other place is that which he can desire? he sayes that he has already been glorifi'd with the title of Trumpeter. P. 201. E. Ded. After this, whither would his Am­bition lead him? E. Ded. In this Warfa [...] of Letters (give me leave to prosecut [...] his own Metaphor) the name of Trumpeter best become [...] him. [Page 22] For (according to his Bro­ther Trumpeter's defence of himself in the Fable) it is never requir'd of [...]uch offi­cers, that they should in­gage in the fight, or do any Real Service, but they are onely us'd for a shew, and to make a noyse.

As for his other Quali­fication of Historiographer Royal, I will shew you in one instance how he de­servs it. He tells his King [...] that he has reported in every Country where he came, E. Ded. the pro­digious benefits, that heaven ha [...] [Page 23] heap'd upon him: that to the Statesmen he has proclaym'd his Industry in business, and the strength of his Iudgement: to the Souldiers, his Valour: to the Friends of the Church of Rome, his Piety: to the Gran­dees, the Pomp of his Court: and to the Fair Sex, his good Meen. These, Sir, are all Brave words, and he had a glori­ous subject, whereon to am­plifie. But let us consider the authority of his testimo­ny. For Monsieur de Sorbi­ere, the Kings Historiographer, when he might have had so [Page 24] much better intelligence [...] when he might have alleg'd the witness of all the brave men in France; does yet o­penly declare, that he re­ceiv'd the image of his own Prince's vertues, from the Re­port of Madam Fiennes, P. 8. a La­dy whom he met with acciden­tally at Calais.

Upon the very entrance into his journey, as soon as he sets forth from Paris, he gives evident proofs of the lightness, and vanity, of his mind. From what he had said before in his own com­mendation. [Page 25] I began to fan­cy in my thoughts, a grave Philosopher, going forth with the intent to survey all civil States, that he might bring back their profitable Arts, and inrich his Native Coun­try with them. I call'd to mind the Examples of Py­thagoras, Solon, Thales, Pla­to, and almost all the first wise men amongst the Grecians [...] who were wont to make long voyages into Egypt, and the East, for such honourable purposes. And upon this thought I was inclin'd to [Page 26] forgive him all his former Boastings, and to look on them onely as pardonable imperfections, which some­times accompany great Wits. And hence, Sir, you may think how much I was sur­pris'd, when I saw that the first fruits of his travels were [...]n account of the pleasant com­pany, that he had on the way, of certain Polacks, that spoke Latine, P. 6. that could play on the Violin, and that gave him a daunce twice a day. But hold Sir, I will not give him this occasion, to confirm the [Page 27] sentence, which he has past upon us, that the English are of a gloomy, extravagant, fa­natick, melancholy humour. I am content to allow him these divertisements. It was fit that he, who went forth to civilize barbarous Nati­ons, should be attended as they were of old, with har­mony. Yet you cannot but be delighted, when you observe the choice that he made: that he who undertook to censure, and refine manners, and to promote inventions, he who talks of nothing less [Page 28] then intrigues with the Muses, should find nothing worth mentioning in his journy from Paris to Calais, but the Musick, and the dauncing of Poland. Seeing his skill is so good in one of the liberal Arts [...] seeing he was so well satisfi'd in France it self, with a Fiddle of Cracaw, or War­shaw. I wonder he would come into England, to [...]earch for Philosophy, and had not rather gone to the famous V­niversity of Mosco.

And yet, Sir, to speak the Truth, I can easily pardon [Page 29] Monsieur de S [...]rbier's affecti­on to a Polish Iyg. This is not the worst thing, in which he h [...]s e [...]pres' [...] his in­clination to that Country [...] He was turn'd out of his Schole a [...] Orange, for being a Socinian. And therefore we may well allow him to be an Here [...]ick in their M [...] ­sick, seeing he was [...]o i [...] their Divinity.

In this Jolly posture he arrives at Calais. In the same I [...]e lay Madam [...]ien­ [...]es. P. 6,7. She was invited the next day to dinnner by Mounsie [...] de [Page 30] Courtebonne. Monsieur de Sor­biere waits upon her thither. The entertainment pleas'd him. For this he commends his Host, for one of the most accomplish't, and obliging Gentlemen in France. And he professes, he thought himself bound in Con­science to make him this pub­lique acknowledgment. What is to be blam'd in all this? what could be more court­ly? what a greater sign of a scrupulous, and tender Con­science, then to beleive him­self so much ingag'd to be grateful for a good Potage? [Page 31] what greater recompence could a Royal Trumpeter make to Mounsieur de Courtebonne, then thus to sound up his meat? hitherto all is well. But now, Sir, I pray recol­lect, whether he deals so fair­ly, and religiously, with your fellow Professor, Doctour Wal­lis? to whom, for all his good cheer, for a hearty welcome, for shewing him the Vniversity of Oxford, for imparting to him many cu­riosities, which he himself confesses were admirable, P. 94. he has return'd no other thanks [Page 32] then only a ridiculous des [...]ri­ption of his Cap. P. 100.

P. 14.At his landing at Dover, he was saluted with ill lan­guage by the Boys. Me­thinks the handsome entertain­ment that he met with there at his return, P. 17. might have mov'd him to conceal this ill usage. Though the matter it self, at the worst, was not worth speaking of [...] for he might have consider'd, that it is an ordinary thing for Boyes, not to have any great kind­ness for Schole-Masters: yet hence he takes occasion to [Page 33] inveigh against the rudeness of the whole English Nation. P. 14. I have already, Sir, ingag'd my self, to forbear compari­sons: or else, I might per­haps very justly, contradict what he says, P. 14. that the Eng­lish are always welcom'd at Deip, and Calais, with so much obliging care. We are indeed with care enough. For the inhabitants of those places [...]eiz on every part of us, some catch our Cloaks, some our Hats, some our Cloak-bags: and when we are by piece-meals brought to Shore, our [Page 34] officious frinds demand their own rates for having thus ob­lig'd us: so that sometimes we can scarce know, whether we should call it a Landing, or a Wreck. This, Sir, is more then a verbal Incivility. Yet I make no Conclusion from hence against the whole French Nation, but only a­gainst the Porters, and Mari­ners, of Deip, and Calais. And the same Right ought Mon­sieur de Sorbiere to have done us. He should not have presently exclaim'd against the whole Kingdom, for that [Page 35] which is only to be attribu­ted to the ill Discipline of Dover-Schole. This, Sir, may serve to give you some light, what kind of Judg we are like to find him in mat­ters of greater weight: and when you read, P. 12. that he al­ledges no other sign of the Eng­lish Courage, then that their Butchers are delighted with the noble Combats of Bulls, Bears, and Dogs: I hope you will remember, that it is the same Man, who is here wise e­nough to pass a General Rule, concerning the English ill [Page 36] manners, from the Rude beha­viour of the Children of one of our Sea-Towns.

Yet, to do him right, in this particular, he does not cast all the blame on the English: but he involves the Dutch, P. 15. and the Italians, in the same common Crime. He here complains, that as we call the Frenchmen Dogs, P. 15 so the Dutch upbrayd them with the approbrious name of Mushromes, and the Itali­ans with the worse term of Fools. For my part, I think all this by no means to be [Page 37] justifi'd, if the accusation be true. But however, how does this consist, with that Flatt'ry which he uses to his KING, E. Ded. that whereever he came, he found the whole world ready to submit to the French Empire? What says he now? Is it probable, that all Na­tions are willing to make France the Seat of a Vniver­sal Monarchy, when at the [...]ame time, he assures us, from his own experience, that the u­sual Titles, which their Neigh­bours bestow upon them, are those of Dogs, Fools, and Mush­romes?

[Page 38]The next part of his Iourny is from Dover to Lon­don. His errour about the distance between these two places I forgive: though in threescore miles he mistakes ten. P. 9. All the evil touches which he here gives, concerning the Disposition of the English, I reserve for their proper place. But I must take no­tice how particularly the Historiographer Royal de­scribes the Waggoner of Can­terbury. P. 18. The Horses were ty'd one before another: The Dri­ver cloth'd in Black: a brave [Page 39] Mountaero on his Head: a jo­cund fellow; mighty well sa­tisfy'd with himself: a great Droll: in all things appointed like another Saint George. What think you now Sir? may we not after this beleive that Tom Coriat is one of the cheif Heads of Parnassus, with whom he has converst? Where lyes the Difference between these two Learned Authors? That famous coun­tryman of ours was just so curious in his Relations: neither Horse nor Man could escape his Pen: on his [Page 40] host's Beard, and his Sign-Post he still declaymd: Here are only wanting the Frenchman's Bills of Fare every night, and you might have sworn, that Mon­sieur de Sorbiere had inheri­ted the great, and inquisi­tive spirit of the Noble Tra­veller of Odcomb.

I will not here much in­sist on the Irreverence of this zealous Roman Catho­lique, as we shall afterwards find him to be: though me­thinks it was not well done of him, to object to the En­glish [Page 41] their calling Saint Paul, P. 42. by the familiar Name of Paul; when he himself has com­par [...]d one of our chief Saints to a Waggoner. Nor am I much concern'd, to see him so pun­ctual in describing the Wag­goner of Canterbury to his Shirt, and yet not to make a­ny mention of Thomas Becket, and Austin the Monck, the re­nowned Saints of that place. But yet I will here tell him, that though he was so care­less of his Religion, he might have conceal'd this Chara­cter of the Waggoner upon a­nother [Page 42] account: For he will hardly be able to perswade his Reader, that the best way to spread the report of the ma­gnificence of his Patron, P. 18. was to ride to London in a Wag­gon.

But to give you farther evidence of the solidity of his humour. In all the Rode between London to Dover, he forgets not to enlarge upon every thing that he saw, ex­cept only that which is one of the bravest spectacles in the World. P. 26, 27. He is very exact in surveying the Bay-Windows [Page 43] of Canterbury. He fully de­scribes the Bowling-Greens, P. 22. and the very Rowlers, that make them smooth: he speaks so Romantically of the Val­lies, P. 22, 23, 24. the Hills, and the Hedges of Kent, that the Authors of Clelia, or Astrea, scarce ever venture to say so much on the like occasion: P. 29. he com­mends the convenient Form of Rochester Bridge: which he says, is so contriv'd, that mens Hats cannot be blown over. Who can deny, but in all this he is a very circumstan­tial, and Faithful Relator? [Page 44] But I pray, Sir, mark, that he spends very many more lines in speaking of each of these Toyes, then of the most magnificent Arsenal at Chat­tam, which lyes just below that Bridge. Of this he one­ly in passing says, that here our Ships of War are built, P. 29. and here they are laid up, when they return. And has he not here unawares betraid the Levity of his own mind? where then was his Philoso­phical Curiosity? where his discretion to know good things? where his Love for Great, and [Page 45] Wonderful Arts,? what was a fitter Prospect to have stop'd at? where could the antient, or present World have shewn a nobler Sight? For there, in one view, he might have seen the Ships, that command the Ocean: that make this small people that he despises, terrible to the ends of the Earth. We confess we yield to the French in the Beauty of their Cities, and Palaces: But in our floting Castles we outgo them as much. He is in the right, that about Paris, there [Page 46] is a far greater number of good Buildings: But the Suburbs which London has on the Thames, and Medway, make a sufficient recompence for this defect; as long as we exceed all the World, in the Fabricks of Strength, and Empire, we may easily al­low him to object to us our want of those of Pleasure. And without question, the Sovereign, the Charles, the Prince, the Iames, the Henry, the London, the Resolution, and above an hundred more, the best in the World, might [Page 47] have been thought worthy naming by him, that almost reckons up the Windows, and the Cellars in Canterbury, and expresses himself so well sa­tisfy'd to see, that there was care taken, that a plume of Feathers should not be disor­der'd upon Rochester Bridge.

In his Description of Lon­don, he affirms that it is bigger then Paris; P. 32. and that it is a vulgar errour of his Countrymen to think otherwise. And to manifest how vast he beleives its extent to be, he professes, that he would not [Page 48] undertake to frame an exact Idea of it in his mind, P. 37. under a whole years time. This, Sir, methinks, might have admo­nish'd him, that if he was not able to take a full draught of one City in less then twelve Months, he has been very presumptuous, (let me return upon him his own word) to conceive that he could give a Character of the Genius, and Vices of our Nation, of the Constitution, and Corruptions of our Church, of the Weaknesses of our Go­vernment, of the Pedantry of [Page 49] our Learning, and of the Barbarousness of our Lan­guage, in three Months time. This consideration ought certainly to have stop'd his Pen a little, especially seeing the Streets, and the Alleys of London stand still, and re­present themselvs always in the same fashion to our eys, and it is enough to know them perfectly only to tra­vel them often through: whereas it is so intricate a work, to take a right Pro­spect of the Manners of Men, the Humours of Nations, and [Page 50] the Secrets of Princes Coun­sails, that it is perhaps the most difficult employment of human Wit.

'Tis true indeed, he in­deavors to fetch a justifica­tion of his Insolence, from the English themselves: But the Apology, which he makes, rather aggravates his offence. He says, P. 10., he is confident, that if he writ in our own language, he should not displease us. And he gives this reason for it, P. 11. that the English have ofte [...] caus'd their Character to b [...] publish'd: and that they hav [...] [Page 51] this peculiar good Quality, that they love to have themselves handled plainly, and ill-spoken of. This he professes to mention in our praise. And if this be his Courtesie, I now find, that the Passengers with him in the Waggon had reason, when (as he com­plains) they interpreted his very Civilities for affronts. P. 21. But hold, Sir, what is this that he here says? has the Eng­lish Nation ever caus'd its Character to be Printed? he speaks of it, as if it had been a thing done by Act of Par­liament, [Page 52] and by the Autho­rity of the whole State. 'Tis true, Sir, there was (as you may perhaps remember) a small Pamphlet, that came out with the Title of the Cha­racter of England, about six years ago. But that was pretended to be a Translati­on out of French. Or let us suppose that it was an Englishman that writ it under that disguise: yet has Monsieur de Sorbiere from thence any ground to say, that the whole English Nation has often printed its own Cha­racter? [Page 53] I will give him one instance to shew how ab­surdly he did thus conclude, from one particular man, to a whole Country. Mon­sieur de Sorbiere, in his Book of Letters, has inserted (as he calls it) a Sceptical Di­scourse concerning the City of Paris: wherein he uses the Metropolis of all France, al­most as injuriously, as he does the English in this Re­lation; with language as foul, as the Dirt of Paris it self. Now then, because Monsieur de Sorbiere, a pri­vate [Page 54] inhabitant of Paris, has presum'd to slander it, in that manner; does it become me to affirm that the whole City of Paris has written a scandalous Libel on it self?

But perhaps by this In­stance which I have here mention'd, Monsieur de Sor­biere will raise an Argu­ment, that shall be very much to his own advantage. For now he will be ready to say, that the English have no great reason to take his Affronts unkindly, seeing he has been already so free [Page 55] of his Corrections, and Re­proofs, as not to spare his own Countrymen themselves. I accept of his Apology. 'Tis Pietatis plena Defensio: 'Tis an excellent good Natur'd Defence, for his rayling a­gainst Strangers, that he has done the same before, against his own Fellow-Citi­zens.

But to return to the En­glish-Book, which he pro­poses as his Pattern. Seeing we have but one Libel in our Language, against a whole Country in general, let us [Page 56] permit the Historiographer Royal, to imitate it. Yet I cannot imagine how he came to uuderstand that Book alone, when he pro­fesses that he was utterly ignorant of the English-Tongue in all things else. P. 20. It seems that reviling, and Sa­tyr is so natural to his mind, that he is able to conceive the sence of it, though the Language in which it is writ­ten, be never so much un­known to him. However, if he compare the times of their publication, we shall [Page 57] find that there is a great di­stinction between the crimes of the English, and the French Satyrist. The first of these was publish'd during the Tyranny of the late Usur­pers: and though it was ve­ry severe on the English in many passages, yet the great­est part was spoken with a good intention, in reproof of the miserable distractions of that Age, and the many ill-Customs which a long Civil-War had introduc'd. I beg of you now, Sir, to con­sider, by what an Example [Page 58] he clears himself. Because there was one Satyr writ­ten on our Nation, in a time of Licentiousness, and Con­fusion: he will second it now with a Worse, when we are setled in Peace, and Pro­sperity. Seeing he thinks this Plea sufficient, for what he says against the Manners of the English, that an Eng­lish-man did the same under Oliver, or Richard: I would have him also defend him­self in all his Slanders on our Court, and the King's Mini­sters, with an argument that [Page 59] will resemble the other. For why may he not assert, that it is lawful for him now to use such Liberty; because Milton was allow'd by the Rump, to write a Villa­nous Book against the late King of Blessed Memory?

This weak excuse there­fore, Sir, that he makes for his Barbarous way of hand­ling Us, shall not serve his turn. He is so far from ha­ving receiv'd incourage­ment from the English: that I can shew him several Vo­lumes of the Voyages of [Page 60] some of our Countrymen, into Russia, Persia, Egypt, the Turkish-Empire, the East-In­dies, and America, which have given a more advanta­geous account of those Infi­dels, and Barbarians, then he has done of one of the most polite Countries in Europe. The English have describ'd, and illustrated, all parts of the Earth by their Writings: many they have discover'd; they have visited all. And I dare assure him, that they have been al­ways most tender of the Re­putation [Page 61] of forein States, which they have gone to vi­sit, as they have been most merciful in sparing the Na­tives blood, in those Coun­tries which they disco­ver'd.

Let us now behold how Monsieur de Sorbiere has con­form'd himself to this gene­rous English Spirit. I will give you in a short view some of the good terms that he has bestow'd on our Na­tion in General. He says, P. 12. That we have skimm'd all the vices, and disdain'd the vir­tues [Page 62] of other Countries: P. 112. that we contemn all the rest of the World: that we esteem all mankind besides miserable: that we scorn to look on them, P. 112. or to speak to them, when they travel hither: P. 153. that we fre­quently menace, and insult over our neighbours: P. 113. that it is very hard to know, how to get our good will: P. 12. that we have a strong union amongst our selves against strangers: P. 133. that we re­gard the prosperity of others with an evil eye: P. 11. that we have a natural inclination to idle­ness, to presumption, to a cer­tain [Page 63] extravagance of thoughts, which is to be found in our most excellent writings: P. 11. that almost all the English are guilty of these faults, because they pro­ceed from our Soyl: P. 12. that our humour is too free, and arro­gant: that we are voracious, P. 151. and luxurious: P. 122, 123. that we submit to any, that will fill our Bel­lies, let us rayl, and will not disturb our slothfulness: P. 19. that we are scoffers, and malicious speakers: P. 112. that we are very ir­regular, and suspicious: P. 113. that we are filld with dark thoughts: that we are fierce, and capri­cious: [Page 64] that we have a melan­choly peculiar to us: P. 19. that if we once get necessaries to sup­port life, our idleness makes us careless of any more: P. 11. that there are every where Doe-littles, proud, and Fanatick Persons to be met with: P. 21. that there is nothing so crouching as an En­glish man, if once you can find the means to make him afraid: P. 21. that if you take away their In­solence, you take away their courage, and that they make but one leap, from the greatest [...]uffe of pride into the basest cowardize.

[Page 65]He has wearied me, Sir, and I can follow him no fur­ther, in heaping up such ignominious Trash. He ac­knowledges, that England is better known then any other part of the World, by the Bri­tannia of the most Learned Mr. Cambden. And it is happy for us that it is so. For, if Foreiners should have no­thing else to direct them cencerning us, but this fair Idea which he has here gi­ven; I suppose they would travel hither with the same caution, as we do into Green­land, [Page 66] to fish for Whales: they would only touch upon our shores, and stand upon their guard at every noyse, least the wilde Bears should sur­prize them unawares. I in­treat you to recall into your mind the description, which Caesar makes of the salvage manners of this Island, at the time that he conquered Gaul and Britain together, you will find that Monsieur de Sorbiere is less milde in his expressions on us now, then that great Conqueror was on the untaught and o­riginal [Page 67] Inhabitants, that liv'd in Forrests, and painted their Bodies, to make them appeare more dreadfull. Whatever reflections had been made on our Imper­fections, we might perhaps have patiently receiv'd them from the hands of the Ma­ster of Rome, that had civi­liz'd us; and it may be too from one of his Trumpeters, so he had been a Roman: But we cannot from a Schole-Master of Orange, from a Trumpeter of Little Britain, from a man that came hither [Page 68] to pick up Presents of Gloves, and Ribbands, and (as he himself confesses) to collect some certain debts, P. 161, 162. that were here owing to his Friends.

When I first, Sir, beheld all this good language which he has given us, I did pre­sently cast about and exa­mine what might be the cause of his Rage. And at last I had from one of his acquaintance intimation e­nough to ghess, why he was pleased to be thus incens'd. When he return'd from his second visit to the King, this [Page 69] Gentleman ask'd him, How his Majesty had receiv'd him? he reply'd, Kindly e­nough: but, he expected, he would have presented him with some Medall. This, Sir, was the Provocation, And this was the occasion, that made him lay about him so terri­bly. What Indignation can be great enough against such baseness? Are these Writers of Letters, and Flatteries, and Romances, such dangerous men? Must the King of En­gland deal with them, as some petty Bord [...]ring Princes [Page 70] are forc'd to do with th [...] Turk? Must he buy them off, and pay tribute to them, lest they should invade his Territories at their plea­sure? Monsieur de Sorbiere, Sir, is a man of ripe Age, he pretends to have been fami­liar with Embassadors, Gene­ralls, and Nuntio's: he lays claim to the title of Philoso­pher, and to the most gene­rous Sect of Philosophy, he tells us he is a Sceptick. But did he ever yet hear of an Example of a Philosopher, that preferr'd a petty gift, [Page 71] before the sweetness, and the obligation of so Great and so Magnanimous a Prince's con­versation? It has indeed been told us, that some Phi­losophers of old have trans­gress'd on the contrary, and have refused the Bounty of Monarchs, that they might preserve the liberty of their minds: But in all History there can be no such in­stance shewn, that a man should forfeit his Truth, and Honesty, for the want of a Medall, unless it be of him, that first renounc'd his Consci­ence, [Page 72] and chang'd his Reli­gion, to obtain a Pension.

In answer to these calum­nies with which he has as­persed us, I will onely in plain and simple terms, say as much as may confute his reproaches: But I will not set upon a long, and a so­lemn Panegyrick of our Na­tion: For it is not my bu­siness here to paint, but only to wash.

The first Slander, of which I shall take notice, he pre­tends to be a Proverbial-Speech; that we have de­spis'd [Page 73] all the good, and skimm'd all the bad, of other people. As for the first part of it, whether we have scorn'd all the good quali­ties of others, I am con­tent to have try'd by his own words. He graunts, that in very many things, we imitate the magnanimous Spi­rit of the Antient Romans. P. 12. And if we have been so care­ful to learn Vertue, from an Empire that was long ago at an end: how could he imagine, that we contemn all that is commendable in [Page 74] the Living? I thank him that he has resembl'd us to the greatest men of all An­tiquity: But in the In­stance which he alledges, he does well express what Sence he has of greatness of Mind, and honorable Acti­ons: For, P. 12. He reckons the Fights of their Gladiators to be one Chief Sign of their Vir­tue: Which was a cruelty, that all the Civil World do blame them for besides. I will confess Mons [...]eur de Sor­biere to be a better Master of Defence then any that he [Page 75] saw at the Red-Bull, P. 172. if after this he can prove to Me, that he is a fit Man to distin­guish, what is Insolence, and what is Courage, in the English; Seeing he counts it to have been a great piece of Bravery in the Romans, that they were delighted in beholding their Slaves, and their Captives, murder one another. And whereas he says, that we are infected with Outlandish-Vices; I cannot forbear telling him, that if this should be graunted partly true, that we are in [Page 76] some measure degenerated from the Native Vertue, and Innocence of our Ancestors, in Edward the Third, and Henry the Fifth's time; yet it is easie to tell, from what Coast the Infection was transported hither; and we may say with Horace in a like case, though in respect of worse Arts then he inten­ded;

[Page 77]He next objects to us, That we have a strong union amongst our selves against Strangers, and that it is almost impossible to get our good will. This, Sir, is so far from being true, that (you know) it may well be computed, that we have more Foreiners in Norwich, Canterbury, and London, who are permitted to Trade, and to injoy the Privilege of Natives, then there are constantly resid­ing in any Twenty Cities of Italy, Spain, or France.

He upbraids us with fre­quent [Page 78] menacing, and insulting over our Neighbours. This he speaks with particular re­spect to the Hollanders Trade. But who made him Judge of the rights of Peace, and War? He acknowleg'd be­fore, that all other affairs, except only those of the Sciences, and Learned men, Pref. lie out of his way. Why does he then thrust in to be Arbitrator of the differences between the Dutch, and Vs? to call those Menaces and Affronts, which an Assembly that represents a mighty Nation, has already [Page 79] styl'd demands of just satis­faction? and which the great Soveraign of the Seas will shortly make appear to be a a Vindication of the Law of Nations? But if Monsieur de Sorbiere beleives, that our present contentions with the Low-Countrymen, are only rude Affronts, and not just Grievances; I am certain he was once of another mind, when he writ his Let­ter to Monsieur de Courcelles in the year 1652. Wherein he extols the Rumps Victories over them, and presages [Page 80] a glorious Empire to those Tyrants, from their absolute subduing them.

He says, that we will not vouchsafe to speak to those that travel hither, and yet he calls us presumptuous, Raileurs, Ar­rogant, and Evil-Speakers. But to this it shall suffice me to reply, that seeing the same man condemns our Silence, and our Speech, it is a good Argument, that we are mo­derate, and unblamable in Both.

He declares, that We re­gard the Prosperity of others [Page 81] with Iealousie: whereas, there is not one of our Neighbors, to whom our Assistance could reach, but we have ayded in their Calamities. The Vnited Provinces, not­withstanding their present apprehensions of us, will still confess that their Com­mon-Wealth was founded upon English Valour. The Great Henry of France was establish'd in his Throne by Queen Elizabeth's succours. And while I am writing this, the Portuguez behold one of the surest Ramparts of their [Page 82] Liberty, to be the Breasts of English Souldiers.

He proceeds to affirm, that we will serve any man, that will feed us, suffer us to rail, and be idle. But to give him a full Testimony, how careful the English are of their own Liberty, it is e­nough to say, that they in­deavor, more then most o­ther Nations, to preserve in­violable the freedom of man­kind in general; For they never make Slaves of their Prisoners of War in any part of Europe, which perhaps [Page 83] few other Nations have for­born. And that the world has a better opinion of us, he may be convinc'd by this, that the Natives of all Tra­ding-Countries, have still maintain'd a peculiar re­spect for the English integri­ty; and that whereever the Bounds of our Empire have reach'd in antient Times, there still remains on the minds of the people, a Re­membrance of the easiness of the English Government. If all this will not satisfie him, that the English are not [Page 84] of a more Servile Dispositi­on then other Countries; I will put him upon an Em­ployment, which may well become his Abilities: Let him make a computation of the Footmen, Grooms of Chambers, and Cooks in Europe, and then let him tell me, whether he finds those of the English Nation to be the most Numerous.

He asserts, that the Eng­lish are suspicious, dark, ir­regular, caprichious, and that they haue a Melancholly pecu­liar to themselves. In this, [Page 85] methinks his small Philoso­phy should have instructed him better, that such dismal qualities are not the neces­sary Companions of the Complexion of Angels, which he allows them. But he that went dauncing from Paris to Calais, and at Calais, as soon as he alighted out of the Chasse Marin, could not ab­stain from going to a Pup­pet-Play (for that I suppose he means, when he says, he saw a Comedy there) is not a fit man to Censure what is the difference, between what [Page 86] is Fantastical, and good Humour, between the Seri­ous, and the Sullen. How­ever he has made some Re­compence to us for this dis­grace. He has describ'd the Vigorous, and the Sprightly Humour of the French, in such a manner, as makes it no very desirable Accomplishment. For he tells us, P. 16, 17. that whereever they come, they make such a Noyse, as to draw all the Children, and the Dogs in the Town after them. And I suppose, it is such a kind of Bruit as this, tha [...] [Page 87] Monsieur de Sorbiere says, he has made in all places, where he arrived.

He often says, that we are all Idle, Sluggish, and Doe-littles. Upon this he in­sists so frequently, that I conceive his French Rea­ders, that never saw England, will be apt to believe that he found it such a Country as Lubberland: that he caught all the Inhabitants stretch'd out on their Backs, and sleeping under Trees. But whence could he gather this conception of our stupidi­ty? [Page 88] The places that he vi­sited, were onely those on the Road to Oxford, and Lon­don, and some few other No­blemens houses besides. I hope he did not conclude our Nation to be so lazy, from the quiet of the streets, and the retirement of the Colleges in the Vniversity: yet when I remember what judgement he made on our Rudeness at Dover, and from whence he took his conje­cture, I am likewise inclin'd to think that he has discreti­on enough to determine up­on [Page 89] the English sluggishness, from the private way of liv­ing of our Scholars. It must be so, For every where else he beheld many marks of diligence. In his Journey to London, he confesses, P. 13. It was admirable to see, what an infinite number of Seamen, and Shipwrights, were at work on the Banks of the Thames. In London it self he reports, that there are more Shops, P. 40. and bet­ter beautified, then in any Citty in the World. He found every where in England, men busie about Natural Experiments, [Page 90] from whose labours he is confi­dent, P. 80. mankind may expect pro­digious Inventions. And are all these the signs of an over­grown slothfulness? But be­sides these, Sir, he never saw any of the cheif Seats of the English Industry, he be­held not the Cole-pits of New Castle, the Clothworks of the West, and the North, the Lead Mines of Derby, the Orchards of Hereford, the Plough-lands of Devon, the New Rivers of the Fenns, the Tinn Mines of Cornwall. These, and many more, he should have view'd: [Page 91] he should thence have pas­sed into our Western Colonies: he should have considered the Sugar works of the Bar­badoes, the Tobacco Plantati­ons of Virginia, the Silk Trade that is begun there, and the Vast Mole, which goes on at Tangier, P. 175. that pittifull place (as he terms it:) after all these surveys he might have been a fitter Judge of the English labours. This ex­actness of Information might have been expected from an Historiographer Royal. But he has been as carefull in this, [Page 92] as in most of the rest of his Intelligence. For as soon as ever he sets his foot on the English shore, he strait posi­tively condemns all the whole Nation of laziness, P. 10. from the first Posthorse that he saw gallop.

His last disgrace is the En­glish cowardize. And the oc­casion from whence he takes this Observation is very re­markable, P. 21. He saw an Oxford Scholar affronted by a French­man that had been seven years the Protectors soldier: And thence He passes sentence on [Page 93] the baseness of our Nation. What, Sir, will the Dutch and the Spaniards think of this? The one, when they remem­ber the Battels of Portland, and the North forland; and the other, when they call to mind Tenariff, and the sandy hills of Dunkirk? Will they not take it very ill at his hands, that he should reckon all those for Cowards, whom Cromwells Soldiers had de­feated? But if our late civil Warrs have not given an un­confutable evidence of the English valour: if the mag­nanimous [Page 94] Deaths of so ma­ny Martyrs for the Royall Cause do not prove it: If Eighty Eight: if the Im­mortal Sir Richard Greenvill, if our Conquests of Ireland, and Scotland be forgotten: if the joynt Testimony of al­most all the Historical Wri­ters for these last six hun­dred years be of no ac­count: yet (to say no more) I could never have believ'd that any French Historiogra­pher would have given it un­der his hand, that the En­glish are Cowards.

[Page 95]And now, Sir, having laid all these Ignominies to­gether, would you not have ghess'd that he would never have dar'd, to pronounce so boldly upon us, unless he had convers'd all his Life time with us; unless he had throughly studied our Tem­per, and deeply pierc'd by a long search into the Com­po [...]ition of our Nature? But when I find, that as soon as ever he was call'd Monsieur by the Children of Dover, he strait makes Conclusion of our general Inhospitality: and of [Page 96] our Insolence from the next Car­rier that he employ'd: and of our Abusiveness, from a silly Zealander, that was his fel­low-Traveller: and of our want of Courage, from a piti­ful Fray between a naked scho­lar, and an armed French Souldier, at Beaconsfield. This puts me in mind of the Judgment, which one of the greatest men that ever liv'd, did passe on the Antient Gaules. It was the expe­rience of Caesar himself, of their trifling, and change­able Humour, that in their [Page 97] most solemn Councils, they de­termin'd on the weightiest Af­fairs, upon the Authority of any slender Report of the next wandring Pedlar. This I hope I may repeat, without offending the present French Nation. For I do not say, (as Monsieur de Sorbiere of us) That it came from the Nature of their Soyl, and that therefore it must needs de­scend on all that are born on the same Earth. But I only affirm, that I know a certain French Trumpeter, that has made good this [Page 98] Observation of Caesars.

This, Sir, being the Form, which he has fan­ci'd in his Brain of the wild Manners of the English, it is easie to ghess, what thoughts he has of their Re­ligion. And the Truth is, having represented us, as such Monsters, in our Ci­vil Customs, and Behaviour, he could do no other, then paint us out to be as bad as Infidels, in [...]ur Spiritual Condition. For whoso­ever are Barbarous in their Lives, can never be good [Page 99] Christians in their Hearts. It is the peculiar glory of the True Christianity, that it does not onely Save, but Civilize, its Reall Profes­sours.

We shall therefore find, that his reproaches are pro­portionable, concerning our Religion. And by the Ir­reverence of the Language which he uses towards it, you may perceive, that he did not only learn from the Trooper that was his Compani­on to Oxford, that the Eng­lish are Insolent, and Co­wards: [Page 100] But that he also fur­nish'd him with this Intelli­gence of Church. For this account, which he has here set down, could have been given by no man Living so properly, as by one that had been a Soldier in Cromwells Army. P. 21. To pass by the friend­ly names of Schismaticks, and Hereticks, which he as freely bestows upon us as if they were our National Titles: he has ventur'd to say, P. 45. that We separated from the Church of Rome for shameful causes, that are known to all the [Page 101] World: P. 43. that the people has an universal Aversion from the Religion establish'd by Law: that there is a probability, P. 44. that all our Sects may shortly unite to destroy it: P. 43. that our solemn Publique Prayers are only a Morsel of a Liturgy: P. 44. that the King did the most hazard­ous thing he could undertake, when he restor'd Episcopacy: that our Ecclesiastical Govern­ment is nothing else, P 44. but the Shaddow, and the Corruption of the true Hierarchy: P. 45. that the Introduction of our Church-Service into Scotland, was the [Page 102] cause of the shedding of so much Blood in the three Nations: that our chief Clergy men, P. 53. who have Pluralities of Benefices, make their Grooms their Cu­rats: that our Bishops do horribly abuse their Iurisdicti­on, P. 52. in their Excommunicati­ons, and Impositions: P. 53. that they are so haughty, that none of the Inferiour Priests dare speak to them: that they rob the Church, P. 62, 63. by letting its Lea­ses for thirty years; getting all the Money into their own Pockets, and leaving only a small Revenue to their Suc­cessours: [Page 103] that England is a Country, P. 63. where no man is a­fraid of committing Simony. This, Sir, is his Judgment of our Church. And you may be pleas'd to observe, that this Catalogue of Slan­ders is equally made up of those, which the most furi­ous of the Romanists on the one side, and the most Fa­natick amongst the Non-con­formists on the other, are wont to Revile us withall: So that in repeating them, he does at once act both the Parts, which he had before [Page 104] plaid in the World at seve­ral times, that of a violent Calvinist, and a Iesuitical Papist.

And first, it is false that our English Reformation be­gan upon a shamefull occasion, or from the extravagance of a private passion. I know he has the famous story of King Henry's Divorce to op­pose against what I say. But I am not startled at that, no more then at the Fable of our Bishops Consecration at the Naggs-head Tavern; or, of the Kentish-mens having [Page 105] long Tayls for the murder of Thomas Becket. Such fri­volous Arguments as these might have served well e­nough in the Mouths of the Moncks two hundred years agoe: But they will not pass so easily in a Philosophical, and Inquisitive Age. In breif therefore, Sir, it is evi­dent that King Henry the Eighth did never intend to proceed to a much greater distance from the Roman See, then the Gallican Church maintains at this day. There is no man of our Church, that [Page 106] looks upon his breach with the Pope, to have been a Re­formation. We onely esteem it to be of the nature of those Quarrels, which many Princes in the most Catholick Countries, have manag'd a­gainst the Holy Chair. The Reformation to which we stand is of a latter date. The Primitive Reformers amongst us, beheld the Reason of men tamely subjected to one mans Command, and the Sovereign Powers of all Christendom still expos'd to be check'd, and destroy'd [Page 107] by the Resolutions of his private Will. Upon this they arose to perform two of the greatest Works in the World, at once to deliver the minds of Christians from Tyranny, and the Dignity of the Throne from Spiri­tual Bondage. Whatever was the accidental, this was the Real Cause of our first Reformation, and of their se­paration from us, not ours from them. And this was an event which must needs have come to pass near the time in which it did, though [Page 108] King Henry had never forsa­ken his Wife. Let him there­fore know, that our Doctrine ( as much spoyl'd as it is, P. 45. in his opinion) was establish'd by Christ and his Apostles: and that the Ceremonies of our Worship, were not set up by faction, or by popular Fury, but by the deliberate Counsels of Wisemen, and by the authority of that power, which bears the im­mediate Image of God. This, Sir, I have said in Vindicati­on of our Church, not so much to satisfie this idle [Page 109] Dreamer upon Parnassus, as out of the love which I bear to many well-meaning Ca­tholiques amongst us, who have this Argument some­times in their mouths, of whom I know very many, whose wishes for the happi­ness of their Country, and for its freedom from forein Usurpations, are as honour­able as any Englishmens liv­ing. As for Monsieur de Sor­bier's part, it had been a suf­ficient Reply to him, that I can name a man, who has indeed separated from the Re­ligion [Page 110] wherein he was born, for a shamefull cause which is known to all the World.

He declares that the people of England have an universal aversion from the establish'd Worship. But here I cannot say that of him for which he commends Doctor Wallis, that He is one of the best Account­ants in the World. P. 100. This po­sitive Computation he ne­ver was in any capacity to make, he never saw any of the middle, or the remoter parts of our Nation, where Non-conformity is but very [Page 111] sparingly spread. He never convers'd with the vast Bo­dy of Gentry, and Yeoman­ry that live Country lives, who are generally uninfe­cted. It is London alone on which he must rely for this calculation. And yet even in this too, I dare openly assure him, that the farr greater number is for the Rights of the Church, then against them. But I advise Monsieur de Sorbiere, that be­fore he thinks himself able to make an exact judgment of the Number of our Reli­gious [Page 112] Sects, he would first correct all his errours in Arithmetick, which are to be found in this Book, about the most obvious things, in reckoning of which, it was enough to have onely had the understanding of the least childe that he ever taught. I will onely produce one in this place. Have we not reason to rely upon his opinion of the difference of the parties in the whole Kingdom; when in the least number that can be, he has mistaken half: For, he says, [Page 113] that the double-bottom'd. Vessel has two Masts in the Front, when every Sculler on the Thames knows it has but One.

He affirms, that the Go­vernment of our Bishops is no­thing else, but the shaddow, and the corruption of a True Hierarchy. And he gives this excellent Reason for it, be­cause here the Spiritual sub­mits to the Temporal. P. 44. This ve­ry Argument I will turn up­on himself. It is therefore the True, the Sound, the Apostolical Episcopacy: be­cause [Page 114] it does yield to the Tem­poral Power, which else could be nothing but a shaddow. It is the glory of the Church of England, that it never re­sisted Authority, nor in­gag'd in Rebellion: which is a praise, that makes much to its advantage, in the minds of all those, who have read of the dismal effects of the Scotch Covenant, and the holy League.

He says, that our King did put himself on the most dange­rous Enterprise that could be attempted, when he restored [Page 115] Episcopacy. And yet he con­fesses that our other Sects are inconsistent with any Govern­ment but a Common-wealth. P. 58. What dreadfull danger could be imagin'd in a Mo­narchs destroying that, which must needs fall of it self in a Monarchy? But to shew how much he was mistaken, It is evident, that upon his Majesty's most glorious Re­turn, the Church soon reco­ver'd all its rights of Eccle­siastical Jurisdiction, of sit­ting in Parliament, and even all its Lands, which had [Page 116] been long held by Armed Usurpers, without any o­ther Opposition, then what was made by General Vennor, and his forty men: who it seems did run the greatest hazard of the two.

He declares that there is so great a distance between our Bishops, and our inferior Cler­gy, that these dare not speak to, nor stand cover'd before, them. This, Sir, you and I can prove to be a manifest Untruth, by several Instan­ces. But however, what course can we take to please [Page 117] this grave Censurer of our Civility? He here dislikes the respects, that we shew to our cheif Churchmen: and in an­other place, He condemns the familiar behaviour of our com­mon Soldiers towards their Of­ficers. He abuses the Clergy­men for standing bare to those Reverend and Aged Persons; and the Red-Coats for keeping on their Hatts in the presence of their Captains. P. 122. How suffi­cient a Judge is he of good manners, that would bring the rude Customs of a Camp into the Church, and the Pun­ctilio's [Page 118] of Observance, and Courtship, into an Army.

But he accuses us of a greater Crime. It is but just that there should be so great a distance, if our Clergymen that have Pluralities, make their Grooms supply their Cures. In this part of his Character he certainly, Sir, mistook the Country, and intended this for some other Kingdom in Europe, where he had also miss'd of a Medall. It is a sign that he is as little ac­quainted with his own Church, as he is with ours: [Page 119] or else he would never have objected to us our Pluralities, which are infinitely fewer, and more confin'd amongst us: he would never have ventur'd to upbraid us with the Ignorance of our Parish Priests, lest we should have provok'd the whole Church of Rome to a comparison. In breif, Sir, our Slaves do not serve at our Altars: and I will also add, that our Cheif Spiritual Dignities are not in­tayl'd upon Families, nor possess'd by Children. In all the Parishes of England; I [Page 120] dare challenge not onely him that is a Stranger, but the most bitter Enemies to our Discipline, to shew me Twenty Pulpits, that are fill'd with men, who have not spent their Youth in Studies to prepare them, and who have not the Au­thority of Holy Orders.

That He has presum'd to call our Publique Solemn Prayers, only a Morsel, or a Scrap of a Liturgy; I do not much wonder. For he that has long made his own Religion his Cook (as one of [Page 121] our Poets expresses it) may well be thought irreligious enough; to take a Metaphor for ours from a Kitchin. But besides this, he asserts, that the Introduction of the En­glish Liturgy into Scotland, was the cause of the shedding of all the Blood in the three Na­tions. This Speech might have well fitted the mouth of Bradshaw, or the Pen of Ireton. For it lays all the guilt of so much Slaughter, on the most Innocent, and most merciful Prince, that ever wore a Crown: by [Page 122] whose special care, an Uni­formity of Worship was at­tempted in that Kingdome. But to give him better light, and to let him see, that there were other Causes of our Miseries, in one of these three Countries at least, I would fain have him ask this Question of the Pope's Legat that was in Ireland, whether the horrible Irish Massacre was committed for no other reason, but only out of a tender Brotherly sense of the Yoke which was laid by the Common-Prayer, on [Page 123] the Scotchmen's Consciences.

He tells us, that it is an ordinary thing with our Bi­shops, to exercise their Eccle­siastical Censures upon frivolous accounts. But methinks he might have remembred, that it was not probable, they should seek out any trifling occasions of excommunica­tion, when, by his own con­fession, they have so ma­ny weighty Provocations: if that be true, that the whole Nation neglects their Disci­pline. But, Sir, you know it is apparent to all indiffe­rent [Page 124] Men, that the Bishops have been most remarkably moderate in their Visitations: and that the Punishments, which have been inflicted on the Obstinate, have for the most part proceeded from the Temporal Sword, and not the Spiritual. But, because he here quarrels at the Absoluteness of our Bi­shop's power, I leave him to be answer'd by the whole Clergy of the Church of Rome, who ought to be alarm'd by this. For if ours shal be repu­ted so Tyrannical, what will [Page 125] they be e [...]teem'd, whose Juris­diction is so much larger?

He goes on to de [...]ame our Bishops. He says, they have imbezled the Church Lands, to make their own Families Rich. This, Sir, is an Ob­jection, which though it was at first manag'd against them with great Clamour, by the common Enemies of the King, and the Church: yet now upon a calmer con­sideration of things, it has universally lost its credit, even in those places where he says, P. 130. the English take To­bacco [Page 126] half the day together; from whence he acknowledges, that he had a good part of his Relations. The first mur­murs against them were rais'd, because they receiv'd altogether, some part of that which was their due, for twenty years before. But the Envy of that was quick­ly scatter'd, when it was ma­nifest how many publique, and Generous works they have promoted. Besides the first Fruits, and Tenths, and above all the Subsidies, which have swept away [Page 127] a good part of their gains, they have compounded with a very great Number of the Purchasers; they have in­creas'd the Vicaredges in their Gift to Fourscore Pounds a year: they have indow'd Alms-Houses, and Colleges, they have built Chappels, they have re­paired the Episcopal Pala­ces, and Cathedrals, which were generally gone to Ru­ine; they have redeem'd at once all the English, that were Slaves at Algiers, and that too I dare assure him, [Page 128] without any intent to make Cu­rats of them.

The Account which he gives of their letting Leases is most ridiculous. There is no man amongst them, that lets a Lease for thirty years. The Reserv'd Rent is that which was always the stand­ing Revenue of the Church. Nor ought this Custom to be Objected against the Church of England. It is the same course which is ta­ken in France, and most o­ther parts of Christendom. Nay, to go farther, the letting [Page 129] of Church Leases is a busi­ness, whose Regulation was brought about since the time, that the Church of Rome divided from us. Be­fore Queen Elizabeth's reign, the Churchmen had a power of Farming out their Lands, not only for Thirty, but for Ninety Nine years. It was Shee, that first confin'd the Term to One and Twenty; and so it still remains. He ought not therefore to reckon this practice as our disgrace: when the good order, that is now us'd about it, is the pe­culiar [Page 130] honour, that belongs to the English Reformation.

But to Conclude, if no Man fears Simony in England, then there is no man that is affrighted with punishment. For our Laws are as strict against it, and as severely executed, as any where else. However, if it were true, (which is far from being so) that we Simoniacally imploy the Church estate to Secular uses; yet this sounds very ill from that Layman's Pen, who, when he writ this Voyage, was main­tain'd [Page 131] out of the Ecclesiasti­cal Revenue. This, Sir, was Monsieur de Sorbiere's Case. And the first Office of a Churchman that ever he per­form'd, was in this Book, P. 99. where He devoutly prays to God, to make Mr. Hobbs a Roman Catholique. Which if his prayers can obtain from Heaven, he deserves not only to be made a Priest, or Bishop, but even a Saint too: For this will be a far greater Miracle, then any of those for which many have been Canoniz'd.

[Page 132]And now, Sir, can you require any greater signs of Monsieur de Sorbier's Sinceri­ty in his Religion? He has accus'd of Simony, the most Incorrupt: of Pride, the Humblest: of Rapacity, the most Innocent: of Igno­rance, the most Learned: of false Doctrine, the most Primitive; of ill Discipline, the most Decent Church un­der Heaven. And when nothing else could be said, he even upbraids it with its Submission and Obedience, To shew, (that he is as ill a Di­sciple [Page 133] of Mr. Hobbes's, whom he pretends to admire, as he is of the Apostles.) Not­withstanding all which im­pudent Disgraces, there remains this one comfort to the Church of England, that the same man, who now vi­lifies Her so basely, had once as mean thoughts of the God-Head of Her blessed Founder Himself.

But it is easie to conje­cture at the Cause of this his harsh Usage of our Church. He had but lately Aposta­tiz'd from the Reformed Re­ligion [Page 134] in France: he was but just enter'd into the Romish Communion. And he su­spected, that there might be some doubts still remain­ing on mens minds, of the Reality of his Conversion, which might turn to the prejudice not onely of his Spiritual, but of his Tem­poral Estate: he had given himself out for a great Phi­losopher: and he understood well enough, that few Phi­losophers are thought to al­ter their minds, that have once been Protestants. He [Page 135] was therefore resolv'd to give an Unquestionable proof of his Establishment in the Faith, by reviling the Church of England. And in performing this, I con­fess, Sir, he has Counter­feited the Zealot very well: he has prosecuted Us, with all the Violence, and Bi­gottry, which commonly accompanies new Converts. But yet I beleive this will hardly do his business. Even in this very Book, he gives Evidence enough, that Cal­vinism, and Heresie, are not [Page 136] wholy rooted out of his Heart. He grosly abuses the most devoted Children of the Church of Rome, the English Roman Catholiques. He complains of them, P. 64. that they have no mind to disturb the Peace of their Country to­mards the restoration of their Religion: which is indeed spoken to their Honour, though he intends it to their Shame. He says, P. 64. that they are not so zealous in their Way, as forein Papists, the quite contrary to which is true: he makes, P. 64. as if they never [Page 137] saw the True Mass perform'd: he affirms, P. 64. that they are all born in Servitude, and de­bases so many Antient, Rich, and Honourable Families, to the condition, and the minds, of Slaves. In all these Speeches, he does not express any certain mark of a True Proselyte. But a­bove all, he has set down such a determination of his Faith, that if he had made it in Italy, or Spain, he had undoubtedly fallen into the Inquisition. He boldly pro­nounces, that Transubstan­tiation, [Page 138] Purgatory, the Me­rit of Works, P. 48. Invocation of Saints, the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome, the authori­ty of Councils, and the Infal­libility of the Pope, are none of them Fundamental Do­ctrines. What greater A­pology could be made for the Church of England, which he has so much defam'd: seeing these are the onely shameful Causes, for which we dissented from Rome?

But I leave him to be cor­rected by the Pope's Sen­tence [Page 139] for these Heresies: which perhaps the Holy Fa­ther has reason to think, do more shake the Holy Chair, then the five points of Ian­senius that he condemn'd: which Monsieur de Sorbiere says, P. 60. did raise a dispute about a matter of Nothing.

From our Religion, Let us follow him of our Govern­ment. And here, Sir, I was at first a little at a stand how to deal with him. But I have heard of the Magna­nimous resolution of the [Page 140] late Duke of Buckingham, who would never permit any Apology to be written for him. And I consider, that it is almost as great an arro­gance for one obscure Wri­ter, to undertake to defend the Actions of Great Princes, as it is for another to defame them. I will not therefore inlarge my Speech in the praises of the present hap­piness of England, or in paying all the acknowledge­ments, which are due to our Sovereign, for the bles­sings of His Reign. That is [Page 141] a Subject ficter for a more elaborate Volum, then a sin­gle Letter, and for a far more elegant Pen then mine. I will onely here shew the Vanity of our Historiogra­phers groundless suggesti­ons. And as an Introdu­ction to what he says, con­cerning the Political condi­tion of this Nation, I will first observe how he deals with some others of the cheif Crown'd Heads in Europe. You will perhaps, Sir, be very hardly induc'd to be­leive, that he can be guil­ty [Page 142] of disrespect to Monarchy, or Sovereign Princes, when you behold him so Panegy­rically given towards that Government, as to take the pains, to go five or six thou­sand miles, to find out a Race of Kings to commend. For he here speaks very zea­lously in praise of the most vertuous, P. 117, 118. and most religious Kings of China. This, Sir, I cannot but applaud in him; and to shew how much this one testimony of his good manners has wrought with me, I will not be harsh up­on [Page 143] him in this place. I will not call in question the credit of his Intelligence from the farthest East, which you see is so false, about a Country, that lies only seven Leagues distant from his own. Nay, I will not so much as inquire whether e­ver he met with any Chinese Madam Fiennes to give him this Information. P. 118. I will graunt, that the Kings of China have been great Men­ders of Bridges, and Planters of Orchards. But I will on­ly now softly put him in [Page 144] mind, that while his Pen did overflow with sweet words, upon the Kings of China, he has handled the Kings of Sweden and Denmark more cruelly, then Dionysi­us the Tyrant would have done, when he was a King, much less when he was a Schole-Master.

Of the two last Kings of Sweden he affirms, that their Glory is almost wholy vanish'd: P. 116. and that all moderate men must needs read the Desolations, which they caus'd with Horror. You see, Sir, what an excel­lent [Page 145] occasion he has here given me of Triumphing over him. You know very well, how many great, and irresistable arguments, this matter might suggest to me: what might not be said of that Victorious Nation? how copious might I be in ex­tolling the indefatigable In­dustry, the Conduct, the Good Fortune, the Gene­rosity of those Kings? What Passions might here be rais'd, in appealing to all Mankind, and in aggrava­ting the common misery of [Page 146] all Great Commanders of Armies, if it shall be per­mitted to every small Pam­phleteer to invade their Lives, and to arraign their Ashes, when he pleases? But there is no need of go­ing so powerfully to work, or of imploying against him any of the Lofty, and Tra­gical Forces of Eloquence. It will suffice, if I recall to his Memory, the Title in which he boasts so much. I will only ask him, how the Historiographer of France can assert the Wars of Gustavus [Page 147] Adolphus to have been hor­rible Divastations, without casting some share of the Dishonor on the Crown of France it self? For (if we will believe all the French Writers of that time) there was a strict Confederacy, and a real Union of Interests, be­tween those Two mighty Mo­narchs. I give him leave to use the Fame of the Kings of Sweden as he pleases. Let them in his account pass for Theives, and Oppres­sors. They deserve so to be us'd: for they were mor­tal [Page 148] Enemies to that belov'd Country, with whose Mu [...]ick, and Latin, and Dancing, he was before so much ravish'd. I only bid him look back on the relation, which Lewis the Iust had to Lewis the Fourteenth, and then let him try to vindicate himself for overturning the Trophies of the Father, in the same Book, wherein he declares, that He travell'd abroad in a Waggon, to spread the glo­ry of the Son.

But the Fame of those dead Princes is plac'd above [Page 149] the reach of his Envy: let us, Sir, consider how he be­haves himself towards the living. What a long Story (or rather, as he himself stiles it, Romance) has he here made, of the life of Vlefelt the Dane, on which he builds the justification of his Crimes, and condemns the King of Denmark's Iustice? And yet at the same time he acknowledges, that He took the whole Relation, only from the Mouth of Vlefelt's own Wife. After this, have the Kings of China any great reason to be [Page 150] proud of this Mans good will? when he has here ex­press'd no more Judgment, nor Integrity, then from the single and partial Infor­mation of a Woman, to ac­quit a man that had been hang'd in Effigie in Den­mark, and has been since kill'd as he was pursued for High Treason?

Upon the sight of all this, Sir, I may well return se­curely Home, to examine his opinion of the Imper­fections of our State. And here I must not forget to [Page 151] acquaint you, that he is not all over Satyrical; But in several places he sprinkles some few kind words to our advantage. Yet his Com­mendations are so directly contrary to his reproaches; that instead of reconciling me to him, they rather sup­ply me with new arguments against him. And who can desire an easier Adver­sary to deal with, then such a one, who, when he speaks against us, opposes evident Truth, when he speaks for us, contradicts himfelf?

[Page 152]This Inconsistence of his own mind with it self, is ap­parent in this Political part of his Relation, which now comes under my Censure: He confesses, Our King to be one of the best Princes in the World: P. 123. He declares, that His Majesty us'd him with all imaginable sweetness, and that by the Charms of His Discourse, he sent him away as well pleas [...]d, as if he had loaded him with his Presents. P. 120. I intreat you now, Sir, to recollect, how this, and that which follows hangs together.

[Page 153]First, He suggests, P. 124. that perhaps there was not so much pretence for the people to rebel in the late Kings time, as there is at this present. In the re­ply which I shall make to this Passage, I cannot, Sir, confine my self to the bare limits of a satisfactory An­swer: but I must permit my Zeal for the Prosperity of our Country, to break forth into Expressions of Joy, and Gratitude. It is fit that all the World should know, that as our King was restor'd with the most mira­culous [Page 154] submission of minds, and interests, that ever any History can shew: as he was establish'd on the Throne of his Ancestors, while there were two mighty Armies on Foot, that had fought against him and his Father: so there can be no difficulty in con­tinuing this quiet, now he has all the power of the Na­tion in his hands, and now his Enemies are scattered, and disarm'd (if yet he can be thought to have any real Enemies, after so ma­ny Heroick Testimonies of [Page 155] his Mercy) The condition of all his affairs abroad is in such a posture, in respect of his Neighbors, that he is as far from being lyable to re­ceive Injuries unreveng'd, as he is averse in his own disposition from doing wrongs unprovok'd. And the small dissentions that still remain on some of his Subjects minds at home, are so far from hazarding the safety, that they will rather make for the Honor of his Reign. For by his renew'd and generous indeavors to­wards [Page 156] the composing of these differences, there will arise for him a continued succession of Peaceful Tri­umphs, of which the occa­sions had been wanting to him, if he had found us all of one mind. And many such Victories as these, we may justly presage to our Sovereigns future Govern­ment. The Forces which he employs against those few that are still contuma­cious, which are those of Affability, and Forgiveness, are impossible to be resisted. [Page 157] Who ever contends with his Adversaries with those wea­pons, he has not only his own Virtues, but theirs on his side. And as these are the surest Conquests, so they are of the greatest renown. In the Triumphs of Warr, his Souldiers, his Comman­ders, and even Fortune it self, would come in for a share in the Fame: But those which are obtain'd by pity, and by pardoning, have no Partners in the ho­nor, but are wholy to be at­tributed to the King himself.

[Page 158]But for a proof of our calm and well-secur'd con­dition, I appeal from this Triflers Conjectures, to the Parliament it self, which is the true Representative of the Affections of the whole Kingdom. If he would have been willing to refer the matter to their decision, he might have found all things so free from any like­lyhood of new disturban­ces, that they have been still as inclin'd to be severe a­gainst the Kings ill-willers, as he himself has been to be [Page 159] gentle: and so sollicitous to guard his Royal Person, with their lives and fortunes, as he has been carefull, that he might need no other de­fence, but his own good­ness.

Yet since he is resolv'd not to stand to the determi­nation of that great Assem­bly, which he modestly terms an extravagant Body, P. 130. let us see what reports he has pick [...]d up amongst the mal­contents of the Vulgar: He says, that they every where complain of the neglect of the [Page 160] interest of Trade, of the mis­spending of the Treasure, of the oppressions of the Court, and of the decrease of our glory at Sea.

All this, Sir, he professes to take from the murmurs of the multitude. P. 130. And if they are guilty of such discour­ses, more then the Commu­nalty of other Countries, they justly deserve the Ti­tles that he gives them, of a suspicious, a sullen, an insolent, and an envious Generation. But then, Sir, if the mean and ignorant people ought [Page 161] so much to be condemn'd for upbraiding their Go­vernors, though they only do it in private, when they are heated with drink, and under the protection of a cloud of Tobacco smoak: P. 130. what punishment does that Hi­storian deserve, who thought good to collect their dis­contents, and to make him­self worse then the Au­thors of them, by being the first that reports them in this publick way? What credit could he expect to get, by repeating these low [Page 162] scandalls, when it was dis­honourable for him only to confess, that he came into such places, and companies, where he might over-hear them? This Reprehension, Sir, he ought to have under­gone, if all this that he re­lates had been true: But if we take it in pieces, we shall find that [...]e libells the very Suburbs, and that his ink is black enough to re­present the worst slanders of the Rabble, in darker colours then their own.

As for the repinings [Page 163] which he heard concerning the diminution of Trade: You know, Sir, that it is the publique, and the cheerfull voice of all Englishmen, that are ingag'd in Traffick, that there have been farr more incouragements for Mer­chants, and more vigorous attempts for the advance­ment of Commerce, within these four years and half, then in many ages before. I might for a proof of this allege the Royal Council, that is particularly set up for that purpose. I might in­stance [Page 164] in the increase of the Customes, which from thir­ty or forty thousand pounds in the latter end of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, do now amount to almost four hundred thousand a year. I might urge all the Procla­mations for the prohibiting of foreign Manufactures, and for the improvement of our own: I might reckon up the many new Statutes for the repairing of Ha­vens, the mending of High­waies, and the cutting of Ri­vers: But it is enough only [Page 165] to mention the Institution of the Royal Fishing, and the Royal Company: In both which our King has pros­perously begun a Designe, which will infallibly make the English the Masters of the Trade of the world; and that is the bringing in of our Gentry, and Nobility, to contribute towards it. When this shall be brought about, not all the little Crafts of the Hollanders, P. 151, 152, 153. (which he magnifies so much) will serve their turn: But the English will outgo [Page 166] them in Industry, and Stock, as much as they do already in Shoars, in Ports, in Ships, in Valour, in Vertue. This, Sir, we shall undoubtedly live to see accomplish'd, [...]ee­ing the Gentlemen of Eng­land have so great an Ex­ample before them; of a King, who does not only make the Arts of Com­merce and Navigation his business, and his interest, but his very delight and re­creation.

What he says of our Treasure, is most impudent­ly [Page 167] objected against that Prince, who has retrench'd himself in those expences which his Predecessors maintain'd, when the Re­venue of the Crown was farr less. And he chose a very unseasonable time, P. 132. to pro­claim, that the Blood-suckers of the Court devour the peo­ple, when those Blood-suckers have parted with their very Food, and the an­tient Dues of their Offices, to lessen the charge of the Publique. But his loudest outcrie concerns the loss [Page 168] of our Dominion at Sea. P. 130. And here he most invidiously com­pares the times of the Rump, with our present Naval Power. First of all, he might have understood, that the Fleets which were then set forth against the Dutch did main­ly consist of the late Kings Ships; and also that the whole Estates of the Crown, the Clergy, most of the No­bility, and Gentry, and in­deed well nigh of the whole Nation were then at the Vsurpers disposal. From hence he might have con­cluded, [Page 169] that even the Glo­ry of their Victories is not so much to be given to the Riches and Interest of Scott, Hasilrig, or Vane, as to the Treasures of the King, and the Royal Party. But be­sides this, Sir, What will he be able to answer me, when I shall tell him, that our King has made our Sea-provisions far stronger then ever they were in any Age or Countrey before; and that too only by the help of a Revenue bounded by Law, and limited to the [Page 170] strict Rules of Justice? of the truth of this, he might speedily have been con­vinc't, if he had visited any one of our Royal Stores, in­stead of describing Smith­field, Bedford Garden, the Conduits of London, More­fields, Hatfield Fishponds, and St Catharines College in Ox­ford. Never was there a greater abundance of Ma­terialls in readiness! Ne­ver more skillfull Builders! Never more formidable Preparations! Never more expert Seamen! Never [Page 171] more valiant Commanders! and, in one word to perfect all, never a Braver Admiral! An Admiral of whose un­daunted courage, unwearied diligence, and fortunate Conduct, all the Nations round about us have be­held so many unquestiona­ble proofs, even from the very first years of his youth. And if I thought that all the men of Honor, wherewith France now a­bounds, were not yet satis­fied how little Monsieur de Sorbiere deserves to be Histo­riographer [Page 172] Royal, I would de­sire no other instance to prove it, then only this; that when he declares he came into England, to con­tent his curiosity, to see all the rare things, and men a­mongst us, Praef. yet he scarce mentions the Duke of York.

I will admit that hither­to he has only recited the extravagancies of the Rab­ble; let us now, Sir, come to that place, wherein he has chiefly exercised the profoundness of his skill, his own speculations, on the [Page 173] defects of our Monarchy, and the Factions of our Court. And that you may know how conversant he has been in all intrigues of State, as well as those of the Muses, I will give you his positive determination of one of the gravest points of Policy that ever was debated at a Council Table; and it shall be in his own words, to his intimate Friend Monsieur de Vaubrun. P. 116, 117. To you Monsieur de Vaubrun (says he) being my Bosome Friend, a man that esteems me much, and one [Page 174] whom I honour infinitely, being also a Gentleman, that loves justice, as well as fighting; I will reveal the bottom of my heart, and tell you the most secret of all my thoughts. What weighty matter does he introduce with this so­lemne Preface? He com­plains that the learned men of the English are not enough communicative. P. 93. Certainly we shall find him of a bet­ter temper: No doubt he will now unfold some new Principle of Policy, and of the Laws of Humane Socie­ty, [Page 175] which he has discover'd, that is not yet ripe for the publique, and only fit to be committed to the trust of a particular confident. It proves so indeed! The Ora­cle w ^ch he immediately pro­nounces, is this: P. 171. That Man was not made by Nature to fight with Man, but rather to injoy the Benefits of peace: that God has not given us horns, hoofs, or claws; but

This, Sir, is all the migh­ty Mystery, of which he discharges his breast with [Page 176] so much Ceremony. And in which is he now more ridiculous, his History, or his Policy? His History, in speaking so many false re­proaches aloud; his Policy, in whispering such trifles with so much caution. I beseech you, Sir, let us allow him the reputation of this new invention intire. Though he did not think fit to name the famous Author of the Lunar Globe, which he saw in the Kings Closet: Yet I intend to be juster to him: And I will propose [Page 177] this Epitaph to be grav'd on his Tomb; Hic jacet primus Author hujus senten­tiae, Pax Bello Potior.

This, Sir, is one tryal of his Contemplative, you shall have more of his Practical Politicks. He has ventur'd to declare the Queen Mothers thoughts, P. 127. about her most private, and Domestick concernments; which were so near to her, that it was impossible for a thousand Madame Fiennes, to have given him any instruction about them. And in this [Page 178] he had no reverence for the greatest, and the most vertuous Princess of this Age, for the Mother of our King, nor for the Daughter of Henry the Great. He has made a disadvantageous Character on my Lord St. Albans to the French Na­tion, P. 128. where he was before so well known, and where he liv'd long in so much honour. He has presum'd on the King himself: he sawcily conjectures at the reasons of the choice of his Ministers, P. 129. as if he had [Page 179] been admitted into his Royal Breast as well as his Cabinet. He says, P. 121. that His Majesty is forc'd to be familiar with his Nobility, and Gentry, to keep their esteem and good will: and so he endeavours to bring down those Vertues, of which he himself receiv'd so many proofs, to be only works of necessity. But seeing he confesses this ge­nerous affability to be able to hinder the Kings Sub­jects from rebellion, me­thinks it might have pre­vail'd on a mean stranger, [Page 180] to [...]pare the Reputation of his Kingdomes. He insi­nuates, P. 132. that the true Sovereign Power amongst us resides in the People. Which is a Do­ctrine that was scarce ever heard of in England till the year Forty eight, and va­nish'd in Sixty. He af­firms, P. 148. that there is a mixture of all sorts of Government in the composition of our State, notwithstanding that we have so many Acts of Par­liament that devolve the whole power on the Crown. His long discourse of the [Page 181] Privileges of the House of Commons, P. 133, to 143. and the degrees of their increase, is nothing, but a wild Whimsy of his owne Brain. There is no men­tion in any English Historian, that Edward the first, P. 137. was the King that first call [...]d Knights, and Burgesses, to sit in Parli­ament: or that when they were so conven'd, he only us'd their Counsel, and rejected those of the Nobility and Gen­try. And yet upon these imaginary faults, of which he supposes Edward the first Guilty, he here takes him in­to [Page 182] his discipline, P. 141, 142, 143. reads to him a tedious Lecture of the Arts of Government, and treats the Wisest and most Victori­ous Prince of Christendom in that time, as imperiously as if he had been a Cadet of the House of Suze. But I am weary, Sir, of taking notice of such errors, which are only mistakes in History or Chronology. At least I need not go three hundred years back for them, seeing he is so much besides the Truth, in his account of the most Renown'd action in this [Page 183] Age: the Kings Return: Which he wholly attributes to the Presbyterians. P. 58. All the circumstances of that glo­rious Restauration are still, Sir, fresh in our memories: the very noy [...]e of those Tri­umphs, w ^ch fill'd the whole World with admiration, seems to be yet [...]carce out of our Ears. And shall we suffer him to fix all the ho­nour of that Immortal Work on a private Sect? Where­as it was accompli [...]h'd by the immediate favour of di­vine Providence, by the [Page 184] Wisedom of a Victorious Ge­neral, by the perpetual and immoveable Fidelity of the Royal Party, by the Hands, the Wishes, the Tongues, and the united Desires of three Kingdoms. 'Tis true indeed, the Presbyterians went along with the mighty Tor­rent; But the whole course of this happy Violence is not therefore to be attribu­ted to them. You see, Sir, I am unawares fallen into a Metaphor, which does best resemble that Enterprize. It was in that, as in a sud­den [Page 185] Land-Flood, which, as it comes down, carries with it Trees, and Stones, and Houses, and all that it meets in the way. And even all these which lay before quiet, nay which resisted the first Waters while they were weak, do add to the impetu­osity of the Current, when it is going. But we must not therefore say that the Flood it self took its rise from thence: seeing it was, in truth, caus'd by Rain coming down from Heaven, and by Streams flowing in [Page 186] from every part of the Country. This allusion, Sir, I think does represent the whole matter to your mind. If it does not, how­ever I have return'd Monse­eur de Sorbiere, an ill Simili­tude for one of his, where he compares the Protestants to the Ottoman Empire: P. 47. which is so much an Intrigue of the Muses, that I will challenge all the Witts of England, and France, to interpret it. But if the Covenanters shall still be fond of this praise, which he here allows them, [Page 187] let them remember of how little value his Panegyricks are, seeing he calls Vsefelt a Heroe: and if they will still maintain that they restor'd the King, let them take heed lest some mischievous Royallist should tell them, that in one sence they did indeed occasion the Kings Restoration. But in the same that Quintus Maximus meant after he had reco­ver'd Tarentum: who gave this answer to another Ro­man that had lost that place before, and yet boafted [Page 188] what share he had in re­gaining it. 'Tis true (says he) it was by your means indeed; Nam nisi tu perdi­disses Tarentum, ego nunquam recuperassem.

But the chief Secret into which he has pierc'd, is the late Controversie between my Lord Chancellor, and the Earl of Bristol. What subtle conclusions does he draw from it? what pro­phetical visions does he here reveal, concerning the terrible disturbances, that shall arise to our Govern­ment, [Page 189] many ages hence, from an accident, which was at an end, before he got back to Paris? What a formal division has he made of the whole Nation? Homer him­self is not so punctual in marshalling the forces of the Greeks, and the Trojans: nor is there lesse fiction in this History, then in his Poe­try. P. 126, 127. On the Earl of Bri­stols quarter, he places the dis­contented against the Court, the City of London, the Pres­byterians that brought in the King, the House of Lords, a [Page 190] great, and a strong party of the House of Commons, which he says is the true Body of that extravagant Body the Parlia­ment. An Army numerous and formidable. On the Lord Chancellors side, P. 127, 128, 129. he ranks the Royal Family, the Bishops, Dea [...]s, and Chapters, all the Nobility, all the Rich Mer­chants, and Burgesses, (though he had before bestow'd the House of Lords, and the City of Lon­don on the Earl of Bristol.) Thus he has drawn the whole Kingdome into Bat­talia: It is but now perfor­ming [Page 191] his office of Trum­peter, and a dreadfull Battle will no doubt ensue. But how comes it to pass that all these Rumors of mighty warrs did vanish on the sudden? Was it because they were English Cowards, P. 21. and dar'd not fight? Alas, Sir, all this was only a fine story of incounters in the Air, whereof there was no other foundation then in the wild fancies of his own making. And may we not give that Character of our Historian, which he does of [Page 192] one of the Noble Comba­tants, P. 126. that his great Wit has inclin'd him to be Romantick? Is not this the true trick of a Romancer, to bring in ma­ny Princes fighting together in a wood, without giving any account how they came thither?

But the danger is over. All is quiet again; and long may it so keep. For to speak t'yee, Sir, from the bot­tome of Monsieur de Sorbier's heart, Peace is better then Warr. Well then. P. 129. He grants that the Victory did a [Page 193] little incline to my Lord Chan­cellor's Party: yet he has shewn the bravery of his own mind, by defying the Conquerour. And here, Sir, I confess he has driven me upon one of the tenderest points in the world; which is the speaking concerning the fame of a great Man, while he is living. But I entreat you to lay before your eyes the many power­full arguments, by which I am mov'd at least to give a true testimony, though not a long elogie, concerning him. [Page 194] My Lord Chancellor is a man through whose hands the greatest part of all the pub­lique and private businesses of our Countrey do pass [...] And it will be most disho­nourable for us, to suffer his name to be revil'd in this manner, while he is scarce at leisure to look to its defence himself, by rea­son of his eternal Labors for the publique Justice and Safety. And besides this, Sir, I can, for my own par­ticular, allege another mo­tive of nearer concernment. [Page 195] For I am to consider my self, as a Member of the Royal Society, and the Vni­versity of Oxford, and the Earl of Clarendon, as Pro­tector of one them, and Chan­cellor of the other.

These, Sir, are some of his true Titles, however Monsieur de Sorbiere is pleas'd to pass them over, and give him worse in their stead. First of all, he says that he is a Presbyterian. P. 125. At this ridiculous scandall, I assure you, Sir, I am not much griev'd. I was (to [Page 196] tell you true) in a terrible affright, when I read what he reports, P. 127. that almost all the City of London are Pres­byterians. But now this passage has compos'd my mind again: For it is like to be a very exact compu­tation, which he has made of that Sect, when the first man that he names for a Presbyterian, is my Lord Chan­cellor. He next tells us, that he is a man of the Law; a shamefull disgrace: the Lord Chancellor of England [...] whose Office it is to govern [Page 197] and moderate the Law, is a Lawyer. As if I should en­deavour to lessen the credit of Monsieur de Vaubrun, and prove him unfit to be Go­vernour of Philippe Ville, and Colonel of Light-horse, by objecting that he is a Soul­dier; or of Monsieur de Sorbiere to be Historiographer Royal, by saying that he is skill'd in Historie. But he is a Lawyer, and Statesman at once. Can this be any more disparagement to him, then it is to the whole Body of Lawyers in France, who [Page 198] in all times have manag'd the greatest Imployments of that State? Could he not have recollected, before he writ this, that Monsieur de Segnier, the present Chan­cellor of France, is a Gentle­man of the Long Robe? You see, Sir, what a good Saty­rist we have here got, who would undertake to abuse an English Statesman with such an argument, which must at the same time re­flect as much upon his own Countreymen, his chief Friends, and Patrons [...] to [Page 199] whom he directs his Speech. But the worst is still behind. My Lord Chancellor is utterly ignorant of the Belles Lettres. P. 125. This accusation is as decent as all the former. He dis­likes our Carriers, for not b [...] ­ing Courtly; our Souldiers, for not putting off their Hatts well; our Bishops, for their Gravity; and our States-men, for not be­ing Grammarians, and Cri­ticks. But I will prove to him, by his own confession, that My Lord Chancellor de­serves not this reprehensi­on, and that he is a man [Page 200] skillful in all Polite Learn­ing. He himself allows him to be a great Politician, P. 126. and a very Eloquent Man. I have obtain'd, Sir, what I desir'd. You see how easy it is to justify the Earl of Claren­don, seeing the very man, that vilifies him, does at the same time gainsay himself, and suggest to me his pray­ses, without my interposing any word in his commenda­tion. If we should graunt, that a man may chance to be a great dealer in Politicks, without understanding any [Page 201] thing else (which y [...]t no­thing but Monsieur de Sorbi­ere [...]s own example in this place, can perswade us to be possible) yet how can he be thought to attain to a perfect Eloquence without any skill in the Civil Arts? Where now is his Polite Learning? whence did he fetch this Idea of E­loquence? Let him produce his Notes out of Aristotle, Tully, Quintilian, Seneca, or any of the Rhetoricians of Antiquity; And then let him tell me, whether they do not all with one voyce [Page 202] consent, that an Orator must of necessity be acquainted with all sorts of useful know­ledg? But because he is so free in his reproof of my Lord Chancellors unskillful­ness in the Belles Lettres: I pray, Sir, what signs has this great Aristarchus him­self given, of his own pro­ficience in them? Where do we find in him any foot­steps of the True Spirit of the Grecian or Roman Wit? What reason have we to en­vy his judgment in the Clas­sical Authors, when all the [Page 203] proof that he has given in this Book, of his being con­versant in them, are only three or four pedantical Quotations, of which the chief is,

Thus farr, Sir, in re­ply to him: But more is to be added concerning the Honourable Person, of whom he speaks in such mean terms. My Lord Chan­cellor is a Gentleman of a very antient Family, of which Mr Cambden makes mention in his Britannia. [Page 204] His Education and first years were spent in a strict familiarity with many of the most Famous Men, not only of that Age, but per­haps of any other: of whom (to pass by some Reverend and Learned Church-men that are living) it is enough to name Mr Chillingsworth, and the Lord Falkland. His first application to the Affairs of his Countrey, was in a time wherein ex­traordinary fidelity and sufficience were requir'd. His Services to the late [Page 205] King were requited by the committing of many emi­nent Businesses to his ma­nagement; and by a very high share in his Majesties Favour; of which there are indelible proofs in many places of that Excellent Prince's Letters. Under him he was Chancellor of the Exchequer, Privy Counsellor, and design'd Secretary of State. Since that time h [...] was Extraordinary Embassa­dor into Spain, and attended his present Master in his Misfortunes, which was un­doubtedly [Page 206] the most glorious Scene of Honour in the world. By these several degrees of Great Imploy­ments, he ascended to that illustrious Station which he now enjoyes. And as for the Qualifications of his Minde, if it be needfull to adde any thing to the Votes of the Royal Society, and the Vniversity of Oxford, I will declare, that of all the men of great worth, who have possess'd that High Office, since Learning and the Ci­vill Arts came amongst us, [Page 207] there was never any man that has so much resem­bled Sir Thomas More, and the Lord Bacon, in their se­veral Excellencies, as the Earl of Clarendon.

There might, Sir, much more be answer'd against all his false Insinuations, con­cerning the Political Condi­tion of England. But I have seen a Book of Monsieur de Sorbiere's Discourses and Let­ters, whereof many were written to the late Cardinal Mazarini; and they are so full of gross flatteries, that [Page 208] they have wholly turn'd my stomach, from speaking any more of State Affairs: So that in truth, in the present humour into which the rea­ding of them has put me, I had much rather offend on the other extream, by an unjust silence, then by im­pertinent praises of the English Government. I will therefore conclude this whole matter, as I began it, by reflecting on a Passage of his own, in the story of Vlefelt; wherein he has gi­ven undeniable testimony, [Page 209] that he is wholly ignorant of the Rights of Princes, the true Policy, and the Law of Nations. He af­firms, P. 184. that Vlefelt fled into Sweden; that he became there­by effectually a Traytor, that he was the cause of the Swedes last invasion into Denmark, by advising Carolus Gustavus to turn his Army, from the Poles, against Coppenhagen. These are his own words. And what more apparent Crime could there be then this, which had like to have drawn after it the utter Ru­ine [Page 210] of that Kingdome? P. 186. And yet immediately after he professes, that he makes no doubt, but the Illustrious He­roes, Vlefelt, and his Wife, will live to see their great merits acknowledg'd, and to enjoy in peace the applauses that are due to them for their fidelity to their King, and their zeal for the Fundamental Laws of their Countrey.

But this, Sir, I suppose, is one of those which he himself calls the Besueues of his stile: Pref. which though (as he says) Monsieur de Vau­brun [Page 211] uses to forgive, yet the King of France did not think fit to pass by.

This is the Idea that he has drawn of the Manners, the Religion, and the Govern­ment of the English. But these are not the subjects which he principally re­gards: such matters as these, he confesses, that he only uses to touch upon, as they come in his way. Pref. I will now therefore, Sir, consider his commerce with the chief heads of Parnassus, Ep. De. and his intri­gues of the Muses; that is [Page 212] (to speak plain sence, with­out the help of Apollo) I will examine some particulars in the account that he gives of the state of knowledge a­mongst us: This is the ar­gument in which he tri­umphs: This is a Busi­ness in whose promotion he has spent the whole course of his life. Ep. De. And that he may ap­pear not to have bestow'd all his labour in vain, I will allow, that he ought to be numbred amongst the men of Learning; Provided that he be content with that [Page 213] definition w ^ch he himself has laid down of Learned men in general; For he says, that it is the good custome of such men, P. 96. to render themselves ri­diculous by their malignity, and their Billings-gate-language. In conformity to this de­scription, besides what is al­ready past, let us now be­hold what he reports of Dr. Wallis, Dr. Willis, Mr. Hobbs, the Royal Society, the English Stage, their Eloquence, their Language, and their Authors.

Dr. Wallis he condemns for his ill usage of Mr. Hobbs [Page 214] in the Mathematical Contro­versies that have pass [...]d be­tween them. I will not en­deavour to make any de­fence for this knowing and acute Professor, as he grants him to be. But yet let me say, that if Monsieur de Sor­biere himself being the Judg, so much modesty of lan­guage ought to be pre­serv'd, even in the conten­tions of Wit and Argument, when Passion is apt to over­bear the most temperate Minds; then certainly he himself ought to have been [Page 215] careful of keeping to the same rule, in an Historical Relation, wherein he had no adversary to put him into a heat, and nothing but his own natural peevishness to exasperate his Anger. Dr. Wallis Entertain'd him at his house, made him partake of his Experiment upon a dumb Man, and behold the Model of a flat Floor, which (he says) did raise admiration in Mr. Hobbs himself. P. 94, 95. And for all this, he might have deserv'd at least, to have been pass'd by in silence. But he had [Page 216] a good subject to be merry with, for want of Polish Mu­sick, and he must needs give the receipt of making an Vniversity Cap. P. 100. Take a Portefueille: cover it with black Cloth: fix a tuft of Silk upon it: and sew it to a Calot: and you have a perfect four corner'd Scholastical Bonnet. Do you not now wonder, Sir, why he did not call himself Taylor, as well as Trumpeter, to the Common­wealth of Learning? What kind of good breeding is this? How can he, after this, [Page 217] object to Dr. Wallis, that he has little in him of the Gallant Man? P. 100. Whose behavior has the strongest scent, and wants most to be purify'd by the air of the Court? P. 101. The Geometrician receives him kindly at his Table: The Historiographer Laughs at the habit of his Host. While he allows him extra­ordinary abilities, that are proper to himself, he abuses him for that, which is com­mon with him to the Sorbo­nists in France, and almost all the Vniversities and Clergy­men in Christendom.

[Page 218]He declares that he profi­ted very little by Dr. Willis's company, because he could not understand his Latin. P. 94. And upon this he objects, P. 94. that all the English pronounce that Language with such an odd Tone, as renders it almost as difficult to strangers, as our own Tongue. I might here, Sir, allege in defence of our pronuntiation, that We do as all our neighbors besides: We speak the antient Latin, after the same way that we pronounce our Mother Tongue, so the Germans do, [Page 219] so the Italians, so the French. But the obscurity of our Speech being not only his complaint, but of many o­ther Foreiners, I will not stand long in its justificati­on. There are so many pecu­liar slanders of greater con­cernment, w ^ch he alone has fix'd upon us, that I will not regard this small objection, wherein there may be o­thers, that agree with him. But however, Sir, from hence I may observe, that it was therefore impossible for him to take a right measure [Page 220] of the English Manners, and Disposition, seeing he was in­capable of holding any sort of correspondence with us. He was not in a condition of being inform'd by our Gentry, our Farmers, or our Tradesmen, because he under­stood no English: nor by our Schollars, our Physitians, our Divines, our Mathemati­cians, because he professes, that our Latin was unintelli­gible to him.

But to return, Sir, to Dr. Willis: I am able to give another Reason, why Mon­sieur [Page 221] de Sorbiere did profit so little by his Conversation. The substance of it was reported to me from Dr. Willis his own Mouth. And I doubt not, but the remarkable sincerity, and integrity, which [...] that excellent Man preserves in all his Writings, would make this character of the other's vanity to be believ'd, though we had not so many other proofs of it. When Monsieur de Sorbiere came first to visit him; the Doctor esteem'd him to be a man of some real and solid [Page 222] knowledg: the great names of Des Cartes, and Mersennas, which he hath frequently in his Mouth, might have perswaded him as much: he began to treat him accor­dingly: he enter'd into di­scourse with him, about some parts of Chymistry, and Physick, in which he desir [...]d his opinion. The Profes­sor deliver'd it franckly, and plainly, as it became a Philosopher, without de­ceipt or ornament. But expecting that he would have continued the Argu­ment, [Page 223] with some material Objection, he soon found that the Traveller under­stood nothing of the whole matter: but answer'd him, as little to the purpose, as if he had only said Pax Bello Potior. He try'd him in other subjects. But no­thing could he get of him, except only some few Phi­losophical terms, P. 206. and ends of Poetry, as In puris natu­ralibus Ex aequo & Bono con­tundantur grosso modo. P. 188. Homo est animal credulum & men­dax; and Os homini. Upon [Page 224] this he gave him over, as he would have done a yongtra­veller of twenty years old, & left him to reckon the College Quadrangles, P. 102. to tell the Pil­lars in Saint Iohn's Cloysters, to commend their Grove, P. 103. to measure King Harry's Sword, to describe Saint Catherines College (if there be any such there,) P. 105. to examine why one of the Colleges took its name from a Brazen Nose, P. 102. to number the Books in the Bodleian Liberary, P. 103. to consider why it was built in the form of an H. and to count how many Folios, P. 104, 105. and how ma­ny [Page 225] Quar [...] are above and be­low in every Shelf. These, Sir, he perceiv'd were fit­ter Subjects for Monsieur de Sorbiere [...]o handle. And he has confirm'd this his Opinion of him to be true. For his long Tale of his Journy to Oxford, is made up of such childish con­templations: While he was speaking of that place, which for the beauty, and convenience of its buil­dings, for the vastness of its revenue, and above all, for the sobriety, the virtue, and [Page 226] the piety of its discipline, is to be prefer'd before all others that have been ever dedicated to liberal Stu­dies, in the past, or present times.

But here, Sir, I confess I have been a little too rigid upon him. It was ill done of me, to expect that he should on the sudden turn so unlike himself, as to give a good account of our Vniversity alone. I will not therefore bestir my self a­gainst him, for having omit­ted the most memorable [Page 227] things in Oxford. My quar­rel to him now is upon an­other score. He has here committed a grosse over­sight in his own way: For in this exact enumeration of all our fine Rarities, he has wholy pass'd by one famous Curiosity, which was of all others the most proper for such an Historiographer, or at least for such a Trumpeter to mention, and that is Queens College Horn.

From his new acquain­tance, I proceed to his rudeness, towards the only [Page 228] man in England, to whom he professes himself to have been long familiar. P. 65. Mr. Hobbs was the chief man for whose sake he came over, and he speaks very many great things in his commendation: he prayses his good humor, P. 66. his ex­cellent Wit, the vigor of his old Age, P. 97. and his long and diligent search into Nature. After this, Sir, you will perhaps think that this Philosopher is safe from his invectives. But you will find it other­wise, he commends him in­deed for that, upon which [Page 229] Mr. Hobbs lays not so much stress, for his good Breeding: but he wounds him in the most dangerous place, his Philosophy, and his under­standing. He very kindly reports of him, P. 97. that he is too dogmatical in his Opinions: P. 99. that he Writ against the Church of Rome, because he never had a right Idea of it, in his thoughts, and because he had only read the controversies on the Protestant side. How d [...]ye think, Sir, this will sound to Mr. Hobbs, who professes to have reduc'd all [Page 230] the Politicks to demonstra­tions, when his Translator shall tell him, that he con­cluded against a Church, and a Religion, before he had heard one word that could be said in their defence? The Title of Dogmatical which he gives him, being propounded by a declar'd Sceptick, was the worst fault that could be charg'd on a Philosopher: and indeed it is the same, that he bestows on Borri, From P. 177. to 199. while he strives in a long Story, to render him to appear nothing but a foolish [Page 231] Charletan. But let him not fear. I have no mind to aggravate this injury to Mr. Hobbs. It is the particular manner of his passing this judgment upon him, of which I will take notice. He tells the World that Mr. Hobbs was censur'd for Dogma­tical, P. 97. between his Majesty, and himself, in his private discourse with him. And is not Mon­sieur de Sorbiere a very fit man, to upbraid to Dr. Wal­lis, his want of good manners: when he himself is at once rude to his antient Friend, [Page 232] and insolent to the King himself, in betraying what he was pleas'd to Whisper to him in his Cabi­net.

But however, to comfort Mr. Hobbs for this affront, I dare assure him, that as for Monsieur de Sorbiere's part, he understands not his Philo­sophy. Of this I will give an unanswerable testimony, and that is the resemblance that he makes of him, P. 97. to the Lord Verulam: Between whom there is no more like­ness, then there was between [Page 233] St. George and the Waggoner [...] P. 97, 98. He says that Mr. Hobbs was once his Amanuen [...]is; that from thence he has retein'd very much of him: that he has Studied his manner of turning things: that he just expresses himself in that way of Allegory, wherein the o­ther excell'd: and that he is in Truth a very remaine of my Lord Bacon. This, Sir, is his opinion: but how far from being True, let any man judg, that has but tasted of their Writings. I scarce know two men in the [Page 234] World, that have more dif­ferent colors of Speech, then these two great Witts: The Lord Bacon short, al­lusive, and abounding with Metaphors: Mr. Hobbs round, close, sparing of simili­tudes: but ever extraordi­nary decent in them. The one's way of reas'ning, pro­ceeds on particulars, and pleasant images, only sug­gesting new ways of expe­rimenting, without any pre­tence to the Mathematicks. The other's bold, resolv'd, setled upon general conclu­sions, [Page 235] and in them, if we will believe his Friend, Dogmatical.

But it is the Royal Society, to which he is most favou­rable, and that he may shew him self a great Benefactor to their designe, P. 86. he has be­stow'd Gresham College upon them. Whereas, you know, Sir, they only hold their present meetings there, by the permission of the Pro­fessors of the Foundation of Sir Thomas Gresham, to whom that house does be­long. We are beholding [Page 236] to him for this noble Boun­ty. But perhaps the Citizens of London, who are the over­seers of Sir Thomas Gresham's Will, may take it ill at his hands, especialy having such just ground to quarrel with him already: For he said before, that they are al­most all Presbyterians or Phanaticks.

He comes to describe the Weekly assemblies of the Royal Society: and he does it in words becoming a meeting of Natural Philo­sophers. The Vsher carries [Page 237] a great Silver Mace before the President, P. 88, 89, 90. Which is layd on the Cushion where he sits: they have a large Hall, and a handsom Anti-chamber: the place where they Assemble is Wainscotted: there is a long Table before the Chimny, seven or eight grey Chairs about it: some Benches behind, that are bare: the hindermost higher then the first: the President sits in a Chair with Arms: his back to the Chimny: holding a wooden Hammer in his hand, wherewith he sometimes knocks the Table to make silence. [Page 238] Can you, Sir, indure to read all this stuff with any pa­tience? I suffer'd his Tittle Tattle upon Rochester Bridg, upon the Eternal greeness of the Fields of Kent, upon the Walls of Lincolns-Inn-Fields, on the Guild-Hall, on the Rancks of Trees in Morefields, and many more such pretty Philosophical Discourses: But is not this a shameful signe of his weakness, that he has insisted so long on such mean circumstances, while he was describing a subject, that might have [Page 239] yielded him so much noble matter for his Pen? And when the Royal Society it self is so careful, that such ce­remonies should be just no more, then what are necessa­ry to avoyd confusion? What other Language should he have us'd then this, if he had been to in­form the World of his own Schole at Orange? Just so he should have proceeded. He should first have de­clar'd, whether the Room were Hung, or Wainscotted: Next, whether the Master [Page 240] sate with his back towards the Window, or the Chim­ny: then how many Seats there were for the Boys to sit upon: at last he should have drawn himself in a majestick Chair, his Ferula in his hand, and the poor Scholars trembling for fear at every rap on the Table.

But all this is still par­donable: he has been utterly mistaken in the report of their main design. There are two things, that they have most industriously a­voided, which he attributes [Page 241] to them: the one is a dividing into parties, and Sects; and the other, a reliance upon Books, for their intelligence of Nature. He first says, that they are not all guided by the authority of Gassendus, P. 92. or Des Cartes; but that the Mathe­maticians are for Des Cartes, and the Men of General Lear­ning for Gassendus. Where­as neither of these two Men bear any sway amongst them: they are never nam'd there as Dictators over men's Reasons; nor is there any extraordinary re­ference [Page 242] to their judgments. He also asserts that the Royal Society has appointed Lodgings, and establish'd four thousand Livres a year, P. 87, 88. upon two Pro­fessors, who shall read to them out of Authors, and that they have begun a Library for that purpose. Whereas they have as yet no Library, but on­ly a Repository for their Instruments, and Rarities: they never intend a Profes­sorian Philosophy, but de­clare against it: with Books they meddle not farther, then to see what Experi­ments [Page 243] have been try'd be­fore: their Revenue they designe for Operators, and not for Lecturers.

I now pass over to his chief delight, the Belles Lettres of the English. He grants our Stage to be handsom, the Musick tolerable, P. 167. better I sup­pose, then that of the Polack Gentleman. But yet he says that our Poets laugh at the Rules of Time, P. 167. and Place: that all our Playes contain the Actions of Five and Twenty years: P. 168. that we Marry a Prince in the First Act, and bring in [Page 244] his Son fighting in the Second, and his Grand-child in the Third. But here, Sir, he has committed a greater disorder of time, then that whereof he accuses our Stage: For he has con­founded the Reign of King Charles the Second, with that of Q. Elizabeth. 'Tis true, about an hundred years ago, the English Poets were not very exact in such de­cencies: But no more then were the Dramatists of any other Countries. The En­glish themselves did laugh [Page 245] away such absurdities as soon as any, and for these last Fifty years, our Stage has been as Regular in those Circumstances, as the best in Europe. Seeing he thinks [...]i [...] to upbraid our present Poets, with the errors of which their predecessors were guilty so long since: I might as justly impu [...]e the [...]ile absurdities that are to be found in Am [...]dis de Gaul, [...]o Monsieur de Corneille, de Scudery, de Chapelaine, de [...]oiture, and the rest of the [...]amous Modern French Wits.

[Page 246] P. 168.He next blames the mean­ness of the Humors which we represent. And here, because he has thrust this occasion upon me, I will venture to make a short comparison between the French Drama­tical Poetry, and ours. I doubt not, Sir, but I may do this with the leave of that witty Nation: For as long as I do not presume to slan­der their manners (from which you see I have care­fully forborn) I hope they will allow me to examine that which is but a matter [Page 247] of Wit, and delight: I will not enter into open defiance of them, upon Monsieur de Sorbiere's account, but I in­treat them to permit me on­ly to try a civill Turna­ment with them in his War of Letters. I will therefore make no scruple to maintain that the English Plays ought to be preferr'd before the French. And to prove this, I will not insist on an argu­ment, which is plain to a­ny observer, that the great­est part of their most excel­lent pieces have been taken [Page 248] from the Spaniard: where­as the English have for the most part trodden in new ways of Invention. From hence I will not draw much advantage: though it may [...]erve to balance that which he afterwards says of our Books, P. 169. that they are generally stoln out of other Authors. But I will fetch the grounds of my persuasion, from the very nature, and use, of the Stage it self. It is beyond all dispute, that the true in­tention of such Represen­tations, is, to give to man­kind [Page 249] a Picture of themselves; and thereby to make Virtue belov'd, Vice abhor'd, and the little irregularities of mens tempers, call'd hu­mors, expos'd to laughter. The Two first of these are the proper subjects of Tra­gedy, and Trage-Comedy. And in these I will first try to shew, why our way ought to be preferr'd before theirs. The French, for the most part, take only one, or two Great Men, and chiefly insist on some one remarkable accident of [Page 250] their Story: To this end, they admit no more Persons, then will barely serve to a­dorn that: And they ma­nage all in Rhythme, with long Speeches, almost in the way of Dialogues, in ma­king high Ideas of Honor, and in speaking Noble things. The English, on the other side, make their chief Plot to consist of a greater variety of Actions, and besides the main design, add many other little con­trivances. By this means, their Scenes are shorter, [Page 251] their Stage fuller, many more Persons of different Humors are introduc'd. And in carrying on of this, they generally do only con­fine themselves to blanck Verse. This is the diffe­rence. And hence the En­glish have these advantages. By the liberty of Prose, they render their Speech, and Pronuntiation, more natu­ral, and are never put to make a contention between the Rhythm, and the Sence. By their underplots, they often change the minds of [Page 252] their Spectators: which is a mighty Benefit, seeing one of the greatest Arts of Wit and persuasion, is the right ordering of Digressions. By their full Stage, they prevent men's being conti­nually tyr'd with the same Objects: and so they make the Doctrine of the Scene to be more lively, and divert­ing, then the precepts of Philosophers, or the grave delight of Heroick Poetry: which the French Tragedies do resemble. Nor is it sufficient to object against [Page 253] this, that it is undecent to thrust in men of mean con­dition, amongst the actions of Princes. For why should that misbecome the Stage, which is always found to be acted on the True Theatre of the World? There be­ing no Court, which only consists of Kings, and Queens, and Counsellors of State. Up­on these accounts, Sir, in my weak judgment, the French Drama ought to give place to the English, in the Tragical and lofty part of it. And now having ob­tain'd [Page 254] this, I suppose they will of their own accord resigne the other excellence, and confess that we have far exceeded them in the re­presentation of different Humors. The Truth is, the French have alwaies seem'd almost asham'd of the true Comedy: making it not much more then the subject of their Farses: whereas the English Stage has so much abounded with it, that perhaps there is scarce any sort of extrava­gance of which the minds [Page 255] of men are capable, but they have in some measure express'd. It is in Comedies, and not in Solemn Histories, that the English use to re­late the Speeches of Waggo­ners, of Fencers, and of Com­mon Souldiers. And this I dare assure Monsieur de Sor­biere, that if he had under­stood our Language, he might have seen himself in all his shapes, as a vain Tra­veller, an empty Politician, an insolent Pedant, and an idle pretender to Learning. But though he was not in a [Page 256] condition of taking advice from our Stage, for the cor­recting of his own Vices, yet methinks he might thereby have rectify'd his judgment about ours: he might well have concluded, that the English temper, is not so universally heavy and dumpish, when he beheld their Theatres, to be the gayest, and merriest in Eu­rope.

Concerning the English Eloquence, he bravely de­clares, P. 168, 169. that all their Sermons in the Pulpit, and Pleadings [Page 257] at the Bar, P. 168, 169. consist of nothing but mean pedantry. The cen­sure is bold, especially from a man that was so far from understanding our lan­guage, that he scarce knew, Whether we move our lips, P. 169. or no, when we speak. But to shew him, that we can bet­ter judge of Monsieur de Sor­bier's Eloquence, I must tell him, that the Muses and Parnassus are almost whip't out of our very Scholes: That there are many hun­dreds of Lawyers and Preach­ers in England, who have [Page 258] long known how to contemn such delicacies of his stile. I will only give one instance for all. I believe, he could scarce have Brib'd any Scriveners Clerk, to describe Hatfield as he has done, and so to conclude, P. 158. That the Fishes in the Ponds did often leap out of the water into the air, to behold, and to delight themselves with the beauties of that place.

I will not attempt to de­fend the Ornaments, or the Copiousnesse of our Language, against one that is utterly [Page 259] ignorant of it. But to shew how plentifull it is, I will only repeat an observation, which the Earl of Clarendon has made; That there is scarce any Language in the world, which can properly signify one English expressi­on, and that is Good Nature. Though Monsieur de Sorbiere will not allow the Noble Au­thor of this Note, to have any skill in Grammar Learning: Yet he must pardon me, if I still believe the observati­on to be true: At least, I assure you, Sir, that after all [Page 260] my search, I cannot find any one word in his Book, which might incline me to think otherwise.

But I will be content to lay the whole authority of his judgement in matters of Wit, and Elegance, upon what he sayes concerning the English Books. P. 168, 169. He af­firms, That they are only im­pudent thefts out of others, without citing their Authors, and that they contain nothing, but ill Rhapsodies of matter, worse put together. And here, Sir, I will for once do him a [Page 261] courtesie. I will suppose him not to have taken this one character of us, from the Soldier, the Zealander, the Puritans, or the Rabble of the Streets: I will grant he might have taken an ill con­ceit of our writings, before he came over, from the usu­all judgement, which the Southern wits of the world, are wont to passe on the wit of all Northern Countries. 'Tis true indeed, I think the French, and the Italians, would scarce be so unneigh­bourly, as to assert, that all [Page 262] our Authors are Theivish Pe­dants. That is Monsieur de Sorbier's own addition, but yet they generally agree, that there is scarce anything of late written, that is worth looking upon, but in their own Languages. The Italians did at first indeavour to have it thought, that all matters of Elegance, had never yet pass'd over the Alps: but being soon over­whelm'd by Number, they were content to admit the French, and the Spaniards into some share of the ho [...]nour. [Page 263] But they all three still maintain this united opi­nion, that all wit is to be sought for no where but a­mongst themselves: It is their establish'd Rule, that good sence has alwayes kept neer the warm Sun, and scarce ever yet dar'd to come farther then the forty ninth degree Northward. This, Sir, is a pretty imagination of theirs; to think they have confin'd all Art to a Geographicall Circle, and to fancy that it is there so charm'd, as not to be able [Page 264] to go out of the bounds which they have set it. It were certainly an easy and a pleasant work to confute this arrogant conception, by particular examples: It might quickly be shewn; that England, Germany, Hol­land, nay, even Denmark, and Scotland, have produc'd ve­ [...]y many men, who may just­ly come into competition with the best of these Southern wits, in the Ad­vancement of the true Arts of life, in all the works of solid reason, nay, even in [Page 265] the lighter studies of orna­ment, and humanity. And, to speak particularly of England, there might be a whole Volume compos'd in comparing the Chastity, the newnesse, the vigour of ma­ny of our English Fancies, with the corrupt, and the swelling Metaphors, where­with some of our Neighbors, who most admire themselves do still adorn their Books. But this, Sir, will require a larger discourse then I in­tend to bestow on Monsieur de Sorbiere. I am able to dis­patch [Page 266] him in [...]ewer words [...] For I wonder how, of all men living, it could enter into his thoughts, To con­demn in grosse the English Writings, when the best course that he has taken to make himself consider'd as a writer, was the Translation of an English Author.

But I beg your leave, Sir, that I may briefly add, That in the first Restoration of Learning, the English be­gan to write well, as soon as any, the Italians only except­ed: and that if we may [Page 267] ghesse by what we see of the Italians at this day, the Eng­lish have continued to write well, longer then they. Sir Thomas Moore was contem­porary with Erasmus, and though he was a man of the Law too, yet he yielded not much to that incomparable man, in the plenty of his in­vention, or the Masculine easinesse of his stile. And e­ver since that time down to this (if we may take a mea­sure of the English, by what Tully says of the Romans, in their most flourishing con­dition, [Page 268] that they had scarce above one excellent Poet or Orator in an age) we may make a very advantagious computation, for the ho­nour of our Country. We have at this present, as ma­ny Masters of true and re­all Wit, as ever Greece pro­duc'd in one age, whose names though I conceal, yet posterity shall declare. We have had many admirable Geniuses in Poetry, who have handled most of the antient and modern subjects of fan­cy, with wonderfull success. [Page 269] We can name many faithfull and diligent Historians, P. 185, 186. such as never strove to frame a Romance out of every story, that they manag'd. And the number of these will be shortly increas'd by the la­bours of a great man, from whom we hope to receive the History of our late warrs, a subject fit for the pen of a Privy Counsellor to Kings, who had himself a great share in the conduct of these affairs which he is to relate. Our Mathematicians we may al­most equall to those of all [Page 270] Europe besides: Our Physi­cians have long bin ap­plauded by all the Learned world; and certainly their Renowned Colledge at London deserv'd to have bin men­tioned, as well as the Fen­cers at the Red-Bull. Our famous Divines have been innumerable, as the Dutch­men may witnesse, who, in some of their Theologicall Treatises, have bin as bold with the English Sermons, as with our Fishing, and their robberies have bin so mani­fest, that our Church ought [Page 271] to have Reprisalls against them as well as our Mer­chants. We have had ma­ny Philosophers, of a strong, vigorous, and forcible judg­ment, of happy and labori­ous hands, of a sincere, a modest, a solid, an unaffect­ed expression, such who have not thought it enough to set up for Philosophers, only to have got a large stock of fine words, and to have insinuated into the acquaintance of some of the great Philosophers of the age. And above all, we [Page 272] have one small Book, which we dare oppose to all the Treasures of the Eastern, and Western Languages, it is that which was written by our Late King, and Martyr: Whose Ma [...]estical stile, and Divine Conceptions, have not only moved all his Readers to admire his Elo­quence, but inclin'd some of the worst of his enemies, to relent their Cruelty to­wards him.

After all these signs of his excellent judgment, and generous mind, there still, [Page 273] Sir, remains that which he has given of his good Palat, For he has boldly determin'd the controversie, that had long depended in all the Kitchings of England, and France, which is the best way of eating, Chines of Beef, and Mutton, or Bisques, and Potages. This, I confesse, was a mat­ter fit to be decided by that Historian, Critick, Mathe­matician, Orator, and Phy­sitian, Who had Travell'd throughout the world to ac­quaint himselfe with all the Learned men of all countries, [Page 274] and to push on all Sciences to perfection. He has here in­deed behav [...]d himselfe like the true naturall, and expe­rimental Philosopher, whose businesse it is to take in all manner of observations, that can be got from the Senses. You see, Sir, how fairly I treat him, I allow the ve­ry Criticisms of his appe­tite to be a part of his Phi­losophy; and I look upon his affection to Fricacies before whole Ioynts, to pro­ceed from his love to the Doctrine of Atoms, before [Page 275] that of the two great stand­ing dishes of Matter and Form. But yet I must tell him, that perhaps this Rigid condemning of the English Cookery, did not so well suit with his belov'd Title of Sceptick. According to the lawes of that profession, he should first have long debated whether there be any tast, or no; whether the steam of a pot be only a fancy, or a reall thing; whether the Kitchin fire has indeed the good qualities of rosting, and Boiling, [Page 276] or whether it be only an appearance. This had bin a dispute more becomming a Sceptick, then thus to con­clude Dogmatically on all the Intrigues of Haut gousts; and to raise an endlesse spe­culative quarrel between those that had bin hitherto peaceful and practical Sects, the Hashe's, and the Sur­loiners.

You may now, Sir, per­haps expect, that I should make some Comparison be­tween the French Dyet and the English. It were, I con­fess, [Page 277] a pleasant, and a weigh­ty argument. But I am resolv'd to passe it over: not that I think we have the worst of the cause; but for a particular reason of my own. It is that Monsieur de Sorbiere may still remain in his error; For as long as he is ignorant that there is any good House Keeping in England, we are like to have no more of his com­pany; yet I cannot but say to the advantage of Boil [...]d Beef and Rost, that the Eng­lish have the same sincerity [Page 278] in their Dyet, which they have in their Manners: and as they have less mixture in their Dishes, so they have less sophisticate composi­tions in their hearts, then the people of some other Nations.

But now, Sir, I confesse he has quite tyr [...]d my hand, and I almost asham'd to behold this heap of his va­nities arise to such a Bulk, as he ought to be, that he has given me this occasion to collect them; I will there­fore in few words come to [Page 279] an issue with him: I will satisfie him in the request which he makes to this Reader. I am content to conclude from these his three moneths travells, what kind of Observations he has made in the world these thirty years. This, Sir, is his own desire, and I obey him. But then I know not how he will be able to avoid the imputa­tion of those Crimes with which he has so often slan­dered the English, of be­ing a Doe-little, an Idle, a Lazy, and a Vseless Per­son. [Page 280] The description of his Voyage into Holland is not yet come to my hands: but if it be of the same thread with this, he had bin much better imploy'd, if he had only imitated the Roman Emperours journey thither, and gone to gather Cockle-shells on that shore. If he has any friends amongst all the learned men of Europe, that were once his familiars, they would do well to ad­vise him what weight his mind will bear: he is himself in the right, when he ac­knowledges, [Page 281] that these mat­ters of state, Ep. De. Characters of Nations, descriptions of Go­vernments, Churches, and Courts, are far above the weakness of his Spirit. But yet the Mans abilities are not wholy to be discourag'd; he may still prove a tole­rable good flatterer of his Patrons: he may bring in his Vostre Tres Humble, arti­ficially enough in the end of an empty Letter of com­plements: he may serve to commend Philosophers when they are dead: or [Page 282] (to conclude with his own dear Epithete) he may make a sufficient Trumpeter in the Common-wealth of Learning. And in truth he has behav'd himself, in this account of his Voyage, like a true Trumpeter; for Trum­peters, when they are sent in­to forein armies or coun­tries, are alwayes blinded on purpose that they might not be able to give any certain intelligence, of the places through which they pass'd.

And now, Sir, having dis­miss'd [Page 283] the Historiographer Royal, that I may speedily put an end to your trouble, I will only in few words ap­ply my speech to your self. You may perhaps remem­ber, that we have sometimes debated together, what place and time of all the past, or present, we would have chosen to live in, if our fates had bin at our own disposal; and in that discourse, in­steed of desiring to have bin born in China, we both a­greed, that Rome, in the Reign of Augustus, was to be pre­ferr'd [Page 284] before all others. The prerogatives of that time were very many: That City was then become the esta­blish'd seat of the Empire of the world: that Emperour had the good fortune to succeed a long civil war: the minds of all men were easily compos'd into obe­dience by the remembrance of their past misfortunes: the arts of Wit, Reason, and delight were in their high­est perfection: the Court was the place of resort, for all the Lovers of gene­rous [Page 285] knowledge: and such was the freedome of their manners, that Virgil, Horace, and Varius were admitted into the privacies, and friendship, of Agrippa, Me­caenas, and Augustus. Be­yond this we could fancy nothing pleasanter to a Philosophical mind; which was resolv'd to live accord­ing to the convenience, and Rules of Nature, see­ing it might there have in­joy'd at once all the varie­ties of an active life, and all the quiet, and peace, of a Retir'd.

[Page 286]This, Sir, was then our opinion: But it was be­fore the Kings Return. For since that blessed time, the condition of our owne Countrey appears to me to be such, that we need not search into antient Histo­ry for a reall Idea of hap­pinesse. 'Tis true that England is not the seat of the Empire of the world: But it may be of that which confines the world it self, the Ocean: To this Domi­nion our Nation is invited, by the Scituation of our [Page 287] shores, the inclination of our people, and the Genius of a vigorous and skilfull Prince. The time where­in we live is upon the reco­very of an Universal peace; a peace establish'd on the two surest foundations of Fear, and Love: a peace that was accomplish'd with­out proscriptions, and e­ven without the ruine of those that resisted it: a peace that was produc'd by peaceful Arts, though it was by the conduct of an Army. The footsteps of [Page 288] the late dreadfull war are not only vanish'd from our eies, but now almost from our thoughts. If any thing of it still remains, it is only the good effect which it had on our coun­trey, the industry that was excited by it, and the wis­dome which such wofull experience has taught us. The Government which we injoy, is justly compos'd of a sufficient liberty, and restraint. And though it may be suspected in a que­rulous and discontented [Page 289] Age, a little to incline the people to disobedi­ence; yet in a calme, and a secure time (such as this at present) it serves admirably well to breed a generous, an ho­nourable, and invincible spirit. The temper of the English is free, Modest, Sincere, Kind, hard to be provok'd: if they are not so talkative as others, yet they are more care­full of what they speak: if they are thought, by some of their neighbours, [Page 90] to be a little defective in the gentleness, and the pliableness of their humour; yet that want is abundant­ly supplyed, by their firme and their Masculine virtues: and perhaps the same observation may be found true in men, which is in Mettals, that those of the strongest, and the Noblest substance are hardest to be polisht. The Arts that now pre­vail amongst us, are not only all the usefull Sci­ences of Antiquity, but [Page 291] most especially all the late discoveries of this Age in the reall knowledge of mankind, and nature. For the improvement of this kind of light, the Eng­lish disposition is of all others the fittest. And an universal zeal towards the advancement of such de­signs, has not only over­spread our Court and Vni­versities; but the Shops of our Mechanicks, the fields of our Gentlemen, the Cottages of our Far­mers, and the Ships of [Page 292] our Merchants. To all this, Sir, may be added the Profession of such a Religion, and the Disci­pline of such a Church, which an impartial Phi­losopher would chuse: which by falling with the Throne, and by rising with it again, has given evident signe, how con­sistent it is with the Laws of humane society, and how neerly its interest is united with the prosperity of our Country.

'Tis true indeed that [Page 293] after all these advantages, there may be some room still left for future amend­ments, in the union of our minds, the smooth­ness of our manners, and the Beauty of our Build­ings. This last was the peculiar honour of Au­gustus, who is said to have found Rome of Brick, and to have left it of Marble. In this kind too we every day behold a wonderful progress, by the power­full influence of a Roy­al Example: so that I [Page 294] may in generall affirm, that never any Nation in the world has pro­ceeded by swifter de­grees, to excell in Con­venience and Magni­ficence. But whatever is to be added in this, or any other such way, we can never receive it from the petulant cor­rections of such vain Ob­servers, as this whom I have here consider'd. No, Sir, we are to ex­pect it from the many Noble and practicall Eng­lish [Page 295] Wits of this Age: and chiefly from your self. For you must give me leave, Sir, to pre­sage, that to you your Country is to owe very much of its Ornament, as well as experimental knowledge, its reputation and indeed all the li­ving, and Beneficial Arts, the enlargement of their Bounds. This, Sir, I know will offend your modesty; but he is an ill English-man, who would not have said as much [Page 296] as this, when your name was mentioned: which if I had omitted, I had bin almost as injurious to our Nation, as this very Traveller whom I censure: for as he was un [...]ust in aggravating the faults, so I my selfe had been, in concealing one of the principall glories of England.

I beg of you now, Sir, only to permit me to conclude with some Apo­logy for my self. You may, perhaps, wonder all [Page 297] this while to see me un­dertake such an argument, and to prosecute it in a manner, which may ap­pear perhaps a little too sharp for your eye, or my pen. You know, Sir, that I am enemy to all manner of controversies, that I hate contention, though in matters of the greatest concernment, and that I had much rather de­fend, then accuse: To this I can therefore only reply, for my excuse, that this Letter may not so properly [Page 298] be call'd an Accusation, as a Defence: For though I have confuted the sawciness of one particular Man, yet I have pleaded for a Great, a Valiant, and a vertuous people. Sir, I am.