A Burghers delin. et sculp.

A TREATISE Of the ROMAN Ports and Forts in KENT.

BY WILLIAM SOMNER.

Publish'd by JAMES BROME, M.A. Rector of CHERITON, and Chaplain to the CINQUE-PORTS.

To which is prefixt the Life of Mr. SOMNER.

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OXFORD, Printed at the THEATER, 1693.

Imprimatur.

H. ALDRICH Vice-Can. Oxon.

TO HIS Excellency The Right HONOURABLE HENRY L d. Viscount SYDNEY of SHEPEY,
Baron of MILTON, Lord Lieutenant of their Majesties Kingdom of IRELAND, Lord Lieutenant of the County of KENT, Con­stable of DOVER-CASTLE, Lord Warden of the CINQUE-PORTS, One of the Prin­cipal Secretaries of State, and One of their Majesties most Honourable Privy Council.

My LORD,

SInce I have had the honour to serve your Lordship in the Cinque-Ports, I have been frequently con­sidering, what seasonable return of gratitude I might make, for the fa­vours I have receiv'd from your Honour.

[Page] But fearing, no production of my own might be worthy of Your accep­tance; I am inclin'd to borrow some­thing out of the common treasury of learning, wherewith to pay my first­fruits of duty and obedience.

What I presume to lay before Your Lordship, may not prove perhaps un­acceptable, since 'tis a small, but ex­cellent Treatise, of very great esteem amongst the learned and judicious; and does now justly implore Your Lord­ship's Protection whether we consider the subject matter it treats of, or the places to which it relates; in both which Your Lordship is at this time very nearly and happily concern'd.

'Tis an Historical discourse of the Roman Ports and Forts in Kent, wrote some years ago, by a very eminent An­tiquary of Canterbury, but never be­fore publish'd; and therefore humbly desires to be usher'd into the world under the gracious Patronage of Your [Page] Lordship; as being well assur'd, that the same auspicious effects, which daily attend both the Cinque-Ports, and County, from your great Wisdom and Sagacity, will as certainly here ensue, from Your Countenance and Autho­rity.

Their Sacred Majesties, who know best how to value what is really to be esteemed, and to place those per­sons in the highest trust, whose merits, and great accomplishments, deservedly entitle them to such ho­nourable employments, have advanc'd Your Lordship (of whose faithful ser­vice they have had so large experi­ence) to that noble Station of Govern­ment, in which you happily preside in Ireland; which never stood in greater need of such an able Patriot and Protector.

Our Annals inform us, how infi­nitely Ireland stood once before in­debted to the matchless Wisdom and [Page] Courage of one of Your Renowned Progenitours, The Honourable Sir Henry Sydney, Lord Deputy under Queen Elizabeth; who, for the space of eleven years, gave admirable proofs of dexterity and Conduct, in the ma­naging of that untractable people; though he had little else to encounter with, but obstinacy and Rebellion. And, my Lord, whoever considers those Great and Noble Endowments of mind, with which Heaven has enriched You, for the general good and benefit of the world, may from hence easily conjecture how extremely happy at this juncture the Irish na­tion must needs be, under Your Lord­ship's present Lieutenancy; who seem in all respects, both born and form'd on purpose, to be the Tutelary Guar­dian of that distracted Island.

To render this Tract, if possible, a litle more grateful and inviting; I have subjoyned a Catalogue, from the [Page] most Authentic Historians, of those Noble Personages who have been Your Lordship's Predecessors in the Con­stableship of Dover-Castle, and War­denship of the Cinque-Ports, which are both indeed Offices of as great Antiquity as Renown.

The learned Mr. Camden has observed, that our Warden of the Ports, did resemble the Officer, whom the Romans established for the defence of our Coasts, call'd by them, Littoris Saxonici, or Tra­ctus Maritimi Comes; who had then the charge of nine Ports, as the Lord Warden has now of five: and all­though there is no doubt, but during the Saxon Heptarchy, the Ports were under the Regency of some such sort of extraordinary Officer, as this was; yet if the famous Antiquary Mr. Lambard may have any credit, he tells us, that William the Con­querour [Page] was the first, that imposed upon the Limenarcha the name of Warden, out of his own Norman lan­guage: and Mr. Darell, in his ac­count of these matters, saith, that William the Conquerour created John Fynes Constable of Dover-Castle, which title of honour he settled, by Deed of Gift, upon him and his heirs; which may occasion a conjecture, not alltogether improbable, that under the reign of that Prince, those ho­nourable offices began first to be united, in the person of one man: however, 'tis certain, they have ne­ver since been separated; but what­ever great and eminent Persons have been thus nobly Dignified, by the grace and favour of their Prince, their names stand now upon this sig­nal Roll of honour, in a successive se­ries to this present generation.

But, my Lord, I consider that your minutes are sacred.

[Page] May your Lordship's great Me­rits, and honourable Atchievements, both for their Majesties and their Kingdoms, make you still the Fa­vourite of Your Prince, the Glory of your Age, the delight of your Countrey, and the Honour of the Cinque-Ports: may You live long and flourish, in an enjoyment of e­very thing, that may conduce to your Happiness; that so by the favour of Heaven, I may the longer enjoy an opportunity to pay my constant duty to Your Lordship, and be more and more capable to give a repeated te­stimony, how much I am,

My Lord,
Your Lordships most obliged Chaplain, and faithful Servant, JAMES BROME.

THE LIFE OF Mr. SOMNER.
To the Rev d. Mr. JAMES BROME.

Sir,

I HAVE receiv'd the Transcript you sent me of Mr. Somner's discourse of the Roman Ports and Forts in Kent: and I agree with you in the opi­nion, that the publication of it would do honour to our County, and service to the learned world. And since you have obtained leave of that Venerable Body, to whom the Original belongs; I am willing to assist in the Edition. You judge right, that the life of the Author is much wanting; and that some notes should be affixt to this Treatise, to explain what otherwise might stop the Reader. From which task I wish you had not excus'd your self by a retir'd life, and want of ac­cess to books, and other notices of [Page 2] this kind. But since you devolve those cares on me, I will take up one half of the burthen; and commit the other to our Friend Mr. Edmund. Gibson of Queens College, a Person well verst in the subject of Antiquities, and therefore most fit to illustrate a discourse of this nature with such cursory remarks, as may adorn and improve the work. As to the Author's Life, since you have furnisht me with so many faithful ma­terials; I am content to tell the world, how great a Man lyes buried, and how much his memory deserves to be reviv'd.

In doing this, I shall treat him not as a Courtier or a Patron, whose repu­tation must be rais'd by lines of flattery, and artificial disguise; but as an Histo­rian and Antiquary, who is best repre­sented in the same truth and plainness, with which he liv'd and wrote. There is this religion due to the ashes of an honest man, to let the Memoirs of him be simple and unaffected, to lay by all unnecessary shades and colours, and only draw him like himself.

William Somner, son of William Somner and Ann his wife, was born on the 30. day of March 1606. within the Parish of St. [Page 3] Margatet's in the City of Canterbury. A fit birth-place for an Antiquary; this being one of the most ancient Cities in England 1. And like a true Patriot, he prov'd his na­tural affection, and repaid his nativity by giving it a new birth. He restor'd the perisht ruines, and brought back all its pristine glories. For his thoughts and affections having ever much inclin'd him to the search and study of Antiquities, he did more particularly, as bound in duty and thankfulness, apply himself to the Antiqui­ties of Canterbury. He hoped the better acceptance of the work from the Author's thankful intentions towards the place of his birth, judging this a sufficient motive why he should of all other places desire to know the Antiquities and former stars thereof 2.

He was so well pleas'd with his lot of breathing first in this fair ground, that neither mind nor body could be mov'd to any distance from it: he took pleasure to call it the place of his Birth, Education, and abode 3. Like the good old Citizen of Veron [...], within the walls, or in sight of them, he liv'd, grew up, and died.

[Page 4] Fashions he despised abroad, and learning he would have at home. So that here in studious content, he took up his cradle, his mansion, and his grave.

He was descended of an honest and suf­ficient family 1. His father was Registra­ry, of the Court of Canterbury under Sir Nathanael Brent Commissary. This name had been eminent in other ages, and in other Counties. Iohn Somenour of Multon near Croyland was a Commoner of some figure in the reign of Henry the fifth 2. There was a publick Hall or Inn with­in this University, that was called from the first owner of it Hospitium Somneri, or, Somenor shyn 3. And there is now a gentile branch of this ancient name in the County of Bucks. But let me ob­serve this for the honour of our mo­dest Author; that tho' the knowledge of Podigrees was one of his proper ta­lents, yet in all his works he gives no one hint of his own Parentage or name.

When his forward years made him ca­pable of literature, he was committed to the Free School of that City, then go­vern'd [Page 5] by Mr. Ludd, which he after grate­fully remembers as the place of his Educa­tion 1. What his improvements here were, I know none living who can attest, and it shall not be my vanity to conjecture. Tho perhaps he here imbib'd the inclinations to Antiquity from the fresh memory of the late Master Iohn Twine LL.B. who dying 1581. had been very inquisitive into former ages, had left a public monument of such knowledge 2, and had made particular collections of the An­tiquities of this City 3: whose fame in this part of learning might well incite an emulous youth, and raise that spi­rit, which carried him at last beyond this great example. However, here was our Author initiated in the elements of Rome and Greece, among many rival wits, of whom let me mention only Peter Gunning son of a Clergyman born at How in Kent, An. 1613. and bred at this School to the age of fifteen, when being remarkably ripe for the Vni­versity, he was sent to Clare-Hall in Cam­bridge 4, and left his school-fellow behind. Their acquaintance here con­tracted, [Page 6] settled after into a sacred friend­ship, and there hapned good oppor­tunities to confirm it, by Mr. Gunning's frequent visits to this City, and by his Preferment to a Prebend in this Church, An. 1660. But let the School be proud of this honour, that at the same time it instructed two of the greatest Men of their age and nation, one of the best of Divines, and one of the best of An­tiquaries.

When our young Scholar had made such progress in years, and in his studies, as qualified him for admission to ei­ther of the two greater Schools of Learning; then, either by the perswa­sion of his friends, who in tenderness would keep him near themselves, or by his own inclination to deal with an­cient Records, he was plac't as Clerk to his Father in the Ecclesiastical Courts of that Diocese. And when the usual time of apprehending was expir'd, he was soon preferr'd to a creditable office in those Courts by that true Judge of men, Arch-bishop Laud, to whom he after dedicated his first labours for the public, and gratefully declares, that the chief inducement whereby he was animated to appear in that kind, was his [Page 7] Grace's interest in the Author, as subsisting in his place and profession, under God, chiefly by his Grace's favour and goodness 1. What made that great Patron of letters to prefer him, was no doubt a sense of his happy Genius, comprehensive of past ages. For that wise disposer of stations in the Church, made it his care and his glory to select such persons, whose abilities might best suit their re­spective employs. And being therefore to entrust the many antient Records of his Metropolitical Church, he would provide a Man of that spirit, who should with integrity preserve them, and with industry apply them to the service of the Public; as seems mo­destly acknowledged by our Author, when he commemorates his Grace's ex­traordinary care and cost for the collection of Antiquities of all sorts from all parts, crowned by singular piety and nobleness in disposing them to the good and service of the Publick 1. Believe me (friend) however some narrow envious souls would de­tract from the merits of this glorious Prelate, and represent him so, as if even his memory were to be martyr'd: yet no one Governour of the Church ever [Page 8] did greater things, or promoted greater men. Where shall we find that spirit to serve the Public? where that noble zeal for Books and Scholars? Forgive me these expressions. We of this place had in him the most effectual Patron of our studies. He endow'd us with many admirable Manuscripts, and en­courag'd those that would search them. Not that we now want an accession of such treasure to our Bodley Archieves. You will be pleas'd, I know, to hear that in one year elaps'd, we have ex­pended sixteen hundred pounds in the truest riches of the East, in the pur­chase of such Manuscripts as had been imported from those parts by two learned and judicious Men. Yet of these, the greatest part were in effect owing to the same Prelate; who supported the travels of Dr. Pocock, and enabled him to make that Return we now enjoy.

But I hast to Mr. Somner, who pro­secuted the duties of his office with prudence and integrity. An office (as he calls it) laudable, and enough honourable 1. And when he had any hours reliev'd from the business of his called 2, those he [Page 9] devoted to his beloved search into the mysteries of time: to which by the na­ture of his profession, he seemed the more determined; he himself observing, that to the studie of Antiquities his par­ticular calling did in some manner lead him 1 He lov'd much, and much fre­quented the Cathedral service; where after his devotions were paid, he had a new zeal for the honour of the House, walking often in the Nave, and in the more recluse parts, not in that idle and inadvertent posture, nor with that common and trivial discourse, with which those open Temples are vulgarly profan'd: but with a curious and ob­servant eye, to distinguish the age of the buildings, to sift the ashes of the dead; and, in a word, to eternize the memory of things and Men. His visits within the City were to find out the Ancestors, rather than the present in­habitants; and to know the genealogie of houses, and walls, and dust. When he had leisure to refresh himself in the Suburbs and the fields, it was not meerly for digestion, and for air; but to sur­vey the British bricks 2, the Roman ways 3, [Page 10] the Danish hills and works, the Saxon 1 Monasteries 2 and the Norman Churches 3 At the digging up foundations, and o­ther descents into the bowels of the earth, he came often to survey the Workmen; and to purchase from them the treasure of Coins, Medals, and o­ther buried reliques, of which he in­forms us, that many were found in almost all parts of the City, some of which came to his hands 4 Whenever he relaxt his mind to any other recreation, it was to that of shooting with the long bow, which no doubt he lov'd as much for the antiquity, as for the health and pleasure of that manly sport. He for­gets not to give a worthy commendation of it, to confess himself grounded in a good opinion of Archery; and not unwilling to vindicate the undervaluing of it with o­ther Men. He recommends to the Reader a judicious Elogie on this England's an­tient glory, by Mr. John Bingham in his Notes upon Aelian's Tacticks, which be­cause the Book was dear and scarce, he presents a true copy of that whole passage 5

[Page 11] This was his diversion: but his more constant delight was in classic Historians, in old Manuscripts, Leiger-books, Rolls and Records. Which made him so quick­ly known to be a man of use and ser­vice to his Country, that upon the great questions in descent of families, tenure of estates, dedication of Churches, right of tithes, and all the history of use and custom, he was consulted as a Druid or a Bard. While appeal to his judgment and deference to it satisfied contending parties, and stopt litigious suits. This honour and trouble done to him he modestly owns in the Epilogue to his Countrymen, where he mentions the recourse which some of them had to him for satisfaction and information, rejoycing to give content to them and others 1 And truly I know no one part of humane learning, that can render any Man a more agreeable Companion, and a more beneficial friend, than this knowledge of places, times, and people. Whoever is thus accomplisht, can never want in­formation to strangers, instruction to neighbours, and a turn of diversion and profit to all society. If he have prudence and good nature, he may be [Page 12] as Mr. Somner was, the Oracle of his Country.

But the soul of our Author thought it too narrow a Province to resolve the doubts of private Men, and therefore would satisfie the whole inquisitive world. Hence when he had digested his elaborate collections made for the ho­nour of that ancient Metropolis, and his good Affection to Antiquities, he de­dicates them in a humble unaffected stile to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, had them licens'd by his Chaplain Guil. Bray, Octob. 23. 1639. aud the next year publisht under this title. The Antiquities of Canterbury, or a survey of that ancient City, with the Suburbs and Cathedral, con­taining principally matters of Antiquity in them all, &c. Sought out and publisht by the industry and good will of William Somner; London 1640. 4 [...]. In his Pre­face with wit and learning he celebrates the knowledge of ancient things, confesses his own thoughts and affections to lie that way, and owns the encouragement of worthy Friends, of whom he names Dr. Casaubon, one of the Prebendaries of the Church, and Thomas Denne Esq.

This accurate performance is the more laudable, because he could find no [Page 13] way, but what he made. There had indeed been two discourses of the like nature, Spot's History of Canterbury, men­tion'd by Bale, and Collections of the An­tiquities of Canterbury, by Iohn Twine, to which he refers in his Comment de rebus Albionicis; but both these were lost to the use of our Author, 1 and we do not hear they are yet recovered. So as he had no one writer to transcribe or imitate, but all the labour and glory were his own. And indeed this difficult honour is the reward of true Antiquaries, they tread in steps unknown, and bring to light the hidden things of past ages. While most other Authors write over a­gain in new words: and do not dis­cover, but only represent.

In this useful book, he forgets not to justifie his own profession. He enquires into the institution of Notaries 2 proves Ecclesiastical Courts to be Courts of Record, &c. 3 He often shews his duty and zeal to his Mother, the Church of England; defends her discipline, and justifies her constitution in his learned remarks on Church government 4, on Archbishops 5, on privilege of the [Page 14] Clergy 1, on dedication of holy places 2, mischief of Impropriations, 3 and such other subjects, on which, by the best of arguments, reason and authority, he vindicates the establishment which then began to shake. And truly this justice must be done to Antiquities and the Church of England. None have been perfect Masters of the one, but what have been true Sons and servants to the other. It was eminently so in those great names, Camde [...], Spelman, Twisden, Marsham, Dugdals. And might I men­tion the living, I know many who by improvement in these studies, have in the same way settled their judgment, and improv'd their zeal. For indeed there is a natural reason for this effects a good cause must appear best to those who look farthest back upon it. Our Church cannot have more genuine Sons than those, who by research into the primitive state of things, can refute the impudence of those abroad, who pre­tend to Antiquity; and can expose the ignorance of those at home, who affect Innovation. These Men can stand in the ways, and see the old paths, and are fit [Page 15] guides to those who are but of yesterday, and know nothing.

But of one providence which attended this work, I must remind you. It was done in such a juncture as preserv'd the memorial of many Epitaphs, In­scriptions, and proper observations which otherwise had soon been lost to all succeeding ages. For immediately began that Rebellion and Sacrilege, which plundred and defac't most of the Cathedral Churches; and among other sad examples of popular phanatic fury, by the instigation of Richard Culm [...]r call'd in contempt Blew Dick (the same I think, who procur'd an Order from the House of Lords to Arch-bishop L [...]ud in the Tower Feb. 4. 1642. to have the Rectory of Chartham conferr'd on him, void by the death of Dr. Isaa [...] Bargrave Dean of Canterbury, to which his Majesty by Letters, recommended that Loyal sufferer Mr. Iohn Reading [...] 1) this stately Cathedral was storm'd and pillag'd, the beautified windows were broke, the Tombs of Princes ▪and Pre­lates were ravag'd, and every graceful ornament despoil'd. So that ha [...] no [...] Mr. Somner took a faithful transcript [Page 16] before the originals were thus eras'd, all had been lost in ignorance and obli­vion. The like providence has often watcht over and preserv'd many mo­numents of Antiquity, just before the fatal ruine of them. The days of defo­lation were coming on, when that ex­cellent Antiquary, Mr. Iohn Leland ob­tain'd a commission from Henry 8: An. Dom. 1533. to authorise him to have access to all the Libraries of Cathedrals, Abbles, Priories, and all other places wherein Records and ancient writings were repos'd, for collecting and tran­scribing whatever pertain'd to the hi­story of the Nation 1 By virtue of this power he transmitted the know­ledge of many Manuscripts, and other evidences which might have been dis­sperst by the dissolutions which fol­lowed in the years. 1536. and 1537. Thus the indefatigable Mr. Roger Dods­worth, just before the late destructive wars, transcrib'd most of the Charters and other Manuscripts, then lying in St. Marie's tower in York, which tower was soon after blown up, and all those sacred remains were mingled with the common dust and ashes. Thus again [Page 17] the worthy Mr. William Dugdale, (after honour'd and preferr'd for his perfe­ction in these studies) search'd over all the Manuscript Books, original Char­ters, old Rolls, and other evidences relating to the Cathedral of St. Paul in London, copied out the monumental Inscriptions, and procur'd Sculptures of the whole Fabric, and all the parts of it, about the year 1656. when that Mother Church was converted into a stable, and ten years after to a heap of rubbish. So that had not that An­tiquary drawn the image, as it were, before the loss of the original, all had been forgot, but what tradition had most imperfectly convey'd to us. Thus are Antiquaries, if not inspir'd, yet guided by the counsel of Providence, to remit to posterity the memorial of things past, before their final period. It was thus our Author recorded that flourishing beauty of holiness in that cri­tical season; which had it been omitted, the Church had soon been lost within it's own walls.

I cannot forbear to recommend to you that ingenious Poem, which on this oc­casion was wrote by Mr. Charles Fotherby, [Page 18] Grandson of a worthy Dean of that Church. It is inscrib'd

I [...]d [...]reptionem Metr [...]politicae Eccles [...]e Christi
Cantuariensis, ad fidissimum & antique
probitatis virum, de (que) Clero Anglicano o­ptimè
meritum, Gulielmum Somnerum.
He [...] lapidum vener anda strues! sic corruis! Aedes
S [...]rilegae has audent sic temerare manus?
[...] fene strarum fracta est [...]
Amplius & vitreos nec pia turba stupet.
Caeruleo quoties me pictus daemon amictu
Terruit? Huic rabies Culmeriana favet.
Hinc quantum nostro Somnero Ecclesia debet
Hic raptas nulla lege recenset opes.
Hic priscum templi [...] instaurat honorem,
Integra sunt scriptis & monumenta suis.
Pro veris hic molitur chartacea temp [...]a,
Et solidum marmor picta columna refert.
Vel templum pinxisse pium est Exempla nepotes
Quae seri plorent, quae (que) imitentur, habent,
Urbs satis antiqua haec non te, Somnere, silebit,
Ingrata ob librum ni velit esse tuum.
Nomine tu portas urbis signasque plateas,
Per te distinctas novimus ire vias.

This is but a part; I refer you to the whole Poem, as inserted in the Mona­sticon 1, out of pure respect to Mr. [Page 19] Somner. There were not wanting other pens to celebrate this first performance of our Author. It has a just character given by a proper judge, the learned Dr. Meric Casaubon, a pious and laborious work, and highly useful, not only to those who desir'd to know the state of that once flourishing City, but to all that were curious in the ancient English history 1 The best Topographer since Camden, when he comes to the Roman station at Canter­bury, does for its modern splendor and glory, refer us to courteous Mr. Somner's description of it 2, a very rational Gentle­man, &c. Mr. Kilburne in his survey of Kent does only briefly touch upon the City of Canterbury, because Mr. William Som­ner had so elaborately, judiciously and fully wrote of the same, that there was left but little (if any thing observable) which he had not there set down 3. And Mr. Phil­pot who had reason to envy him, breaks into this acknowledgement: Canterbury hath so exactly in all the parts and limbs of it been describ'd and survey'd by Mr. Som­ner, that I should exceedingly eclipse the labours of so industrious a Pen, if I should [Page 20] go about to pourtray that in any contracted landskip, which hath been before represented to the publick, pencilled out in so large and exquisite a volume 1.

As this was the most ancient royal City, and the first Episcopal Church of the Saxon Christians: so had they both, a new precedence in this honour: they were the first whose Antiquities were publisht to the world. And how few have been since conform'd to their example? The history of St. Paul's Cathe­dral in London from its foundation, &c. is an absolute performance 2 And the hi­story of the Church of Peterburg will be it's everlasting monument 3 But beside these two, I know of none but mean attempts. The historical account of the original, increase, and present state of St. Peter's or the Abby Church of Westminster, is little more than a bundle of Epitaphs and Inscriptions 4 The remarkable An­tiquities of the City of Exeter 5, are a dry collection, full of mistakes. The history of the Bishops and Bishoprick of Winche­ster, [Page 21] with a description of that City, 1, I presume to be an imperfect work, and therefore not publisht. The brief ac­count of the Monuments of the Cathedral of Norwich 2 was wrote for private use, and seems more to fear, than to deserve an Edition 3 The antient rites and Monu­ments of the Monastical and Cathedral Church of Durham 4, is an ignorant and pitiful Legend. The history of St. Cuth­bert with the Antiquities of the (same) Church of Durham, was drawn by a much better hand 5, but the Edition of it that has crept abroad is false and spurious 6. We expect the Author's own exact and neat original to be publisht, with fit notes and illustrations, by an ingenious person of singular industry, and great progress in these studies 7. I hear of some o­thers, who are now designing the An­tiquities of York, Worcester, and Carlisle: all of character and abilities for such performance. How happily would it spread the glory of the English Church and Nation, if among Divines addicted [Page 22] to these studies, some one were prefer'd to a dignity in every Collegiate Church, on condition to employ his talent in the History and Antiquities of that Body, of which he was a grateful and an useful Member?

Thus far Mr. Somner had searcht only into the Latin writers, and such Na­tional Records, as had been penn'd since the Norman conquest. But there is a sacred ambition in the spirit of Learning, that will not let a man rest without new conquests, and enlarg'd dominions. Especially in Antiquities, every acquest heightens the desire, and the wishes are those of the Eastern Mo­narch, to have more than one old world to bring into subjection. This generous emulation invited our Au­thor to proceed, and attain the British and the Saxon tongues. To acquire the first, there were rules of Grammar, explication of words, and other suffi­cient Memoirs, beside the living Dia­lect, to guide a man of industry and resolution. But the Saxon language was extinct, and the monuments of it so few and so latent, that it requir'd infinite courage and patience, to at­tempt and prosecute the knowledge of [Page 23] it. To this trial he was encourag'd by the advice of his constant friend Dr. Meric Casaubon, who gives this account of it: that while he was lamenting the ob­scure remains of that tongue, it happily fell out, that he grew acquainted with Mr. Somner, born of a creditable family, one of primitive probity and simplicity. Being ex­tremely taken with his sagacious wit, and observing his wonderful industry in search­ing for the Antiquities of his Country; and much approving his sharp and solid judge­ment, temper'd with the greatest modesty; he began earnestly to perswade and excite him to the study of the Saxon tongue, as a labour worthy his patient and ingenious spirit, promising his own assistance if he were able to give any, and to furnish him with any materials, that might aid and pro­mote those studies 1. Mr. Somner, whose humility of mind made him obsequious to the counsel of his friends, and tra­ctable to any motion of doing good, complied with the advice of that Reve­rend Person, confirm'd by his own ju­dicious thoughts, being sensible of the truth of what Sir Henry Spelman had found by his own experience, that the knowledge of the Saxon language was so far [Page 24] necessary, as without it the Antiquities of England be either not discover'd, or at least imperfectly known 1.

When Mr. Somner began this task, give me leave to represent the difficul­ties he labour'd under. When the Sax­ons had made the Britains strangers in their own land, then the language which the Conquerors brought with them, soon grew into contempt among them­selves. Even so early as the year 652. Many out of this Island were sent to the Monasteries of France for Education, and to bring back the manners and language of those parts 2. In the reign of Edward the Confessor, by the great resort of Normans to his Court, the whole Island began to lose their English rites, and to imitate the man­ners of the Franks; especially it was e­steem'd a piece of breeding for all the lesser sort to speak the Gallic Idiom, and to despise the language and customs of their own Coun­try 3. This inglorious affectation is con­fess'd by an Historian who liv'd in that age. It lookt like an omen of being to be shortly conquer'd by that nation, of whose tongue and fashions they were [Page 25] so industriously fond. The event was so. Three and twenty years after came in the Norman Lords, who threatned an extirpation to that language of which the Natives began to be asham'd. For these new Masters hated the English, and so much abburr'd their Idiom, that the Laws were all administred in the French tongue, the very children in Schools were kept from learning to read their Mother language, and were instructed only in the Norman; the English manner of writing was omit­ted 1 The ignominious marks of a con­quered people. The same Author from his own experience does again lament, that the Saxon hand which had been us'd in all writings grew into disgrace, and the French hand, because it was more legible and more pleasing to the eyes, did every where obtain 2, so as in the very next reign, the Saxon letters were so obsolete and so unknown, that but few of the elder people were able to read them 3. Nay in the year 1095. Wulstan Bishop of Worcester was de­pos'd, when scarce any other thing was objected against him, but that he was an old English Idiot, who did not under­stand the French tongue 4 It is true, the [Page 26] next successor Henry the first, gave a Charter to William Arch-bishop of Can­terbury, confirming to him the possessi­ons of his See, in the Saxon language and characters 1 This was but a single instance, and perhaps done to oblige his Queen of the Saxon line, and to in­gratiate himself with the English sub­jects, who might hope by this marriage they had a better title in him. And therefore it is a mistake in the learned Mabillon 2, and some other Authors, who assert the Saxon way of writing was lost from the very time of the Nor­man Conquest. It was with the Saxon characters as with signs of the Cross in public Deeds, which were for the most part chang'd into the Norman way of seals and subscriptions, yet some Char­ters were with the old form of Crosses. The Saxon Dialect obtain'd no doubt in Country Vills, with some borrowed variation from the French, and some re­mains of it did intermix with the Court language. But the Barons and Knights who were most of them Norman, were so afraid of their children's talking the old English, that in the reign of Henry [Page 27] the second, They sent them over into France for education, to wear off the barbarousness of the native tongue 1 At the beginning of the reign of Edward the third, Robert Holcot a Dominican, confess [...], there was no institution of children in the old English, but they first learn'd the French, and from the French the Latin tongue, which he ob­serves to have been a practice introduc'd by William the Conqueror, and to have ever since obtain'd 2. Tho from the first de­cline of the Barons, and advance of the Commons who were more of English blood, the Country language grew more into request, till at last the Com­mons in Parliament at Westminster the 36. of Edw. the third, shewed so much of the English spirit, as to represent to the King the great mischiefs which would happen to divers of the Realm, if that the Laws were pleaded, shewed, and judged in the French tongue, which is much unknown in the said Realm, &c. Upon which it was ordain'd and stablished, that all Plees, &c. should be pleaded, shewed and defended, answered, debated, and judged in the En­glish tongue, &c 3. Yet this law did by no [Page 28] means restore the Saxon, either in the Alphabet or in the prime Dialect: It only redeemed the kingdom from an old token of subjection, and did ho­nour to the then compound language, much vitiated by imported words and phrases. And still there seem'd a dash of the Norman spirit, which by the same law provided that all such Pleas should be entred and enroll'd in the Latin.

If there were any conveyance of the true Saxon tongue, it was in the Mona­steries; but in those only which were founded before the Norman Conquest; for in such, interest did oblige them to understand the language of their ori­ginal Charters. It was for this reason, that in the Abby of Croyland, a Tutor was appointed to teach Saxon to some of the younger brethren, that in their old age they might be more fit to alledge the Records of their Monastery against their adversaries 1. And it was no doubt for the like rea­son, that in the Abby of Tavistoke, which had a Saxon Founder about 691. there were solemn Lectures in the Saxon tongue, even to the time of our Fathers, that the knowledge of that language might not fail, as it has since well nigh done 2.

[Page 29] So that had Mr. Somner liv'd before, or in the age of reformation, the way of attainment had been less difficult. Or had he been reserv'd to these lower times, he had met with more of help and conduct. For we have since had a good part of the Scriptures more cor­rectly publisht, with excellent notes 1. We have had histories most correct 2, But what above all facilitates the pro­gress and perfection of learners; We have had methodical and accurate In­stitutions of Grammar by the Learned Dr. George Hicks, incomparably skill'd in the Antiquities of our Church and Na­tion. So that now to be ignorant of that tongue is not the misfortune of a Scholar, but his fault. Common in­dustry, and an easie application serves.

But Mr. Somner had a much harder province; he was in a manner to in­vent the language, as well as to restore it. For upon his first essays that way, he had but two poor Manuscripts, and one of them on so obscure a subject, as might have exercis'd a Critic, sooner than instructed a Novice. But he had an active soul that would feel no im­pediment. [Page 30] This made him his own guide, to be not only the discoverer of a new world, but the Master of it. His success in those studies he himself con­gratulated in his own modest way▪ When by the advice and perswas [...]on of Dr. Meri [...] Casaubon, I began to apply my mind to the Saxon tongue, in no long space of time I seem'd to reap some tolerable fruits of my endeavors, which did abundantly compensate my labors, &c 1. And that first moving friend does applaud the event of his counsel in these words. To be short, when he had approved my advice, he prosecuted the business with that [...] industry, and such equal happi [...] of wit, that within few years he may be compar'd (to speak modestly) with the most eminent in that knowledge 2. Nor did he only sur­pass most of his Predecessors, but ex­ceeded some that followed after: and is numbred among the few complete Critics by the best of Judges; who has rightly observ'd, that since the erection of Monasteries, where Saxon Books lay un­known to those that kept them, unto our own times, onely two forreigners, and about twenty Natives, had by their own industry [Page 31] attain'd the faculty of this tongue. Of which small number few arriv'd to an ac­curate and critical knowledge; Jocelin [...], Somner, Mareshall, and Junius, publisht all their Saxon purely and correctly: but from almost all others, it came with fault and imperfection▪ namely from those greatest men J. Selden, and Sir Henry Spelman, and even from the very Professor, Mr. A. Whee­lock 1. I would not cite the approbati­on of lesser Writers after the testimony of so great a man. I would only add that his very enemies (if he had any) admir'd this accomplishment in him. He who was the only man that oppos'd any thing our Author wrote, does him this justice. His labours, says he, as they are pleasant to such who are delighted in the knowledge and observation of the manners and language of our forefathers; so have they been and ever will be, very profitable to all that are studious and inquisitive into Anti­quity. For his success in the restauration of that our ancient speech, which had been almost lost, and in a manner so long huried in oblivion, is very eminently known and admir'd▪ and shall by me be always gratefully acknowledg'd 2.

[Page 32] Mr. Somner by his absolute faculty in the Saxon tongue, was now enabled to make the more intimate search into all remote Antiquities. His next merit was on this occasion: his honour'd friend and Countryman Sir Roger Twisden had publisht the laws of Henry the first, An. 1644. fol. to which was prefixt an old Glossary, which Mr. Somner observ'd to be faulty in very many places. 1. On this Edition he wrote notes and observations large and learn'd, with a very useful Glos­sary. 2. To which he himself refers in his other Glossary on the ten Historians, on the words Gravatio, Mancusa, &c. of which he had treated more largely in his former, not then, nor alass yet pub­lisht. If those papers are in your hands, you have an opportunity to serve and oblige the world.

From his time of engaging in the me­morials of Canterbury, he laid the foun­dation of a larger design, to collect all the remains of the state of the whole County, for a just and perfect History of the Antiquities of Kent. This pro­jected labour he owns to have taken on him, in the kind Epilogue to his Country­men. [Page 33] If by your good acceptance of these my labours for the City, I may receive [...]couragement to proceed in my end [...]avours [...] it is in my thoughts, by God's assistance, int convenient time, to do somewhat in like ki [...] for you in the Country. 1. And to confirm the truth and honesty of these inten­tions, An account of what Saints had th [...] dedication of Parochial Churches within that Diocess he leaves with them in pawn, and as a pledge of those his future endeavours, for their farther content hereafter, if God [...] He omitted no time, and spar'd no pain [...], to prepare this work without, and to make it fit in the field, that he might afterwards build the house: a house that was not to be built in a day, but the foundations to be dug deep, and the materials to be fectht from afar, with great contrivance, great patience, and great expence. But he made a gra­dual progress, and in the Preface to his Tract of Gavelkind, which he wrote twelve years before the publication, i. e. An. 1648. He confesses it was now [...]full eighteen (I think it should be eight) years, since by solemn promise he became indebted to his Countrymen, upon their good accep­tance of certain of his labours in behalf of [Page 34] their City, to proceed to the same or some other such like undertaking for the County: a thing which as he then really intended, so had he not since wanted that encourage­ment for it from the better sort, which he could expect. But (says he) being soon af­ter (pro [...] dolor!) overtaken by that impe­tuous storm of civil war, not yet quite blown over; I was necessitated to betake my self to other thoughts. This was a just excuse, and he had the same reason to beg their longer patience. For [...]he resolv'd the conception should be an Elephant be­fore its birth, therefore he was still en­creasing his plentiful store, and still di­gesting and disposing the order of it. In the mean time▪ he hop'd not only to be ex [...]us'd of his Countrymen for (what had not else been hitherto delay'd) his County-under­taking, but also to obtain of them yet far­ther respite, in hope of a better opportunity to discharge that debt. In the year 1659. the time of publishing his Saxon Dictio­nary; he again renew'd his promise, that when that work was finisht, he would adorn and complete the Antiquities of Kent 1. In the following year 1660. he was so taken up with the joys of a returning [Page 35] Church and King; and so particularly involv'd in the cares of retrieving the scatter'd Records, and raising the Me­moirs of the dead: above all so im­merst in providing that all might justly refund their stolen portion of Church­lands, and in stating the accounts of Fines, Leases, and other emoluments o [...] the Dean and Chapter, who trusted all to his entire integrity and art: that he could not possibly attend to the finishing that long promis'd work. Tho' the generous design was still breathing, and expir'd only with him­self.

But let not the world lament it's be­ing depriv'd of those labours. For the Discourse here given of the Roman Ports and Forts in Kent, was no doubt an a­partment of that spacious Fabric, and was to have been joyn'd to the rest of that Model. As is evident by this: in his Sax [...]n Dictionary on the names of Racul [...] Reculver, Limene mu [...], mouth of the river or haven of Limne, Luu [...]n-pi [...] or Sandwich, &c. he promises a better and more large account in his Kentish Antiquities; all which are largely dicuss'd in this Tract, which must argue it a part of the same work, to which he [Page 36] then refer'd. Besides, among all the intimations of his other performances, he never cites this by the title, under which he left it, Roman Ports, &c. which proves it was included under the gene­ral design of the Antiquities of Kent. There be some other loose papers on that subject, which are now, Sir, in your hands, and I know your spirit for the public interest, will embrace any fair op­portunity to do good and to communicate. I doubt he set his last hand to that part of the argument only which you now publish, which really is a learned and judicious discourse; there runs thro' the whole such a vein of reason, and such a force of authority, as is not easie to find in any Authors, that write for a party, or for any thing but truth. He is singularly happy in fixing Limene or the mouth of the river Limene, or Ro­ther, at Romney, since turn'd another way: which is much confirm'd by some old Manuscript Annals that I have lately seen 1. And in placing the Lapis Tituls of Nennius not at Stonar, but at Folkstone, wherein he has the honour to be followed by a most learned Pre­late. 1 [Page 37] Had he liv'd to supply and me­thodize the whole, how would he have corrected the remarks of all that went before, and superseded the endeavours of most that could follow after. For I be­lieve, it is your opinion, Sir, as well as mine, that what Lambard and Camden did before, might admit of emendations, and considerable additions. And what Mr. Kilburn and Mr. Philpot did since, was all modern and superficial. I wonder these two last who were cotemporary with our Author, should seem to have had no recourse to him, nor any know­ledge of his more complete design; which could be only owing to their own pride, or want of address to an easie and communicative man. Mr. Phil­pot did engage to write another dis­course of the Ports in Kent, speaking less of the Cinque Ports, because he in­tended to publish a particular Treatise re­lating solely to their immunities, and their just right to take cognisance of the fishery at Yarmouth 2. This faith the writer might have kept, for he liv'd to the year 1684. but there is no dependance on a man who could afford to rob his [Page 38] own Father of the credit of that book. For the Villare Cantianum, or Kent sur­veyed and Illustrated republisht, London, 1659. and 1664. fol. under the name of Thomas Philpot, is said to have been done by Iohn Philpot the Father, born at Folkstone, Somerset Herald at Arms, who died 1645 1. Let this only be ob­serv'd for the honour of Kent, that while other Counties (and but few of them) have met with single pens to give the History and description of them; ours of Kent has had no less than four Writers to celebrate the glo­ries of it, Lambard, Somner, Kilburn, Phil­pot. Let me observe farther in respect and duty to my native Town, that what Mr. Somner asserts of Dover, being the place where Iulius Caesar intended and attempted to arrive, is from Astro­nomical computation, fully demonstra­ted by the very ingenious Mr. E. Halley, who proves the year, the day, the time of day, and place, the Downs, where he made his first descent 2.

Let not posterity censure Mr. Somner for this abortive design on the Anti­quities of Kent, nor impute it to sloth­fulness, [Page 39] or change of mind, that he did not complete the model he had so long fram'd. It is a common infirmity of those who write nothing, to reflect on the delay of any one expected work: As if it were no more to do, than to talk of being done. Of the fatigues in a great performance, none are sensible but those who are engag'd in them. Thought and reflections, searches and reviews, remarks and collations, me­thod and stile, and ten thousand cares, all multiplied on the men of greater fidelity and caution, retard the Author, and protract his work: especially in matters of Antiquity, to be in haste does make the blinder birth. For those wri­ters cannot at one prospect get a view of their design. Like the new improve­ment of Perspective, the scene opens wider by longer looking on: that is, the business multiplies on the under­taker's hand, and the burden encreases on the weary Bearer. It is this has made more Antiquaries fail of their proposed attempts, than any other sort of writers. Mr. Iohn Leland the first restorer of En­glish Antiquities after the age of print­ing, undertook so immense a task, that the very thoughts of completing, did (as 'tis [Page 40] said, distract him 1. So as after the pub­lishing some short and trivial essays, he left his four Volumes of collections, fol. his five Volumes of Itinerary, 4 . and some other monuments of industry in Manuscript, for the most part indigested without leisure, or without patience to complete them. The next Antiquary Mr. Robert Talbot, had a great genius and an equal diligence, to gather and preserve the fragments of time: but designing Annotations on the Itinerary of Antonine; and a Collection of ancient Charters, &c. he died with his thoughts and his papers in confusion. With what tedious application and gradual ad­vances, did the great Camden conceive and nourish his fam'd Britannia? Had his life and strength endur'd, no doubt he had still been altering and augment­ing the glorious work. But he fell, and left unfinisht this and some other of his own, and the world's disappointed hopes 2. Mr. Roger Dodsworth fill'd a­bove sixty Volumes with the most ela­borate collections; but was still hunting for more, without the content of dis­posing what he had. And therefore [Page 41] excepting the Charters inserted in the two Volumes of Monasticon, which cost him little other pains than finding, and remitting to the press; he left nothing but infinite materials for those who would apply them better. Sir Simonds D'ewes, a great valuer of History and Coins, had laid a scheme for the Anti­quities and state of Britain, wherein he pretends he would discover errors in every page of Camden 1; but by death he fell from his great and vain attempt. Mr. T. Allen, Mr. B. Twine, Mr. W. Ful­man, and many other Antiquaries of this place, had the same ambition to collect, and the same misfortune never to methodize or publish. But beside these instances of general designs, the particular efforts on a History of single Counties, (like Mr. Somner's on Kent) have dropt into the graves of their in­tended Authors. Mr. Thomas Risdon drew up a Survey or Chorographical de­scription of Devonshire; but had not time to make the Edition of it 2. Sir Simonds D'ewes attempted the Topography of Suf­folk 3. Sir Edward Byshe promis'd the [Page 42] Antiquities of the County of Surry 1. Sir Matthew Hale made great collections relating to the County of Glocester, but would not frame them into any dispo­sition for the press 2. Captain Silas Tay­lor spent some years in picking up va­rious remarks on the County of Here­ford, but cast them into no just dis­course 3. Mr. Sampson Erdeswick wrote a short view of Staffordshire, containing the Antiquities of the said County; but could carry it no farther than MS. notes 4. And Mr. Randal Catheral, got voluminous collections that respected this County of Oxford 5; but never could cast them into a regular History, and took so little care to reposite his MSS. that to all my enquiries, they are now lost. Not to mention the reported designs of later men, Dr. Nat. Iohnston on the west-riding of Yorkshire. Iohn Aubrey Esq on Wiltshire. Walter Chetwind Esq on Staffordshire; to whose labours, if still depending, I wish resolution and success.

Forgive me this digression, and think [Page 43] it less impertinent; because it serves to justifie the memory of our Author, when so many others have fallen short of the like intentions: and the nature of such attempts is more apt to absorb and discourage the aggressors. In the mean time, we should better accept and e­steem this remnant that is sav'd of the Antiquities of Kent, and hang up the little plank, as more sacred than the whole ship.

But it is a more just Apology for Mr. Somner, that he did not devote his whole time to this ineffectual labour; but was all along employ'd in some o­ther duties to the public.

He found it necessary, not only to know the places and persons, but the customs and tenures of his Country; of which none so eminent, and so pe­culiar, as that of Gavelkind. This the Lawyers inform'd him to be the local custom of Kent, whereby if the Ante­cessor died intestate, all the Heirs male did equally share in the inheritance of lands, which had not been held in capite, nor disgavelld by special Act of Parli­ament. But this account would not sa­tisfie so inquisitive a mind as that of Mr. Somner, for his aim was always to [Page 44] understand properties and nature, more than names: according to that end pro­pounded by himself in all his researches, which was to know things, not so much in their present as primitive state, more in their causes than effects 1. And to this enquiry he was the more induc'd, that he might satisfie his Countrymen, and gain excuse for delay of his County-undertaking. For the more easie purohasing whereof, that they and others might perceive he had not been altogether idle, he pitch'd in his thoughts upon the Kentish custom of Gavelkind, and to some more than vulgar discourse thereof, as a specimen and earnest of his farther in­tentions for the County. This discourse he divided into five heads. 1. The true Etymologis and derivation of the name, where he refutes the continued fancy of Lambard, Coke, Camden, Verstegan, Cowell, Spelman, Dodderidge, and many other Lawyers and Antiquaries, who would derive it from the Saxon gipe [...]eal cyn give to all kindred, or to all alike. Whereas he proves the name is by no means borrowed from the partible na­ture of the land; but from gapol or gavel a tribute or customary rent, and gecynoe nature, sort or kind; implying it to be [Page 45] land not held in fee, as Knights service; but chargeable with such rents as made it socage tenure. 2. He enquires into the nature of Gavelkind-land in point of partition, and proves it was neither from the name, nor bare nature of the land; but partly from the nature of the land, and partly from a general custom ex­tended thro the whole County in such censual land. 3. He searches into the Antiquity of Gavelkind-custom (in point especially of partition) and why more general in Kent than elsewhere. 4. Whe­ther Gavelkind be properly a tenure or custom? where he treats with incom­parable learning of all feudatory right, and all menial service. 5. Whether before the statute of Wills (32, & 34, Henry 8.) Gavelkind-land in Kent were devisable or not? which he resolves in the ne­gative, and answers all arguments of those who hold the contrary. All these points are discust with that variety of knowledge, and that ingenuity of spi­rit, as will make the Author and the book valued, while learning and Law are valued. At the end is an Appendix of such Muniments, Charters, and other Escripts, as were quoted in the prece­dent discourse. This subject led him [Page 46] thro a long course of Common Law, and thro the sense of very many Sta­tutes: for which he was afraid he might be thought too bold with the men of that robe, too much medling with matters of their peculiar science; but hopes they would excuse him, being one that honour'd their profession, and had an intent only in his way to do them service, and their profession right, by holding forth to public view some Antiquities, tending at once to the satisfa­ction of the one, and illustration of the other. What esteem this treatise bears among men of that honourable facultie, I might suggest by this familiar hint. I sought in vain for the book among many Libraries, till it was lent me by a worthy friend eminent in that pro­fession. I hope in a short time a new Edition may spread it into more hands. But let me give you a farther history of it. When Mr. Somner had drawn all his thoughts and authorities into a just discourse, he sent his papers to his ju­dicious friend Arch-bishop Vsher, who return'd them with this testimony: I have perus'd this learned treatise of Gavel­kind, and judge it very fit to be published. Ja. Armachanus. Apr. 7. 1647 1. This [Page 47] approbation of so great and good a man, was the best License that could be askt, or given to the book. But there were two reasons that hindred the pub­lication. First, the distress and perse­cution of the writer, which might take from him the appetite and ability of printing. Secondly, the ignorance and affectation of those times, that hated all Antiquity Ecclesiastical and Civil; and doted on a new Gospel, and new Laws: so that till the nation was dis­possest of this spirit, it was not fit to cast the pearl before them. The Au­thor laid it up in his own Archives, and imparted it only to the perusal of some peculiar friends. Dr. M. Casaubon had seen and read it, and in the year 1650. told the world, that his friend had write a just Treatise in English, upon that most famous and most ancient custom in Kent, call'd Gavelkind, &c 1. The Author him­self upon occasion own'd the hidden treasure, and pointed to it once or more in his notes to the words of Lipsius, An. 1650 2. and very often in his Glos­sary, An. 1652 3. But when Monarchy, [Page 48] Episcopacy, and learning were restor'd, then the Author brought forth the things new and old, when the eyes of men were opened. Yet still his own modesty would have longer conceal'd the talent, if the importunity of friends had not prevail'd. For he confesses An. 1660. That the Preface and Treatise had been written more than twelve years agon, and had lain by the Author ever since, and they had not now come forth but upon the encouragement of some worthy and judicious friends. At their request it appear'd a­broad with this title. Atreatise of Gavel­kind, both name and thing, shewing the true Etymology and derivation of the one, the nature, antiquity, and original of the o­ther; With sundry emergent observations, both pleasant and profitable to be known of Kentish men and others, especially such as are studious either of the ancient custom, or the Common Law of this kingdom, by a Wellwisher to both, William Somner. Lon­don, 1660. 4 to.

In this elaborate work, the Author is most happy in the Etymology and description of Gavelkind, and Socage, of the Norman's Fief de Haubert, and Fief de Roturier; of the Saxon's Boclan [...] and Folclan [...]; of the Feudists Allodium and [Page 49] Feudum, &c. wherein he is singular and dissenting from all precedent writers, with such a vein of modesty, and such a strength of reason and authority, as has yet satisfied all Readers, and silenc'd all Critics. He has farther explain'd all the different tenures In capite; Knights-service; Fee-farm; Frank-almoign; Di­vine-service; Escuage certain; Burgage; Villenage, &c. with all lands denominat­ed from their service, as Work-land; Boc-land; Aver-land; Drof-land; Swilling-land; Mol-land; Ber-land; Ware-land; Terra-susanna; For-land; Bord-land; Scrud-land; Over-land; Mondy-land, &c. Where­in he supplies and corrects Littleton, and his oraculous Commentator: He fills up the defects of Spelman, and prevents the industry of Glossographers, that should follow after. And therefore the diligent Du-Fresne, in explication of most of these terms, barely translates the English of this book, and faithfully re­fers to it 1.

By this one performance he has in­deed shew'd himself an absolute Civi­lian, and a complete Common Lawyer; stating all tenures and methods of con­veyance [Page 50] with exquisite judgment; and examming the Writ de rationabili parte bonorum, with that nice hand, as prov'd him Master of more than he profest. And in many of these disputes he could have been a more final Arbiter; but that his habitual modesty restrain'd him; So that when many other points of Common Law did offer themselves to his discourse, yet being out of his profession, he would not wade or engage any farther in the argument; lest he should be censur'd of a mind to thrust his sickle into another man's harvest. 1

To obtain this knowledge in the Laws of his Country, he had trac'd all the streams of justice to their fountain head; he had searcht back into all the Institutions of the Norman and the Sax­on ages. And having first diligently en­quir'd into the Laws of Henry the first, and adorn'd them with Notes, and a Glossary, as was before observ'd; he went back farther, and reviewed all the po­licy of the Saxon Kings; a copy of whose Laws had been first gathered up by Mr. Alexander Nowell, (whom Mr. Camden 2 calls the Reviver of the Saxon [Page 51] language) in the year 1567. who going then beyond the seas committed them to his pupil in those studies, Mr. William Lambard, desiring him to translate them into Latin, and to make them public, 1. Which was done the following year under the title of APXAIONOMIA, sive de pris [...]is Anglorum Legibus, &c. Lond [...]ni, 1568. 4 to. reprinted fol. at Cambridge, 1644. In the perusal of this work, our judicious Author found, that in the latin version there was a polite and elaborate stile, too much affected, that gave little or no help to the Reader in understanding the original Saxon 2. Which opinion was after con­firm'd by that stupendous Master of the Northern tongues, Fr. Iunius, who speak­ing of Mr. Lambard's publishing the Laws of the English Saxon Kings, translated by himself, tells us that he better approves the an­cient version by Jo. Brompton, and advises all that love the genuine Monuments of Anti­quity, rather to embrace the old interpre­tation of a rough and impolite age, than rashly adhere to the modern and more re­fin'd Translators. 3. The same censure was continued by the Annotators on the [Page 52] Life of Alfred, 1, and by the last Editor of the Saxon Chronicle. 2. Upon this prin­ciple Mr. Somner did believe, that such an elegant and paraphrastic way of ren­dring old Records, was too much like paint on the face of a wrinkled ma­tron, or a cap and feather upon gray hairs. He resolv'd to take off the dis­guise, and represent the true venerable aspect; by a new version plain and nigh to literal, for the benefit of all who were studious of the Saxon tongue; to which he added some Laws that were omitted in that collection by Mr. Lambard. 3. And designing farther; that such Gentlemen who would read only their mother tongue, might not be ignorant of these fundamental constitutions, he turn'd them all to modern English, and has left the Transcript thus entitled, The ancient Saxon Laws translated into En­glish. Neither of these versions has yet seen the light, tho [...] most worthy of it. The first of them especially, will be of great use to the next Editor of the Saxon Laws. For Mr. Lambard's colle­ction might be now greatly improv'd, as one, who best knows, assures the [Page 53] world, that beside the Laws first publisht by Lambard, and revis'd by Wheelock, it was probable that many others lie con­ceal'd in the Bennet and Cottonian Li­braries, which it would be good service to send abroad into the world. And (says the same great man) I have by me a Transcript of the Laws of King Aethelbert, Hlothare, and Edric, from the Textus Roffensis, which Lambard, however dili­gent in searching out these Laws, had not seen before his Edition of Archaionomia. 1. Let us not despair of a revisal and aug­mentation of this Codex of English Laws. Our Friend who has done so much honour to the Saxon Chronicle, is of abilities, and a genius fit for this o­ther performance.

In the mean time, let me observe, that nothing would more facilitate and perfect the studie of our Common Law, than an application to Antiqui­ties of this kind. It is pity the young Gentlemen of that profession should be content to learn only the present pra­ctise of the Courts, and look no far­ther into the original of judicial me­thods: which alone can admit them to the depth of reason, and the bottom of [Page 54] a cause. There is indeed little hope of this progress in those new measures, of first learning the practic forms in sub­servience to Attorneys, and bare en­tring of names for a title to the bar. But where men of parts are honour'd with the more liberal education of spending some years in one of the two national Schools of learning, and thence transfer themselves to the Seminaries of the Law, to prosecute the Histories of use and custom: from such we might expect those degrees of knowledge, that would accomplish the Advocate, the Judge, and the Statesman; such would be truest Patriots of their Coun­try, and would be the more unwilling to have the Laws of England chang'd, when they understood what they were from the beginning. I dare not speak more of my own sence; but I humbly refer to the words of a wise man, who when he has recommended ancient Hi­stories and original Laws, concludes thus. This I thought good to say for the sake of our young Gentry, who adorn the Inns of Court, if possibly by my advice they would not spare their pains to attain the Saxon tongue, and run over the many monu­ments of venerable Antiquity in that lan­guage [Page 55] and Character, the peculiar treasure of their nation. 1. Possibly Estates and some titles may have been obtain'd by lighter means; but the good name, and the abilities to serve a Kingdom, have been acquir'd only by these industrious studies. This keeps up the memory of Coke, Dodderidge, Noy, Selden, Hale, and many other oracles, whom no autho­rity nor time can silence.

But I proceed to tell you the next la­bour of Mr. Somner: which was a disserta­tion de Portu Iccio. For examining the ex­pedition of Caesar into Britain, he found by his own account, 2, that his first voyage began from a Port of the Mo­rini, from whence was the shortest pas­sage into Britain. And where he took ship the second time, (which by de­scription appears to be the same place) he expresly call'd Portus Iccius, Men of learning were not agreed in the site of this haven. Mr. Camden and Ortelius thought it to be Witsan. Raimundus Marlian, and Adrian Iunius, believ'd it the same with Calais. Iac. Chifletius for the honour of his Master the King of Spain, woud have it Mardike in Flanders. But [Page 56] Mr. Somner fixes it at Gessoriacum, now Bologne; wherein he was followed by Sanson, &c. Of later writers, Adrian Valesius 1 concludes it to be Estaples nigh Bologne. The noble Du-Fresne 2 and M. Baudrand 3 restore it to Witsan or Wit­sant. And Mr. Halley 4 conjectures it was near Calais-clifts, either Ambleteuse on the one side, or Calais on the other. Other Critics may suspend their judge­ment, till they see this discourse of Mr. Somner, which deserves to be fairly publisht. The MS bears this title, A dis­course of Portus Iccius, wherein the late conceits of Chifletius, in his Topographical discourse, are examined and refuted: the judgement of Cluverius concerning the same Port asserted and embraced, and the true site thereof more clearly demonstrated, by William Somner.

Our Author's skill in the Saxon tongue, oblig'd him to enquire into most of the European languages anci­ent and modern. For there is a con­nexion in all learning, especially in the knowledge of tongues, which draws the student from one link to another, [Page 57] till he has past over the whole chain of dependance. This made him run through the old Gallic, Irish, Scotch, and Danish dialects; especially the Gothic, Scla­vonian and German. Of his perfection in the latter, he gave the world a pub­lic specimen on this occasion. While his Reverend friend Dr. Meric Casaubon was employ'd in an essay on the Saxon tongue, he hapned upon an Epistle of Iustus Lipsuis to Henry Schottius, which contain'd a large catalogue of old Ger­man words, in use with that nation, about eight or nine hundred years before. The Dr. thought many of them had a great affinity to the Saxon; and there­fore being then at London, sent down the Catalogue to Mr. Somner at Canter­bury, and desir'd his opinion of them. Who within few days return'd his Ani­madversions, and shew'd the relation of the German with the Saxon tongue. But because they were too long to be inserted by Dr. Casaubon, in the body of his discourse; he plac'd them as an Ap­pendix under this title, Gulielmi Somneri Cantuariens [...]s ad verba vetera Germanica à V. Cl. Iusto Lipsio Epist. Cent. III. ad Bel­gas Epist. XLIV. collecta, Notae. This first part of Dr. Casaubon's Comment on four [Page 58] tongues, Hebrew and Saxon, (the other two Greek and Latin, the Dr. did not finish) was publisht at London, 1650. 8 vo. Ou the mention of it, I will put you in mind of one mistake of a learn'd man, Du Fresne Ld. du Gange, who in the preface to his admirable Latin Glossary, reflects on those Critics, who would derive the modern languages from Greek originals: Ioachimus Perio [...]us and Hen. Stephanus for the French; Monosmius for the Ita­lian; Matutius and Aldretus for the Spa­nish, and Stephen Skynner for the English. When this last must be a lapse of me­mory: for Dr. M [...]ri [...] Casaubon, who in this Comment on the Saxon tongue, does industriously refer it to the Greek, and gives a long Catalogue of Saxon words so deduc'd. Whereas Dr. Skynner does indeed fetch the Saxon from the Nor­thern dialects, and reflects on Dr. Ca­saubon for being so fond of that other conceit.

These were the public services done by Mr. Somner, till the year 1650. at which time Dr. Casaubon reports, that he would have printed all his useful labours, and would have wrote much more: if that fatal catastrophe had not interpos'd, which brought no less desolation upon letters, than [Page 59] upon the Land. 1. And he himself had a­bout three years before declar'd, that he had by him some other things in a rea­diness for the public, which should not, God willing, be much longer retarded, if the times permitted by the continuance of our Countie's peace, peace that Mother of Arts 2.

His next opportunity of doing pub­lic good was this. It was an observa­tion of the learned, that no one nation had so many various Histories of their own affairs, as that of England: wrote by Britains, Saxons, and Normans; but most of them in a manner dissolv'd with the Monasteries, wherein they laid and slept. Some of them had been rais'd from the dust by Ioceline, Howard, Parker, Camden, Savile; but many were yet in chains of darkness; which it would be justice and mercy to redeem, and expose to view. The proposal was made by that industrious Bookseller Cornelius Bee, who about 1641. had im­portun'd Sir Roger Twisden to supply him with materials of this kind for the press 3. That worthy Baronet call'd in the as­sistance of Arch-bishop Vsher and Iohn [Page 60] Selden Esq 1: by whose industry and good affection to learning, ten writers of the English history were transcrib'd from the originals in the Bennet and Cottonian Libraries, and faithfully col­lated with all different copies, by an expert Amanuensis Mr. Ralph Iennings. For the more elegant Edition, a new fund of letters was neatly cast, and a provision made of fine paper. To adorn the work, Sir Roger Twisden was to acquaint the Reader with the occa­sion of the book, and the conveyance of those MSS from which it was com­pil'd. Mr. Selden was in a larger pre­face to give account of the ten Histo­rians, and their writings. And Mr. Ien­nings to subjoyn the various lections. But still the Editors were sensible that to complete the glory of the work, there wanted a Glossary, or explication of the more obscure and obsolete words, which often occurr'd in those primaeve writers. For this province, they knew none so well qualified as Mr. Somner: to him they commit the office, and he discharg'd it with infinite integrity and honour. So that when in 1652. this best collection of Historians came forth [Page 61] under this title, Historiae Anglicanae scri­ptores X. &c. ex vetustis Manuscriptis nunc primum in lucem editi, &c. The Ap­pendix was Mr. Somner's labour, thus inscrib'd, Glossarium, in quo obscuriora quae (que) vocabula, quae toto hoc opere conti­nentur, copiose explicantur, & ad origines suas plera (que) revocantur, Gulielmo Som­nero Cantuar [...]ensi Auctore. Of this per­formance Sir Roger Twisden gives the Reader this character. One word of the Glossary, without which this work had been imperfect and little useful. Vnderstand Reader, it was compil'd for your sake by William Somner, a man of primitive pro­bity and candor, a most sagacious searcher into the Antiquities of his Country, and most expert in the Saxon tongue. If some words are here glost upon, not found in these writers; know, this was not done out of ostentation, or the affected glory to appear learned; but it was granted at the impor­tunate request of his friends, by a man of the greatest modesty and ingenuity; that if such terms occur in other Historians of our nation, and by none that I know of explain'd; you may from hence discover the sense of them: our design being not to give trouble to him, but satisfaction to you; such are Cul­vertagium, Witerden, Tenmantale, ( the [Page 62] understanding of which I owe purely to him) and others of that kind.

This key to recluse and antiquated words, improv'd whatever of this na­ture had been done before: it amends and supplies the old Gallic Glossary of Pontanus; the signification of words by Skon [...]us; the explanation of terms prefixt by Mr. Lambard to his Saxon Laws; the Onomasticon of Clement Reiner, in his Apost. Bened. in Anglia; the Glossography to the works of Chaucer; the Etymolo­gicon of Io. Ger. Vossius; the Glossary of Dr. Watts, adjoin'd to his noble Edition of Mat. Paris; and above all the ex­cellent Glossary of Sir Henry Spelman, then only publisht to the letter N. Nor has Mr. Somner like the former Glos­sographers, confin'd himself to the anti­quated names of things; but with happy learning has commented on the names of this Island and several parts of it; to which he has affixt such new and apposite derivations, as delight and satisfie all ju­dicious Readers. It is indeed a work of that extent, as may serve for a cla [...]is to all other Historians, and to all Re­cords. Therefore when the learned Sir Iohn Marsham wrote an Introduction to the Monasticon Anglicanum, he refers the [Page 63] Reader to this Glossary of Mr. Somner's, where a barbarous word creates him any trouble. And that living Author, (whom I often mention, but cannot enough commend) observes, That the Laws of the Saxon Kings may be read with some profit, as turn'd into Latin by Jo. Brom­pton, if the incomparable Glossary of Mr. Somner be consulted, wherein the more obscure words are fully explain'd 1. And after calls it, a truly golden work, without which, as Sir Roger Twisden writes, the ten historians had been imperfect, and little useful.

How complete might this Glossary be made from our Author's several ex­ercises of this nature, which now re­main in the Archives of Canterbury? His marginal notes on Bracton de Legibus Anglia; on the collection of English and Latin Statutes, printed 1556. 8 vo. on Mr. Selden's Spicilegium ad Eadmerum; on Verstegan's restitution of decayed in­telligence: especially from his Glossari [...] rerum & verborum difficilium in Legibus H [...]rici 1. And his Adversaria in Spelm [...]i Glossarium, in Wat [...]ii Glossarium Mat. Par. additum: & in Tractatum Ger. Io. Vossii de vitio sermonis. Had the inquisitive du [Page 64] Fresne been inform'd of all these papers, how much would he have augmented his immense work? How much will the knowledge of all our Laws and u­sages improve, when these mighty ma­terials come at last to be digested by an able and patient hand?

The Author himself intended to publish more of this kind. For in his Addenda ad Gloss. X. Script. he does advertise the Reader, that if any other difficult words occur, which he had not there explain'd, (as omissions might be easie in so long a work) and read over as it were ex­tempore, he would be glad to be inform'd of them, and would not fail with thanks to ex­plicate them in the best manner that he could: at least in another Tome of Histo­rians, shortly to be publisht. Sir Roger Twisden in his Preface gives the world the same encouragement, to hope for a second Tome, if this first were well accepted. But it was not allow'd to Scholars to be so happy. The association of those E­ditors was dissolv'd by the death of Selden and Vsher within few years. Tho possibly the greatest impediment was the ignorance and distraction of the times, that could not enough en­courage the great expences of the Book­seller [Page 65] Mr. Cornelius Bee, to whom Mr. Somner gives this just character, that he was a man who had deserv'd very well of the republic of letters, by publishing, at his own care and cost, many books of better note, wherein he was so industrious, as literally to answer his own name 1. He had indeed with great charge and pains, collected sufficient copies to have made up a se­cond Tome; which lay dead in the hands of his Executors, till for a con­siderable sum they were purchas'd from them, by that generous promoter of learning, the right Reverend Father in God Iohn Fell Bishop of Oxford; by whose encouragement some were pub­lisht; and by whose never enough la­mented death, others remain in private hands. I have seen the following copies, 1. Willielmus Malmsburiensis de Antiqui­tate Glastoniensis Ecclesiae ejus (que) Abbati­bus. Ex Libro Roberti Cotton, quem ipsi dono dedit Tho. Allen, Aug. 12. 1672. exam. & collat. cum alio Manuscripto libro, quem Richardus Tychburn eques & Ba­ronettus dedit Paulo Robinsono, qui ean­dem inscripsit Bibliothecae S. Gregorianae, Duaci, Iul. 15. 1651. 2. Invictissimi An­glorum Franciae (que) Regis Henrici quinti, ad [Page 66] ejus filium Christianissimum Regem Hen­ricum sextum, vita per Titum Livium de Frulovisiis Ferrariensem edita. Ex Libro Cottoniano, collat. cum alio Libro Manu­scripto in Bibl. Bened. Cantab. 3. Hi­storia de tempore primaevae inchoationis sedis Episcopalis Wellensis, & ejusdem Episcopis, & de Episcopis in sede Bathoniensi. 4. Fragmentum Annalium Saxonum ab An. 726. ad An. 1055. 5. Fragmentum Anna­lium de rebus ad Hiberniam spectantibus ab An. 994. ad An. 1177. To most of these copies is a Postscript by the Ama­nuensis, Mr. Ralph Iennings, wherein he acknowledges the receipt of several sums of mony, for his reward in tran­scribing and collating the said copies, and promises to compare them with the original, when desir'd. What honour to the nation had it been, if these and many other copies had been publisht, in the same method with the former Volumes. I am sure, we have since had no one Edition of Historians with that exactness, and that grandeur. Nor can we hope for any so correct and so au­gust, till the same measures be taken, of several hands joyning in the same work. For any one undertaker has either not opportunity to discover all [Page 67] copies, or not leisure to collate them; or not the advantage of attending the press for correction; or not patience to draw up (what is the main benefit of a large book) a full and faithful In­dex. So that we have lame and inac­ [...]rate Editions, for want of the wis­dom of our forefathers to assist one an­other. It is by this mutual help, that the Societies in France give us such ab­solute Impressions. And could we re­sume that practise here at home, we should infinitely advance the good of letters, and the glory of Britain. I de­tract not from the public services of Mr. Fulman, Dr. Gale, and Mr. Wharton, who seem to have done as much, as pri­vate men can do.

Mr. Somner's reputation was now so well establisht, that no Monuments of Antiquity could be farther publisht, without his advice and helping hand. Therefore when the noble Sir Henry Spelman had encourag'd Mr. Dugdale to joyn with Mr. Dodsworth, to collect and publish the Charters and Monuments of Religious houses, and had commu­nicated to them his own originals and transcripts, of the foundations in Nor­folk and Suffolk: when Mr. Dugdale in [Page 68] Oxford had got many materials from the Bodleian and College Libraries: and in France had gathered from the papers of Du-Chesne, several memorials of our Priories Alien. When Mr. Dods­worth had preserv'd all that related to Yorkshire, and most Northern Counties; when they had both searcht the Tower of London, the Cotton Library, and o­ther Archives; they invited Mr. Somner to assist in that immense labour, who return'd them the Charters of Christ­church, and St. Augustin's in Canterbury, with the ichnography of the Cathedral, the draught of the Monastery, and o­ther Sculptures: furnisht them with the original Charter of King Stephen to the Abby of Feversham, then in his hands; and inform'd them in many other que­ries relating to the City and County: and then accepted the office impos'd upon him, of bearing a peculiar part of the burden, by translating all the Saxon originals, and all the English tran­scripts from the Itinerary of Leland, and other Records, into plain and proper Latin: a necessary and useful ornament to those admirable volumes. Which service Sir Iohn Marsham commemo­rates in his learned Propylaeum; There [Page 69] assisted in this work a man of the greatest knowledge in our Antiquities, William Somner of Canterbury, who has rendred into latin all the Saxon, and the English of Leland. To whose Glossary, lately pub­lisht with the English Historians, the Reader is refer'd, if any barbarous word creates him trouble. The same person is now preparing for the press a curious Saxon Dictionary. The first Volume of this Monasticon was publisht, London, 1655. The book which now stands in the Li­brary of the Church of Canterbury, has inserted after the Propylaeum a printed leaf in folio, containing six copies of verses made by Kentish men, in com­mendation of Mr. Dodsworth, Mr. Dug­dale, and Mr. Somner, who are there said to be the joint collectors of that glo­rious work. The second Volume was deferr'd (as a punishment to the in­grateful world) to the year 1661. A third Volume of Cathedral and Col­legiate Churches, with Additaments to the two former, was publisht An. 1673. In these books are promiscuously com­pris'd the most Authentic, because most genuine and inartificial, History of En­gland. There be materials enough dis­perst in several hands to complete a [Page 70] fourth Volume. Dr. Hicks recites the title of many Charters, in the Archives of the Church of Worcester, of which, he says, none are inserted in the Monasticon 1. I have seen many originals and Tran­scripts of omitted Charters and Mona­stic Annals, in the hands of men of cu­riosity and public spirit; who would contribute their additions to such a work, when ever men of industry and courage dare to undertake it.

Mr. Somner's friends knew, how far­ther to employ a useful man. They ob­serv'd it impossible to cultivate any language, or recommend it to the in­dustry of learners, without the help of some Dictionary for a standing oracle in obscure and dubious words. This was yet wanting to the Saxon language, and was the reason why so few were masters of it. For men care not to tra­vel without a guide in lands unknown. This was a burden that wanted heart and shoulders equal to it; but they could impose it on none more able than Mr. Somner: on him they lay the mighty task, and adjure him to per­form it. Above all, the Counsellor of his studies Dr. M. Casaubon, us'd all his [Page 71] interest of friendship to press him to this labour; as he thus informs us: When Mr. Somner by several essays on the Saxon tongue, had sufficiently prov'd himself a master of it; I ceas'd not then to impor­tune him, that he would think of compiling a Saxon Dictionary; by which work I did assure him, he would best merit of that language, and would receive infinite thanks from all that were studious of it. But in such unhappy times, what can the Reader promise to himself, or what can I promise for the Author? I leave all to his own dis­cretion. 1. Upon this hint given to the public, many other of Mr. Somner's friends, who knew his course of studies, did themselves hope, and made others expect, to see such a labour done by him. Especially when by his Glossary and Version of Saxon Charters, he had farther serv'd the world: from that time he was incited by the daily request and importunity of many persons, to undertake and finish that work; many of his judicious and af­fectionate friends, considering his slender fortune, and offering to contribute in the charges of the impression: with assurance that the book would be very acceptable both at home and abroad, especially to all that were [Page 72] studious of the Teutonic Antiquities, which language was originally the same with the Saxon 1. But for a work that requir'd so much time, and so great expence, his friends were to contrive some more competent support and reward: to which Providence (that seldom fails industrious men) ordain'd an oppor­tunity. The great Sir Henry Spelman, while he was at Cambridge with Mr. Ie­remy Stephens, to search those Libraries, and collect materials for his designed Volumes of British Councils, finding very many Saxon Manuscripts, and very few that understood them; resolv'd to found a Lecture in that language, to restore and improve the study of it. This generous act was soon done by him, and he first conferr'd that office on Mr. Abraham Wheelock, one that had assisted him in some Transcripts of that tongue; and for endowment settled on him and his successors a sufficient yearly stipend, with presentation to the be­nefice of Midleton, nigh Lin-Regis in Norfolk 2. By the death of Mr. Wheelock An. 1657. the disposal of that Lecture fell to Roger Spelman Esq son of Sir [Page 73] Iohn, son of the founder, who de­sign'd to bestow it on Mr. Samuel Foster, a learned and worthy Divine. But Arch-bishop Vsher, a friend to Anti­quities and Mr. Somner, recommended him to the Patron, that he would confer on him the pecuniary stipend, to enable him to prosecute a Saxon Dictionary, which would more improve that tongue than bare Academic Lectures 1. And herein that Prelate was like himself, judicious. For the endowment of public Lectures has often met with this till success, to make the Readers neglect, and the hearers despise them. Whereas if the same re­wards were given, on condition of printing those Lectures, or publishing some other remains of that Art or Science: mens industry would be great­er, and the Republic of Letters much better serv'd. This seem'd the inten­tion of the wise and pious founder Sir Henry Spelman, in establishing this Le­cture. The words of his foundation being to promote the Saxon tongue, either by reading it publicly, or by the edition of Saxon Manuscripts, and other books 2. Which last design Mr. Wheelock had [Page 74] most answered, by publishing the Eccle­siastical History of Bede, with the Saxon Paraphrase of King Alfred. The Saxon Chronology with his own latin version, and Mr. Lambard's Saxon Laws, with some additions. Cambridge 1644. fol.

This reason of the thing, and this Will of his Grandfather, inclin'd Mr. Spelman to comply with the advice of Bishop Vsher, and to present Mr. Som­ner to the annual salary of that Le­cture. Which this man of tenderness and modesty would not accept, with­out the free consent of Mr. Foster, be­fore nominated to the place: who prefer'd the public before his own in­terest, and Mr. Somner before himself. Therefore content with the Ecclesia­stical benefice, he left the annual por­tion of mony to Mr. Somner, who re­ceiving this reward, would not omit the duty for it.

He was enough sensible, that to make a Lexicon in any tongue, was one of the hardest and most servile labours. Espe­cially if no foundations were before laid; there to find materials, and to build the whole structure, was more tedious and expensive, than barely to augment, or adorn. On reflection he [Page 75] found those difficulties to press upon him: some faint endeavours, and for­gotten promises, but no one public per­formance of this nature.

The first example was given by Ael­fric the Grammarian and Arch-bishop, either of Canterbury 1, or rather of York 2. who flourisht about the year 1004. and made two distinct Glossaries on this tongue; one of which F. Iunius tran­scrib'd from a very ancient copy in the Library of Peter Paul Rubenius of Brus­sels, and communicated to Mr. Somner 3, who publisht it with the Latin Gram­mar in Saxon, by the same Author. This could be no great assistance to Mr. Somner, because short and imper­fect, and indeed erroneous, and a little barbarous, as the Editor himself com­plains 4: and another expert in these studies does affirm, when Aelfric expounds the words in Latin, he is very oft mistaken 5. There is another Glossary Latin-Saxon, by the same Prelate, (distinct from the former) which he wrote as a Comment on his Grammar; and is found at the end of those copies of the Grammar [Page 76] which are now in the Cotton Library, and in that of St. Iohn's Oxon: which seems to have escap'd the knowledge of Mr. Somner. This latter may be the same with that Diction. Latin-Saxon: which Dr. Cave recounts among the Manuscripts of Aelfric 1. And therefore a worthy Author is injurious to Dr. Cave, in taxing him with an error, for re­citing this work among the Manuscripts of AElfric, when it was publisht by Mr. Som­ner 2. No, that work is still in MS. and what was publisht by Mr. Somner is a different Tract, which the Dr. had be­fore mention'd, as printed at Oxon. 1659. One writer should be tender of ano­ther writer's reputation, and not im­pute mistakes, but where he is very cer­tain of them.

There were two other ancient Saxon Glossaries by unknown hands, in the Cotton Library, the one a thin folio, the other a more thick octavo; what help Mr. Somner had from these, he freely owns, by referring to them. Since the Reformation, Mr. Laurence Nowell spent time in drawing up a Saxon vocabulary, which he design'd to complete, and pub­lish. But he dying in 1576. left the im­perfect [Page 77] Manuscript, which Mr. Selden procur'd, and lent to Mr. Somner; who seems not to have receiv'd it, till he had in great part digested his own colle­ctions; and implies it to be a deficient work. F. Iunius after took a transcript of it, the original and copy are both with us. Next to him, Mr. I. Ioceline Secretary to Arch-bishop Parker, by ad­vice of that learned Prelate, made some larger collections to the same intent, which were transcrib'd by Sir Symonds D'ewes Baronet, and remitted to Mr. Somner: who farther mentions a report that Iohn de Laet of Antwerp, a man learned in Saxon letters, had projected a work of this nature; but no perfor­mance. After all, Mr. Abraham Wheelock, Spelman-Professor, did promise the world that he would compile a Saxon Dictio­nary; but he either forgot the promise, or death absolv'd him from it. It has been the infirmity of great men, when their first thoughts have laid the scheme of any work, to take occasion of pro­claiming their design; to raise and de­ceive the expectation of the world. Prudence should temper this vain de­sire of glory. An imprinted promise is a very sacred thing: and men should [Page 78] not engage their faith to the public, unless they are sure to discharge it. How often are men weary of a warm resolution? How oft do second thoughts correct the former: and when the scene is laid, it must be took away? How oft do mens labours encrease upon their hands, till the undertaking prove a­bove their strength? How many ac­cidents of business, sickness, and mor­tality may intervene? So as what wise man would enter into obligation, when it is such a hazard whether he shall be able to pay?

But this mention of the few Saxon Glossographers, is only to do justice to the memory of Mr. Somner, by inferring what small assistance he had in so large a work. He had not that easy task of adding to things invented, or improv­ing an old book; but was to compose all, and be properly an Author. We have been taught at School to honour the Lexicon of I. Scapula, and yet Vogler has call'd him the Epitomator of Henry Stephens 1: and another eminent writer says, he cannot be absolv'd from the crime of Plagiarism and concealment 2. We ad­mire [Page 79] the laborious Volumes of I. I. Hoffman: and yet it is observ'd with great indignation, that he has arrogated to himself the interpolated and depraved works of other men, suppressing the names of the true Authors. 1. And a great Critic animadverts on him, for transposing the whole Lexicon of Baudrand into the first Tome of his work. 2. Nay Baudrand himself is by Sanson accus'd of theft from his own Father, without any dutiful mention of him. 3. Nothing has been more familiar, than to hear Holyoak bor­rowed most from Rider, and he from Eliot, and so on. But I will give you one instance, which I have more lately observ'd. Tho. Cooper's Thesaurus Linguae Romanae, &c. first publisht London, 1565. greatly rais'd the reputation of that writer, and is said to have prefer'd him to his great station in the Church. Yet this mighty work is very little more, than a pure Transcript of the Dictiona­rium Latino Gallicum, by Charles Stephens at Paris, 1553. I have collated them in most parts, and find them literally the same in allmost all words, and the [Page 80] direct order of them, and in every clas­sic phrase; with this only difference, that those phrases are rendred in French by Stephens, and in English by Cooper: whose disingenuity is much the greater, because in his preface and Dedication, he mentions the Bibliothece of Sir Tho. Eliot, and the Thesaurus of Rob. Stephens; but speaks not a word of this other Dictionary of Charles Stephens, which was the copy (I assure you) that he tran­scrib'd verbatim.

When Mr. Somner had made an im­mense collection of materials, in order to compile his Dictionary, and had me­thodiz'd them in two large Volumes, now remaining in the Canterbury Ar­chives; he sent up his papers to Oxford, and the Impression was here made for the Author, Apr. 1659. with an elegant inscription to all Students in the Saxon tongue; a grateful dedication to his Patron Roger Spelman Esq, and a proper useful Preface. The Author and his work recommended by the ingenious verses English and Latin, of Iohn de Bosco; Henry Hugford; Ioshua Childrey; and Will. Iacob Physitian; with an Appendix of the Grammar and Glossary of Aelfric. And at the end of all, is a Catalogue of [Page 81] those worthy persons who contributed to th [...] great charge of the Impression, whose names and example he commends to the present age, and to posterity; for the perpetual honour of Philologers▪ and as a testimony of the Author's grateful mind.

Let none be offended, that so excel­lent a work was forc'd to be thrown upon the public stock, and brought up on common charity. Till the men on curiosity encrease their number, this must be the fate of the best books, that they shall not bear the charges of their own Impression. It is this has stifled the conception of many glorious de­signs, to see exquisite Volumes thrown back upon an Author's empty hands; while Plays and Pamphlets reward the trifling writers. What else was the rea­son that most of our old Historians were first printed beyond the seas; but only, that cheaper methods, and quicker sale, made the Editors to gain abroad, what they must have lost at home? What induc'd Sir Walter Raleigh to burn the second part of his admirable Hi­story; but only a fordid complaint, that the first five books were a burden to the printer 1? What inclin'd Sir Henry [Page 82] Spelman so long to suppress the second part of his incomparable Glossary, but this only; that when he offer'd the copy of the first part to Bill the Kings Printer, for five pounds in books; that light proposal was rejected, and he was forc'd to make the Impression at his own great charge? 1? How could Dr. Brian Walton have carried on those six stupendous volumes of the Biblia Poly­glotta, An. 1657. if there had not been a public fund, and Treasurer appoint­ed to collect and dispose the contribu­tions of worthy men? 2? In a word, it was a credit to this work of Mr. Somners, that it appear'd so little the interest of the writer, and deserv'd so much the charity of public benefactors. Espe­cially at a time, when the oppressed Royalists were more tempted to write for bread, than for glory; and were drove upon a double necessity, to beg for the support of themselves, and the Edition of their books.

For this indeed is a farther honour to the work, and the Author of it; that it was done in the days of Anarchy and Confusion, of Ignorance and Ty­ranny; [Page 83] when all the Professors of true Religion and good literature were si­lenc'd and opprest. And yet Providence so order'd, that the loyal suffering party did all that was then done, for the improvement of letters, and the ho­nour of the nation. Those that intru­ded into the places of power and profit, did nothing but defile the press with lying news, and Fast-Sermons▪ while the poor ejected Church-men, did works, of which the world was not wor­thy. I appeal to the Manas [...]icon, the Decem Scrip [...]ores, the Polyglot Bible, and the Saxon Dictionary.

I need not tell of the good reception this labour met with among men of judgment; nor how the great progress in the knowledge of this tongue, was owing most to this one work. I would onely remind you, that our eminent Linguist Dr. Tho. Mareshall, in the Pre­face to his Saxon Gospels, refers the Reader upon all doubtful words, to this com­plete Dictionary, which Mr. Somner com­pos'd with great diligence. And our first excellent Grammarian does gratefully acknowledge, that he collected many cri­tical observations, which lay disperst in this work 1.

[Page 84] It is true, this first public essay on the construction of the Saxon tongue, was not so full and absolute, but that it is now capable of additions, and great im­provement. For how indeed can any works, but those of creation, be per­fect, when they are first produc'd? Espe­cially in a performance of this nature, that depends on the variety of words, and Author's various acceptation of them: here the prime birth can give no more than infancy: it is age and education must encrease the stature, and mature the strength. Besides, our Author had this peculiar disadvantage, that while the abundant sense of words can be gathered only from a multitude of writers in all different times, and all different professions; he could procure but few books, and those of a short and ignorant age. This Apology I can better represent in the words of an in­genious Etymologist. How small a por­tion of our ancient tongue, like a few planks from a fatal shipwrack, has come into our hands? What a slender stock of words can be drawn out of three or four small Tracts? If of Roman Authors, none had been left to us but the Offices of Tully, and the Hi­stories of Salust and Tacitus. If of the [Page 85] Grecian, none but Herodotus, Thucidi­des, and Zenophon, how could Cale­pine and Stephanus have swell'd their volumes to so great a bulk? If you compare our Somner to those giant Authors, tho in diligence not inferiour to either of them, you would see there a Hercules and a Cy­clops; here a Hylas and a Pigmy 1. Tho certainly, if we look back on the first attempts of this kind, in all the ancient and modern tongues, we shall find no one Nomenclature, in it's pure begin­ning so copious, and so exact, as this of Mr. Somner.

He himself was most conscious, what was wanting to it, and therefore was alway improving the stock, and soli­citing all Scholars, whom he thought could be beneficial to him. Among o­thers, Mr. George Davenport, a great pro­ficient in that language, sent him many Notes and Observations. I have now before me an original letter of Mr. Somner to Dr. Casaubon, Canterbury. 12. Octob. 1664. of which part runs thus. I return many thanks for those papers of Mr. Davenport, which you were pleas'd to im­part unto me. I have more than once per­used them, and am so well pleas'd with [Page 86] them, and instructed by them, that I shall improve them to a good degree; in point of correction to some, enlargement and illustra­tion in other parts of my Lexicon; not without the ingen [...]ous acknowledgement of my Author. Mean time, in order to such a use, I keep them by me, &c. But Mr. Somner liv'd not to execute the good design; nor has any yet resum'd it; tho ma­terials ly ready gathered. For among the printed Authors, left corrected and illustrated by the hand of Iunius, there is this Lexicon of Mr. Somner, with o­ther loose sheets, and the Grammar of Aelfric collated with some Manuscripts. Another of these printed volumes was in possession of Mr. George Davenport, much noted and enlarg'd by the curi­ous owner; and is now in other hands, interleav'd, and much farther improv'd. The want of a new Edition would in­deed be superseded, could the world at last enjoy the Etymologicon Anglicanum, completed by F. F. Iunius in two vo­lumes, and that Author's incomparable Lexicon of five Northern languages, which that most worthy Prelate Bishop Fell, took care to have transcrib'd in eleven volumes: and some few years since, we were encourag'd with the hopes of a [Page 87] speedy publication. 1. But chance and change have employ'd mens thoughts another way. Whenever the impression is resolv'd upon, it must pass through many hands, which will never joyn, if they must return empty. It wants and deserves a public spirit, and a public fund.

The last service of our Author was to publish his Treatise of Gavelkind, &c. An. 1660. which I have already men­tion'd; and need only add, that some reflections were made on this discourse by Silas Taylor Gentleman, in his Hi­story of Gavelkind, with the Etymology thereof, &c. London, 1663. 4 to. who, in his Preface, does inform the Reader, that he took occasion to publish his notes of this Tenure, from the late printed Treatise of that industrious Gentleman, Mr. William Somner of Canterbury, that he has in­termingled those first observations with these Animadversions on his learned discourses: that he entred not on this undertaking to quarrel with him, or with a design to carp at any thing, which he hath laboriously written, &c. This less accurate writer has only attempted to carry the origi­nal [Page 88] of the name and of the custom from the Saxons to the Britains; and to prove it not proper to Kent, but of an ancient use in other parts of the King­dom, &c. In all material points he con­firms the opinion of Mr. Somner, who in other exceptions has made his own defence in marginal Notes, on Mr. Silas Taylor's Gavelkind History, correcting his mistakes, &c. And his own printed treatise, when he was after conscious of any omissions, or lighter errors, he supplied and amended with his own hand. Both the books so annotated are now in the Canterbury Archives, and will be of great use to the next Editor of this very excellent Treatise of Gavel­kind.

Tho' our Author publisht nothing more in his own name; yet he was a fellow-labourer in many other works. Particularly in the second Tome of Coun­cils, of which the first had been pub­lish by Sir Henry Spelman London, 1639. who had projected two other volumes. After the Restauration, Arch-bishop Sheldon, and Chancellor Hido, impor­tun'd Mr. Dugdal [...] to perfect a second Tome, who is said to have added as many Transcripts as now fill 143. of [Page 89] the 200. printed sheets; of which he had several communicated to him by his old faithful Correspondent Mr. Som­ner, from the Registers of Canterbury. It was publisht London, 1664. full of mi­stakes. Mr. Somner with great pains and accuracy, collated the printed copy with many of the original Records, and in the margin amended the infinite de­fects. He had before done the same justice to the first Tome; of which he publicly complain'd, that the version of the Saxon was faulty, and occasio­nally gave a more correct interpreta­tion. 1. Both these volumes so emend­ed are now in your Canterbury Archives; and will lend a very great assistance to any learned man, who has spirit to un­dertake a second Edition of those Mo­numents of the Church; for which the world will praise him, and may God reward him. I have now done with the works and more public services of Mr. Somner, as an Antiquary and an Author. I would only invite you to look back upon his Loyalty to the King, his af­fection to the Church, and his inte­grity to all the world.

His Loyalty was firm and constant, [Page 90] not depending on interest, which might change; but upon a judgement, which could not alter. He adher'd to his Royal Master, and dar'd to suffer with him. A man of his parts and acquaintance, might have chosen his office from the usurping state, and his portion of lands from the dissolved Church. But he would accept of nothing from those who had no right to give; choosing rather to suffer affliction. He could in­fluence his whole family to the same principles. Both his brothers were true and zealous in the same cause. Iohn who was afterwards Wood-Reve to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and George a Major in the Militia of Kent; who ap­pearing at the head of a party in the last effort, which was made by the Roy­alists in that County, 1648. engag'd the rebels at Wye with very unequal force: and tho' he might have safely retir'd, or secur'd his life by asking, he fought on, and fell with honour. Our Author's profession and genius had less adapted him for arms; but he was no less zealous to assert the rights of the Crown, and the Laws of the land, by all the means which his capacity could use. When no endeavours could stop [Page 91] the madness of the people, nor save the effusion of Royal blood; he could no longer contain himself, but broke into a passionate Elegy, The insecurity of Princes, considered in an occasional medi­tation upon the King's late sufferings and Death. Printed in the year, 1648. 4 [...]. And soon after he publisht another af­fectionate Poem, to which is prefixt the Pourtraicture of Charles the first, be­fore his [...], and this title, The Frontispice of the King's book opened, with a Poem annexed, The insecurity of Princes, &c. 4 to. He waited all oppor­tunities to serve his banisht Prince; but it was the fate of the honest Gentry to be disappointed in all attempts, and draw down the greater persecution upon their own heads. Mr. Somner had his share of sufferings from the jealous powers, and, among other hardships, was imprison'd in the Castle of Deal for endeavouring to get hands to petition for a Free Parliament; which he fore­saw would restore the Church and King. Within a month or two, this method, blesst by providence, gave li­berty to him and all the Nation.

If we next consider his zeal and af­fection to the Church of England, we [Page 92] shall find them arising from a sense of conscience, that no threats or flatteries could move. His own primitive spi­rit, inclin'd him to the Doctrine and discipline of true Antiquity; and made him naturally averse to change and in­novation. He helpt to sustain the old foundations, as far as his strength and art could do: and when he found they must be overthrown, he was content to be involv'd in the common ruines. He murmured not, but made a soft com­plaint, that he was overtaken by the im­petuous storm, and necessitated to betake himself to other thoughts; chiefly how he might secure himself against the fury, in warding off the danger, &c. Yet his cares were more for the public interest, than for his own fortunes: as Keeper of the Archives, he had been allway faithful in the trust committed to him: But sacrilege and rapine, when they had devour'd the holy things, would have embezled or destroy'd all the Deeds and Records, that convey'd and con­firm'd them. This was the practice of those blest Reformers. At Peterburgh in April 1643. a Regiment of horse under Colonel Cromwell, forc'd open the Church doors, tore in pieces the Common-Prayer [Page 93] books, took away the Leiger-book of the Church, broke into the Chapter-house, ran­sackt the Records, broke the seals, tore the writings, and left the floor cover'd over with torn papers, parchments, and seals 1. A­bout the same time a party under com­mand of the Lord Brooks, storm'd and took the Cathedral Church of Lichfield, broke and shot down all the ornaments of it, and cast into flames all the Registers, Charters, Books, and Vestments 2. At Wor­cester Septemb. 24. 1643. the Army under command of the Earl of Essex, prophan'd the Cathedral, rifled the Library, with the Records and Evidences of the Church 3. The like outrages were committed in the Cathedral of Canterbury, Aug. 26. 1642. by the countenance of Colonel Edwyn Sandys, and the madness of Cul­mer; and much greater spoil had been done to the Muniments and Histories of the Church, if the courage and pru­dence of Mr. Somner had not diverted the thieves, and conceal'd the treasure. Some he reposited in unsuspected hands, and kept others in his own custody; and redeem'd others from the needy [Page 94] soldiers, who (like the old woman with Tarquin) would have burnt them, if the price had not been given. Soon after professing, That his great care should now be to secure and rescue old. Records from that scorn, neglect and contempt cast upon them, in the days of so much novelty 1. Nor did he only preserve the writings, but other ornaments of the desolated Church. Particularly, when the beau­tiful Font in the nave of that Cathe­dral (built by the right Reverend Iohn Warner Bishop of Rochester, late Pre­bendary of Canterbury, and consecrated by Iohn Lord Bishop of Oxon. 1636.) was pull'd down, and the materials car­ried away by the rabble, he enquir'd with great diligence for all the scatter'd pieces, bought them up at his own charge, kept them safe till the King's return, and then delivered them to that worthy Bishop; who reedified his Font, and made it a greater beauty of holy­ness; giving to Mr. Somner the just ho­nour, to have a daughter of his own first baptized in it.

This Prelate was he, whom the Fana­tics of that age condemn'd for a cove­tous man. His memory needs no vin­dication; [Page 95] but give me leave to men­tion this certain relation of him. When in the days of usurpation, an honest friend paid a visit to him, and upon his Lordship's importunity, told him freely the censures of the world upon him, as of a close and too thrifty. temper: the Bishop produc'd a Roll of distressed Clergy, whom in their ejectments he had reliev'd with no less than eight thousand pounds: and enquir'd of the same friend, whether he knew of any other the like objects of charity. Upon which motion the Gentleman soon af­ter by letter, recommended a sequestr [...]d Divine, so whom at first address he gave one hundred pounds. Let me go on, and tell you; that by his last Will An. 1666. he left a personal estate to build an Hospital, for the maintenance of twenty Widows, the Relicts of Ortho­dox and loyal Clergymen, to each an exhibition of twenty pounds annual, and fifty for a Chaplain to attend upon them. He gave one thousand pounds to encrease the Library of Magdalan College Oxon. five hundred pounds to the Library at Rochester: eight hundred to his Cathedral Church, in addition to two hundred, which he had before [Page 96] given: one thousand and fifty pounds to the repair of St. Paul's in London: two thousand to the buying in of Im­propriations within the Dioc [...] of R [...] ­chester▪ twenty pounds to the Church of St. Clement [...]nes: twenty to Br [...] ­ly and a yearly pension to St. [...]onyse B [...]ckchurch; and four score pounds! yearly for the maintenance of fo [...] Scholars of the Scotch Nation, in Baliol C [...]ll-Oxon. All this was the charity of one single Prelate, who was depriv'd of his Ec­clesiastic revenues, for more years than he enjoy'd them. He was a peculiar friend to Mr. Somner, and the chief con­tributor to the Impression of his Saxon Dictionary, his name standing in the front of those encouragers of learning 1.

Let us lastly reflect on Mr. Somner's integrity to all the world or This alone can prove Loyalty and Orthodoxy, not to be the affectation of a [...], but the conscience of a Christian. Men may profess any faith, or adopt any cause; but it is innocence and honesty alone, that can prove it a belief, and not a pretension. This proof was given by Mr. Somner, who in all his writings had been so plain and sincere that he [Page 97] would not dissemble a truth, nor sug­gest a false invention. His profession was, That he loved truth (the end of all science) for itself; and was all together an­biast with any by respects, whether of vain­glory, singularity, or the like: making it his constant endeavour, that truth alone might triumph ever falshood, Antiquity over no­velty 1. How do most Historians betray a partial regard to their Nation, or their party? How many pretenders to Antiquity, have conceal'd the notice of whatever oppos'd their own fancy: and rais'd the apparition of Records, to justifie the cause for which they wrote? Especially, how do most describers of their native soil, take pains to flourish and disguise; and (like Sir Henry Wot­ton's Embassador) think it even a merit to lie for the honour of their Country? Mr. Somner had a probity and excel­lence of spirit, that made him abhor all such artifice and guile. Let one short instance serve. There were two specious traditions, that seem'd much to illustrate the credit of our County. 1. That the Kentish-men were the only English who maintain'd their privi­leges against William the Conqueror, and [Page 98] under the conduct of Stigand Arch-bi­shop, and Aegelfina Abbot of St. Augu­staines, march'd with boughs, and made their composition at Swansco [...]. 2. That, of all Counties, Kent alone enjoy'd an immunity from the tenure of villenage, a priviledge continued to them by the said Conqueror. Tho for the honour of his mother County, he might have been glad to defend these titles; yet having found them false, he scorn'd to appear an Advocate for them; but refutes them as Monkish figments, and po­liticly devis'd 1.

Mr. Somner's whole life was like his writings, void of prejudice and passion: he had that civility, which Caesar ob­serv'd to have been peculiar to the in­habitants of Kent 2; and that firm reso­lution, which made our Country-men claim an ancient privilege, of being plac'd in the front of a battel 3. He was courteous, without design; was wise, without a trick: and faithful, with­out a reward. Humble, and compassio­nate: moderate, and equal: never fret­ted by his afflictions: nor elated by the favours of Heaven, and good men. [Page 99] It was his charity, and purity of heart, that prefer'd him to the Mastership of St. Iohn's Hospital, in the suburbs of Can­terbury, An. 1660. In which station he did not substract from the pietance of the poor, nor use any arts to rob the spittle; but was tender of their per­sons, and zealous of their rights. By his interest and courage, he recovered some parts of their endowment, of which by the Commissioners on the Stat. 37. of Henry 8. it had been fleeced, at other like places, by the sacrilegious pil­feries of those ravenous and wretched times 1 ▪ It was for the same plain and open honesty, that at the Restauration, he was appointed Auditor of Christ­church Canterbury, by the Dean and Chapter, to whom he was a Father and friend, more than an honorary servant. He entertain'd them in his own house, till their own were clear'd from the Fanatic intruders, and made conveni­ent for them. He deliver'd back all their preserv'd writings, inform'd them of all their late alienated lands: re­ceiv'd all their Fines, and digested all accounts to universal satisfaction. This settled him such an interest in [Page 100] that Body, and all the members of it; that no private man had an equal in­fluence and authority: which he never employ'd, but to promote some act of charity and justice. He was frequently entrusted by the Dean and Prebenda­ries, to supervise the public School, to examine Lads, that should be elected King's Scholar's; and, upon the like trial, to judge who were most fit for removal to the Universities: in which, his en­quiries were exact; and his favours were impartial. His endeavours were to ad­vance the interest and honour of the School, to as high a pitch, as while he was himself a member of it: when his master Mr. Iohn Ludd, some years before he died, affirm'd, he had thirty seven Masters of Arts of his own bringing up 1. Dr. Tho. Turner the worthy Dean, had a most peculiar esteem for him, and paid him the frequent visits of a most familiar friend. All the neighbouring Clergy, whom he knew to be of good principles, and honest conversation, he assisted with his knowledge, his interest, and his free advice. I remember to have often heard my Honour'd Father dwell much upon the fair character of Mr. [Page 101] Somner, and represent him as a Patron and protector of all the regular Clergy. Of his resolute and incorrupted honesty, there can be no greater argument than this. Among all his temptations, in se­veral offices, to high and arbitrary fees: among the easy advantages to be brib'd: and the just expectances to be rewarded: among the many opportunities of shar­ing in the Churches treasure: and taking leases of their land: among the most ready and effectual means to raise an estate, and advance a family: He left but a small competence, which if not frugally manag'd, could never have answered the support of his Widow, and the education of his Children.

By his last Will he gave several Le­gacies to the poor, and a kind remem­brance to Mr. Stockar then Minister of St. Aelphege. Canterbury. In the begin­ning of his last illness, he took an op­portunity to tell his Wife, that through his whole life, he had never been let blood, nor taken any phisic, which is a just argument, not only of his happy constitution; but of his exact tempe­rance and sobriety. The day of his birth was the day of his death, March 30. 1669. aged 63. years; according to [Page 102] the account given by his Wife and Son, who report it from tradition, and some better grounds. But a Certificate from the Register-book of St. Margaret's Can­terbury; under the hand of of Mr. Tho. Iohnson, represents him to be baptiz'd Novemb. 5th. 1598. by which, his age must reach to seventy years, five months, &c. Which length of days had allmost made him (as Queen Christina, said lately of her self and Rome) one of the Anti­quities of the City. He was buried Apr. the 2. within the Church of St. Mar­garet's, where many of his Ancestors lay interr'd. His grave is distinguisht by no stone, or inscription on it. An omission, that, I presume, was more owing to his own modesty, than any disrepect of his surviving friends. Yet I cannot but admire and lament, that such learned ashes should lye without a letter on them: that he who rais'd the memory of so many great names, should himself sleep in a place forgot­ten: and after all his labours, to eter­nize the tombs and epitaphs of others, should have no such decent ceremony paid to his own dust. Sure the time will come, when some grateful monu­ment shall be erected for him, either [Page 103] by some one of his family, whom pro­vidence shall enable to pay that duty: or by some one generous lover of An­tiquities: or by that Capitular body, to whom he did such great service, and such great honour.

He was twice married. His first wife was Mrs. Elisabeth Thurgar, born of a good family in Cambridgeshire, with whom he liv'd in love and peace about thirty years: and had by her four chil­dren, three daughters, and one son, all dead. His second wife was Barbara daughter of Mr. Iohn Dawson, a Kentish Gentleman, (a great sufferer in the long Rebellion) by whom he had one daugh­ter, that died unmarried, and three sons, of which two are now living: William Somner M. A. late of Merton Coll. Oxon. now Vicar of Liminge in Kent, our worthy friend: and Iohn, who pra­ctises Chirurgery with good repute in those parts. His last wife is now the mourning Relict of Mr. Henry H [...]nning­ton, late Vicar of Elham.

His many well selected books, and choice Manuscripts, were purchas'd by the Dean and Chapter, who knew the great value of them, and what a noble addition they would make to the public [Page 104] Library of that Church: where they now remain an inestimable treasure. The catalogue of his Manuscripts, I will subjoin to his life, in the same order and words, wherein you have transmitted the account, not doubting your care and exactness in it.

Many of his notes, and looser papers were carried from his study to the Audit-house, within the precincts of Christ-Church; where they were unfor­tunately burnt, by a fire which hapned in that place soon after his death. By this and other accidents, his letters and many memorials of his life are lost. Had they continued to us, we should have better trac'd his friendship and correspondence, with most of the men of honour and learning in that age. From the obscure hints, that now re­main, I shall mention some of them.

First. Arch-bishop Laud, by whose favour and goodness, he subsisted in his place and profession 1; who made great use of him in his Articles and Injunctions, sent to the French and Dutch congregations in those parts, An. 1634. and in many re­gulations of the Diocese and Cathedral, An. 1636. For which dutiful assistance, [Page 105] Mr. Somner was publicly charg'd by those foreigners, as accessory to their troubles 1: and he bore from all Schisf­matic parties, a greater share of ca­lumny and persecution, for being (in the brethren's language) one of Laud's creatures. The great esteem that Prelate had for him, was not so much for his faithfulness and dexterity in discharge of his office, as for his profound know­ledge of Antiquities. For as no one part of learning was unrewarded by that Great Soul: so he had a most par­ticular respect to Historians, and Anti­quaries. Sir Henry Spelman does grate­fully report him, a great encourager of his Edition of the Saxon Councils 2. Mr. Ier. Stephens, by the Arch-bishop's fa­vour was made Prebendary of Bigles­wade in the Church of Linc. as a reward of assisting Sir Henry Spelman in that la­bour 3. Fr. Iunius, that oracle of the Northern tongues, at his first coming into England, was recommended to the Earl of Arundel, and retain'd in his fa­mily by the interest of Dr. Laud, the [...] Bishop of St. Davids 4. Iohn, son of Sir [Page 106] Henry Spelman, dedicates to the Arch­bishop his Latin Saxon Psalter, and ce­lebrates him for a Preserver of ancient Manuscripts, and a Patron of the Saxon tungue 1. The same excellent Prelate countenanc'd the like studies of Mr. Somner, and made use of his assistance in collecting many of those various Ma­nuscripts, which he sent hither to a­dorn our Bodley Archives, of which eighty at least are purely on the subject of National Antiquities. And it is pro­bable, our Author was employ'd fur­ther in compiling or digesting that large book in vellam, fairly written, con­taining the Records which are in the Tower, and concern the Clergy, ab anno 20. Edw. 1. ad an. 14. Edw. 4. which book the Arch-bishop got done at his own charge, and left it in his study at Lambeth for posterity, Iune 10. 1643. This was the prudence and honour of that Gover­nour, to consider useful and beneficial men; and should indeed be the spirit of all Patrons, to respect such as can serve them, and the public. For this dependance, and these favours, Mr. Somner was humbly grateful. Of whom, (says he) to speak, is not a task for my [Page 107] pen, I leave it to posterity hereafter, and to better abilities, to set forth his constant piety, great wisdom, and spotless justice. Horobert, what all men take unto themselves a liberty to speak of him, I shall be hold to commemorate,—that never to be forgot­ten gift of his to the University Library of Oxford, of an innumerable multitude of choice and rare Manuscripts, with his great care and cost, gathered from all parts, not only of this kingdom, but also of the whole world 1.

Arch-bishop Vsher may be justly e­steem'd the next friend and Patron of Mr. Somner. How infinite the learning, and how large the goodness of this Pre­late, is not to be here observ'd. It is only proper to remark his great zeal in restoring the old Northern Antiqui­ties, buried in the Gothic and Anglo­Saxon tongues. He first mov'd Sir Henry Spelman to found a Saxon Lecture at Cambridge; he made the proposal in Sidney College 1640 2; he recommeded Mr. Abr. Wheelock to that office 3; he advis'd him the method of reading the Saxon Gospels 4; he gave him direction and encouragement to publish his Saxon [Page 108] volume; and inform'd him that the Doxology in the Lords Prayer, was to be found in the old translation of the Gospels into Gothic 1. He furnisht Fr. Iunius with a MS copy of Caedm [...]n's Pa­raphrase on Genesis: and promoted the Edition of that work 2: which very ancient Manuscript, the Bishop first communicated to Mr. Somner, for an account and more legible transcript of it 3. On which occasion, his Lordship was so well convinc'd of the abilities of our Author, that he gave a public ap­probation to his Treatise of Gavelkind; he encourag'd his attempts upon a Saxon Dictionary; he recommended him to Roger Spelman. Esq for enjoy­ment of the salary settled by his Grand­father on a Saxon Lecture 4: and did him all the other true offices of friend­ship.

Sir Thomas Cotton of Connington Com. Huntin. Baronet, by an hereditary love of Scholars, was a great Benefactor to Mr. Somner, and his studies. He maintain'd an Epistolary correspondence with him, gave him free access to his immense Li­brary; [Page 109] lent him Glossaries, and other remains of ancient letters 1; entertain'd him in his house at Westminster some months, to collect and digest his Saxon Dictionary; and contributed to the ex­pence of its publication 2.

That great Master of History and Law, Sir Roger Twisden of West-Peckham in Kent Baronet, exchang'd many kind letters, and intimate visits, with our Au­thor; receiv'd from him notes, and cor­rections, to his edition of the Laws of Henry the first; furnish'd him with the chartulary of St. Augustin's Abby in Canterbury, and other curiosities 3; pre­vail'd with him to adorn the X. Scri­ptores, with an incomparable Glossary; bore a generous share in the costly e­dition of his Saxon Dictionary; 4; and gave him the just character of a man of primitive probity and candour, a most saga­cious searcher into the Antiquities of his Country, and most expert in the Saxon tongue, &c 5. For which service and ci­vilities, Mr. Somner does more than once acknowledge him his very noble and learned [Page 110] friend, the prime encourager of his studies. 1

That great example of industry Sir W. Dugdale, by his genius and parity of studies, was directed to the acquain­tance of Mr. Somner, and contracted a fast friendship with him. He call'd in his assistance to the magnificent vo­lumes of Monast. Anglican. 1655. and 1661. appeal'd to him for the etymo­logy of names of places, to illustrate his Antiquities of Warwickshire, 1656. receiv'd from his hands very many of the materials, that fill'd up the second volume of Provincial Councils, 1664. de­pended upon his judgment and infor­mation, to complete the Glossary of Sir Henry Spelman. He seems to have attempted nothing without his advice, and to have publisht nothing without his approbation: giving among others, this testimony of his respect and love. In etymologizing the names of Towns and Places, I have not been over bold, &c. Nor should I have adventured thus far, had I not received much light from that learned Gentleman Mr. William Somner of Can­terbury, my singular friend, unto whom I [Page 111] cannot attribute enough for his great know­ledge in Antiquities, and those commend­able works which he hath allready, and is now taking pains in. 1 By this last, he meant the Saxon Dictionary, to which Mr. Dugdale contributed his knowledge and his money; and had this grateful acknowledgement made of it, The great retriever of our English Antiquities, my noble friend, Mr. William Dugdale, one (to do him right) without whose active and effectual assistance, in the publication of it, this work had never seen the light. 2

The treasurer of Antiquities Mr. Ro­ger Dodsworth, knew the person, and the worth of Mr. Somner. He borrowed from him the chartulary of Horton­monachorum in Kent 3, and many other evidences of old devotion. He receiv'd from him farther satisfaction in the ca­talogue of Archdeacons of Canterbury, which he had transcrib'd from his An­tiquities of that City 4: and from his kindness had a copy of many Wills, out of the Registers of that See. 5

Sir Simonds D'ewes Baronet, of Stom­Hall in Suffolk, a zealous assertor of [Page 112] Antiquities, was not so happy in the use of his own learning, as in his interest with Mr. Somner; who instructed him in the notice of many things; and made the better use of his inestimable records; taking occasion to tell the world, of a very rare Deed [...] Ch [...]rter, taken from an ancient Manuscript chartulary, thee remain­ing with Sir Thomas Cotton, which he must confess to owe to the courtesie of his late learned friend, Sir Simonds D'ewes.

That excellent Philologer and An­tiquary Mr. William Burton, had a know­ledge and esteem of Mr. Somner; when he mentions Canterbury for one of the Roman stages, for its modern splendor and glory, he refers his Reader to co [...]tious Mr. Somner's description thereof, and ap­proves the derivation of its name, given by that learned Antiquary 1: and in fixing other of these ancient stations, he rejects the opinions of Talbot, Har­rison, Camden, &c. and adheres to Mr. Somner, as a very rational Gentleman, who places Noviomagus or Noviod [...]num at C [...]yford in Kent, very judici [...]sly, as he doth other things. 179 And for the situation of Durolenum, he follows the same [Page 113] knowing Gentleman, whom (says he) for his [...], and love to ancient studi [...]s, I singularly resp [...]t: who [...] it to have been [...] f [...]r from Newington, a village on the road from Rochester to Can­terbury. In this particular, not a little strengthened in his conjecture, by the multi­tude of Roman [...], found in digg­ing there, as is allready discovered, and dis­coursed of by the learned Meric Casau [...]on, his ever [...] friend. 1 This new de­signation of the Roman ways and stages, so happily determin'd by Mr. Somner, is allow'd and confirm'd by a Prelate of incomparable knowledge. 2.

Sir Iohn M [...]rsham of Whornplace in Kent, valued at home, and admir'd a­broad for his profound learning, had a just esteem of our Author: and gave him the public character of a man most expert in our national Antiquities, the Author of [...] most useful Glossary, and the Projector of a C [...]pious Saxon Dictionary 3; the Edition of which he encourag'd by a liberal contribution. 4.

Sir [...] By [...]she, [...] King of Arms, had the counsel and assistance [Page 114] of Mr. Somner, to improve him in his own profession of Heraldry: kept an Epistolary correspondence with him: and kindly advanc'd the impression of his Saxon Dictionary. 1.

Another accurate Herald and Anti­quary, Elias Ashmole Esq, exhibited to the same work of Mr. Somner 2: furnish'd him with many select papers and tracts 3: and receiv'd from him the notice of many books and things, to carry on his complete History of the Order of the Garter, and to fill up his many volumes of elaborate Collections, which are now reposited in this place 4, by the last Will of that generous Benefactor.

Dr. Thomas Fuller, who labour'd for the reputation of an Historian and An­tiquary, courted the friendship of our Author: and, had he been more guided by him, would never have defil'd his writings with puns and tales. He closes his discourse of Canterbury with these words, For the rest, I refer the Reader to the pains of my worthy friend, Mr. Wil­liam Somner, who hath written justum volumen of the antiquities of this City. I am sorry to see him subject bound (betrayed [Page 115] thereto by his own modesty) seeing otherwise, not the City, but the Diocese of Canterbury, had been more adequate to his abilities. 1.

Dr. William Watts, the learned and noble Editor of Matthew Paris, 1640. in the useful Glossary affixt to that work, was assisted by Mr. Somner, who conveyed to him many other informa­tions, and at last laments him as his deceased friend. 2.

Mr. George Davenport, an absolute Critic in the Saxon tongue, was a true and useful friend to Mr. Somner, and after publication of the Saxon Dictio­nary, contracted a more firm acquain­tance with him: recommended to him some few emendations, and several ad­ditions to that work: for which our Author gave him the respectful lan­guage of his approved friend, of whose com­municative goodness, he had formerly tasted, 3, &c.

But in recounting Mr. Somner's friends, it would be injustice to omit his most intimate guide and companion, Dr. Meris Casaubon, whose affection to his person, and influence on his studies, [Page 116] have appear'd in many instan [...]s before related. Mr. Somner very often expresse his grateful sense of obligation: con­fesses, that to the study of the Saxon tongue, he was encourag'd by his precious friend, and ever honoured Mecenas, Dr. Casau­bon, 1 who had admitted him is an en­tire friendship, and familiar daily conver­sation, whose good learning and good na­ture, he could never enough celebrate 2 the only Patron of his studies; and one who deserv'd greatly from all that were ambiti­ous of the Saxon tongue. 3.

Many other worthy names rewarded the public spirit of Mr. Somner, and con­tributed to the service he did the world: Sir Orlando Bridgman, Sir Simon Archer, Sir Richard Leveson, Walter Chetwind, Thomas Stanley, Thomas Henshaw, Ralph Sheldon, &c. Esquires; of Divines, Bishop Warner, Dr. Langbain, Mr. Barlow, &c. of Physitians, Dr. Ferne, Dr. Pugh, Dr. Currer, Dr. Rogers, &c. and of our own County, all those Gentlemen who had an affection to virtue and good letters: The Honourable Iohn Finch, Baron of Fordwich, Sir Edward Monins of Walder­shire, Sir Norton Knatchbull of Mersham, [Page 117] Sir Richard Hardres of Hardres, Sir Henry Palmer of Wingham, Baronets, Sir Cri­stopher Harflete of Hackington, Sir An­thony Arch [...]r of Bishopshourn, Sir Thomas Godfrey of Nackington, Sir William Man of Can [...]erbury, Sir Iohn Boys of Bonington, Knights, Iohn Boys of Fredfield, Iohn Boys of Hede-court, Iohn Boys of Bethes­hanger, Edward Scot of Scots-hall, Richard Master of West-Langdon, Thomas Enge­ham of Goodnestone, Iames Brockman of Bitchborough, Arnold Brames of Bridge, Thomas Courthope of Stodmersh, Thomas Peke of Ashe, Laurence Rooke of Monks­Horton, Esquires. Edward Master of Canterbury, Herbert Randolph of Canter­bury, William Randolph of Biddenden, Io­seph Roberts of Canterbury, Iohn Lynch of Staple, Gentlemen, &c. These all did honour to their Country, and to their Families, by serving the interest of Mr. Somner, and the public.

Pray, Sir, accept this plain account of the life of Mr. Somner: and my hearty thanks for your affection to the me­mory of this good man: and for your care in publishing this excellent part of his works. It is true, to send forth every postumous tract of learned men, from loose and indigested papers, is an [Page 118] affront to the world: and often seems a libel to the Author, and Editor of them; but where the remains of an ac­curate writer are left complete and absolute, and argue a design of being wrote for public notice: there, to con­vey such reliques to the press, is an of­fice of justice to the Author, and of charity to all the world.

Your Obliged Faithful Friend, White Kennett.

Mr. SOMNER'S Postumous Manuscripts, now in the Library of Christ's-Church Canterbury.

Collections out of ancient MSS and Records, relating to the City and Church of Canterbury, and to other Towns and Churches in Kent.

Large Extracts out of the Chronicle of William Thorn, with other extracts out of the Obituary of Christ-church, Canterbury; and out of the Registers of the Churches of Canterbury and Rochester, with Col­lections out of the Saxon Annals.

Observations upon the Commissary of Canterbury's Patent; being a large discourse concerning the origi­nal Jurisdiction, Priveleges, Laws, &c. of the Spiri­tual Court.

A discourse of Portus Iccius.

A transcript of a large Saxon Theological Treatise.

A large Collection, in order to the compiling his Saxon Dictionary, in two Volumes.

Scholia & Animadversiones in Leges Henrici pr [...]mi, Regis Angliae, subnectitur Glossarium rerum & verbo­rum difficilium in dictis Legibus. Dedicated to Sir Ro­ger Twisden.

Collections out of Transcripts of several ancient Saxon MSS. in two volumes.

His Antiquities of Canterbury interleaved, with very large additions.

Lamberti Leges Saxonicae. Where he has amended the translation.

His emendations upon Spelman's two volumes, where he has Collated the text with MSS; and amended the Saxon Translation, and has gone through the whole work.

[Page] His large notes upon Spebnan's Glossary.

Some marginal notes upon the Grand custom of Normandy.

Some emendations upon his Treatise of Gavel kind.

Another Copy of [...], full of Emendations and Annotations throughout.

Marginal notes upon Mr. Silas Taylor's Gavel-kind. History, correcting his mistakes.

Marginal notes upon Bracton de Legibus Angliae.

Marginal notes upon the old Collection of English and Latin Statutes, printed 1556.

Marginal notes upon Horn's Mirrour of Justice.

Marginal notes upon Mr. Selden's Spicilegium ad Eadmerum; especially an emendation of Selden's translation of the Laws of William the Conquerour, publish'd by him. p. 173. &c.

Some marginal emendations on Spel [...]nan's Saxon Psalter.

Marginal emendations on Fox's Saxon Gospels.

Marginal emendations on Liste's Saxon monuments.

Large marginal notes upon Meric Cafaubon's book, De quatuor Linguis.

Large marginal notes upon Verstegan.

Adversaria in Spel [...]nanni Glo [...]farium, in Watfli Glos­sarium, Matth [...]o Paris additum; In tractatum Gerardi Vossii de vitio sermonis. In one volume.

Leges Anglo-Saxonicae, a V. C. Guil. Lambar do olim Editae, exintegro Latinè datae.

Some Collections towards his intended History of Kent.

THE HISTORY Of the ROMAN PORTS AND FORTS in KENT.

FOR our discovery both of one and the other, the Itinerary vul­garly ascribed to Antoninus ( 1 a­bout which there is some dispute a­mongst the Learned) and that Notitia Imperii publish'd by Pancirollus, must be our chiefest guides. To begin with [Page 2] the Ports: the Itinerary mentioneth on­ly three, Rutupia, Dubris, and Lemanis: unde colligo hos tantum tres portus apud Cantios antiquitùs fuisse celebres. So Le­land (to whom I subscribe) in Doris.

As to the first; Rutupi­um. Ptolomy calls it Vrbem Rutupiae; Antoninus Rutupae, por­tum Ritupium, also portum Rutupai; the Notitia Rutupis, placing there the Pro­vost or Praefect of the Legionis secundae Augustae: the 1 Peutingerian Tables Ra­vipis; Ammianus Marcellinus Rutupias; Cornelius Tacitus rightly reads portum Rutupensem; Beda Ruthubi portum, quiportus (so he 2 adds) à gente Anglorum nunc corruptè Reptacester vocatus, &c. 3 Thus we see what some call urbem a City or walled Town, others call por­tum, a Port, Haven or Harbour. The same Marcellinus, as he calls it also Ru­tupias, so by way of character he terms it stationem Britanniae tranquillam, a [Page 3] quiet or calm station or bay for ships. In Orosius we read it call'd Rhutubi por­tum & civitatem, the Port and City Rhutubi.

Before we offer at the Etymology of the name, The situ­ation of Rutupi­um. let us enquire out the place's situation. Twyne will have Dover here­by understood: but that conjecture of his is not only questioned, but rejected of Mr. Lambard; and that very justly, as I conceive, in regard that Rutupia and Dubris, as distinct, are under several names mentioned in the Itinerary: to say nothing here of the distance (which continues and holds good to this day) between Gessoriacum and it. Mean time Mr. Lambard disliking the 1 Monk of Westminster's applying the name to Sandwich, and consequently his refer­ring whatsoever he findeth storied of the one to the other, with 2 Leland and [Page 4] Camden, restrains it to that place half a mile distant from Sandwich north­ward, which Alfred of Beverly calls Richberge, and is at this day vulgarly called Richborough or Richborough Castle.

For my part, Sandwich formerly call'd Ru­tupium. with Florilegus of old, and Pancirollus of late, I perswade my self that Sandwich Town and Haven is the place intended under those afore­recited various names and titles; not the whilst excluding Richborough as the proper seat of that Legion, lying in garison in a Castle there purposely e­rected, as in respect of the ascent or high rising ground whereon it stands, of singular advantage both as a specula for prospect and espial of enemies and invaders, and as a Pharus or high tower, to set up night lights for the sea-mens better and safer guidance in­to the harbour. For that Richborough-Castle was ever other, or of other use in the Romans time I cannot believe. [Page 5] 1 Gildas tells us of the Romans erecting on this coast, at convenient distances, Watch-towers for such uses as I have intimated, that of espial and discovery. In litore quoque Oceani ad meridiem, quo naves eorum habebantur, quia & inde Bar­barorum irruptio timebatur, turres per in­tervalla ad prospectum maris collocant, &c. So he; and with him 2 Venerable Bede. And of these Watch-towers, our County had (I take it) five in number, one at Reculver, a second here at Richbo­rough, a third at Dover, a fourth at Folkstone, and a fifth at Limne or Lim­hill, of all which hereafter in due place.

3 Some will tell you (what others take up more upon fancy and fabulous tra­ditions than good authority) that Never a City at Richbo­rough. [Page 6] Richborough was a City, the streets where­of (say they) are as yet visible and traceable, at least in the spring and summer time, by the thinness of the corn on those dry and barren tracts and places of the ancient streets, which they call St. Augustin's Cross. But would you truly be informed of the cause of that? Why then know, that there was sometime indeed a Cross there; a parcel, I mean, of the Castle ground, about the middle or center of it layd out cross­wise, and set apart for the building of a Church or Chappel there: and such a structure at that place really there was, and it was call'd Richborough Church or Chappel. One Sir Iohn Saunder, Richbo­rough Chappel. a Pre­bendary of 1 Wingham, (then a College of Secular Canons) Parson of Dimchuroh, and Vicar of Ash, in his Will dated Anno 1509. thus makes mention of it: Item I bequeath to the Chappel of Richborough one Portuys printed, with a Mass-book which was Sir Thomas the old Priest's. Item, to the use of the said Chappel 205. to make them a new window, in the body of the Church. A Chappel then we see there was, When de­molish'd. and [Page 7] intended it was, and whilst it stood, which no doubt it did till the Refor­mation, (when many such Chappels and some Churches, by reason of the cessation of Offerings, Obits, 1 Tren­tals, Anniversaries, almesses, and the like Sacerdotal advantages were deserted) was used for a Chappel of ease to some few, inhabiting at or near the Castle, and with those of Fleet and Overland depend­ed upon the head or Mother Church of Ash, as that on Wingham. The rubbish whereof, occasioned either by the de­molition or decay of the building; has rendred the soil whereon it stood of that more barren and less Fruitful nature and quality, than the adjacent parts.

And this (I take it) and no other was the estate of Richborough, until these later times, whilst Sandwich doubtless was the Town and Port by Ritupia or Rhutupia, and the like. So that what Florilegus ascribeth and applyeth unto Sandwich under that name, I am very confident doth rightly appertain unto it; as 2 that of Iulius Cesar's hereabouts [Page 8] landing, and of 1 Vespasian's attempt for landing here Anno gratiae 52. Advisedly then enough (as I conceive) are the Fryars Carmelites at Sandwich by 2 Harps­field called Rutupini sive Sanduichiani.

And considerable it is, [...] prov'd to be Sand­wich from the distance between that and Gessoria­cum. that as be­tween this place Rutupium and Gessoria­cum i. e. Bolen, more anciently called Portus Iccius ( 3 as I have elsewhere at large asserted) it was that in those elder (the Roman) times, the ordinary and usual passage lay between France and England ( 4 as afterward between Wit­sand or Whitsand and Dover, and in lat­ter times between Calais and Dover) so the distance between them, according to the Itinerary was 450. stadia or fur­longs, or (as Pliny has it) 50. miles, which is all one. And a distance it is by [Page 9] modern proof and observation still con­tinuing to this very day. Hither (I say) made those who taking ship at Bolen were bound for Britain, especially if London-bound. Adultâ hyeme, dux ante­dictus Bononiam venit, quaesitisque navigiis & omni imposito milite, observato flatu se­cundo ventorum, ad Rutupias ex adverso sit as defertur, petitque Londinum. So 1 Ammianus Marcellinus, speaking of Lu­picinus, sent Deputy into Britain. And from hence happily this place losing and letting go its former British name of Ritupium or Rutupium, 2 became of the Saxons called [...]; Rutupi­um call'd by the Saxons [...] i.e. the port of London; as in likelyhood the place where those that traded either to Lon­don from foreign parts, or from Lon­don into foreign parts, made and had their prime resort and rendevouz. Mil­thredae verò Abbatissae de Menstre, in In­sulâ Thaneti, dedit libertatem thelonii ac totam exactionem navigiorum, sibi & ante­cessoribus suis jure publico in Londinensi portu primitus competentem, cartâque suâ [Page 10] confirmavit; as it is in a Book of St. Au­gustin's Abby at Canterbury, making mention of Athelbald and Offa, the Mer­cian Kings and Saxon Monarchs, whose grant and Charter is afterward vouched and confirmed by Aldbert or Ethelbert (one of the Kentish Kings, in the line of the Saxon Heptarchy) in his Charter to Minster-Abby.

Now that Kentish Sandwich, and not London City, is here intended and to be understood, is plain by this passage in the laws of Lothaire and Eadric, meer Kentish Kings, recorded in that famous ancient monument called Textus Rof­fensis, concerning Commerce at that place. [...] &c. i. e. If any Kentish Man shall buy any thing in Lun­den-wic, let him take unto him two or three honest men, or the Kings 1 Portreeve to [Page 11] witness, &c. 1 as if indeed this were not only a Market-town, but the prime and most frequented Emporium, or Mart­town in Kent, in those days.

Somewhat elder yet is the place's men­tion under that name; to wit, in the days of Arch-Bishop Brightwold, or (as some call him) 2 Berhtwold (i. e. Illustri­ous Ruler) to whom by Ina, the West-Saxon King, with the advice of his Clergy, Boniface, afterward the first Arch-Bishop of Mentz in Germany (an English man born, and first named Winfrid) was sent into Kent upon an Embassy. This Boniface shortly after, with that Arch-Bishop's consent, not easily at first obtained, quitting his fa­ther's house and, native soil, and out of a pious and Christian desire and design [Page 12] to propagate the Gospel, and both by life and doctrine to convert Hea­thens to the Faith of Christ, determin­ing to travel into Fresia or Friesland, immensis peragratis terrae partibus, i.e. journying from the Western to the Eastern parts of England, he repairs to this place Lunden-wich, from whence taking ship, he sets sail and arrives at Dorstat, now Dieerstede, a town of Hol­land, and so makes forward into Fresia; whereof Willibald in the Life of Boni­face, at the end of his Epistles thus: 1 Hic etiam dum spirituali confortatus ar­maturâ, & seculari sublimatus sumpturâ, utriusque vitae stipendiis minimè careret; adhibitis secum duobus aut tribus fratribus, quorum corporali spiritualique indigebat su­stentaculo, profectus est: ac sic immensis per­agratis terrae pantibus, prospero ovans fra­trum comitatu, pervenit ad locum, ubi erat forum rerum venalium, & usque hodie antiquo Anglorum Saxonumque vocabulo appellatur Luidewinc (in the margin more correctly Lundenwich.) The same holy man afterwards returning home, and after some stay here resolving a [Page 13] visit to Rome, betakes himself again to the same Port; whence setting sail he arrives at Cuentawic, a Sea Town in France, now called Estaples in Picardy; whereof the same 1 Willibaldus: Qui pro­tinus quidem valedicens fratribus, profectus est, locumque per longa terrarum spatia, qui jam praedictus dicitur Lundenwich (I follow the margin) voti compos adiit, & celocis celeriter marginem scandens, caepit ignotas maris tentare vias, tripudiantibus­que nautis immensa, Coro flante, carbasa consurgebant, & pleno vento prosperoque cur­su ostia fluminis citius quod dicitur Cuent, omni jam expertes periculi naufragio aspi­ciunt, & ad aridam sospites terram perve­niunt, sed & castra metati in Cuentavic, donec superveniens se collegarum multitudo congregasset.

Clear enough then I suppose it is that by Lundenwich, Sandwich why call­ed Lun­denwic. Sandwich Town and Haven was intended and is to be under­stood; but whether so called from the same ground with that o [...] London City, 2 whereof in my Glossary at the end of the Historiae Anglicanae scriptores anti­qui, [Page 14] and in my Saxon Dictionary; or from the trade and traffick there ex­ercis'd by merchants trading to and from London, as the next Port to the river of Thames, and so most commo­dious for that purpose; or lastly, from some more special and peculiar interest of the Londoners in that above other of the Ports, I cannot say.

Only this is certain, Particu­lar inter­est of the London­ers in Stonor. that some such interest was challenged by the Lon­doners 1 in Stonor lying in Thanet, on the other side of the channel, but sub­ject unto Sandwich, as a limb or mem­ber of that Port. For in the year 1090. (as it is in Thorn, the Chronicler of St. Augustin's Abby at Canterbury; quoted by Mr. Lambard) there happened a great dispute betwixt the Londoners and the Abbof of St. Augustin's, and his men and homagers of Stonor. The Londoners challeng'd the Lordship or Seignory of Stonor, as a sea-port sub­ject to their City: but the King ( Wil­liam Rufus) taking the Abbot's part, it was adjudg'd by the Justices upon that place, that none from thenceforth [Page 15] should claim any thing here, but that Wido the Abbot and his Covent, should freely and quietly without any questi­on have the land, and the whole share, as far as to the middle of the water; and that the Abbot of St. Augustin's should freely enjoy all rights and cu­stoms to the same village appertain­ing.

All this while we hear nothing of the name of Sandwich. The first mention of Sand­wich. Indeed that name (for ought I find) occurs not in any coëtaneous writer or writing until the year 979. when (as it is in the Chartu­laries of the Church of Canterbury) King Egelred granted it by name unto the Monks there, for their supply and maintenance in clothing. 1 King Cnute afterward coming in by Conquest, and consequently having all parts and places of the Kingdom at his disposal, he with some regard (no doubt) to the Monks former right and title to the place (being the same, where coming to subdue the Saxons, and make a Con­quest of the country, he first landed) gave, or rather restored, the place (the [Page 16] Port of Sandwich by name) to the same Monks for their sustenance in victuals, with the addition of his golden Crown, and (what perhaps was of equal value in the estimation of the times) St. Bar­tholomew's arm.

The further tracing and producing of what in story concerns this place, I refer and leave to Mr. Lambard, and such as are willing to be their own in­formers from our Chronicles; saving that I think it not amiss to observe that signal mention of it in 1 the Writer of the life of Queen Em, where he tells of Cnute's landing there, and calls Sandwich the most famous of all the Ports of England: Expectabili itaque ordine, flatu secundo, Sandwich, qui est omnium Anglo­rum portuum famosissimus, appulsi, &c. So he.

But to to return to the old obsolete name Rutupium, The Ety­mon of Rutupi­um. or Ritupium: for the etymologizing of it, wherein the most learned and Judicious Camden, (as his manner is) hath been so exceeding happy, that waving all other conje­ctures that either are or may be started, [Page 17] and embracing his, 1 I shall not stick with him to fetch it from the old Bri­tish Rhyd tufith, i. e. vadum sabulosum: and the rather because of that subse­quent and succeeding name of Sand­wich, which plainly betokens a sandy reach or creek; for so it is, being a place notable indeed for abundance of sand of each side of the Channel, whose banks s [...]us-like are of a winding, cur­ving, and imbowed form and figure; (which to this day we call a reach) espe­cially about Richborough, 2 thence hap­pily denominated as being a Berg i. e. a hill, or a Burg i. e. a castle (like the [Page 18] termination cester 1 in its name of Re­ptacester) a castle at or near the reach or creek. Rutupi­um a fa­mous port in the Romans time. But to keep up to Rutupium, so famous (it seems) in those elder i. e. Roman times was the place for the Ro­mans often landing there, and the fre­quent passage thence out of Britain into the continent, that the whole Eastern and Southern maritime tract, coast, or shore of Britain was thence denominated, being usually, termed Rutupinum littus, i. e. the Rutupine or Rutupian shore, whereof instances e­nough are collected and exhibited by the same Mr. Camden. 2 The Romans at length deserting the Island, and the Saxons shortly after being possess'd of it, as they (Conquerour-like) changed the language, introducing their own; so rejecting the wonted name of this place Rutupium, When it chang'd it's name. they new-named it ( [...], as was shewed above with the reasons for [Page 19] it) [...] which name it afterward retain'd until their supplanting by the Danes; of whom or about whose time, from the sandy soil there and there­abouts extending from thence so many miles, even as far as about Walmer­castle, casting off the former name of [...] call'd it was Sandwich, which it retaineth to this day, having for­merly given name to a family of Knights for several descents called de Sandwico, or of Sandwich; one of which, Sir Simon of Sandwich, 1 was the Foun­der of St. Bartholomew's Hospital there. But of that Roman Port hitherto. Only let me here add the account given or taken of it in the Conquerours Sur­vey, call'd Doomsday-Book in these words.

Sanduic est Manerium Sanctae Trinitatis, & 2 de vestitu Monachorum, & est 3 Leth [Page 20] & Hundredus in seipso, & reddit Regi ser­vitium in mare, sicut Dovera: & homines illius villae, antequam Rex dedit eis suas consuetudines, reddebant XV libras; quan­do Episcopus recuperavit reddebat XL li­bras, & XL millia de alecibus, & in prae­terito anno reddidit L libras, & alecia sicut prius. Et in isto anno debet reddere LX & X lib. & alecia sicut prius. In 1 T. E. R. erant ibi CCC & VII mansurae, nunc autem LX & XVI plus.

To gratifie the curiosity of such as may be studious either of the genius and temper of that age, or of their mode and way of framing and phrasing their Grants and Conveyances; 2 I shall here, from the original subjoyn that of Sandwich Town and Haven by the King Cnute, to the Monks of Christ­church Canterbury, as I find it there ex­tant both in Saxon and Latine.

THE common opinion much counte­nanced Goodwyn- sands. [Page 21] and confirmed by our coun­trymen 1 Twine, 2 Lambard and some o­thers, (late writers only whilst all the elder sort are silent in the point) is that this being before and Island of some call'd Lomea, very fertile and abound­ing with pastures, &c. was by an hi­deous tempest of winds and rains, and an unusual rage and inundation of the sea, hapning 3 in the reign of William Rufus, in the year 1097. overwhelmed; and hath been ever since a quick-sands, Charybdis-like, dangerous to Naviga­tors. This I say is the common opi­nion.

Notwithstanding which, Never an Island. that it ever was other than what it is at present; that at least it was till that inundation such a piece of firm and fertile ground as 1 Twine in his description of it a­voucheth, or that ever it was 4 Earl Goodwyn's patrimony, and took name from him, I dare confidently deny; and that with warrant enough I trow [Page 22] from hence alone, that in the 1 Con­querour's Survey (that famous and most authentick Record and Repertory of all lands whatsoever throughout the whole English Empire) wherein (a­mongst the rest, and in the first place) Kent, with all the lands in it, whether of the King, the Arch-Bishop, the Earl, or whatsoever person high or low is amply and accurately described, sur­veyed, and recorded; in this universal Terrier (I say) there is not any mention made, or the least notice taken of such an Island. And as not there, so not elsewhere (in any Author whether fo­reign or domestick, of any antiquity, that ever I could meet with) doth it occur: whereas both of Sheapy, Thanet, &c. (other Kentish Islands) there is fre­quent mention both in Dooms-day-Book, and in many of our English Historians, as well elder as later, to say nothing of several Charters both of Christ­church and St. Augustine's in Canterbury, where they are very obvious.

[Page 23] And as for that argument (much in­sisted on 1 by the most) drawn from the name of Goodwyn-sands, Original of the name of Good­wyn-sands. it may (as I conceive) receive this answer, that pro­bably it is not the true, genuine, anci­ent, and original name, but rather a corruption of the right name contract­ed and caused by that grand corruption as well of names as things, time. Yet what the true and right original name was, I cannot possibly say, nor am scarce willing to conjecture, least I seem to some too bold. But when I consider the condition, nature, and quality of the place in hand; the soil or rather the sand, which is both lentum & tenax, soft and pliant, and yet tenacious, and retentive withall; I am almost per­swaded it might take the name from the British Gwydn so signifying, which in tract of time much the easier, and ra­ther corrupted into Goodwyn, because of a Kentish Earl of that name a little before the Norman-Conquest. A con­jecture in my judgment much fa­voured by the name 2 given it by Twine, [Page 24] (from what authority it appears not) Lomea, which (though not in sound yet in sense) seems in some sort to an­swer the British Gwydn, as coming pro­bably of the 1 Saxon lam, whence our modern English lome, as that I conceive of the Latine limus, slime, mudd, &c. and that as some derive it of the Greek [...] i. e. terra madida, locus humidus. These sands (happily) being so called for distinction's sake from those many other thereabouts, as the Brakes, the Fower-foots, the White-ditch, &c. as con­sisting of a more soft, fluid, porous, spongious, and yet withal tenacious matter than the neighbouring sands, and consequently of a more voracious and ingurgitating property than the rest, which were more hard, solid, rug­ged, and rocky.

But in regard of that altum silentium, Why it cannot be of a Bri­tish ori­ginal. the pretermission of it in utter silence by ancient Authors, and the no other than a very late notice taken, and men­tion made of it by any writer, it will hardly pass with judicious men for a thing of such antiquity as to owe its name to the Britains. Indeed were it a [Page 25] thing of that great antiquity (a place I mean of that strange and stupendous nature for such a standing) so very re­markable it is, as we cannot easily be­lieve it should have quite escaped the many elder writers both at home and abroad, or not indeed be reckoned a­mongst the wonders of our Britain. And therefore with several men of judgement it is look'd on as a piece of 1 later emergency than Earl Goodwyn, much more than the British age. What in this case to reply I scarcely know; that it is a most notable and wonderful thing as to the nature and quality of it, I cannot but acknowledge, and yet that it hath escaped the pens of all an­cient writers both foreign and do­mestick, I neither can deny. Upon a melius inquirendum therefore resuming and reviewing the matter, I cannot but refer to consideration as their conje­cture who are for the late emergency of it, so withal what is said in favour of it.

Instead then of the over-whelming this place (formerly supposed an Island, Cause of Goodwyn-sands. and a part of Earl Goodwyn's possessions) [Page 26] by that inundation of the sea in or a­bout William the second or Henry the first's time, whereunto the loss of it is of some (as we have seen) ascribed; more probable it seems to others, that (on the contrary) this inundation be­ing so violent and great, as to drown a great part of Flanders and the Low-Countries, was and gave the occasion of the place's first emergency, by lay­ing and leaving that, which formerly was always wett and under water, for the most part dry and above water. Or if happily that one inundation did it not alone, yet might it give such a good essay to it, and lay so fair a begin­ing of it, as was afterward perfected and compleated by following irrupti­ons of that kind; especially that upon the parts of Zealand, which consisting of old of fifteen Islands, eight of them have been quite swallowed by the sea and utterly lost. Inunda­tions in the time of King Henry 1. Whence that of a late 1 Geographer of our own concerning both inundations. The Country Belgium lyeth exceeding low upon the seas, inso­much that it is much subject to inundations. In the time of Henry the second (it should [Page 27] be the first) Flanders was so overflown, that many thousands of people, whose dwellings the sea had devoured, came into England to begg new seats, and were by the King first placed 1 in Yorshire, and then removed to Pembrokeshire. Since that it hath in Zealand swallowed eight of the Islands, and in them 300 Towns and Vil­lages: many of whose Churches and strong buildings are at a dead low water to be seen; and as Ovid has it of Helice and Buris Cities of Achaia,

Invenies sub aquis, & adhuc ostendere nautae
Inclinata solent cum moenibus oppida versis.
The water hides them, and the shipmen show,
The ruin'd walls and steeples, as they row.

To the same purpose the 2 Belgick Geographer thus: Zelandia multis in­sulis, distinguitur: tametsi enim superiori seculo Oceanus magnam huic regioni cladem intulit, & aliquot insulas, perruptis agge­ribus, penitus hausit, alias mirum in mo­dum [Page 28] arrosit, &c. And what saith 1 Guicci­ardine speaking of Flanders? Usque ad annum salutis 1340 &c. Vntil the year 1340. ( saith he) as often as any bargain was made for the sale of any lands along the maritime tract, provision was expresly made, that if within ten years space next ensuing, the land should be drowned, then the bargain to be void and of none effect.

That this (the emergency of what we call the Goodwyn) was the product and consequence of those inundations, These in­undations the cause of Good­wyn-sands. that at least a probable conjecture may hence be grounded of its emergency by this means, they thus make out. This shelf (the Goodwyn) although it were a kind of shallow lying between the Eng­lish and the Flemish coast, yet until so much of the water sound a vent and out-let into the neighbouring parts of Flanders and the Low-countries, was allways so far under water, as it never lay dry, but had such a high sea run­ing over it, as it no way endangered the Navigator; the sea or channel be­ing as safely passable and navigable there as elsewhere. But so much of the water betwixt us and them having for­saken [Page 29] its wonted and ordinary current and confines, and gained so much more elbow-room and evacuation into those drowned parts on the other side, (the sea usually losing in one place what it gains in another) this shelf (the Good­wyn) from thenceforth, for want of that store of water which formerly over­layd it, became (what it is) a kind of arida, a sand-plott, deserted of that water's surface in which it was formerly immersed.

This (for ought I perceive) is pro­bable enough, and hath nothing that I can see, to oppose or controul it, but the name (the Goodwyn) which indeed cannot consist with so late an emer­gency, whether by the Goodwyn we un­derstand the Earl sometime so called, or the British word or Epithet for soil or ground of that tenacious sort and temper. Not knowing therefore what further to reply, I shall leave it in medio, not daring to determine either way, as be­ing a research of so much difficulty, as I foresee, when all is done, must be left to conjecture, which may prove as various as the Readers.

[Page 30] Now to Dubris, Dubris. It's deri­vation. another of the Kentish Roman Ports, and of them so called; 1 but whether from the British Dyffrin signifying a vale or valley (whence that famous vale or valley of Cluyd in Den­bigh-shire is called Dyffrin Cluyd, as one would say, the inclosed vale or valley; for so it is, being on all quarters but the North environed with hills or mountains:) or from their Dufr or Dur or Dyfr, betokening: water; running wa­ter, or a river, (whence Dowerdwy is of Girald Cambrensis in his Itinerary of Wales in Latine rendred Fluvius Devae i.e. the river of Dee) is somewhat disputable. Both derivations are enough probable, the former in regard of the place's si­tuation in a valley, between two very high hills or rocks: nor is the latter less probable in respect of the water, the fresh or river running through it, and presently emptying it self into the sea, and by the way serving to scour the haven, and keep it open. So that leaving the Reader to his liberty of [Page 31] choice, I shall have done with the name when I shall have told him, that after the Romans▪ it was of their immediate successors, the Saxons, called [...] 1 [...], [...]; and of after times 2 Dovor and Dover.

3 Some have called it by what is the proper name of Canterbury, Dorobernia, Dover falsly call'd Doro­bernia. others Dorvernia; but very erroneously both; and upon that mistake, what, tumult or hurly-burly hapned in the year 1051. or as some have it. 1052. at Dover by the means of Eustave, Earl of Bolen and his men, likely to have ended in a sore and bloody civil war, (the King taking part with his brother in law, and Earl Good [...]yn siding with the Doverians as his Clients and Vassals) the scene, I say, of that commotion is of some laid at Canterbury: whereas it is 4 hence clear enough that Dover was the place, inasmucn as Marianus and Hoveden, who (as Malmsbury speaks of a [Page 32] Castle there which Knighton calls Castel­lum Dovoriense) make express mention of a Castle on the cliff or by the cliff­side, which must needs be Dover-castle; Canterbury being an inland-town and standing (both City and Castle) in a level or valley. But for more certainty, the Saxon relation of the matter (in which language I take it the story was originally penned) as I find it in a small Saxon MS sometime belonging to Mr. Lambard, and procured for me by my late deceased friend Thomas Godfrey of Hodiford Esq, lays the scene at Dover. [...] (1052) [...] [...] &c. The same year (1052) Eustatius came on shore at Dover, When Dover came to be a haven. &c. So that what of that tumult is record­ed in our Chronicles as hapning at Dorobernia belongs to Dover, not Can­terbury. What also is spoken by 1 Picta­viensis of Alfred's landing place, or place of arrival, under the same name, re­lates thither, and is to be under­stood [Page 33] not of Canterbury but Dover. But to keep us to the Port; a Roman Port it was, and continued afterwards a Port through the Saxon, Danish, and Norman ages unto this present. But as after the Roman times Bolen decayed and grew into some disuse on the French coast, so Rutupium or Sandwich in tract of time did the like on the Bri­tish, that being supplanted and put by of Witsand, this of Dover, as of most ad­vantage to the passenger by reason of the greater shortness of the cut be­tween.

Yet late was it e're Witsand came in­to request, Witsand when first a Port. no mention in story being found of it in the notion of a Port, 1 until between 5. or 600. years ago. But from about that time indeed it became much frequented, and no no­tice scarce taken of any other there­abouts. Whence that of Lewis the French King, who in the year 1180. coming in pilgrimage to visit Thomas of Canterbury, besought that Saint, by way of humble intercession, that no [Page 34] passenger might miscarry by shipwrack between Witsand and Dover. Yet nei­ther was this Port Witsand very long lived; for not many years after Calice-Port coming into request, Witsand gives it place, which it retains to this day. And indeed it is matter of more wonder, that it held up so long, than that it decayed no sooner, in regard of the danger of the passage between, through the greater narrowness and straitness of the British Channel or Frith at that place, rendring it apter to a more impetuous motion than where, as somewhat further off, on either hand more sea room may be had.

Here without all doubt it was that Iulius Caesar, Dover the place where Caesar in­tended to la [...]d. in that famous expedition of his for the Conquest of Britain, first intended and attempted to arrive: a matter evident enough by the descri­ption of the place, 1 in his Commentary terming it locum ad egrediendum nequa­quam idoneum, a place very unfit for landing; which he further thus de­scribes; Loci haec erat natura, atque ita montibus angustis mare continebatur, ut ex locis superioribus in litus telum adjici pos­set. [Page 35] From whence without any violence we may conclude that the sea in those days more in [...]inuated it self into the valley here than afterwards and at this day (being somewhat excluded and fell further off by the ingulfed beach) it did and doth, flowing up even as high, if not higher into the land, as where the Town it self is now seated: whereof also the Anchors and planks or boards of ships there ( 1 as Mr. Camden hath it) sometimes digged up, are indi­cations sufficient of themselves to e­vince this truth.

And more have I not to say of this Port neither; only to represent what description thereof is recorded in Doomsday-book, in these very syllabes, 2 Do­vere tempore Regis Edwardi reddebat, &c. Hereunto let me add a Topographical account hereof given by Guliel. Picta­vensis, who (as he was the Conquerour's Chaplain, and one that attended him [Page 36] in the expedition, and shared with o­thers of his train in the division of the land) hath written his Life and Acts. His words are these. Situm est id castel­lum (Dovera) in rupe mari contigud 1.

From this description it appears, that what fortification the place had in those days to the sea-ward at least, was not so much from art as nature; in­deed rather mixt, the rock or clift's­top with tools and instruments of iron being cut into such notches and inden­tures, as it both resembled and served in the stead of walls with battlements: which it seems afterwards decaying (as the clift there consisting more of chalk­stone is apt to crumble away, drop down, and fall) such walls as now the Town hath to the sea-ward were erect­ed for supply to those natural Bulwarks, which that edax rerum, all devouring time, had so consumed.

[Page 37] PASSING from hence (reserving the Lemanis it's names and situ­ation. Castle to my future discourse of the Roman-Forts) I come in order to the third and last of their Kentish Ports, Lemanis 1 as called of Antoninus, of the Notitia Lemannis, in the Peutingerian Tables Lemavius. Concerning the situ­ation hereof various are the conjectures of our English Chorographers; 2 some placing it at 3 Hyth, others at West-Hyth, a third sort at or under Lim-Hill; to none of all which the distance be­tween it and Durovernum (i.e. Canter­bury) in the Itinerary (to omit other arguments) will very well suit being sixteen miles, which is more by two than that between Durovernum and Du­bris, which is full out as great as this. [Page 38] But as there is not much heed to be given to the distances there, being (as some have observed) often mistaken, so am I apt to suspect a mistake here, of XVI I mean for XXI, the second of those numeral letters in the Itinerary by an easy mistake of an V for an X being miswritten; which supposed, the Port (as to the distance) is easily found, and that ineeed is Romney, or as we now call it New-Romney, New-Romney the Le­manis of the anci­ents. distanced much about so many Italian miles (21) from Durovernum or Canterbury; and so called happily to answer and suit with the Greek 1 [...], or the Latin novus portus, as some have termed it: although I rather deem that Epithet given it more of late to distinguish it from the other Romney, called Old Romney, which distinction I find used near 500 years ago. But be that as it will, Romney either the Old or the New seems to be the Port of the Ro­mans [Page 39] so termed, and that either from the Greek [...] a Port, according to that of Leland, Refert hoc nomen origi­nem Graecam, quòd pleno diffluens alveo portum efficiat: est enim Portus, litus, sinus maris Graecis [...]; or else from their [...] palus a moore or fennish place, as the soil hereabouts for many miles far and wide is none other; which Ethelwerd's Limneus portus, and the old and yet continued writings of the Pa­rish and Deanries name of Lime or Limpne seems more to favour. Romney, I say, as I conceive was that Roman Port Lemanis, which although at pre­sent, and for 1 some hundred of years lying dry, and unbestead of any chan­nel of fresh water to serve it, yet had of old a fair and commodious river running along by it, and unlading or emptying it self into the sea, in those days nothing so remotely from the Town as (by the sands and beach in process of time cast up and inbeaten by the Sea, and for want of the fresh to repel and keep it back stopping up the Harbour) since and now it is.

[Page 40] This River 1 rising and issuing or breaking forth about what for the right name Ritheramfield we call now Rotherfield, Limene­river. (a place in Sussex) and so passing under Rother-bridge (corruptly termed Roberts-bridge is from thence called the Rother: but afterwards run­ning and keeping on it's course to Ap­pledore, and from thence to Romney called (as we said) Lemanis, and serving the Haven there, becomes from thence termed Limena, as the mouth thereof where it falls into the sea, Limene­mouth. And thus may those be recon­ciled that are at odds about this River's right name, some calling the whole River Rother, others Limene; which former name occurreth not to me in any ancient record, whereas the 2 lat­ter doth, and that as high up as where­about it first riseth. It was afterward (from the Port so called, to and along by which it had it's course and current) [Page 41] named Romney, as shall be shewed anon. Mean time for better method's sake, I shall endeavour to assert three things. First, that there was such a river; one, I mean, of that name of Limene, and Romney. Secondly, that this river had it's mouth at or by Romney-Town. Thirdly, about what time, and by what occasion it ceased running hither, and forsook it's wonted channel.

Now as to the first, I Propo­sition. That a ri­ver there was call'd Limene and Romney. express mention is found made of it by that name of Limene, in a Charter or Grant of Ethel­bert the son of the Kentish King 1 Wi­thred, about the year 721. whereby he grants to Mildred, the then Abbess of Minster in Thanet, terram unius aratri circa flumen Limenae i.e. a plough-land lying by or about the river Limene. It next occurs to me in a Charter of King Eadbright dated in the year 741. granting to the Church of Canterbury capturam piscium quae habetur in hostio fluminis cujus nomen est 2 Limeueia &c. [Page 42] i.e. the taking or catching of fish to be had in the mouth of the river, which is named Limene &c. In a Charter or Grant of Egbert, the West-Saxon King, and first English Saxon Monarch, and Athulf or Ethelwulf his son to one God­ing in the year 820. it thus again oc­curs: Duo ar atra in loco qui dicitur Ang­licis Werehornas, in paludosis locis; & empta est pro M solidis nummorum. Et haec sunt territoria: On [...], i. e. Ex Orientali parte porrigit Austrum versus, ultra Limenae fluvium usque ad Australium Saxonum limitem, i.e. Two plough-lands in a place in English cal­led Werehorns, amongst the fenns, and cost M. shillings or 50l. of money: and these are the boundaries; on the East­part it extendeth South-ward over the river Limen, unto the South-Saxon limits. In a Deed or Grant (of one 1 Warhard or Warnard a Priest) to the Monks of Canterbury, dated Anno 830. thus again we meet with it: unum ju­gum qued jacet in australi parte Limene, [Page 43] & ab incolis nominatur Lambeham, per­tinet autem ad Burnham, &c. i.e. One yoke of land lying on the South-side of Limene, and of the inhabitants is called Lambeham, but belongeth to Burnham, &c.

To pass over the mention of it in our English 1 Saxon Annals Anno 893. not long after it was ( Anno sc. 895) that the same river (that part of it at or near Romney Town) in a Grant of Plegmund the Arch-bishop of Canterbury under the name of Romney occurs thus. Terram quae vocatur Wefingmersc juxta flumen quod vocatur Rumeneia, &c. i. e. The land called Wefingmersh, beside the river called Romney. In an old Deed sans date of Thomas and Iames, sons of Kennet of Blakeburn and others, it comes into mention thus: Totum nostrum im­brocum de Blakeburn, sive praedictus bro­cus sit major sive minor, cujus broci longi­tudo ex australi parte incipit ad pontem de Oxenal, & ducit super aquam de Lime­nal usque ad piscarium de Blakeburn, & [Page 44] de eadem piscaria incipit longitudo ex parte Aquilonis, & ducit per wallam de Pigg­broke, i. e. All our im-brook of Blake­burn, whether the said brook be greater or less, the length whereof on the South-part begins at Oxney-bridge and leadeth over the water of Limene, unto the fishing place of Blakeburn; and from thence begins the length of it on the north-part, and leads by the wall of Piggbrook, &c. So much, and enough of the first.

Passing from which to the second re­search or Proposition, 2 Propo­sition. That Li­mene and Romney- river ran out at Romney. that the river or water so called, Limene and Romney, or (as more of late) Rother ran to Romney, and there by its mouth or out­let called (as in that old Charter of King Eadbriht) Limen- mouth, emptying it self into the sea, gave beginning and occasion to the Port or Haven there. For this, if 1 Mr. Camden's testimony, chiefly grounded (I suppose) on the inhabitants tradition of his time, be not full satisfaction, [Page 45] who saith, that 1 in the reign of Edward the first, the sea raging with violence of winds, overflowed this tract and made pi­tiful waste of people, of cattel, and of houses in every place, as having quite drowned Promhill, a pretty Town well frequented, and made the Rother forsake his own chan­nel, which here beforetime emptied himself into the sea, and stopped his mouth, open­ing a new and nearer may to pass into the sea by Rhie; so as by little and little he forsook this Town, &c. If this (I say) be not sufficient, let me add, that as New-Romney is to this day a Port, and one of those five, which lying on the East and South sea-coast of England, are called the Cinque-Ports, so doubtless hath it been from the first. It was some­time ( 2 saith Mr. Lambard) a good sure and commodious Haven, where many ves­sels used to lye at road. For 3 Henry the Archdeacon of Huntingdon, maketh re­port, that at such time as Goodwyn Earl [Page 46] of Kent and his sons were exiled the Realm, they armed vessels to the sea, and sought by disturbing the quiet of the people to com­pel the King to their revocation. And there­fore, among 1 sundry other harms that they did on the coast of this shire, they entred the Haven at Romney, and led away all such ships as they found in the Harbour there.

In the Conquerour's expedition for the Conquest of England, some of his company by mistake it seems landed, or were put a shore at Romney, and were rudely and barbarously treated by the inhabitants hereof; and of the revenge upon them taken by the Con­querour after his victory, and settling his affairs at Hasting, his Chaplain 2 Pi­ctaviensis, and after him 3 Ordericus Vi­talis, gives us this account. Humatis autem suis, dispositâque custodiâ, Hastingas cum strenuo Praefecto Romanarium (saith the former, for Romaneium, as it is in the latter) accedens, quam placuit paenam exegit pro clade suorum, quos illuc errore appulsos fera gens adorta praelio cum utri­usque partis maximo detrimento fuderat.

[Page 47] This I take it is the Port in Dooms-day-book called Lamport, Romney in dooms-day-book call'd Lamport. and the hun­dred wherein it lay, the hundred of Lamport. In Lamport, hundred ( so that book) Robertus de Romenel tenet de Archiepisc. Lamport: pro 1 solino & dimid. se defendit. Ad hoc manerium pertinent 21 Burgenses qui sunt in Romenel, de qui­bus habet Archiep. 3 forisfacturas, latro­cinia, pacem fractam, foristellum. Rex vero habet omne servitium ab eis, & ipsi habent omnes consuetudines, & alias foris­facturas pro servitio maris, [...] sunt in manu Regis. Thus in the account of the lands and possessions of the Arch-Bishops Knights: afterward in that of the Bi­shop of Bayon thus. In Lamport hund. Robertus de Romenel tenet de Episcopo 1 Affetane, pro I solino se defendit. Idem Robertus habet 50 Burgenses in burgo de Romenel, & de eis habet Rex omne ser­vitium, & sunt quieti pro servitio maris ab omni consuetudine praeter latrocinium, pa­cem infractam, & 2 foristel. It was since, [Page 48] and is at this day altered into Langport, and containing the Towns of St. Ni­cholas, ctc. And as there was and is a double Romney, the old and the new; so in the 14th. year of Edward the 2d, I read of an old and a new Langport. By the way, 1 Mr. Lambard in his Per­ambulation represents the state of this place otherwise than Dooms-day-book doth, whom the Reader may please hereby to correct accordingly. The river Limene turn'd from Romney another way.

Now as all Sea-ports or Havens have, at least first had (what since sometime, as here, is discontinued and diverted) [Page 49] a river, stream, or course of fresh wa­ter falling into them for their better keeping open, and to prevent their obstruction and choaking by sands, beach, slime, or other like suffocating matter, without which it cannot be, or be properly called a Port: so doubtless did this Port or Haven sometime par­ticipate of this commodity and pro­perty, and had a river, a fresh, a cur­rent running to it, and there discharg­ing or shedding it self into the sea; and the same so called (from the seve­ral places by which it had it's passage) Rother, Limen, and Romney. For albeit the Rother (for that only is the now remaining name, though some call it Appledore-water) cuts or falls many miles short of Romney-Port, (after it is once gotten to Appledore, wheeling about and running into that arm of the sea or aestuary insinuating into the land by, [Page 50] what from that or some other current became so called, Rye yet had it here­tofore a direct and foreright continued current and passage as to Appledore, so from thence to Romney, the old and new: on the West-side whereof meet­ing with the aestuary, it presently dis­embogued and fell into the sea, The river Limene had a wide mouth. which in elder times with so large and wide a mouth flow'd up within the land there, that in the year 774. Lyd, both to the Northern and Eastern bounds thereof, is said to border on the sea. Witness the Charter of K. Offa of that Mannor, given to 1 Ianibert the then Arch-bishop, of this tenour. In nomine Iesu salvatoris mundi, &c. Ego Offa Rex totius Anglorum patriae, dabo & concedo Janibert Archiepiscopo ad Ecclesiam Christi, aliquam partem terrae, trium aratrorum, quod Cantianitè dicitur three 2 sulinge, in occidentali parte regionis quae dicitur Mersware ubi nominatur ad Lyden: & hujus terrae sunt haec territoria: Mare in Oriente, in Aquilone, & ab Austro terra Regis Edwy— nominant Deugemere us­que [Page 51] 1 ad lapidem appositum in ultimo terrae, & in Occidente & Aquilone confinia regni ad Bleechinge. Et hoc praedictum do­num,&c.

From whence clear enough it is that the sea with a large and spatious in­let, arm, and aestuary, in those days flowed in between Lyd and Romney, and was there met with the river Limen, which of necessity must have a very large capacious mouth, or bosom to re­ceive, as it did, 2 a Fleet of 250 sail, the number of those Danish pyrats be­ing no less, who in the year 893 put in here, and towing up their vessels four miles within the land, even as far as to the Weald (which 3 then extended East-ward unto Appledore) there cast anchor, and destroying a fort or castle, as old and imperfect as ill defended, built a new one and kept their rendez­vous there.

For I can easily believe that how­ever Appledore be distanced from Rom­ney about six miles, yet so large a bo­som [Page 52] had that arm or aestuary, and so high up into the land the sea then flowed, (haply so high as that place in Romney-Custumal written about Edw. 3d's. time, called Readhill, whither the Franchise from the entrance of the ha­ven is said to reach) that Appledore was not above four miles from the river's mouth: some vestigia and remains whereof, that trench of large extent both for length and breadth between Appledore and Romney along the wall, (from thence called the Ree-wall) by the diversion of the current at this day lying dry and converted to pasturage, (if it be not all one with that hereun­der mentioned, passed over by the King to the Arch-bishop and others) may seem to be: over which (I take it) there sometime was a passage between Romney-marsh and Walland-marsh, by that bridge which in these latter days is (as the hundred wherein it lay) cal­led Allowesbridge, for what of old was called Alolvesbridge, so named haply from some Lord or great person, who (whether he or some other that gave name to that Bocton called Aloof for Alolfe an Earl so called, whence the place of old is otherwise termed Earl [Page 53] Bocton, I cannot say) was known by the Christian name Alolfe, or the like.

Observable here it is to our purpose, Romney the place of Li­mene-mouth, from Ead [...]rojt's Charter. that amongst the places mentioned in that Grant or Charter of K. Eadbriht to the Church of Canterbury, (without which the Arch-bishop of old had had no interest in Romney) some if not all agree and suit to Romney for the place of Limen-mouth, as that of the situa­tion of St. Martin's Oratory, the Fisher­men's houses, the Ripe, Bishop's-wike, &c. The first of which, as it was in our fore­father's days to be found in Romney-Town, being one of the Parish Churches there, (St. Nicholas being the other;) so those houses or some of them might probably enough be the same which in Dooms-day-book are said to be 21 Bur­genses belonging to Lamport; which Port in those days belonged to the Arch-bishop, and as his of right, was (with other things) by him recovered from some Norman-usurpers in or by that Placitum or pleading at 1 Pinedene, published by the most learned Selden. Upon this account it was (the Arch­bishop's peculiar interest there) that [Page 54] Arch-bishop Becket in the year 1164. intending a 1 secret escape and depar­ture out of England, made choice of this Port to put to sea. But to pro­ceed to the other places mentioned in that most ancient Charter: not far from hence (I take it) lay the Marsh called (from the Arch-bishop as the owner) 2 Bishop's-wike; whilst the Ripe (though cleared of the wood, if ever it were wood) yet remains by that name at Lyd. In an old Accompt-Roll of the Arch-bishop's Mannours sans date, the Accomptant of Oxency craves this al­lowance. Oxenal. In conducendis batellis ad ducendum 105 3 summas avenae usque Rumenal missas ad Liminge, 5s. 9d. Whence it appears that there was then a channel leading down to Romney from Oxeney: not to urge any thing from what we find in that Ordinance of Iohn Lovetot and Henry of Apuldrefeild made Anno 16 Edw. 1. and extant in that [Page 55] little Treatise called the Charter of Rom­ney-marsh, where order being taken for the security and defence of that Western part of the Marsh, at this day called Walland-marsh, lying west-ward of Romney-channel (the Eastern part, or that on the other part of the channel, called Romney-marsh, and no more, be­ing formerly provided for by the Or­dinance of Henry of Bath and his asso­ciates, Nicholas of Handly, and Alured of Dew, in the 24th. year of Henry the third) we have that part of the Ordi­nance ushered in with this Preamble, Et quia &c. i. e. And because before that time in this Marsh of Romenal beyond the course of the water of that Port run­ning from the Snergate towards Romen­hal, on the west-part of the same Port as far as to the County of Sussex, there had not been any certain law of the Marsh ordained, nor used otherwise than at the will of those who had lands in the same, &c. Not (I say) to insist on this, because it brings the water-course but from Sner­gate not from Appledore; let us now in the third and last place, having brought the Channel to Romney, shew (if we [Page 56] can) when it forsook it, when and how it came to be diverted; and whither; which is the third Proposition.

For forsaken it hath, [...] Propo­sition. When and how Romney [...]river cea­sed, and came to be diver­ted; and whither. insomuch as there is neither Haven, Harbour or Channel, neither in-let nor out-let near it, but left quite dry it is and de­stitute both of salt and fresh water. And indeed so long it hath been thus, that without some difficulty the certain time is not retrievable: nor may we think it came to pass all at once, but at times and by degrees, which we shall track and trace out as well as we can.

Gaufridus, the Prior of Christ-church Canterb. in Henry the first's time with his Covent, made and passed many grants of Land at Appledore 1 in Gavelkind, with this covenant and tye upon the Tenants; Et debent wallas custodire & de­fendere contra friscam & salsam, &, quoties opus fuerit, eas reparare & firmas facere secundum legem & consuetudinem marisci, &c. setting them but at small rents in respect hereof. But I shall not insist on this and many such like any fur­ther, than to note that the sea did [Page 57] much infest and endanger those parts with its aestuations and irruptions, in those days. Witness this demand in our Accompt-Roll of the Arch-bishop's Mannor of Aldington, about the year 1236. In expensâ Iohannis de Watton & Persona de Aldington per tres dies apud Rumenal & Winchelse & Apelder, una cum seneschallo, ad vidend. salvationem patriae & marisci contra inundationem maris, 41s. 4d. This inundation was the same (I take it) with that mentioned of both the 1 Matthews (Paris and Westminster) in that year. The same Matthew Paris relating the hideous, uncouth, violent rage and aestuation of the sea in the year 1250. and the inundations con­sequent, reports thus. Apud Winchelsey &c. At Winchelsey, above 300. houses with some Churches, by the seas violence were overturned. In an ancient French Chro­nicle, sometime belonging to the Church of Canterbury, and written by a Monk [Page 58] of the place in Edw. 2d's days, which I light on in Sir Simon Dews his Library, I read thus. And the same year (1286) on the second of the nones of February, the sea in the Isle of Thanet rose or swelled so high, and in the marsh of Romenal, that it brake all the walls, and drowned all the grounds: so that from the great wall of Appledore as far as Winchelsey, to­wards the South and the West, all the land lay under water lost. Mr. Camden 1(I sup­pose) intends the same inundation when he saith, that in the reign of Edw. 1. the sea raging with the violence of winds, overflowed this tract, and made pitiful waste of people, cattel, and of houses, in every place, as having quite drowned Promhill, a pretty Town well frequented: and that it also made the Rother forsake his old Channel, which here beforetime emptied himself into the sea, and stopped his mouth, opening a new and nearer way for him to pass into the sea by Rhie. Hence follow­ed that Ordinance of Iohn of Lovetot and his associates the very next year, 16. Edw. 1. (whereof before) by the King's writ, to whom sent and pre­mised, they are assigned ad superviden­dum [Page 59] Wallas, &c. i. e. to view the walls and ditches upon the sea-coasts and places adjacent within the County of Kent, in divers places then broken through, by the violence of the sea, &c. To proceed, 1 Mr. Lambard tells us of a strange tempest that threw down many steeples and trees, and above 300 mills, and housings there, in the 8th year of Edw. 3d. about the year of Christ 1334. Now lay to all these what occurs in a Grant or Letters Patents from K. Edw. 3d. in the 11th. year of his reign, passing o­ver to the then Arch-bishop, the Prior, and Covent of Christ-church, and Mar­garet de Basings, an old trench lying betwixt Appledore and Romney, with licence at their pleasure to obstruct, dam, and stop it up, as by reason of the sands, and other imbelched, ob­structive matter, made and become useless and unserviceable, and so having then continued for 30 years past and upwards: lay all this, I say, together, and then it will be credible enough that the old trench was lost and disused upon that inundation about the year 1287. and the new one made and be­gotten [Page 60] by that other about the year 1334. being the same that is mentioned in the same Ordinance of Io. de Lovetot, and his Associates.

Before we proceed, take here the Grant it self in it's own words as I met with it in the Archives of that Church of Canterbury, and thus there intituled. Licentiâ Dni. Regis super qua­dam antiquâ trencheâ apud Apulder ha­benda Dno. Archiepiscopo, Priori, & Con­ventui Ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. ac Dnae. Margaretae de Passele, prout eisdem me­lius visum fuerit esse expediens, Anno regni ejus 11. Edwardus Dei gratiâ, 1 &c.

Here we find that by the seas impe­tuosity and rage, the old [...]rench was lost, and a new one made and succeed­ed in the room; both the old when in being, and the new afterwards from Appledore to Romney; the time we have also both of the one and the other's beginning. And now as on the one hand some violent irruptions of the sea by the parts of Rye and Winchelsea, had made way for the Rother's mingling her waters with that aestuary, and the [Page 61] breaking off it's wonted course by Ap­pledore and Romney, so the in-let, creek, or haven at Romney, wanting the river's wonted help to scour and keep it open, what with that and the working of the sea still casting up and closing it with sands and beach, became in time obstructed, and for many ages hath been so quite dammed up, that the sea now lyes off at a great distance and re­moteness from the Town. And thus far of those three Propositions.

To return now to our Port Lemanis, The vari­ous names of the in­habitants of the Marshes. whereof I have not more to say than that as the inhabitants of this Marish Countrey, were of the English Saxons called [...] i. e. viri palustres, marsh-men or fen-men, 1 and the Re­gion it self [...] as in Ethel­werd, [Page 62] Anno 795. and Mersware as in King Offa's 1 fore-recited Charter or Grant of Lyd to the Arch-bishop, and Merseware as Hoveden, 2 if rightly printed, Anno 838. so were the same inhabitants also called Limware, and the whole Lath (since and to this day called Shipway) as in Doomsday-book often, Limware­best, and Limeware-leth, and the like; which if derivative from the Greek word [...], Limware is of the same sense and signification 3 with that other Merscware. It (the Port) was also called Romeney, Rumeney, and sometime Ru­menal, by the same misrule that Oxney, Graveney, Pevensey, &c. are of old called Oxenel, Gravenel, Pevensel, &c. The el­dest mention that I find of Romney, is in 4 that Grant or Charter of Plegmund the Archbishop, in the year 895.

Whence that name might come va­rious also are the conjectures. The Ety­mon of Romney. 5 Some latine it Romanum mare, as if it were sea [Page 63] in the Romans time. Indeed much more of it formerly than at present has been under water as overflowed by the sea; whence I read of Archbishop Becket's, Baldwin's, Boniface's, and Peck­ham's Innings; to which I may add what bears the name to this day of Elderton's Innings. Wibort a Prior, and his Covent of Christ-church Canterbury, near upon 500. years since, grant to Baldwyn Scade­wey and his heirs, as much lands at Mistelham in the Marish (about Ebeny I take it) as he could inne at his own cost against the sea, gratis for the two first years, and at 4d. the acre per an­num afterwards. 1 Others perhaps fetch it from the Saxon Rumen-ea the large water or watry place; to which I sub­scribe: though some perhaps meeting with the Tyber's ancient name of Ru­mon (whereof Marlianus in his Topo­graphy of Rome) and the etymology of it from rumino, quasi ripas ruminans & exedens, may fancy the same etymo­logy for this of Romney, especially con­sidering how, if not the river, yet the sea, impatient of restraint within the channel of our narrow seas, all along [Page 64] this coast, hath been and is very apt to eat away the shore, and either break­ing through, or swelling over the banks and walls, to overwhelm and drown much of the level, as the inhabitants and owners of land there find by woe­ful and costly experience.

HAVING had so much occasion to mention Appledore, First mention of Ap­pledore. I may not part from hence without giving some further ac­count both of place and name. The first mention I find of it is in the year 893. when (as in that fore-cited place of our Saxon Annals) it is called [...], 1 Ethelwerd recounting the same story calls it (if not mis-printed) a Pol­dre, for Atpoldre or Apledore, according as it is also named in a Charter or Grant of it to Christ-church by one Aedsi a Priest becoming a Monk there, with the consent of his Master King Cnute and his Queen, in the year 1032. where also it is written Apeldre, and the like before in the Charter or priviledge of K. Ethelred about the year 1006. and [Page 65] in Doomsday-book, where said it is to lye in Limewareleth or the Lath of the men of Limene or Lime, the same which is since ( 1 as was said) called Shipway. Since which time undoubtedly there hath been some alteration of the Laths, and other divisions of our County; for as there Niwenden also is said to be in the same Lath, so both it and Apple­dore, both in that elder record of Knight's-fees of Henry 3d. or Edw. 1's. time, and in that latter of the 13. of Queen Elizabeth, exemplified by Mr. Lambard, are said to be in the Lath of Scray or Sherwinhope (as called at this day) but of old, as in Doomsday-book Wimare-lest, i.e. the Lath of the men of Wye, and are accordingly placed by Mr. Kilburne in his Alphabetical Kentish tables, and his Survey.

The place, the soil is moorish, boggy, and fenny, Deriva­tion of Appledore. such as our Ancestors here at home, with some of their neigh­bours abroad, have usually called Pol­der; (we have a place near Canterbury lying by the river's side of that name, and another of a moorish situation at Herbaldown) a word of Kilianus in his Teutonick Dictionary, turned palus [Page 66] marina, pratum littorale, ager qui è fluvio out mare eductus, aggeribus obsepitur, i.e. a marish fenn, a meadow by the shore side, a field drain'd or gain'd from a river or the sea, and inclosed with banks. To all which qualities and pro­perties, our Appledore fully answereth, being a kind of meer bogg or quag­mire, bordering on the water, and often overlaid of it. Witness the great in­nings, securing, and improving of it at several times, by the care and at the charge of the Church of Canterbury, whereof in their accompts and other records. Whilst therefore 1 others fetch it (without all probability in my appre­hension) from the Saxon [...] malus, pomus, an Appletree, (a plant for which the soil is nothing proper, nor scarce for any other) I rather would derive it from that other name Polder to which [...] being ( 2 as in the [Page 67] names of most places) prefixed by the Saxons, it was originally called [...], and in process of time (wearing out the [...]) [...], as since and at pre­sent more corruptly Appledore; from their seat or abode at or about which place the families name of Ap [...]ldor­field.

Some perhaps may fancy a Latin derivation of the name from appello, Appledore never a Haven. to arrive or land, and hence probably it is that some do hold the place to have been sometime a Haven or sea-town, or Port, and consequently a landing place, or a place of ships arrival. But to this I first answer, that the name is not found until the Saxon times, and they never used to borrow or be be­holding to the Latin for any, whether local or other name. Next, although now and of latter years, that arm or aestuary of the sea flowing in by Win­chelsea and Rye, reach up as high as [Page 68] Appledore-town, yet questionless of old it did not so; so long ago at least, as there is mention made of Appledore, which out-dates the first institution and original of the Ports, referred at the furthest no higher up than Edward the Confessor's time, at what time had it been since and at this present a mari­time place, and used as an Harbour or Haven-town, it could not in all pro­bability have escaped the being taken in as a limb or member at least, either as Winchelsey and Rye of Hastings, or as Lyd and Promhill of Romney, or some other of the Ports. But no marvel that it is not, it being more than likely, that till some such great flood or inun­dation 1 as that spoken of before, hap­ning in the year 1287. or some other about the same time, that aestuary, although beginning somewhat early to put fair for it, (witness that Charter of Prior Wibert in Henry the first's time, providing for defence against the sea's encroachment) was not of so far and large extent into the land: but then or about that time, by the violence of that in­undation rolling and reaching up as far as Appledore, it not only kept its [Page 69] ground, but laying hands on the Ro­ther in her wonted course by those parts to Romney, and without regard to poor Romney's detriment and dam­age, by the loss of so advantageous a friend both to Town and Haven (by no better title than that of a plain rape) keeps possession of her, enforcing her along in the same channel (or torrent rather) with her by Gilford (so called from the gill, gulel, Deriva­tion of G [...]lford and Win­chelsey. or rivulet there of old easily fordable) to (what in all likelyhood ows it's name to that Ree or channel) Rye, and so to ( 1 what by its name betokens a waterish place seated in a corner, as old Winchelsey was, lying at the corner of Kent and Sussex) Winchel­sea: making ever now and then bracks and breaches by the way, to the pre­judice of the level or low grounds near adjacent. Whence (besides what we have in that little Treatise called Or­dinalia Marisci, or (for so it is entituled in English) the Charter of Romney-marsh, 2 before remembred, providing against such inundations and the damages [Page 70] consequent) that Charter or 1 Letters Patents granted and directed to certain Knights, and other persons of quality in the 2d. year of Henry the 5th. to em­power them for the repairing breaches past, and preventing the like for the time to come, in the parts betwixt Rye and Odiam-bridge, whereof many other of like nature concerning other parts of the level in 2 Mr. Dugdale's History of Imbanking, &c.

But to return to Appledore; Dooms­day-book shewing it to be a Mannor belonging to Christ-church, and (as that which the Saxons called [...]) allotted ad cibum monachorum, i. e. to­wards feeding of the Monks, or towards their provision of sustenance, thus speaks of it. In Let [...]de Limware, &c. as 3 in my Antiquities. Would you see the first grant of it, with some other places to the Church? I shall here for a close of my discourse concerning this place, present you with a true copy of it for a 4 second taste and specimen of the [Page 71] mode and manner of the donations of that age; and the rather, that hereby you may see the vast difference between the candid simplicity and plainness of those elder times (when conscience was accounted the best evidence) and the serpentine subtilty of these, (justly taxed by that eminent Lawyer and An­tiquary 1 Mr. Selden;) when no convey­ance but in folio, when an acre of land cannot pass without almost an acre of writing, such a voluminous deal as would in a manner, if not serve to co­ver, yet if cut in thongs (as that Bull's hide wherewith the circuit of what was hence to be called Thong or Thoang-Castle was said to be laid out) would go near to compass it; their honest meaning of old going further in point of security than our much writing now, whilst their plain dealing supplied and made up what was wanting either in in matter of form or multitude of words.

[Page 72] [...] [Page 73] [...].

Here appeareth in this writing how Cnut King and Aelfgife his Lady gave to Eadsy their Priest when he turned Monk, that he might convey that land at Apuldore as to himself most pleasing were. Then gave he it to Christ-church to God's servants for his soul, and he it bought that of the Covent for his days and Aedwine's with four pounds, on that contract that men deliver every year to Christ-church three weights of cheese from that land, and three 1 bundles of Eeles, and after his days and Aedwine's go that land into Christ-church, with meat [Page 74] and with men, even as it then inriched is, for Eadsie's soul, and he bought that land at Werhorne of the Covent for his days and Eadwine's also with four pounds; then goeth that land forth with the other after his days and Edwine's to Christ-church with the crop that there then on is, and that land for his days at Berwick which he obtained of his Lord Cnute King; and he gives also those lands at Orpinton in his days for his soul to Christ-church to God's servants for garment-land, which he bought with eighty marks of white silver 1 by Hustings weight, and he gives also those lands at Palstre and at Wittresham after his days and Ed­wine's forth with the other to God's servants for foster-land for his soul. This bequest he giveth to the Covent on this contract that they ever him well observe, and to him faithful be in life and after life, and if they with any unadvisedness with him this contract shall break, then stands it in his own power how he afterwards his own dis­pose will. Of this is for witness Cnute [Page 75] King, and Aelfgife his Lady, and Aethel­noth Archb. and Aelfstan Abb. and the Covent at S. Austine's, and Brihtric young, and Aetheric husbandman, and Thorth Thurkille's nephew, and Tofi, and Aelfwine priest, and Eadwold priest, and all the King's Counsellours; aud this writing is threefold, one is at Christ-church, and one at S. Augustine's, and one hath Eadsy with himself.

THE HISTORY OF THE Roman Forts in KENT.

THAT the Romans having once the supreme command in Bri­tain, The Ro­mans had their Forts in Kent. had their Forts as well as Ports in Kent, is evident enough by that Notitia Imperii Occidentalis, that Roman Office-Book set out by Panci­rollus, where we find the names of Dubris, Lemanis, Anderida, Rutupis, and Regulbium, under that notion. All which our▪ Antiquaries generally agree to be Kentish Roman garrisons or sta­tions. Gildas, followed by Venerable Bede, hath respect hither in that pas­sage of his 1 Epistle, where giving an account of the Roman's care to pro­vide against the invasions and infesta­tions [Page 77] of such Barbarians and Saxons, as annoyed this maritime tract, he saith, 1 In littore quoque Oceani ad meri­diem, &c. i. e. On the Southern coast of Brittain, where the ships were, be­cause they feared from thence the Bar­barians would make their in-rodes, they placed Towers, (watch-towers) at convenient distances, to take from them a prospect of the Ocean.

I SHALL begin with the last, Regul­bium. 2 Re­gulbium. Hereof in that Book of No­tices, where the Leiutenant of the Saxon shore (whose office it was with those garrisons to repress the in-rodes and depredations of the Rovers) with such as are under his command, is spoken of, we read, that the Tribunus cohortis, &c. The Captain of the Primier band of the Vetasians lay here in gar­rison. Now to prove that by this name Regulbium, Regul­bium the same with Re­culver. what we now call Reculver is intended and to be understood, will be no hard task. For first, that so it was is the common and received opi­nion and verdict of the whole College [Page 78] of our English Antiquaries; and that reason of 1 Mr. Camden rendred for his conjecture, is very plausible and satis­factory; the often digging and turning up there of Roman Coins; which of my cer­tain knowledge is to this day very true and usual, who have been owner of many, as I am still of some, pieces of old Roman coin had from hence.

The Roman tile or brick here also found, some in buildings, others by the clift-side, where the sea hath wash'd and eaten away the earth (as it daily doth, to the manifest endangering of the Church by it's violent encroach­ments) give like evidence of the place's Roman Antiquity; whereof some are remaining in and about that little stone cottage without the Church-yard, (of some holden to be the remains of an old Chappel or Oratory) and others not far off. If this give not satisfaction, let me here add that observation of the learned Antiquary 2 Mr. Burton: It is to be observed (saith he) that all places ending in Chester, fashioned in the Saxon [Page 79] times, arise from the ruines of the old Ro­man castra; and therefore the ancient sta­tions about the wall, the carkasses of many of which at this day appear, are called Chesters by the country people. Very good; (to bring this observation home) Reculver was of old in the Saxon's time, as 1 sometimes (from the Monastery there) called Raculf-minster, so like­wise other while (from that Roman castle or garrison there in former time no doubt) Raculf-cester. As for instance, in a Charter or Grant of Eadmund, a Kentish King, in the year 784. running thus: Ego Eadmundus, Rex Cantiae, do tibi Wihtrede, honorabili Abb [...]ti, tuaeque familiae degenti in loco qui dicitur. Raculf­cester, terram 12. aratrorum, quae dicitur Sildunk, cum universis ad eum ritè perti­nentibus, liberam ab omni seculari servitio, & omni regali tributo, exceptis 2 expedi­tione, &c. Nor is that parcel of evi­dence resulting from and couched in the present and forepast name of the place to be slighted, especially that [Page 80] more ancient name of it in the Saxon times Racul [...], altered since into Raculfre and Reculvre, and (which it now bears) Reculver; none of which but do retain a grand smack and quantity of that Ro­man name 1 Regulbium.

Whereabouts at Regulbium this Ca­strum stood, Wherea­bouts at Reculver the Fort was plac'd. where the place of this Roman garrison or station was, is not at this day so clear and certain. but 2 as it is well observed that all the Ro­man Colonies, Towns, Stations, or Forts generally were set upon hills, so I suppose this might be placed on that ascent or rising ground whereon the Monastery afterward stood, and the Church now stands erected, within (I mean) that fair square plot of ground converted to the Church-yard, and environing the Minster or Church, enclosed and circumscribed with a wall of stone. The Minster, I say; for of a Royal Palace (to which after the Roman time this Fort or station 3 is said to have received a conversion by King Ethelbert upon his withdrawing thither from Canterbury, [Page 81] in favour of Augustine and his com­pany) it became e're long a Monastery or Abby of the Benedictine Order, of whose founder with the time of the foundation, thus in the English Saxon Annals, Anno DCLXIX. [...] i. e. This year (669) King Egbert gave to Bassa Priest, Raculf, whereon to build a Mo­nastery.

From thenceforth the place became called Raculf-minster, Regulbi­um why call'd Raculf-minster. and was at first governed by an Abbot, Brightwald the 8th. Arch-bishop of Canterbury, from be­ing Abbot there (as Venerable Bede hath told us) was 1 preferred to the Arch-bishoprick. This Abby or Min­ster, with its whole revenue, was after­ward, anno 949. by King Eadred made and granted over to Christ-church, as 2 in my Antiquities, and in the first part of the Monasticon, p. 86. where the Grant or Deed it self is at large re­cited, with the bounds and extent of the sight and circuit, reaching over the water into Thanet, and laying claim [Page 82] to four 1 plough-yards there. The Mo­nastery nevertheless (it seems) conti­nued, but with an alteration in the Governour's title from that of Abbot to Dean, as will also appear by 2 my Antiquities from a Charter not many years antedating the Norman Conquest; by what time (it seems) it's Monastick condition ceased, being changed into that of a Mannor (as it still is) of the Arch-bishop's, in which state and no­tion we meet with it thus described in Doomsday-Book: Raculf est manerium Archiepiscopi, & in T. R. E. se defendebat pro. VIII. sull. & est appretiatum XL. & II. Lib. & V. sol. tres minutes minus. I shall close concerning Reculver with that ac­count given of the place by Leland, in Mr. Philpott's Villare Cantianum. 3 The old buildings of the Abby Church continues, [Page 83] (says he) having two goodly spiring steeples. In the entring into the Quire is one of the fairest and most ancient Crosses that ever I saw, nine foot in height; it standeth like a fair column. The basis is a great stone, it is not wrought: the second stone being round, hath curiously wrought and painted the image of our Saviour Christ, Peter, Paul, John and James: Christ saith, Ego sum Alpha & Omega. Peter saith Tu es Christus filius Dei vivi. The sayings of the other three were painted majus­culis literis Romanis, but now oblite­rated. The second stone is of the Passion. The third stone contains the twelve Apo­stles. The fourth hath the image of our Sa­viour hanging and fastned with four nails, & sub pedibus sustentaculum: the highest part of the Pillar hath the figure of a Cross. In the Church is a very ancient Book of the Evangelies, in majusculis literis Ro­manis; and in the borders thereof is a Crystal stone thus inscribed, Claudia Ale­piccus. In the North-side of the Church is the figure of a Bishop painted under an arch. In digging about the Church they find old buckles and rings. The whole print of the Monastery appears by the old wall; and the Vicarage was made of the ruines of the Monastery. There is a neglected Chappel [Page 84] out of the Church-yard, where some say was a Parish-Church before the Abby was suppress'd and given to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury.

And yet to do the place right, Dignity of the Church and Re­ctor of Reculver. for antiquitie's sake, I cannot leave Recul­ver, until I have given some further account of the dignity of the Church there, the Parson or Rector whereof, when in being, and when petit Eccle­siastical jurisdictions under foreign Com­missaries (as they called them) was in fashion, now 300. years ago and up­wards; had the same jurisdiction with­in his own Parish and Chappelries an­nexed, as afterward and at this day the Commissary of Canterbury exerciseth there. I have seen Commissions to this purpose to the Rector there for the time being, both from the Arch-bishop sede plenâ, and from the Prior and Co­vent sede vacante. And it was indeed a common practice with it and such other exempt Churches, as (like it) were Mo­ther-Churches in the Diocess in those days. When, why, and how this course and custom ceased, may be found 1 in my Antiquities. So much for the Rector.

[Page 85] Now for his Church; it was and is a Mother-Church, upon which of old depended four Chappels of ease, Hoth, Hearn, and in Thanet, St. Nicholas and All-Saints. Upon the three last of which, for the Mother-Churche is great­er honour and dignity, or in signum subjectionis, (as the instrument runs) an annual pension to the Vicar of Re­culver, upon the founding of that, with those other Vicarages of Hearn and St. Nicholas, was imposed; the Vicar of of St. Nicholas and All-Saints being charged with 3l. 3s. 4d. per annum, and the other of Hearn with 40s. per annum. And as the Vicars of these dependant or annexed Chappels were under this charge and burthen to him of the su­periour or Mother-Church, so the Pa­rishioners and people of those Chap­pelries, however gratified and accom­modated with Chappels of ease for les­sening their trouble, by shortning their way to Church, whether for divine service in their life time, or interment after death; yet (as the law in that case [Page 86] requires, where no privilege or dis­charge from it is indulged at or by the first foundation or following prescri­ption) where it seems left as liable and subject to the repair of the Mother-Church of Reculver, as the peculiar and proper inhabitants of the place, and themselves, before the Chappels erected by laws, were: a thing controverted between them of Hearn and Reculver, in Arch-bishop Stratford's days, who after [...]cognizance taken of the cause and audience of all parties, passed a decree in the year 1 335. (which I have seen under seal, whereof I have a copy by me) in behalf of the Reculverians, condemning and adjudging those of Hearn to the repair of the Mother-Church. Much contest and dispute hereabouts have hapned afterwards be­tween the succeeding inhabitants, until by a decree (which as I remember I have seen) of Arch-bishop Warham, in Henry the eighth's days, the difference was, by and with the consent of all parties, thus finally composed: That the people of each Chappel (Hearn and St. Ni­cholas) should redeem the burthen of repairs with the payment of a certain moderate annual stipend or pension in money, payable [Page 87] at a certain set day in the year, but with this Proviso, that if they kept not their day, but overslipt it, they were then laid open, and exposed to the law, and must fall un­der as full an obligation to the repairs of the Mother-Church, as if that decree had never been. At which pass (I take it) the matter now stands, and so is like to do, unless any default of payment chance to alter it.

PASSING now from Reculver; Rutupi­um. the next to this of all the Kentish Roman Forts, Stations, or Garrisons, was Ru­tupium; whereof 1 before so largely and fully in my discourse of the Roman Port so called, that I scarce know what to add, except (in observance of 2 Mr. Burton's double direction, to enquire in such cases for a hilly situation, and for that note and badge of what had been a Roman fortress, Chester) to note first, that Richborough (where I have placed this Fort) hath an high an eminent situation, i. e. upon an hill, whereof the present name from good antiquity en­joyed, taketh notice, Richberge, Ratis­burge [Page 88] and Richborough; the latter part whereof betokeneth an hill, whether natural, or cast up by hand, as probably this was; all the ground on each hand of the place for a good distance, being low, plain, and part of a great level, void of all advantage for a Specula or Watch-tower, a place of prospect. Next, (or what is secondly observable) that it participated with Reculver in the composition of the name, as ending heretofore in Chester, being (as Vene­rable Bede acquaints us) vulgarly called, (and not corruptly, by his favour, if we apply it to the Fort, not to the Port) Reptacester. This is all I thought to have spoken of this Fort; but since I wrote this, meeting with a 1 rela­tion of Leland's concerning the face and state of the place in the 30th. year of Henry the eighth, I cannot but im­part it; and the rather because I find some confirmation from it concerning the quondam existence of a Parish Church within the walls of it, as I have 2 hinted in my discourse of the Port. [Page 89] The site of the old Town or Castle (says Leland) is wonderful fair upon a hill, the walls which remain there yet be in compass about almost as much as the Tower of London; they have been very high, thick, strong, and well embattled; the matter of them is flint, marvellous and long bricks, both whole and red, of the British fashion: the cement was made of the sea and small pebble. There is great likelyhood that the goodly hill about the Castle and especially toward Sandwich, hath been well inhabi­ted, corn grows there in marvellous plenty; and in going to plough, there hath been time out of mind, and now is, found more An­tiquities of Roman mony, than in any place else of England.

HAVING taken leave of Rutupium, Dubris. Richborough; our next remove is to Du­bris or Dover: where although we find a Castle, and such a Castle too as 1 of old was called, and both at home and [Page 90] abroad accounted the lock and key, the barr and sparr of all England; yet I cannot believe it (the present Castle I mean) either of Iulius Caesar's building, whose time of stay in Britain was too short for so vast an undertaking, or to be that wherein about the time of Theodosius the younger, the Praepositus militum Tungricanorum, that band or company of the Tungricans, in the Western Empire's Book of Notices, is said to lye in garrison. And yet I doubt not but such a company lay there in­garrison'd, and that the place was then fortified, and had within it a specula or watch-tower also, from whence to 1 espie out and descry Invaders. And where else to seek or place it than within the confines of that large and spatious round of the present Castle­wall, I know not. Wherefore being up­on the place, and casting a diligent eye about me, whilst I give the go by to [Page 91] that Castle within the Castle, that noble and goodly pile there called the Kings-keep, with the wall or fore-fence surrounding it; I rather chuse to think, that which at present is, and for many ages past hath been the Church or Chappel to the Castle, either to have risen out of the ruines of that Roman fortress, or that at least the square tower in the middle thereof, between the Body and the Chancel, fitted with holes on all parts for speculation, to have been the very Roman specula or watch-tower: at the same time with Twine, conceiving that which at this day they call the Divel's drop, a mouldring ruinous heap of masonry, on the op­posite hill, on the other side of the Town, to be the remains of a Roman Pharos, a structure of their's intend­ed for the placing of night-lights to secure their passage (otherwise very perilous) who should put into Port by night.

Why I chuse to single out the Church or Chappel, The keep or Dun­geon not the Ro­man Spe­cula. and balk the Keep or Dun­geon, my reasons are first, that whilst I can discover no jot of Roman or Bri­tish tile or brick about the Keep or [Page 92] main Castle, I can discern a great a­bundance of it about that tower shoot­ing up in the middle of that Church or Chappel; and that after the Ro­mans were gone, the Christians of suc­ceeding times, projecting and design­ing the accommodation of the garrison with a Church or Chappel, did make use of and take the advantage of that specula, and added to it those parts, whereof the rest of the Chappel now consists. Next (and that others may not wonder at my questioning the Ro­man antiquity of the Castle in general) they may take notice with me, that (as I have it from 1 very good autho­rity) King Henry the 2d. it was, that about the year of Christ 1153. first erected that pile, the Kings-keep, or (as the French men term a strong Tower or Platform, as this is, on the middle of a Castle or Fort, wherein the besieged [Page 93] make their last efforts of defence when the rest is forced) Dungeon, and gave it that inclosure of a wall, bulwarks, and towers, wherewith we now find it for­tified, and hence happily it is called the King's-keep.

I HAVE no more to say of Dubris or Dover, Folk­stone. as to the garrison. Our next flight therefore is to Folkstone, a place to which, how eminently soever situ­ate, none of the Roman forts or gar­risons remembred in the Book of No­tices is, or (for ought I know) ought to be referr'd. Yet what saith 1 Mr. Camden of it, It was a flourishing place in times past, as may appear by the pieces of Roman coin and British bricks dayly there found. Probable it is (so he adds) that it was one of those Towns and holds, which, in the reign of Theodosius the younger, the Romans placed to keep off the Saxons, &c. And if so, Castle-hill a place in Folkflone, whereof notice taken by Mr. Lambard and others, [Page 94] might probably be the place of that Turret's situation.

The name Folkstone (I confess) can pre­tend to no such Antiquity, being purely of a Saxon extraction and composure, signifying (as Mr. Lambard, 1 among other conjectures at the etymology, has it) lapis populi in latine. The men­tion whereof calls to my remembrance that place's name in 2 Ninius (so fa­mous both for Vortimer's designed mo­nument, Ninius's Lapis ti­tuli not Stonar in Thanet. and for the last of his notable encounters with the Saxons, and their defeat) lapis tituli, which by the com­mon consent of our both Antiquaries and Historians, can no where else be found but at Stonar in Thanet: à lapide illo Stonar nomen retinet, in Thanato In­sulâ non procul a Rhutupino portu, 3 saith one; an Author (I confess) of very high regard, and with none more than my [Page 95] self; but in this (I perceive) led as the rest, chiefly by the allusion and seeming agreement or resemblance of one place [...] name with the other, that of lapis ti­tuli in the latine and Stonar in the English sounding not much unlike. But Ninius, the Author of that story, how­ever he makes mention of lapis tituli as the place of Vortimer's last battel with the invading Saxons, and their over­throw there, yet he lays it not in Tha­net, nor gives it other description than this, that it lyes by or upon the shore of the French sea; in campo juxta lapi­dem tituli qui est super ripam Gallici ma­ris, &c. those are his words. Probably had this fight been in Thanet, 1 as some of his former were, and Stonar in Tha­net the place where the battel was fought, the Author, who mentions those former like encounters in Thanet, would not have gone to a new descri­ption of the place in this unwonted new expression, without mention made of Thanet at all.

[Page 96] I confess likewise that Vortimer might give commandment for his burial, and monument to be erected for him at that place of the battel, upon such an account, (like to that of 1 Scipio Afri­canus) as our stories deliver, namely, to repress hereby the furious outrages of the Saxons, and for their further ter­rour; that in beholding this his tro­phy, their spirits might be daunted at the remembrance of their [...]reat over­throw: this (I say) he might, and hap­pily did command to be done at lapis tituli. But stay we here, for the text goes no further, no Stonar, no entrance into Thanet mentioned of Ninius; that's of a much later stamp, nothing but the conjectural comment of some 2 after­Scholiast.

Besides, Stonar being a low and flat level apt to inundations, how unfit a [Page 97] place is it for erecting of an eminent and conspicuous monument, visible at a remote distance; a design that re­quired the advantage of a lofty situa­tion. Such indeed there are many upon this coast; but as in this respect Folk­stone seated by high rising hills over­looking the sea, (and thence no doubt of the Romans chosen out (as we see) as a fitting place for a Watch-tower to ken and keep off the invading Saxons) is a far more likely place than Stonar; so in another regard some resemblance, I mean between the names of Lapis ti­tuli and Lapis populi (as Folkstone you see is turned by Mr. Lambard) and as withall in respect of it's 1 situation by the shore of the Gallic Ocean, I should pitch upon Folkstone before any place I know upon this our Kentish sea-coast, for the very place of Ninius his Lapis tituli; but that I am loath to be 2 the first, who but by supposition only, much less suspicion, should charge upon [Page 98] the Historian such a mistake as that of Lapis tituli for Lapis populi.

However, Why Sto­nar can­not be the Lapis ti­tuli. to refute and refell that argument drawn from the name of Sto­nar, as derivative from a stone, I am to acquaint you, that in the first and most ancient Deeds that I have met with concerning Stonar, it is written thus, Estanore, and sometimes Estanores. So for instance in a Charter of the Con­queror's to St. Augustine's Abby, whereto it belonged. Ego Willemus Rex Anglor. &c. Sciatis quod ego volo & praecipio, ut sanctus Augustinus & Abbas Wido firmiter & honorificè teneat omnes rectitudines suas & consuetudines ad Estanores tam in aquâ quam in terrâ, &c. So again in a follow­ing Charter of his son and immediate successor, William Rufus; wherein it twice occurs by the name of Estanores, and the like; and not otherwise in ma­ny subsequent Charters, as of Henry the first, King Stephen, and King Iohn, which I have ready by me (if occasion be) to produce.

Stonar then is but a contraction of Estanore, Deriva­tion of Stonar. and that in sense and signifi­cation, what but the Eastern border, shore, or coast? (whence that double shore famous, the one for Cymene, the [Page 99] other for Cerdice's. landing there, are in our elder Historians, Ethelwerd and Florence of Worcester, written Cerdices Oran and Cymenes Oran.) Which deriva­tion of Estanore is so proper, natural, and suitable to the situation, as none that either know or shall enquire after the place, can make the least que­stion of.

If any man now (desirous to abound in his own sense) acknowledging the ground of this derivation to be sound and good, but not reconciled to the latitude of it, shall incline rather to think, that the place came first to be called Estanore, for distinction's sake from another in this Country, hard by Feversham Town, upon the sea-coast, simply called Ore, the conjecture is so plausible and reasonable, and withal so consistent with the former deriva­tion, that I shall not contend; con­tented rather to concur in the same opinion with him, as to conceive, that that indeed might partly be the cause of the first imposition of the name; especially since this Ore also belonged to St. Austin's. But of this enough.

ADVANCE we now to Lim or L [...]m­hill, Lim. [Page 100] where, although we find nothing at this day of a Port or Haven, (which, 1 as I have shewed, lay elsewhere) yet want we not sufficient vestigia and re­mains of a Roman Fort or Garrison.

2 Witness Stutfall-castle, Stutfall­castle. that large cir­cuit and plat of about ten acres of ground on the side, brow, or descent of the hill, of old inclosed and fortified on all parts with a wall of the Roman mode and make, full of British bricks, lying by lanes at set and certain di­stances, but by the edacity of time at this day here and there quite wasted and gone, elsewhere full of gaps and breaches; not so much (it may be) to be imputed to time and age, as to a seisure of it's materials in after times (when become useless as to the primi­tive institution and design) for building what, with 3 Mr. Lambard I take it, arose out of the ruines of that Fort, Lim-Church, and that vast and sturdy [Page 101] structure by it, the Arch-deacon's ca­stellated mansion. 1 Here (within I mean that Roman fortress) the band or company of Turnacenses (so called of Tornacum now Turnoy in France) kept their station under the Count or Lieu­tenant of the Saxon shore, and by the advantage of that ascent on which it stood, very commodious it was 2 in point of prospect.

But from a Castle, a Garrison, a re­ceptacle, and harbour for men, placed there for the safeguard and defence of the place and the countrey about it, it at length became a receptacle, a fold for cattel, a horse-fold, a place inclosed and set apart for keeping of steeds or stallions, horses and mares for breed, and from thence was and to this day is called (instead of Stodfold as heretofore) Stutfall-Castle, Deriva­tion of Stutfall. a compounded name from the Saxon [...] sometimes writ­ten [...]-ho [...], in barbarous latine, Sto­tarius a steed or stallion, (as a mare for breed was called [...]-myna) and [...], septum, a fold, close, or inclosure; as in [Page 102] [...] i. e. a park, or inclosure for Deer. The name of Stod-mersh in this County hath thence (no doubt) in part it's origine, being in the signification of it, a marsh set apart and noted for that use.

Having 1 formerly given you the de­rivation of Lim (the place of this quon­dam Roman Garrison) as to the name of it; Lym o­therwise call'd Shipwey. I shall stay you here no longer, than while I observe that the place is likewise called Shipwey, as the whole Lath (formerly and of old called Lim­ware leth) is also now altered in the name of it, and called the Lath of Ship­wey; a name, I find, of good antiquity and continuance; witness the mention made of it in Bracton, Lib. iii. c. 2. and also in Fleta Lib. ii. c. 55. but with a mistake of Shepey there for Shipwey. The name 2 seems to be of a meer Eng­lish original, Deriva­tion of Shipwey. betokening 3 the way of the ships, the rather perhaps fastned on this place, as by the great advantage of the lofty situation, remarkable for prospect and discovery of naval vessels (whether inward bound or out) in their [Page 103] passage through the Channel. However for the almost equal distance sake, I take it, which the place bears to the farthest of the Cinque-Ports on either hand, (as lying much about mid-way between both) it was pitch'd upon of old, as for the place of holding pleas relating to the Ports, 1 so for the Limenarcha, the Lord Warden's taking of his oath at the entrance into his Office.

WE are at length arrived at the last of the Kentish Forts or Garrisons, Anderida, where si­tuated. An­derida or Anderidos, where they placed the band of the Abulae with their Cap­tain; which I should not unreasonably, methinks, have sought for, as all the rest, (being designed for espial of sea­rovers at or by the sea-coast) so many miles within the land, and at that great distance from the sea, as where by the direction of our 2 best Antiquaries, we are sent to seek it, namely at or about Newenden, upon the banks of the river Rother. Indeed, if we consider Gildas's [Page 104] words, In littore quoque Ocea [...]i ad meri­diem, &c. where in reason are we to exspect the Garrison in question, Anderida probably either at Pemsey, or Ha­stings. but by the sea-side to the south-ward? A­mong the British Cities reckoned up by their Historians (whereof from thence a catalogue in the Britan. Eccles. Primordia Cap. 5.) Cair P [...]rsauel [...]ott is one; by which the 1 Learned Author there, understands Pemsey in Sussex, of old written Penvessell and Pevensell, to which (saith he) the addition of the British word Coit, i. e. wood, doth not ill suit, be­cause (as he adds) the County of Sussex, in which it lyes, is a woody Country. True it is that immanis sylva, that immense and vast wood Andred, was not confin'd to Kent, but extended it self from the south-part thereof quite through Sus­sex into Hampshire. Add to this what we have from 2 Mr. Camden himself con­cerning Pemsey. It hath had (saith he) a [Page 105] fair large Castle, in the ruinous walls whereof remain great bricks, such as the Britains used, which is some argument of the Anti­quity thereof. So he. All this put toge­ther (a maritime wea [...]dish situation, with the remains of a Castle partly built of British or Roman brick) can it seem unreasonable, that Pemsey should be thought the place of the garrison, we have in chafe Anderid [...]? But if any one do more fancy Hastings than Pemsey, since it hath the badge of a quondam Roman Fort or fortress in that addi­tion of Chester given it by the Saxons, and can (as 1 Mr. Camden affirms) shew the ruines of a great Castle upon the hill, besides light-houses to direct sailers in the night time, and was thought fit to be made one of the five Ports, I shall not dispute the probability of their conjecture, and choice of Hastngs.

But if rejecting both these, and all but Newenden, the Reader cannot think [Page 106] of any other place, the authority of such famous and learned lights and guides as Mr. Camden and Mr. Selden especially, (who have pitch'd upon Newenden for the place) is, I confess, so weighty, that I shall not be unwil­ling to excuse him from refusing me his company in my travails to that double place in Sussex, to seek out this Fort.

No more then of the place. The seve­ral names of Ande­rida. Some­what now of the name Anderida, which still in good part survives in Andred, did at least for and through many Centuries of years after the Romans exit. The Britains called it C [...]id Andred, the Saxons sometimes simply Andred, other while Andreds [...]erg, and Andreds­wald, which latter is now the only syl­lable left surviving in the place's pre­sent name, The Weald. the Weald. In latine it is found of old sometimes called saltus Andred, otherwise sylva Andred: here saltus communis, there sylva regalis, and the like. 1 Mr. Lambard discoursing of the place, tells of an opinion which some have maintained, that this Weald was a great while together in a man­ner [Page 107] nothing else but a desert and waste wilderness, not planted with Towns, or peopled with men, as the outsides of the shire were; but stored and stuffed with herds of deer, and droves of hoggs only. And he seems to be of the same opinion himself. For ( 1 saith he) besides that a man shall read in the Hi­stories of Canterbury and Rochester sundry donations, of which there is men­tion only of 2 Pannage for hoggs in Andred, and of no other thing: I think verily that it cannot be shewed out of ancient Chro­nicles, that there is remaining in the Weald of Kent or Sussex any one monument of great Antiquity. Thus he. For my part, as I embrace the opinion, so I approve of the reasons, especially the former, the mention only in those ancient do­nations of 2 Pannage for hoggs in An­dred. For numbers of such are found in the evidences and Chartularies both at Christ-church and elsewhere.

Doubtless, Donati­ons of tho Weald. as in those days the whole Weald appertained to none but the King, acknowledging no private Lord or Proprietor, and thence was usually [Page 108] called Syla Regalis, so in Royal Lan [...] ­bocs or donations, (for I find it in no other of that age) wherein this or that praedium or possession, this or that farm, seat, or mansion out of the Weald was given by the King to any person or place, in the nature of what since is termed a Mannor or Lordship; it was the usual custom (for the better com­pleting of the feat) to accommodate it by an additional grant in the Deed with a Common of Pannage, a liberty for hogg-keeping or hogg-feeding in the Weald, yet not at large, but with a li­mitation usually, and with reference to such and such a part of it, one or more Den or Dens, In the Weald so many di­stinct Dens. in their term, i. e. a woody valley, or place yeilding both covert and feeding for cattel, especially swine. And fearce any ancient Grant is there in either the Church of Canterbury's St. Au­gustine's, or Rochester's Registers of any considerable portion of land from the King out of the Weald, without the ad­dition and attendance of such a liberty; for example in those of Aldington, Cha­ring, Liminge, Westgate, Reculver, Ickham, Chartham, Godmersham, Brook, Mersham, Westwell, Great and Little Chart, Holling­bourn, Eastry, Newington by Sittingbourn, [Page 109] Trottesclyve, Bromley, Darent. And Den­bera for the most part, sometime Weald­bera, was the usual word and expression, by which such a liberty did pass and was conveyed. For an instance or two. In King Offa's Grant of Ickham to Christ­church, Anno. 971.— Et in saltu qui di­citur Andred pascua porcorum in his locis, Dunwalingden, Sandhyrst, &c. In ano­ther like Grant of his of Brasfield to St. Austin's—Et ad pascendum porcos & pe­cora & jumenta in sylvâ Regali, &c. In the gift of Lenham to the same place by Kenewilf King of Mercia, and Cuthred King of Kent, Anno 804.— [...] XIII Den­be [...]enbe on Anoneb, So the Saxon, which 1 the Chronicler of the place turns XIII. Dennas glandes portantes. In a grant of land about the river Limen to Min­ster-Abby in Thanet by Ethelbert the son of King Withred, with his father's con­sent. — Pascua porcorum in Limen-wera­weald & in Wy-wera-weald, &c. These were parcels it seems, (like as Burg-wera­weald elsewhere occurring also was) of the Weald, where the men of these three Laths, since called Shipwey, Scray, and St. Austine, were more peculiarly ac­commodated [Page 110] with the liberty of Pan­nage. In the Grant of Mersham to Christ-church by King Ethelred—haec sunt pascua porcorum quae nostrâ linguâ Saxonicâ Denbera nominamus, h. e. El­frethingden, Herbedingden, Pafringden, Wirheringden, Bleccingden, &c. In the Grant of Bromley by King Ethelred to the Church of Rochester,—& utilitatem sylvarum ad [...]andem terram pertinentem in Andred, &c. In that of Trottesclyve to the same Church by King Offa—Ad hanc quoque terram pertinent in diversis locis porcorum pastus, i. e. Wealdbera, ubi dicitur Hobenspyc, &c. In another of his of Deorwent, now called Darent, to the same Church— adjectis Denberis in communi saltu, &c. In an old custom of Newington-Mannor by Sittingbourn,—septem Dennas in sylva quae vocatur Wald.

From hence (I take it) there results much support to that opinion of the Weald's quondam desart-like unpeopled condition, The Weald formerly unpeopled quoted by Mr. Lambard: and hence I likewise gather that in those days it was not parcelled, carved, or canton'd out into Mannois; nor in­deed was it so, as I believe, a long time after; Doomsday-book, I take it, giving [Page 111] no account of any one entire indepen­dant Mannor there. Yet can I not agree with 1 Mr. Lambard in his opinion, Quit-rents pay'd out of the Weald. that the Weald of old yielded no quit-rents, customs, or services, as other places; in regard I find the contrary very often. And no marvel; for albeit there were of old no Mannors in the Weald, yet the lands lying there (when once cultivated and manured) being ap­pendant to and depending on Mannors elsewhere, the Tenants in respect of and proportion to their holdings and tenancies▪ might be and were lyable to the Lord of the Mannor, whereof they held for services and customs, as other Tenants elsewhere. For besides fealty, suit of Court, reliefs, &c. these (among other local customs and services here­tofore obtaining there) do frequently occur.

[Page 112] 1 1 Gavelswine▪ which was a custom so called when pay'd in kind, but if redeemed with money, then called swine-mony, swine-peny, and was for the Lord's leave and sufferance of his Te­nant to keep and feed swine of his own, or to take in other men's to feed with­in his land.

2 2 Scot-ale; which was a shot or con­tribution from the Tenants for a pro­vision of Ale to entertain the Lord, or his Bayliff or Beadle, holding a Pa­rock or meeting on the place, to take an account of his Pannage, (what it yeilded) at the proper season for it. In the extent of the Mannor of Terring in Sussex, Anno 5. Edw. the first, under the title of Lewes: Memor, quod praedicti tenentes debent de consuetudine inter [...]os, fa­cere Scotalium de 16d. ob. ita quod de singulis 6d. detur 1d. [...]b. ad potandum cum Bedello Dni. Archiepiscopi; super praedictum feodum.

3 Pannage; Pessona, (as they latin'd it) and it was the emolument arising from the Pannage of hoggs, there feeding [Page 113] and fatting with the mast of the place, whereof tithe was in those days usually payd; many old accounts, as of Alding­ton, Chari [...], and other Mannors taking notice of so much money received by the Accomptant for Pannage in Waldis, deductâ decimâ Particularly, one, at Charing sans date, thus expresseth it: Et de LXXI [...]. 1d. de pannagio de la Rye Hirst, & 7. Dennarum vendito, deductâ de­cimâ. Et pr [...]terea Rector habet XI porcos in pessonâ 7 dennarum, quietas de pan­nagio.

Gate-peny; it was a tribute for the 4 liberty of one or more Gates for the Tenants ingress and egress to and from his own, by the Lord's land.

Sumer- [...]us-silver: whereof in the old 5 Custumal of Newington by Sittingbourn,—homines quoque de Walda debent unam domum [...]estival [...]m quod Anglice dicitur Su­merhus, aut XX solidos dare. If seems it was the custom of such as were Lords or Proprietors of these dens or parcels of the Weald, to repair thither in Sum­mer-time to take care and dispose of their Pannage, (in such years at least as it had taken) and for their reception and accommodation some kind of house or habitation was to be provided for [Page 114] them by their Tenants, or a recompence made them in money for it.

6 Corredy: it was (like that of our Dean and Chapter's entertainment at this day) a provision of dyet for the Lord's coming upon that occasion; whereof in the old Custumal of I [...]kham-Mannor thus, in reference to one or more of those dens.— Et in quolibet anno debet invenire Corredium & omnia necessaria Domino, cum venerit videre Pessonam, vel famulo ejus.

7 Danger: An accompt-roll of Charing-Mannor, Anno 1230. thus [...]explains it.— Et de XXVIs. VIIId. de Waldis, ut pos­sint arare & seminare tempore pessonis sin [...] dampno Archiepiscopi. By this and the like passages it appears, that the Wealdish Tenant might not plough or sow his land in Pannage-time without the Lord's leave (whence it was otherwise termed 1 Lef-silver) for fear of endam­aging the Lord in his Pannage; or [Page 115] if he did, he was liable to recompence.

Add hereunto, that the Auditors of the Prior and Covent of Christ-church's Accompts of their Mannors in the Ar­ticles by which of old their Accompts were taken, were charged with the two last and the third of these services un­der these heads:

De Courediis in Waldis.
De Dangeriis in Waldis.
De Pannagio in Drovedennis in Waldis.

The dens it seems, set out for the agistment and feeding of hoggs and o­ther droves of cattel, being thence cal­led Drove-denns, as he that had the cu­stody and driving of them to and fro (as there was occasion) the Hog-heard, or Neat-heard, Drof-mannus.

The Weald then ('tis plain) like as other places yeilded customs and ser­vices, The wood of the Weald made o­ver to the Tenant. (as at present) from good anti­quity, whereof if these particulars be not evidence enough, I shall in a way of supplement offer what I suppose will put it out of all dispute. In Edw. the third and Richard the second's time the then Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and the Prior and Covent of Christ-church [Page 116] respectively, amongst (I sup­pose) other like Lords and Owners of the Wealdish dens, finding themselves agrieved by their Tenants there, and others in the wasting and making ha­vock of their woods, which in and by former feoffments they had expresly reserved from their Tenants to them­selves, (over and besides fealty, suit of Court, and certain other services and customs) to quit and rid themselves of further care and trouble in that mat­ter of the wood, entred into compo­sition with their Tenants, and for a new annual rent of Assise (generally equal to what money was pay'd before) made the wood over to them by in­denture of feoffment in perpetuity, either to be cut down or left standing at the Tenant's choice; reserving still their old or wonted rent, and all their former services, except (what upon parting with the wood was unreaso­nable to require) Pannage and Danger. Ever since which time (I conceive) the interest of the Lord so compounding hath been taken off, as to the wood it self, and nothing left remaining but so much rent of Assise, the new and the old, with the former services. [Page 117] Many of these compositions relating to the Arch-bishop and Monks afore­said I have seen, and for satisfaction's sake of others, who would be willing to know more than vulgarly of the Weald, I shall for a close of all pre­sent them with a 1 copy of one of each sort.

A CATALOGUE Of the LORD-WARDENS Of the Cinque-Ports.

  • 1 GOdwinus. * Edw. Conf.
  • 2 Haroldus. * Edw. Conf.
  • 3 Bertram Ashburnham * K. Harold.
  • 4 Odo * Will. 1.
  • 5 John de Fiennes Will. 1.
  • 6 James de Fiennes
  • 7 John de Fiennes
  • 8 Walkelinus de Magninot Steph.
  • 9 Richard Earl of Ewe * Steph.
  • 10 Eustace, Earl of Bollougne * Steph.
  • 11 Allen de Fiennes * Henr. 2.
  • 12 James de Fiennes Henr. 2.
  • 13 Hugh de Essex * Henr. 2.
  • 14 Matthew de Clere Rich. 1.
  • 15 William de Wrotham Iohn
  • 16 Hubert de Burgo Iohn
  • 17 Peter de Rivallis *
  • [Page] 18 Richard le Greie Henry 3.
  • 19 Bertram de Criol Henry 3.
  • 20 Hugh Bigot Henry 3.
  • 21 Henry de Braybrook Henry 3.
  • 22 Prince Edward, afterwards Ed­ward the first. Henry 3.
  • 23 Henry de Montefort Edw. 1.
  • 24 Roger Leyborn Edw. 1.
  • 25 Stephen de Penchester Edw. 1.
  • 26 Sir Robert A [...]hton Edw. 1.
  • 27 Simon de Crey Edw. 1.
  • 28 Robert de Burghersh * Edw. 1.
  • 29 Henry Cobham * Edw. 2.
  • 30 Robert de Kendal * Edw. 2.
  • 31 Bartholomew Badlesmer * Edw. 2.
  • 32 Edmund de Woodstock Edw. 2.
  • 33 Hugh le Spencer Edw. 2.
  • 34 William Clinton * Edw. 2.
  • 35 Reginald Cobham Edw. 3.
  • 36 Bartholomew L d. Burghersh Edw. 3.
  • 37 Roger de Mortimer * Edw. 3.
  • 38 John le Beauchamp Edw. 3.
  • 39 Robert Herle Edw. 3.
  • 40 Sir Ralph Spigornel Edw. 3.
  • 41 Richard de Penbrig * Edw. 3.
  • 42 William L d. Latimer * Edw. 3.
  • 43 Edmund Plantagenet * Edw. 3.
  • [Page] 44 Edm. Earl of Cambrige Edw. 3.
  • 45 Sir Robert Ashton * Rich. 2.
  • 46 Simon Burleigh Rich. 2.
  • 47 Henry le Cobham Rich. 2.
  • 48 Sir John Denros, (alias Deve­reux, de Euros, & de Evers) Rich. 2.
  • 49 1 John de Beaumont Rich. 2.
  • 50 2 Edmund Duke of Aumerle and York Rich. 2.
  • 51 Sir Tho. Erpingham Henry 4.
  • 52 Henry, afterwards Henry 5. Henry 4.
  • 53 John Beaufort * Henry 4.
  • 54 Tho. Earl of Arundel Henry 5.
  • 55 Hump. Duke of Glocester Henry 6.
  • 56 Sir James Fiennes L d. Say Henry 6.
  • 57 Edm. Duke of Somerset Henry 6.
  • 58 Humphrey Stafford Duke of Buckingham Henry 6.
  • 59 Simon Montfort
  • 60 Richard Nevill Edw. 4.
  • 61 Will. Earl of Arundel Edw. 4.
  • 62 Richard Duke of Glocester, af­terwards Rich. the third Edw. 5.
  • 63 Henry D. of Buckingham * Rich. 3.
  • 64 Will. Earl of Arundel * Henry 7.
  • 65 Sir William Scot Henry 7.
  • 66 Sir James Fiennes Lord Say Henr. 7.
  • [Page] 67 Henry, afterwards Henry 8. Henr. 7.
  • 68 Arthur Plantagenet Henry 8.
  • 69 Sir Edward Poynings Henry 8.
  • 70 Henry Earl of Richmond Henry 8.
  • 71 Sir Edward Guildford Henry 8.
  • 72 George Boleyn, Viscount Rochfort Henry 8.
  • 73 Sir Thomas Cheyney Edw. 6.
  • 74 Sir William Brook Eliz.
  • 75 Henry Brook, Lord Cobham Eliz.
  • 76 Henry Howard, Earl of North­hampton Iames 1.
  • 77 Edw. Zouch, Lord Haring­worth Iames 1.
  • 78 George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham Iames 1.
  • 79 Theophilus Howard, Earl of Suffolk Car. 1.
  • 80 James Duke of Lenox and Richmond Car. 1.
  • 81 James D. of York, afterwards King James the second Car. 2.
  • 82 Henry L d Sydney, Viscount Shepey, the present Lord-Warden. Will. 3.

THE INDEX Of things Remarkable.

A
  • ABulae, where plac'd. Page 103
  • Allowesbridge falsly so call'd for Alolves­bridge. 52
  • All [...]Saints in Thanet, a Chappel of ease un­der Reculver. p. 85. upon what account exempted from the repairs of the Mother-Church. 86
  • Alolvesbridge from whence deriv'd. 52
  • Anderida not at Newenden p. 103. Its several names. 106
  • Andred, of what extent. 104
  • Appledore, how far distant from the mouth of Li­mene, p. 52. first mention of it, p. 64. it's several names. Ibid. derivation 65. never a haven. 67
B
  • Bartholomew's Hospital at Sandwich by whom founded. 19
  • Becket (Archbishop) why in his escape took shipping at Romney. 54
  • Bishop's-wike, the situation of it. 54
  • from whence deriv'd. 54
  • Bolen the Portus Iccius of the ancients, 8
  • distance between that and Rutupi [...]in. Ibid.
  • B rightwald made Arch-bishop. 81
C
  • [Page] Calice begun to be a Port. 34
  • Canterbury and not Dover, the old Dorobernia. 31
  • Cerdices-ora, why so call'd. 99
  • A Channel formerly between Romney and Oxney. 54
  • Chester, what it signifies in names of places. 78
  • Chesters, what. 79
  • Corredy, what. 114
  • Cymenes-ora, why so call'd. 99
D
  • Danger, what. 114
  • Dens in the Weald, what. 108
  • the form of Grants made of them. Ibid.
  • Dorobernia falsly put to signifie Dover. 31
  • Dowerdwy in Wales, what it signifies. 30
  • Drove-dens, what. 115
  • Drof-mannus, what. Ibid.
  • Dungeon, what it signifies among the French. 92
  • Dubris, Dover.
    • it's derivation. 30
    • how call'd by the Saxons. 31
    • falsly call'd Dorobernia. Ibid.
    • when came to be a Port. 33
    • Pictaviensis's description of it. 30
    • the Castle there of what great importance. 90
    • not built by Iulius Caesar. Ibid.
    • whereabouts the place of the Garrison was. Ibid.
  • Dyffrin-cluyd in Denbigshire, why so call'd. 30
E
  • Emma's (Queen) Life written by an unknown Au­thor. 16
  • Expeditio what. 79
F
  • [Page] Folkstone, probably noue of the Roman Garrisons. 93
  • from whence deriv'd. 94
  • the likest place for Ninius's Lapis tituli. 97
  • Forstallatio, what. 47
  • Fosterland, what. 19
  • Forts, the number of the Roman ones in Kent. 76
  • with what design built. 77
G
  • Gate-peny, what. 113
  • Gavelswine, what. 112
  • Gebind aeles, what. 73
  • Gilford, from whence deriv'd. 69
  • Goodwyn-sands. What commonly thought to have been. 21
  • The common opinion of an Island, and Earl Good­wyn's possession confuted. Ibid.
  • derivation of the name. 23
  • the name not British. 24
  • cause of Goodwyn-sands. Ibid.
  • Grants formerly much shorter than at present. 71
H
  • Hamtun-port, signified formerly Northampton. 2
  • Hastings possibly the Roman Anderida. 105
  • Hearn, a Chappel of ease under Reculver. 85
  • Hoth, a Chappel of ease under Reculver. 85
  • Hustingi Pondus, what. 74
  • Hythe, not the Lemanis of the Romans. 37
  • what seems to make that a probable conjecture. 37
I
  • Iccius, V. Portus Iccius.
  • Inundations, 26, 45, 57, 58, 59, 68.
  • Itinerary, it's Author uncertain. 1
  • distances in it not regular. 38
  • [Page] Julius Caesar's attempt for landing. 34
K
  • King's keep at Dover, not the old Roman garison. 91
L
  • Limenarcha, where he took his Oath. 103
  • Lamport, the same with the Roman Lemanis. 47
  • two Lang ports formerly. 48
  • Lamport belong'd to the Arch-bishop. 53
  • Lapis appositus in ultimo terrae, what call'd at this day. 51
  • A Lath, what. 19
  • Laths in Kent alter'd. 65
  • Lemanis; it's several names. 37
  • situation. Ibid.
  • derivation. 39
  • the same with Doomsday-book's Lamport. 47
  • falsly call'd [...]. 38
  • Leta, from whence deriv'd. 20
  • Limene-river. 40, 41
  • otherwise call'd Rother. Ibid.
  • and Romney. 43
  • emptyed it self at Romney. 44
  • when turn'd another way. 48, & 56
  • had a wide mouth. 50
  • Lim-hill not the Lemanis of the Romans. 37
  • a Roman garison. 100
  • Limware, who the people formerly so call'd. 62
  • Limware-leth and Limware-b [...]st, what call'd now. 62, 65, 102
  • Lomea, Goodwyn-sands so call'd by Twine. 21, 23
  • London-city never call'd Lunden-wic. 10
  • so call'd in the Saxon Chr [...]nicle. 9
  • [Page] it's derivation. 13
  • Londoners priviledge in Stonar or Estanore. 14
  • Lunden-wic another name for Sandwich. 9
  • Lyd formerly border'd on the sea. 50
M
  • S. Martin's Oratory formerly a Parish-church in Romney. 53
  • Merse-ware in Kent, who. 61
  • call'd likewise Limware. 62
N
  • Newenden not the place of Anderida. 103
  • New-Romney V. Romney. why so call'd 38
  • S. Nicholas in Thanet, a Chappel of ease under Reculver. 85
  • upon what account exempted from the repairs of the Mother-Church. 86
  • Northampton call'd anciently Hamtun-port. 2
O
  • Old Romney V. Romney.
  • Oxney falsly call'd Oxenel. 62
P
  • Pannage, what. 112
  • Pevensey falsly call'd Pevensel. 62
  • probably the place of the Roman Anderida. 104
  • formerly call'd Caer Pensauelcoit. Ibid.
  • Peutingerian tables. 2
  • Places how named in the Saxon times. 66
  • Plough-yards, what. 82
  • Polder, what. 65
  • Port in Saxon what it signifies. 2
  • Ports (Roman) three in Kent. 2
  • Porthund in Shropshire, it's derivation. 2
  • [Page] Portus Iccius at Bolen. 8
  • distance between that and Rutupium. Ibid.
  • A treatise concerning it in Manuscript, written by Somner. 8
  • Portreve, what. 10
  • Promhill drowned. 45
R
  • Ree-wall, why so call'd. 52
  • Reculver by what names call'd. 79
  • whence deriv'd. 80
  • when made a Monastery. 81
  • when granted to Christ-Church. Ibid.
  • Leland's description of it. 82
  • Dignity of the Church and Rector. 84
  • Regulbium, call'd at this day Reculver. 77
  • whereabouts the Fort was placed. 80
  • falsly call'd by Twine Reculsum. 77
  • from what deriv'd. 80
  • Richborough not Rutupium the Port. 4
  • the seat of a Roman Garison. Ibid.
  • never a City. 5, 87.
  • for what reason some believ'd there had been a City. 5
  • it once had a Chappel. 6
  • from whence deriv'd. 17
  • it's more ancient names. 87
  • Leland's description of it. 89
  • Robertsbridge falsly so call'd. 40
  • Romans, when went out of Britain. 18
  • Romney (new) the Lemanis of the Romans. 38
  • how stop'd up. 39
  • when depriv'd of the River. 48, 56
  • falsly call'd Rumenal. 62
  • first mention of the name. Ibid. derivation. Ibid.
  • Romney-river. 43
  • [Page] where emptyed it self. 44
  • Rother otherwise call'd Limene. 40
  • formerly ran to New-Romney. 44
  • when chang'd it's course. 45
  • by some call'd Appledore-water. 48
  • what way it ran afterwards. 69
  • Rotherfield in Sussex falsly so call'd. 40
  • Rutupium, it's various names. 2
  • the same with Sandwich. 4
  • why, and when call'd Lunden-wic. 9, 18
  • when begun to be call'd Sandwich. 15, 19
  • from whence deriv'd. 16
  • when the Port decay'd. 33
  • Rye, why so call'd. 50, 69
S
  • Sandwich the Rutupium of the ancients. 4
  • afterwards call'd Lunden-wic. 9
  • why so call'd. 13
  • when this name of Sandwich began. 15
  • the most famous of all the Ports. 16, 18
  • from whence deriv'd. 17
  • account of it in Doomsday-book. 19
  • Scot-ale, what. 112
  • Scrud-land, what. 19
  • Shipway from whence deriv'd. 102
  • Shipway-lath, formerly call'd Limewarebest and Limwareleth. 62, 65, 102
  • Stick anguillarum what. 73
  • Stillingfleet's confirmation of Somners opinion about Stonar. 97
  • Stodmersh, from whence deriv'd. 102
  • Stone-end in Kent, what call'd formerly. 57
  • Stonar in Thanet not Ninius's Lapis tituli. 94
  • [Page] place where Vortimer probably gave orders for his burial. 96
  • from whence deriv'd. 98
  • Stutfal-castle, a garison in the Roman times. 100
  • Sulinge what, 50, 82
  • from whence deriv'd. 101
  • Summa, what. 54
  • Sumerhus-silver, what.
T
  • T. E R. what they signifie in Doomsday-book. 20
  • Thong-castle, why so call'd. 71
  • Trentals, what. 7
  • Turnacensian band, where they kept their station. 101
W
  • Watchtowers (Roman) five in Kent. 5, 76.
  • with what design built. 77
  • Weald in Kent, what call'd formerly. 106
  • not inhabited formerly. 107
  • belong'd immediately to the King. Ibid.
  • not cut out into distinct Mannors. 110
  • pay'd Quit-rents. 111
  • when and how the wood of it was made over to the Tenant.
  • West-hythe, not the Lemanis of the Romans. 37
  • Winchelsey, why so call'd. 69
  • falsly call'd by Twine Windchelseum. 69
  • Wingham, once a College of secular Monks. 6
  • by whom made so. Ibid.
  • Witsand, when first a Port. 33
  • when disus'd. 34
  • how call'd in the Saxon. 8
  • first mention of it. 33
Z
  • Zealand, part of it drown'd. 26

The Index of Authors quoted or amended.

  • AEThelstani Leges. p. 10.
  • Alfredus Beverlacensis. p. 4.
  • Ammianus Marcellinus. p. 2, 9, 43.
  • Annales Saxonici, edit. Oxon. citat. p. 2, 8, 9, 11, 25, 31, 33, 41, 45, 46, 51, 64, 81.
  • Antonini Itinerarium. p. 1, 2, 3, 8, 37.
  • Emendat. p. 38.
B
  • Beda p. 2, 5, 18, 76, 81.
  • Emendat. p. 88.
  • Bracton p. 102.
  • Brompton p. 47.
  • Burton p. 1, 37, 38, 78, 80, 87.
  • Emendat. p. 3, 5, 17.
C
  • Caesaris Comment. p. 34.
  • Camdenus p. 4, 16, 18, 35, 38, 44, 58, 78, 79, 93, 96, 100, 101.
  • Emendat. p. 8, 5, 37.
  • Cantuariensis Ecclesiae Chartae Originales passin. p.
  • Casaubonus ( Meric) p. 8.
  • Cluverii Italia p. 1.
  • Charter of Romney-marsh. p. 69.
D
  • Doomsday-book p. 19, 22, 37, 47, 62, 63, 65, 82.
  • Dugdale's History of Imbanking. p. 70.
  • Monasticon Anglicanum p. 81, 92.
E
  • Edwardi filii Alfredi, Leges. p. 10.
  • S. Emmae vita p. 16.
  • Ethelwerdus p. 64, 99.
  • Emendat. p. 61.
F
  • Fleta emendat. p. 102.
  • [Page] Florentius Wigorniensis p. 2, 64, 66, 99.
G
  • Gildas p. 5, 76, 90, 97, 101.
  • Giraldus Cambrensis, p. 30.
  • Guicciardini Comment. de rebus memorabilibus p. 82.
H
  • Harpsfield p. 8.
  • Heylin's Cosmography p. 26.
  • Hickesii Grammatica Saxonica p. 49.
  • Holinshead p. 31.
  • Hovedenus p. 31. 63.
  • Huntingdon p. 45, 31.
I
  • Ingulphus p. 22, 35.
K
  • Kilburn's History of Kent. p▪ 19, 65.
  • Kiliani Lexicon p. 65.
  • Knighton p. 32, 89.
L
  • Laeti descriptio Belgii p. 27.
  • Lambard's Perambulation p. 3, 16, 21, 23, 30, 40, 45, 54, 59, 65, 80, 93, 94, 100, 103, 106.
  • Emendat. p. 3, 5, 21, 37, 48, 66, 94, 111.
  • Leland p. 3, 40, 82, 88.
  • Emendat. p. 3. 5. 37.
M
  • Malmsburiensis ( Willelm.) p. 31.
  • Marianus Scotus p. 31.
  • Marliani Topographia p. 63.
  • Matth. Paris p. 57.
  • Matth. Westmonast. p. 3, 4, 7, 57.
  • Milton emendat. p. 31.
N
  • Notitia Imperii p. 1, 2, 37, 76, 77.
  • Nennius p. 94, 95, 96.
O
  • [Page] Ordinalia Marisci p. 69.
  • Ordericus Vitalis p. 46.
  • Orosius p. 2.
P
  • Pancirollus V. Notitia Imperii p.
  • Paris V. Matth. Paris.
  • Peutingerianae Tab. p. 2. 37.
  • Philpot's Villare Cantianum p. 82. 88.
  • Pictaviensis p. 32, 35, 46.
  • Emendat. p. 32, 46.
S
  • Seldeni Ianus Anglorum p. 71.
  • Schotti Itinerarium p. 1.
  • Simeon Dunelmensis p. 30.
  • Somneri Glossarium p. 13, 49, 74.
  • Dictionarium Saxonicum p. 14.
  • Antiquities of Canterbury p. 41.
  • Gavel-kind p. 96. 112.
  • Speed p. 31.
  • Spelmanni Glossarium p. 7, 11, 20, 54, 55, 73.
  • Concilia p. 64.
T
  • Talbot p. 102.
  • Tacitus p. 2.
  • Textus Roffensis p. 10.
  • Thorn p. 14, 15, 109.
  • Twine p. 3, 21, 23, 91.
  • Emendat. 3, 21, 62, 60, 77.
V
  • Vossius de Historicis Graecis & Latinis p 1.
  • Usserii Primordia p. 104.
  • Emendat. p. 94.
W
  • Willibaldus p. 12. 13.
FINIS.

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