Upon some serious Considerations lately had by us both touching the great Confusion and Calamities of sundry parts of Europe, & particularly of the Netherlands, you were pleased to put such a value upon my judgement (beyond it's deserts) as to ask my opinion of the source & progress of those Evills, together with my Advice concerning such Remedies as might restore the Lands to their former rest, and the Inhabitants to their ancient foelicity and safety.
S r, This was not the work of One day, nor is it now possible in one Letter to comprehend so ample a Relation, or discussion of those things wherein so many, so grand, and so various circumstances occur; Neither have I now the leisure to reduce them into such a distinct Method as you might expect. But according to the severall discourses I daily am accosted with, & the observations I have made of persons and passages, I shall give you a generall view of our Maladies; the idea whereof may haply somwhat move your compassion, though it cannot have so great an influence upon the affections of your Countreymen, as upon those on this side the water, who have born and are yet likely to bear the heat and burden of a sad and dolefull day: And as for an Esculapius to heal these dreadfull wounds, somthing we shall assay, though rather wish than hope for such an Expedient; unless you in England, sensible, that when your Neighbours houses are on fire, apprehending your own cannot long escape, shall be moved to add a helping hand ere it be too late.
Now, S r, for the better answering of your expectation, ere I give you my own Observations, I judge it not amiss to propose to you the severall sentiments of the 2. great Heads of the present contending parties: and sith Our ears are daily filled with the noise of their loud boastings, high pretences and mutuall calumniations, I take the Freedom to exercise your patience with an account [Page 4]of their own Rhodomantado's; which I cannot better do than by personating One of each Nation.
I shall first introduce the Frenchman: who would perswade us to a belief that his King is the onely qualified Prince of Christendom to become Emperour, not onely of Europe, but of the world. And thus you may hear him Flourishing over the encomiums of his King, Countrey and Cause.
In the first place (saith the Monsieur) I say, That my Soveraign Lord and Master, His most Christian Majestie is every way qualified for the Soveraign Imperial Dignity and Charge: I shall begin with his Person, which no man can deny to be the most graceful of all the Princes on earth: his mind yet more richly adorned with all the graces and transcendent Excellencies and Endowments which may become a Prince. Had he lived in some days, no doubt, he would have been reckoned amongst the Gods. He came into the world with a wonder, therefore was he named Dieu done, Gods gift: and being so miraculously given beyond all expectation, 't is a sign he came to do some grand work; he being prophecied of by many, as if he were to begin or set up the Fifth Monarchy: and to me this seems evident: for when you shall well weigh what great and glorious things he hath don, in raising the Monarchy of France to that degree of height as hath never yet hitherto been known, adding thereto so many great Conquests, and that in very few years, to the astonishment of all the Princes in Europe, and the admiration of the Great Turk, who, you find, sends an Ambassadour to treat his Christian Majestie with the Title of Emperour, which never formerly was given to any King of France since Charle Main's time; and when you shall truly consider the great power of my King at Land and Sea, certainly you must yield him to be the most potent of all the Princes of Christendom: He is able to bring two hundred thousand men to fight, and yet not take three men out of a Parish: for 'tis undeniable, that in France alone and it's limits, leaving out Lorrain, Burgundy, French County and Alsatia, he hath within the [Page 5] French Monarchy, one hundred and thirty three thousand Parishes. But, before I speak of his Riches and vast Dominions, I ought to mention somthing of the vertues of his mind, which are so numerous, that certainly never have so many met together in any Prince in our modern times: he is all bon Air and curteous beyond expression: and yet in labours, vigilancie, and hazards, who ever more sedulous? And what Prince ever out-did him in distributions of justice and rewards to the meritorious? What encouragements doth he give to the Vertuoso's? What pensions are given to the widows and orphans of the brave English and other Nations that have serv'd him well? Nor can his own Subjects complain of missing their reward when they deserve it. And this his glorious Example hath begotten an imitation in his Subjects: What numbers of brave Generalls and skilfull Officers is France plentifully furnished with? What a disciplined Army is that of the French? none in in the world to be compared to them. And if you take notice of the Riches of my King in the Number of his Subjects, then you will grant, he exceeds all Europe.
Charle Magne was of opinion that France, for it's situation, was the most convenient and commodious Countrey of all Europe for making the Residential seat for the Emperour: and Charle le Magne had made it so, had not these two considerations overswayed, viz. (1.) That the German Princes and their Countreys might so have taken the opportunity of returning back to their Heathenism, to which they were very inclining. (2) Sith at the time of his disposall of his possessions amongst his Sons, France (now so called) was under severall Princes and Potentates, which Charle Magne in justice could not turn out of their lawfull rights, as Languedock, Provence, Britain, Normandy and severall other Provinces: But now these, and divers more, as Lorain, Alsatia, French County, Burgundy and a great part of the Netherlands are of later years added and laid to the Monarchy of France. I am of opinion, that if my King should [Page 6]joyn with his Majestie of Great Britain, they Two might divide the world between them; the One to be Emperour at Land, the Other at Sea: and 'tis both reasonable and naturall it should be so: for We and the English are So mixt in bloud, and our consanguinity such that We are One People: The English have been severall ages in France; as may be seen by the stately Churches and other Fabricks they built, whilst in France: Then the Normans possessed and governed England; as may appear by the Laws written in the French tongue, and yet remaining in practice to this very day: so that we are an English-French, and they a French-English. But if the King of Great Britain will not joyn with nor assist my King, yet he must, notwithstanding that, be Emperour; all things tend to it. Is not Paris now become like Rome in old time, who gave Laws and taught Manners to the whole world? As in those days all Nations learned Latin, that thereby they might understand the Civilities, Laws and Education of the Romans: So now, Do not all Nations learn French? Do not you send all your choice and Noblest-born Princes, Gentry, and richest Merchants Sons to our Academies in Paris? Do not We impose on you all the Modes of France? Take but a view of all Christendom, and you will find, That there's not so much as a little German Prince but he must have a Frenchman for his Barber, Valet de chambre, or Lackey; and one of these often makes a Governour for the young Prince, and a most Excellent Privy Councellour. Somtimes I have known a Prince that hath kept himself undrest six days, expecting with great impatience his perwiggs and feathers, and other gallantries out of France. Travel into what parts you please where there is a Court, as in Rome, and even in Madrid itself, there you shall find every Prince and Gentilman hath a Frenchman to teach him how to dress himself, yea, and how to eat with a bon mein. Go no farther than to Amsterdam, or more especially to the Hagh, where you may observe all to be turn'd perfect Monsieurs: and in Amsterdam the old Hollander is so changed, [Page 7]that there is scarce such a Creature to be found: there is not a rich Merchants daughter there that will admit of a Bezuca, much less go to Church to be married untill she hath her Modes, Curls for her head, her Tower &c. from France, or at lest, buy the same of a French Madam, who, with the help of a French Dancing-Master, set's Mrs. Brides Locks, teacheth her the Courant and Coupé, and then perswades her, She is the most compleat Madam a la mode in the Town; giving as an advise, that nothing but a French Feile de Chambre can preserve the Dress and bon meyn they have left her in. Thus are We French the Fashionmongers and School of Manners and good breeding for the Universe. Besides all this, All Europe and Other parts of the world are beholden to us for Invention: Our King hath established in Paris 2 Colledges, One for a Royal Society of Virtuoso's, the Other called Bon Esprit. In a word, France furnisheth the world with more numbers of Good Writers, Fighters, and Men Onet & bein a juste, than all Christendom besides.
Gentilmen, I suppose you know, I am a Son of the Church of Rome; yet I wish from my very heart, that the Dolphine were crowned King of the Romans: For my part, I wish that old Holy man and all the Fops about him were removed to some other place; and so make room for a Brave Emperour, such as my King or the Dolphine would make: but if he must needs live in Rome, let him be content to live in St. Iohn de Lateran, as in old time: Five hundred pistols a year is more than any honest Bishop in the world ought to spend, if he live like a true Shepherd, and useth onely his Crosiers Staff. Murblew, Since the Bishops traversed the sword over the Crosiers Staff in their Arms, the Churchmen become Fighters and Executioners of Civil Justice; which, to my judgement, is quite contrary to S r. Pauls words, Let not a Bishop be a striker. My Opinion is, That if the thirty five Millions of Livres which the Pope and his Idlepack or lazy Drones devour, were employed in the maintaining of a brave army against the Turk, it might be better spent. You [Page 8]shall see in some few years, if my Master be not Emperour, that the Turk will make bold to give his Holiness a Visit from Candia. And, on the contrary, if my King be Emperour, you will see the Flower-de Luces placed in the room of the 3. Half-Moons.
If Any think I have been too satyrical touching the Pope and his Cardinals, and spoken too irreverently of them, sith, Some of those Bishops of Rome have been good men, as Sixtus Quintus a Gentleman eminent both for learning and Religion, the like whereof may be said of that devout man Cardinal Bona lately dead, yet living in his highly esteemed works; as also that Pope Alexander the VII. was a Gentleman &c. Yet for all that, Know, that I handle that sort of men very modestly: I could blacken the See of Rome, in this Discourse, at another rate, if I were not a Child of that Church. I could tell of severall Popes. who lived and died Heathens; Some of their bodies having been taken up and burned, as is for truth received, after their tenents were found in their Closets: neither, have I painted out the Lives of Some Cardinals in my days; those are things so well known by them who live among them, that 'tis needless here to repeat what's in every vulgar mouth. In short, Let me say over again, If the Pope and his Crew, who, possess Rome, do continue so to rule, and that Italy be thus governed, most by the Church, then, say I, the Turk or any Other Neighbour may take the Countrey from them: (Let it be remembred what my King did at Avignion:) for their Countrey is half depopulated; which is occasioned by 3. things: First, by making such vast numbers of Eunuchs. Secondly, by practising the sin of Sodom so much as they do: for it is most certainly true, that many thousands of Italians perfectly hate the Female Sex. Lastly, by the innumerable Company of Monasteries and Nunneries; in which may be modestly accounted two hundred thousand Nuns; the which, if lawfully employed in generation-work, might produce great numbers of usefull Creatures: whereas now, on the contrary, both Monks, Friers and Nuns are forced [Page 9]to make use of all their skil and arts to destroy Gods image by them made in secret, and all to hide the scandal of being accounted breakers of the unwarrantable oaths and vows they make to observe their Founders Maximes or Rules of their Order.
To conclude my Discourse, I will onely say this One thing more touching the qualification of My Master to become Emperour, rather than any Other King: and that is, His most Christian Toleration of Liberty of Conscience in all his Dominions and Territories. In France you find severall Protestant-Universities, and great numbers of Temples and Churches for the Protestant-Worship. Consider but what abundance of French-Ministers are sent thence to serve the Protestant-Churches abroad, as under that one Government of the States of the United Provinees; where may be reckoned about Fiftie French Ministers; besides what are in England, Germany and other Countreys. Our Doctors of the Sorbon are not such Fools as to maintain or nourish an Inquisition; No: Nor will Our King refuse the good service of the Protestants: On the contrary, He makes them Presidents of Parliaments, and Secretaries of State in severall Provinces, also Generals and other Officers in his Armies, according to their merit. Whereas on the other hand, the House of Austria will permit no man to have preferment in the Emperours or King of Spains Courts, unless he first become a Papist. And if you well weigh the horrid, hellish and absolutely unwarrantable practices of the Spanish Inquisition, then will you with me confess, that most of the Evils that have befallen Christendom, have had their Rise from that Diabolical Court of Inquisition: it makes more Iews in Spain, Portugal, and Italy, than would be; occasioned from the worse than Barbarous cruelty practised by the Lords of that Inquisition: for, say the Iews, as you pretend, your Iesus was filled with bowels of Love and compassion; yet to the contrary, you practise worse cruelties than ever did, any Pagan. I pray also, what was the Cause of the Netherlanders Revolt? And what were the designs of the Spanjards against Queen Elizabeth in 88? and from whom [Page 10]came that wicked Plot or Gun-powder-Treason in King Iames his days? you will answer me, these were hatch'd in Spain by the Spanish Inquisition. & if you cast your eye upon our present Age, you will find Messina revolting from the same Cause; at lest from the ill Government of the House of Austria; which if a man take a view of, either in the Kingdom of Naples, Milain, Sicily or in Spain itself, he will behold such disorder in the civil Government, that it is a miracle how that Monarchy hath so long continued.
I thought to have said somthing touching my King his being lineally descended from Charlemagne: But that I shall refer to another opportunity: and so put a Period to what I have to say upon this high and eminent and just Design.
Thus have you the Frenchmans Pretences, with the Rhetorick used to beget a belief and approbation of the righteous and necessary grounds of their high Undertakings.
Now please to admit the Spanjard to be heard in his sober Replication: and permit me to bring him also upon the Stage, making answer to what with patience hath been born out of the Discourse of the vapouring Frenchman.
And thus the Don begins:
I acknowledge that the Monsieur, like a true-born Frenchman, hath made a large Bravado: and yet if all were true he hath asserted, I doubt not but to give you greater Arguments and Demonstrations to prove that No one Familie in Europe or in the whole world is of that consideration as is my Kings Familie: yea, I do affirm, that No two Kings in Christendom have half the strength in numbers of Subjects, and quantities of Countreys and Provinces as are under the Command of my Masters Familie. 'Twere but time vainly spent to entertain you with answering the Monsieur to that wherein he would impose upon us a belief that his King is lineally descended from Charlemagne: For your Conviction, 'tis but onely casting your eye upon that piece of Treason practised by a Iacobin-Frier on the House of Valois, for the bringing in this House of Bourbon; of which this Lewis the 14 th. is the Third.
[Page 11]But most apparent it is, that the House of Austria is a true branch of the Charlovinyans; as is evident from severall Historians. Touching therefore the Right or Title that either the House of Bourbon or Austria hath to the Imperial Crown, I shall not proceed to discourse, because 'tis so well known where the Right is, that this is the first time I ever heard it brought in quaestion.
But I shall go on to show you why the Imperial Crown ought to remain in the House of Austria.
First, Do but consider what vast numbers of Kingdoms, Dukedoms and Segniories the House of Austria doth possess: and by that you may judge how much they exceed in Subjects, Riches, and quantity of Land: I will name some of their Possessions, viz. the Kingdoms of Leon, Aragon, Catalonia, Navarre, Naples, Granada, Myrcia, Valentia, Castilia, Biscaia, Galicia, Algarle, Cicilia, Hungary, Bohemia, the Dukedoms of Burgondy, Milain, Austria; part of the Netherlands: and besides all these, many Isles in Europe and Africa, as Tenerif, the Canary Islands &c. Beyond all which, if a view could be taken of the large extent of those grand Kingdoms and Provinces, Isles and various Territories they have in the East and West-Indies, as their Patrimony left them by St. Peter, then might you truly grant that to be a reality which hath so long been asserted, viz. That the Sun always shines on their Dominions. But further, if you shall make a comparison between the Riches, Traffick, and Merchandise of the House of Austria with that of France; 'twill be evident to you, the One is but a Pedlers Shop, the Other a Rich Magazin of gold, silver, pearls, silks, and spiceries. For a Demonstration hereof, Do but ask the Englishman, what Kind of Merchandizes the French bring over into England, and what sort of Trumperie and Pedling-Merchants the French there be: The best Merchandise the French furnish other parts of the world with, except some salt and wine, is little better than Bables and Toys, when at the same time We Spanjards send [Page 12]great quantities of Bullion, and rich Silks, fine Wool &c. And as for the French Traders in England, Do but observe them, and you will find them, for the most part, Barbers, Taylors, Perwigg-makers, John Potages, and a sort of Vermin, that onely live so long in England untill they have swell'd themselvs full with the riches of that Land; and then they fly to France again, and disgorge that Riches on some few acres of Land; by which means, after a year or two, starts up, mushrom-like, Mons r. Marqués de Chandellé, de bel Gantelet or Marq. de peigne, Marq. de Valet &c. and this great grievance bring the French to all Nations where e're they come, that they marry some Fille de Chambre, and they two, dwelling in Chambers, paying no custom or duties, make children together; and most commonly the Wives and Brats are left to the Parish to maintain; nay, yet further, how is every Prison, yea and Hospital fill'd with them in England? yea and the gallows too somtimes, witness the Frenchman that set London on fire, and the Monsieur that kill'd his Master. When to the contrary of this, I dare be bold to affirm it, that there are in all London scarce two Spanish Barbers, Taylors, or Mechanick Handicrafts-Tradesmen: all being great and able Merchants or Bankers.
Now whereas the Frenchman makes a semblance of Religion, and giving freedom to Religious people; Let All men judge of this, who do but lend their ears to the most deplorable stories of their cruelties in destroying so many hundred Towns and thousands of poor People in the Palatinate, in Alsatia, Tweebrugge and the circumjacent parts; such dreadfull burnings, rovings, plunderings and tyranny exercised on an innocent people hath not been paralelled in a whole age, as they have now committed within these 2 last Months of Ianuary and February. And whereas the Monsieur saith, that if his Master were Emperour, he would thrust the Grand Seigneur out at a farther distance from Italy and Hungary, I believe 't is no hard matter to prove that it is He that hath invited him into Christendom to make [Page 13]diversion, whilst he practiseth his designs upon the Emperour. and 't is most certain, that it was the French alone that widened the breach in Germany between the Emperour and the Princes in the last Civil War. The Frenchman is not ashamed to boast of his Kings Actions about Avignion; also telling us, that there is no use for the Pope, sith the Sorbon-Doctors can do all as well: but as to the French Kings manner of treating the Pope at Avignion, and his rendring the Pope useless, let every true Catholick judge how religiously those things look.
For a Conclusion, I shall onely put the Monsieur to a change of his countenance, and, it may be, of his ambition also, when I shall advertise him of the great disappointment of his Grand Masters expectations touching his hopes of intestin troubles in Spain; the thoughts whereof do now wholly vanish, upon the peaceable entrance of that Illustrious Prince Don Iohn into Madrid, and the right understanding between the King my Master and him; together with his present capacity of relieving Catalonia, and, perhaps, giving a visit to the King of France, where he will scarce be welcome: From him doubtless, I mean, that honest & heroick Spanjard, Don Iohn, all men of sober judgements expect both good and great things, such as may become the grandour of his person, and integrity of his principles.
Thus have you an account of the Essays made by the Champions of these aspiring Princes: Much more of this Kind of polemical Discourse are We in this place, bordering on the seat of War, daily acquainted with: Onely by pride (saith Solomon) comes contention: The unsatiable desire of being great and having much, makes all this strife, from whence the misery of mankind is grievously aggravated; and in particular this part of the world involvd in a present labyrinth of trouble, and in danger of a future desolation: the State whereof I shall endeavour with all modesty, candor and indifferency to present to your view.
Herein, S r, I shall give you the trouble of a short Relation of [Page 14]the Source and Rise of these Affairs, and so descend to these last times, which you will find to abound with all the abominable and horrid evills that can enter into the mind of Man to imagin: Which account of things, as a single-hearted Hollander, I shall so manage, that all passion, Satyricall expressions, provocations, or offensive reflections shall be forborn; and all due observance manifested to all Soveraign Potentates, Princes and Powers whatsoever.
In the Beginning of the Fifth Age (or Century) in the midst of the divisions of Rome, Mezeray a French Author in his Abbrev. Chronolog. p. 4. they spoke of the French, as of a barbarous people, perfidious, inconstant and full of lies; they were enclined to warrs, having much wit and understanding, which gave them occasion, courage and means to overthrow and ruin the Roman Empire in the West: and upon those ruins they meant, under their Clouis, to lay the foundation of a Kingdom that should be formidable to it's Neighbours, and that should have drawn along with it the rest of Europe, Mezeray pag. 29. under it's dominion: Which might haply have been, if it had not immediately been weakened by the dividing of it among his Children and Successours; Who by their continuall debates so hindred, that it did not fall under One Monarchy; and by that means conserved the Ballance so necessary for the rest of their Neighbours. But this good time endured not longer than unto Charlemagne, who, having reunited those so formidable forces of the French, and subdued the best part of Europe, was proclaimed Emperour by the Pope of Rome; and became the Arbiter of Christendom. But, by a secret fatalitie, he fell into the same fault, which Clouis had committed with his Children, Mezeray pag. 157. and distributed this mighty Empire among his Children; so making an Eclyps in the Universal Monarchy; which the French at this day endeavour with so much zeal to retrieve. And indeed the Posterity of Charle Magne have vexed themselvs exceedingly about the reestablishing this grand Empire; though hitherto in vain; they at the last growing sluggish, gave over, or however slacked much in that design: [Page 15]which gave occasion that One of the Third Race came to be let upon the Throne; who reigns at present, more vigilant and more active than the Other of those Branches do, who yet have never lost their view and prospect of the Monarchy of Clouis and of Charle Magne their Predecessours. But upon the advancement of Capet to the Crown, the Grandees of the Kingdom thought that He ought to suffer all things from them, because they had put on his head the Diadem which he wore; whereupon they divided the Kingdom among them, and parted it into severall pieces; which have not been reunited without great pains and trouble: and you must grant it me, that none at all, saving Lewis the Eleventh, was capable of effecting so great a work as the reuniting together of what was squandred abroad in so many Provinces; and so to bring his Kingdom into a State, not onely to defend himself against his Neighbours, but also to Rule over them; and to bring again to his Successours the appetite and envy of reestablishing the Monarchy of Charle Magne; And this might have had a good issue by King Louis the XIV, if he had known how to pursue his victorie, in stead of standing amused, at Seist near Utrecht in the year 1672.
The high attempts of Louis the XI. put the following Kings of France again upon the oppression of their people, and abasing the greatest Personages under them: And, the truth is, since the English were constrained to abandon the Kingdom of France, Mezeray pag. 713. more by their own quarrels and divisions than by the valour of the French, their Kingdom hath received a wonderfull encrease and access, by the reunion of their best Provinces; and their Monarchs have recalled to mind their ancient idea's and apprehensions of the Universal Monarchy, and from time to time have ruined their Neighbours by warrs grounded upon their old pretences.
And to take a little nearer inspection into this affair, you most know, that when Louis the XI. did in the beginning of his Reign take notice, that his onely Brother Charles was allied with the Dukes of Burgondy and Britain against him, for the publick welfare [Page 16]of the Kingdom He carried smoothly toward them and made semblance as if he would give them contentment, but with intention to separatethem, and to ruin them one after another; which did succeed very well to his mind, to the great dammage of the rest of Christendom, and particularly to the destruction of the Netherlands: sith that, since that time, the French have wasted Italy and Germany, and nigh ruined the Netherlands &c. with the loss of an innumerable multitude of people and goods. And, in case the Civil Warrs for Religion had not prevented and diverted this fiery, impetuous, restless warlick humour, Poor Christendom had seen itself at that very hour a Slave of France. Thence you have, S r, the generall source of the misery of Europe, viz. the vast and unlimited ambition of that Sanguin Nation, their gall and unquiet humour, ready to eat out and devour it's own bowels; if those ancient pretences be not laid aside: of which there is little hope, whilst the French renew them every moment; still wearying the world with those chimerical images of their Louis and Charlemagne, which had sufficiently galled the former ages; although they have been abolished by Solemn Treaties (yet become unstuitfull) and by Praescription almost time out of mind. Lo the plague of Mankind, and the true cause of all the calamities whereunder Europe at present groaneth.
But to come to particulars: I shall not speak here, but onely en passant, of the old Warrs of the Gauls against the Romans: nor tell how they brought to desolation their Great Citie, as also a good part of Italie; nor how they ravaged in Asia, and there established the Kingdom of Gallo-Graecia, as an evidence, as it seemeth, that this Climate always produced men given to high enterprizes above others, and to trouble the tranquillity of the world: For that this doth not so concern the French who have subdued the Gauls; Mezeray Abre v. Chronolog. p. 3. and, by consequence, are therefore the more to be feared; as likewise for their cruelty and natural furie, which they have inherited from their Ancestours the Scythians; of whom their Authors make them Successours.
Onely please to consult the Historians of Florence: Ouiccidrdin lib. 1. della sua Historia. by whom you may see how they have troubled and confounded the State of Italy, till almost the end of the fourteenth Century.
Though true it is also, that among the Italians were several domestick and internall Warrs: yet they were without any cruelty, without consuming by fire, without the shedding of much humane bloud: as Machiavel, writing of a great battel that endured four hours together between many thousands of men (I shall take heed of calling them Soldiers) of the Duke of Milains and of the Florentins, Machiavel lib. 5. del. Hist. p. 175. & 216. saith, that there was killed but one single man, who fell off from his horse, and was trampled under the feet of the Horsmen.
In so much, that at that time in Italie properly there was neither peace nor watt.
But after the French were entred there, and renewed their old pretences upon the Realms of Naples and Cicilie under Charles the VIII. this fair Elogie is given them by Guicciardin, that they filled the Countrey all over with fire and bloud: as he pathetically writes:
And the same Authour remarketh the cause and originall of all those miseries and evils, by his following words; which I shall [Page 18]here insert, because they are worthy your reflection upon them:
Shortly after the said Historian followeth his discourse in this manner:
And indeed King Charles the VIII. made himself Master of the Kingdom of Naples in few days, by the terrour of his Arms; (doing it by assault, burning the Mount S r. Iohn, passing with his sword through all that was to be found: an unheard of Case in those times) and he soon lost it again afterwards by his negligence, and too little care he had to preserve it.
But We must not now so flatter ourselvs: Their present Monarch know's no less how to conserve than to conquer Provinces. If we do but observe the marches of this Imperious Nation on the borders of Germany, there we shall see Alsatia turned out of the hands of the Almains: and joyned to their Crown; a Duke of Lorrain driven out of his own Land; 3. Bishops, viz. Thoul, Metz and Verdun dismember'd from the Empire; which He Keeps in continuall divisions and agitations by his Emissaries, by his intrigues and by his corruptions.
Lastly, Descending to the Netherlands, the Principall Subject of our Discourse: It is to be considered, in what manner the French have en deavoured to bring them into that miserable Condition wherein we see them at this day; and to discover the true cause of their maladies: to this end We must have recourse to the reign of Louis the XI. King of France, who by his subtilty and deceits ruined Charles the Stout Duke of Burgondy, and Lord of all the Netherlands; stirring him up new Enemies from time to time, who at last gathered together before Nancy; where he lost his life, and his people all their welfare, which since that time they never could recover. Some years before, this Prince, who possed Bourgondy, [Page 20]all the Netherlands, and (the Citie Paris being then a Frontier of the Kingdom of France) almost whole Picardy, did bridle, by his intelligence and courage, the ambition of this King so full of artifices: but, because, for easing of his people, he was not provided with a good and well ordered Militia, he came to be surprized by the Other; who, by his horrible exactions of taxes and laying impositions upon his people, was always accompanied and encompassed with a great quantity of armed men; the which gave him means and therewith desire to extend his limits in despite of his Neighbours: but the matter was well enough ballanced untill the death of Charles the Stout: whose death caused to his people an abyss of calamities and miseries: seeing Louis the XI. at that time kept to himself Bourgondia, whole Piccardy, Arras, and many other considerable places: He likewise always amused the English, after the death of the said Duke, to the end they should not hinder him in the conquests of those Lands. Yet by the marriage of Mary of Bourgondy Heyress of the Netherlands with Maximilian of Austria, Philip. de Comines Chapit. second du. 6. Livre. as also by the loss of the battel of Guinegate, the French could not execute their design, to bring under their power the Seventeen Provinces; which yet they might very easily have joyned to their Crown, The same Author. 12. Chap. of the 5. Book. by a marriage of their Dauphine with the said Damsel Mary of Bourgondy: if the good God had not blinded Louis de XI. and taken away his senses: and hereby was the way to the Universal Monarchy wonderfully made plain & clear for Philip the Fair Son of Maximilian, and for Charles the Fifth: Then again the Netherlanders took a little breath; howbeit They were often incommodated by the invasions of the French: who nevertheless found themselvs not in posture to undertake any thing against their Neighbours, because of the Parties and leagues which soon after were formed in the bosom of that Kingdom: And yet, however hindred by so many cruel civil warrs, the French quickly recovered again; and retook very much vigour by the courage and wise conduct of Henry the Great: [Page 21]The Netherlands having been in that intervall always rent by a perpetuall warr in the bowells of their Provinces: but all that was not capable of ruining them: there was need of the engins of a Cardinal de Richelieu for an absolute abasing of them, and reestablishing the French in their ancient splendour, and making them (after the reduction of Rochel, and suppressing those of the Refored Religion) to follow on in the footsteps of their glorious Ancestours, taking the way of Charlemagne unto the Monarchy: to which end they must throw down or debase the greatness of the House of Austria, now prodigiously encreased, more by Marriages than by Arms; which fell out exceeding well: He leaving behind him a worthy Successour the Cardinal Mazarin for to atchieve the prosecution of his Designs; who would not have missed to emport the Netherlands; in case it had not then been prevented by the Queen of France Anna d' Austria, who did oblige him to make a marriage between the King Louis XIV. and the Infanta of Spain; and at the same time to conclude the peace of the Pirenées; by which means the rest of the then staggering Netherlands was preserved: then were affairs in a tolerable state; whereof the good Subjects wished a long continuance and confirmation, having begun to tast the sweetness of the Peace: When yet in the year 1667, without any denunciation, or reasonable cause of war, upon a weak cause, and pretext of a Custom of Devolution of Fief upon the Children of the First Marriage, practised in Brabant and other places in particular houses, (which had never been confirmed by the Soveraign, nor used in Families of Princes) the French, as an effect of their enterprizing humour, invested the best Cities of those Lands; the rest whereof cannot maintain themselvs otherwise than by miracles: But this deservs a more particular Examination.
The King Louis XIV. having conceived an unchangeable design of reaching hard for the Monarchy of the greatest part of Europe, or, at lest, to limit his Kingdom by the Alpes, the Pirenées, the Mediterranean Sea, the Ocean and the Rhine; judging that the Netherlands, [Page 22]now in a state of welfare and comliness, might serve for a wall of planks, for the further propagating of his Conquests, Did, in the Moneth of May in the year 1667. in time of a full peace, without any subject of rupture with Spain, and notwithstanding good and positive assuranees of good correspondence and friendship given by his Ambassadour at Madrid, march with an Army of 50000 men for to take possession (so as they could, and not make war) of the Netherlands, devolved by the death of Philip the IV. King of Spain upon the Queen his Wife: and therewith He approached Charleroy, which the Spanjards had abandoned, because it was not in a State of defence: But the French having in a short time brought it into a good posture, soon after took, without great resistance, the Towns of Tournay, Douay, Orchier, Lisle, Courtray, Audenard, Aeth, Bergen St. Winox, and Turnes, that is to say, all the best Cities of Flanders, situated in the bosom of the Land, which had very little or no Garrisons in them, because of the assurance they had of a Peace, which had been so solemnly sworn, and confirmed by a Marriage; which yet, in stead of serving as a band, as was hoped, for the nearer uniting of the two Crowns, was by the French made use of for a pretext of war: and by this means they were soon Masters of three of the principall Rivers of the Land, viz. of the Liz, the Escarpes, and the Scheld; thereby breaking their Comerce and Communication with the remaining Towns, to their great decay of trade. And really the Spanjards being obliged by the Treaty of Aken to yield over to the French all that they took from them in the Netherlands, they became very unable to preserve the rest: For, as is evident, when we will pass the Center within Bruxels, we cannot pass the circumference of the Frontier for it's defence, otherwise than by three or four semidiameters which are very narrow, One whereof goeth by Mons (or Bergen) in Hainaut, (or Henegow) S t. Gillain and Valencienne to Cambray; the Second by Namour (or Namen) to Luxemburgh; the Third by Gent and Ypre to S t. Omer; the Last by Weert and Roermonde a village of Gelderland: all which [Page 23]passages are incommodated by the French, who, by their continual concourses in those parts, do very lightly hinder the Convoys which should be brought into the Cities of the Frontiers. And who can, without tears in his eyes, look upon this Countrey that is so miserably subjected to a cruel Contribution, (being not a fingers breadth of Land without vexation) the value whereof amounteth unto prodigious summs: the Citie of Mastricht alone bringing up for their share four Millions: by which 'tis very easy to comprehend, That they pursue their Warrs at the charge of their Enemies; which doubtless they therefore desire to continue, (notwithstanding all their shows and expressions they make for Peace) and so will they make the poor people desperate, who wish for nothing else but a good Peace and an end of the warrs, or a Master that is powerfull to defend them: and that they may be driven to that extremity I very much apprehend, and fear we shall shortly see effected; this having already been shewed in diverse rencounters, particularly at Aire, (or Arien) where the Burgers did constrain the Garrison which consisted of 400 men to give it over to the French.
It is very true that the Netherlands are in a poor condition, unprovided of all things; and that the King of Spain hath no more there than 6000 horse to bring into the field, wherein their whole army consisteth, and 5000 Spanish foot to keep their Cittadels and places whereof they are most jealous; besides about 15000 Waloons and Germans for the ordinary Garrisons of the Towns; which number is yet too little, and the Soldiers not well enough treated to be able to keep their places: in so much that the Hollanders are obliged to leave there more than ten thousand men for their defence. My hairs rise upon my head, when I consider the danger wherein we are; and that the welfare of the Land depends onely upon the taking or surprizing of one or two Cities; the loss whereof would undoubtedly cause the rendition of the rest: for if the French take Bergen in Henegow, (where the Burgers are malcontent and murmure against the disorders of the Spanish) Valencien and Cambray are cut off, and without succour; having already much to do, [Page 24]being blocked up by parties of the French Army, by Bouchain, and by a considerable Corps of the French that lodge in Cambresis: And in case we loose Namur, then the Citie and Land of Luxemburgh will immediately follow, for want of relief: so that one or two of those Columns being taken out of the way, the rest of the Building will fall of themselvs, and applaud the triumph of the Overcomer. For the Great Cities, as Bruges, Gent, Bruxels, and Antwerp, either because of their conformity in Religion with the Most Christian King, or that they are in hopes (not without grounds) thereby to see the reflourishing of the Commerce, and to have their River Scheld opened, or that they apprehend that their Soveraign is too far off, or hath not strength enough to guard them from the insultings of their Enemies who consume them to their bones, will very lightly embrace the French yoke: for the multitude of people that are there chuse such Party as they will; which shall certainly be the strongest, and that is the French. There is no man now who discerns not the manifest danger of the Whole Netherlands, which are so drained out by these warrs, and among whom you rencounter many people that have not the greatest affections for the Prince of Orange, and others, for reasons too long here to deduce, enclining to the French: Who then shall after this doubt, but that this French Monarch shall at last attain his aim, viz. first to extend his limits to the Alpes, to the Pirenées, and to the Rhine, and then to think further?
The French declare openly enough that they will not suffer the Spanish within the Netherlands, who during the minority of their King, or in their Civil Warrs, may give any trouble to this great and mighty Kingdom. Men must reform this errour which till now hath prevailed in their Opinions, That the Prince of Orange, joyning his troops with those of Spain, should be able to save the Netherlands: the contrarie having been experienced; for, notwithstanding what efforts he used, the French this last year took Condé, Bouchain and Aire; being three places which mightily incommodate the Other; the last whereof had more than 200000 livres [Page 25]of contribution of France. Further is to be consider'd the advantages they have over us by their Magazins, which make them subsist in the Camp with their numerous Cavalry, when their Enemies cannot shew themselvs for want of forrage: by which means they have the opportunity to make siege by some detachement, opposing the body of their Army (which is stronger in Cavalry than the Army of the Allies) in some advantagious place against those who would bring succour to the place they besiege; and so they play sure play, not hazarding their reputation and glory. The King came in at the beginning of the Spring (when there was no grass on the field to feed the horses) with an Army of 20000 horse and 30000 foot, leaving a few men within the Cittadels, now almost impregnable, which he had caused to be built, (after the peace made at Aken) at Lisle, Tournay, Arras, Dunkerk, and other places; and drawing out all the Garrisons which make up 30000 men, he joyned them to the troops of the Kings house, who were 16000 men strong: whereas on the contrary, the Prince of Orange was necessitated to weaken his Army, and to send or leave more than ten thousand men in the greatest Cities (for fear they should render themselvs) then must he have an artillerie well furnished, regulated and governed, for to open the Campaign to some conquests, the Germans being still constrained to stay in their winter-quarters, uncapable to act or cause any diversion, through defect of forrage in the Netherlands. Then after an enterprize don upon any place, as is ordinary, His Majestie rereturns back, re benè gestâ, and without any hazard of a battel; then makes detachements from Flanders to Germany, and so illudeth the great designs of the Allies.
We conclude then by all this, that the irregular ambition of the French, their unsatiable avarice, their old pretences upon quasi all the Provinces of Europe, their will and inclination to robbery, their vain, inconstant and unquiet humour not permitting their Neighbours to live in rest, are the true causes of all the calamities and miseries of Christendom, and especially of the Netherlands; [Page 26]whom, it seems God had placed, as in his anger, in the midst of Europe, to the end they might be the beam of the Ballance.
Now in this case, It is necessary to have recourse to other Remedies, under God, than those which to this time have been used, for the healing us of this French Disease, that cometh now to the Noble parts of the Body of the Seventeen Provinces, making them rotten, and fall off by pieces, being in danger of a total destruction: Better means know we not than the application of English Mercury to make the Enemies salivate and evacuate what they have with so great greediness swallowed in. For whither else shall we betake ourselvs for refuge, but to the English, for reestablishing the counterpois so necessary for the publick rest and felicity of Christendom, and especially of the Netherlands? for whose Conservation England is so greatly in it's interest concerned, having also received of God the advantage of a situation so excellent, as to be fit to keep the ballance of Europe, and be an Arbiter of all things therein, shewing in effect that it hath reason on all occasions to say, Cui adhaerco, ille praeest, Whom I incline to shall prevail.
And truly it is a glory for the King of England, that, whilst Other people are very unable to help, or are menaced, and so in an appreehension of the terrible forces of the King of France, or are overcome by his presents, against their own interest, or elsely still in a deep lethargy, He alone can praescribe limits to the, almost endless, ambition of the French, to bring them to reason, and put them in mind that they with their Monarchy, now so idolized, the designs whereof they believe to be infallible, are yet no other than men, and subject to change of fortune; which would ensue, in case the English should take the party of the Allies.
And what help can there be expected if we cast our eyes on other places for relief? Let's begin with the Alpes; there we have an object of astonishment, in observing the Low-spiritedness of the Switsers, that mercenary people, obliged by reason of State and formal Treaties to the guarrantie of the Dukedom of Milain and the French County; which yet they suffered, not long since, to be [Page 27]taken, in their sight. If we come to Turin, there we shall find a Duke de Savoy under the government of a French Mother, and depending on intelligences from the French Court, and in some sort bridled by the Fort of Pignarol, which is the Key of his Land. Not far from thence shall we find those of Geneva irresolved, trembling for fear, prepared to suffer insultings, and to make all sorts of curteous addresses for preserving their quiet; the conquest of whom would but be as the fruit of one Campagne, or, it may be, of three months time. If we enter further into Italie, there we shall find Princes weak and timid, who will not oppose themselvs against the progresses of the victorious arms of France, unless in the greatest extremitie. The Republick of Venice, in former times called the Buckler of Italie, being newly delivered from a grievous war against the Turks, shall not engage, or but very slowly, and putting off so long as they can, in a new war against France, which might be worse to them than the former. I shall not here mention the Pope, nor the Great Duke of Tuscany, who shall never undertake any thing of themselvs, unless what properly relates to the reading of their Breviarie; or, at best, they may be good to contrive a Treaty, or to fortifie one that is already made by Others. If we pass into Poland and Portugal, we shall stand admiring, as we might not long since have don, in Savoy and Bavaria, to see the Mistresses to be French Wives, who possess and govern their Husbands, kept by the French, and driven by the same spirit of ambition to endeavour that Kings greatness, and who perswade themselvs, that they have don a singular favour to the Allies, that they have till this timeforborn to give them some notable diversion; which we have reason to apprehend for the future.
In so much that there is none but his Majestie of Great Britain, that is capable and worthy to sustain the quality and heavy (though glorious) burden of Arbiter and Peacemaker of the troubled world: for we shall here leave out, as unworthy to be Mediatours, the Swedes, those mercenary Souls and boutefeus of Germany, those infortunate Braves, who in stead of procuring the peace [Page 28]and rest of the Empire, where of they were Considerable Members, have disturbed the tranquility thereof, by their unjust invasion into the Lands of an Elector, then employed on the Frontiers for the common defence of his Countrey; having sold themselvs to France, for finishing the combustion of the rest of Christendom, There is therefore no other that can sustain the rank and do the function of a true Esculapius to heal our sicknesses, by Others incurable, but the King of England, and that by prescribing to the French such conditions of peace as shall reduce them from beyond the River the Somme, to keep within their old limits, as in the time of Louis XI. in the beginning of his Reign. And in case they refuse it, there is none but the King of England that can make them swallow Ellebore to purge their brains of those ill humours and fumeswhich corrupt them, and blot out of their corrupted imaginations the vast idea's and Chimaera's of their Charlemagne; and so to calm all the troubles and tempests of Europe, whereof they are the Cause.
His Majesty shall but follow therein the footsteps of his glorious Ancestors, who passed beyond the Seas with numerous Armies to reliev the Netherlands, and not suffer them to fall into the hands of the French, believing that whole England should be in great danger of destruction, Phil. de Comines chap. 1. l. 4. & 8. chap. of l. 3. of his memorialls. in case so many Soveraignties were joyned with that Crown: This matter should be wonderfully taken to heart: Witness Philip de Comines. And there is no doubt but the English people would liberally contribute to that undertaking, after their old custom, yea, were it to carry an Army into France: as King Edward did, requiring King Louis XI. to render him the Kingdom of France, that was his own, that he might redress the State of the Religion and the Nobles, and restore to the people their old Liberties, and take off the great charge and vexation under which they groaned. Comines chap. 5. of lib. 4. I wonder very much, that the like design was not formed two years ago, when the Inhabitants of Ghienne and Bretagne stretched out their arms to England, for to tast, under the conduct of the Duke of York or Monmouth the sweetness of an [Page 29] English Government, which they wish for unto this day.
Do the English want Motives to excite them hereunto? I beseech you, what shall, after such French Conquests, become of the English Commerce? is not that sufficiently ruined, or lamentably decayed already? The Hamburgh-trade is, upon the matter, quite lost, as to the English manufactures, which in times of peace were sold into Germany, Pomerania, and other adjacent Countreys: and so also is the Dort-trade lost, by which the Spanish Netherlands, and the parts of Germany, which ly that way, were wont to be supplyed with English Cloath: by reason whereof those English Manufactures, as Cloath, Serges, Bayes, &c. which formerly gave 50. per piece, are now sold for 35. or 37. at the highest; which proves so great an evil to England, that those Cloathiers, which formerly employed 400 persons at work, have not now work for 20 persons; which hath caused the price of Wool to fall 40. per Cent cheaper than heretofore: and the people are forced to steal it out of England, and sell it to the French, who with the same make Serges and other Stuffs, to the dammage and utter loss of the English trade: The complaints of this kind are every where heard; as also of that palpable cause of this decay in Commerce, from the taking, roving, plundering, confiscating of so many English ships by the French within a short time; the Value whereof with their Loadings is inaestimable, and thereupon the provocations and grievances unsufferable.
But above all, the English ought to cast their eyes upon, and provide a remedy for the great strength and encrease of the French Ships, which trouble all Navigation at present; and what shall they do, when they shall come to dispose (Deus avertat omen, God forbid it) of the Navall Forces of Holland, and of their riches in the Indies? And more particularly is to be considered what shall become of the English Traffick in the Mediterranean Sea: There is no Merchant that know's not how absolutely necessary the English Trade is with Spain, as also with Smyrna, and all those parts to which we must pass through those Mid-land Seas: but how can [Page 30]that be maintaind, if the French should make a Conquest of Cicilia, Naples and Sardinia? Let but in spection be made into their proceedings at Messina; where, besides what they have gained at Land, they have now at Sea 25. Galleys, and 50. great vessels, menof war, and a great number of others less, but very commodious for transport of Soldiers and provisions; they being absolute Masters and Dominators in those Seas: whereto gives no small advantage the Commodity of their Ports of Marseilles and Toulon, which are not far distant; from whence succours and provisions may be sent to refresh them in Messina in less than eight days time: and, by consequence, they may soon be Masters of those Islands, and afterwards of the Kingdom of Napels: for the Faction of Anjou (that is, of France) is not all extinguished there: and then can the French, when they will, ruin the navigation of the Northern Inhabitants, who have there neither Ports nor Galleys; which are two things very necessary in those Seas, because of the great Calms which in Summer time are often met with there. These Considerations, with many more, call aloud to the English Nation to awaken, and help themselvs and us.
For a Conclusion: I propose two particular ways for the further engaging of England to come into our help:
First, that a true and firm Union may be cemented between England and Holland, the Expedient of the so much discoursed of Marriage between Our Prince of Orange and Madam Maria, daughter of the Duke of York ought to be endeavoured that it may speedily be effected: His Highness ought to sollicite it with ardour and passion: after the Example of Charles the Stout, Duke of Bourgondy, and Lord of the Netherlands, who married the Sister of King Edward of the House of York, for to fortifie himself against King Louis XI. (who had got advantage against him so much by surprizes and deceits in time of peace, Phil. de Comines Chap. XI. lib. 3. of his Memor. like as our Frenchmen did in the year 1667.) for otherwise he would never have don it, for the great love he bore to the House of Lancaster whereof he was a near Relation by his Mothers side. [Page 31]If therefore so great a Prince, that followed rather the incitements of his anger, than of reason, sacrificed the interest of his House to the publick welfare: what shall not Our Illustrious Prince, who is so wise and Politique, do to attain that design or end so necessarie for the saving of the Netherlands? unto the preservation whereof that of England is in separably annexed. For in case the French should now become Masters of the Spanish Netherlands, will it not follow then that Holland and the other United Provinces shall be constrained at last to take upon them the same yoke? and suppose the Hollanders could maintain themselvs with some assistance from England and Germany, yet would they not be always the continual Theater and seat of war; but rather at last submit themselvs to the great and mighty King of France, in hopes to enjoy, without fear of any Enemy, a perfect tranquility and long continuing Rest. A present hearty Conjunction between England and Us therefore is the present needfull; to which the foresaid Marriage seems to be a proper medium: for the accomplishing whereof the blessing of the Almighty is earnestly implored, that he, who straitneth and enlargeth Kings, Kingsdoms, and Commonwealths, that limits the Grandees of the Earth, putting a hook in their nostrils, that maketh warrs to cease on the earth, and setteth up the oppressed and the lowly, will, if it may stand with his good pleasure, make this marriage of our great Prince with that Illustrious Princess Mary to become successfull for those righteous and happy ends: that not onely by this great knot the hearts of those two Grand personages may be more united; but also that the Two Nations may concur and conspire with more harmonie, courage, and activitie, to procure a good peace for the rest and tranquilitie of Christendom, and particularly of England and the Netherlands; a peace, I mean, not coloured over, nor plaistered, and such as the French (when the Allies shall be disarmed and separated) shall presently break, and so again surprize the Netherlands; who indeed ought to be always in posture of defence; and who (when the ballance shall be kept equall in Europe) [Page 32]ought to serve for a bank and barr against the inundations and attempts of this unquiet and imperious Nation.
Secondly, As to a sure Asylum, under our Almighty Protector, We would address to the Renowned Parliament of England, now beginning their Session: Upon them are at present the eyes of all the Considerable and Considering Parties of Europe: Ill men are jealous and conceive fears concerning them; Good men hope for great advantages from their grave and wise Councels: The loud clamours of the innumerable injuries don by the French to the honest Subjects of England in their Commerce, more ways than one, to their inestimable dammage, we know, have reached their ears: and the sad state of these Lands, with all the present evils and future dangers I have mention'd in this Letter cannot be unknown to them: the Sympathy of their affections with our miseries, and the identity of their Cause with Ours, will, we hope, effect so much, that Their Wisdoms will propose, vote, direct, order, and conclude of such ways and means whereby the sober Inhabitants, and particularly the Trading Party of England, may with Us be extricated out of this Labyrinth in which we are bewilder'd; that at last we may arrive at such a state of just freedom and safety, as may excite us, with them, to render to the God of wonders hearty praise and thanksgiving for his wonderfull deliverances and preservations: for which you have the concurrent Vote of